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A Quarterly Reviev . and 





A Quarterly Review of County and 

Family History, Heraldry 

and Antiquities 








THE pages of the ANCESTOR will be open 
to correspondence dealing with matters 
within the scope of the review. 

Questions will be answered, and advice 
will be given, as far as may be possible, 
upon all points relating to the subjects 
with which the ANCESTOR is concerned. 

While the greatest care will be taken 
of any MSS. which may be submitted for 
publication, the Editor cannot make him- 
self responsible for their accidental loss. 

All literary communications should be 
addressed to 











tinued) ........... 56 

THOMAS WALL'S BOOK OF CRESTS (concluded) ... 63 




O. B. in 









THE HISTORY OF A BLUNDER . . . . J. H. R. 166 






The Copyright of all the Articles and Illustrations 
in this Review is strictly reserved 


SIR THOMAS FANE AND WIFE ......... Frontispiece 


GRACE SHARINGTON ........... ., 7 





SIR VERB FANE ............. 17 

ARMS IN THE ZURICH ROLL ......... page 19 to page 41 

GRANT BY HAMON DE MACI ......... f ac ^ n g p a S e 4 2 


j 128 

.. HI - 13 

n > IV .. 132 

>i ' 134 

,, VIII . . 140 

> ^^*- j) > 1 4^ 



WHEN this twelfth volume shall have come to our readers' 
hands, the Anc estor will be an ancestor indeed, for as a 
quarterly review it is about to die and to join upon the 
bookshelves the magazines which have been before it. 

Our quarterly has for three years' space shown itself 
fair and perdurable beyond all its kind. Its sale has pro- 
bably reached a point beyond the sale of any such venture. 
Its readers, as witness a great file of letters, are satisfied 
and full of sympathy with the work. Few magazines 
have received such kindly notice and applause as has the 
Ancestor from its reviewers, to whom we offer our gratitude 
in this place, for the Ancestor had no claque and not one of 
our critics is known to us save in his criticism. 

The quarterly Ancestor therefore comes to an end whilst 
still full of blood and life. For two reasons it must needs 

Despite the growing interest in that most human form 
of archaeology which bids us search out our fathers and make 
ourselves familiar with the colour and detail of their lives and 
memorable doings, there has not yet arisen in England a body 
of antiquaries large enough to sustain amongst them by their 
pens a quarterly magazine of family history which shall combine 
with original critical research, matter that has interest for 
the larger public. Antiquaries as a class are busy men, and 
we saw the time drawing near when the Ancestor, an unsatis- 
fied daughter of the horseleech, crying four times in the year 
for substantial articles and notes, would cry to deaf ears. 

And the hour has come when the editor himself has fewer 
hours in which he may sit in his editorial chair. With the 
progress of the great scheme for writing upon broad lines the 
history of the counties of England, involving armorial and 
genealogical work on a vast scale, a mass of new editorial labour 
is thrown upon his hands, and in the long day before him 
he sees no room for continuing with the Ancestor, his com- 


panion for three years, in its present form. In his new work 
he asks the help and encouragement of those who have helped 
him in the past. 

With our quarterly behind us on the road we can con- 
sider its work in the spirit of a critic. Let us acknowledge 
that its twelve volumes hold a museum of curious errors. It 
could not be otherwise in a review and magazine built up in 
a mosaic of facts and names and dates. There are the prin- 
ters' errors, some of which might make hideous the deathbed 
of a compositor, but for the most part our excellent printers 
were blameless. Blame was with the tired mind and eye which 
read the proof sheets amongst many distractions. There are 
errors of fact, mis-statements, mis-readings. For these we 
kiss the rod, plead poor humanity's weakness and ask pardon 
humbly. But for the spirit and policy of the Ancestor we ask 
no grace, we have nothing to withdraw. The Ancestor has 
been an honest review, with honest scholarship to aid it. 
We have encouraged the student and the tiro, we have 
praised good men, and though a thought over mild with the 
crank and the charlatan we have lashed their impostures. 
At a time when English genealogical and armorial studies are 
sharing the exploitation of the pill and the hair-wash we have 
laughed at impudent incompetence, and if we may believe 
our correspondents and critics, our readers have laughed 
with us. 

In many a merry chase we have hunted that deceitful 
monster the family legend of ancestry. The coverts still 
swarm with its brood, as paragraphs in the nearest news- 
paper will testify, but our twelve plump volumes will remain 
for a while upon the shelf, and English families of ancient and 
authentic descent will yet call us blessed for drawing them 
out of the clamorous press of houses amongst which every one 
who derives not from Cedric the Saxon claims source in a 
Norman ancestor who landed at Pevensey Bay. 

A young and militant review, we were prepared for much 
opposition and found little or none. More than once an 
opponent to whom for good reasons the ordinary terrain of 
criticism was denied thrust an abusive circular under our 
door, and a Kidderminster solicitor, in a much-prized letter, 
withdrew his support from our publication on the ground 
that it was ' ungentlemanly.' But we have bowed our head 
to the blast and gone forward, and now we have come to 


believe that our outspoken criticism uttered in good temper 
and good faith has made us no enemies. 

To readers and critics the editor offers again his thanks. 
It remains to him to thank the many scholars and archaeo- 
logists who have supported him with their contributions. 
All of these antiquaries and historians, heralds and men of 
letters, have given their work freely for the advancement of 
the studies they have at heart. The Public Record office, the 
ancient College of Arms and the British Museum, these 
national institutions have given us help and helpers. 

Amongst many distinguished names our gratitude de- 
mands that one should be singled out. Mr. Horace Round, 
in conversation with whom the quarterly Ancestor was first 
planned, has remained by it to the end. Although he has 
been vexed by continual ill-health, there is no one of our 
twelve volumes which has been without some work from his 
hand. This although his task upon the volumes of the 
County History Series has never ceased, and it may be hoped 
that the ending of the first series of the Ancestor will give him 
more leisure for the laborious work which he is doing for 
that series in the elucidation of Domesday Book, the most 
venerable of English records. 

Our news concerning the Ancestor's future we have kept 
for a last word. As a quarterly it comes to an end with this 
present volume. Next year, if all go well, the Ancestor will 
wake again and look about it for its friends, for with Christ- 
mas of 1905 it will take up its work in larger and more 
stately form as an annual publication. Full details of the 
change will be communicated to the public in due course. 
Until that time we say to those who have worked for us,^to 
those who have shown us our errors, to those who have read 
us hail and farewell. 



IN the first half of the fifteenth century a certain Henry 
Vane was living at Tonbridge in Kent, in a house called 
' Luxfelde's ' or ' Aldufe's.' Little can be recovered con- 
cerning him save here and there a reference to a law suit with 
some neighbours. Our chief document is his will, wherein 
he styles himself Henry of Vane (Henricus de Fane) of the 
town of Tonbridge, and asks for burial in the chapel of the 
Blessed Virgin in his parish church. He was probably a hus- 
bandman or yeoman. A brother and other kinsfolk of his 
own generation are named, and all evidence points to the fact 
that he was born in a family of that countryside. His lands 
lay in Tonbridge and its neighbourhood, in Leigh, Penshurst 
and Shipborne. Beyond this we cannot say with any cer- 
tainty whence he came, but we have perhaps a clue in the 
parish of Brenchley, which is hard by Tonbridge. Here John 
of Copgrove in the time of Edward II. sold his manors of 
Copgrove and Chekeswell to one John of Vane, who also be- 
came owner of another manor there called Mascalls. In an 
aid of the twentieth year of Edward III. Robert of Vane, as 
heir of John, paid twenty shillings for these three manors 
as half a knight's fee. We have then a family close at hand 
bearing this surname of Vane or Fane, and in every case the 
particle ' of ' shows us that as in the case of our Harry of Ton- 
bridge the surname was regarded as one drawn from a place. 
These facts will be recalled when we encounter the Eliza- 
bethan genealogists, who will tell us that Vane must needs be 
Welsh and a personal name. 

Little as we know of Henry of Vane, he must remain a 
personage of high importance to the genealogist. This yeo- 
man of Kent, of humble place and with no known ancestry 
at his back, was an ancestor indeed, the founder of a family 
which saved and fought and married its way to the first rank 
in England. In a right line from the loins of Harry Vane 
came Fanes, Earls of Westmorland, Lords Le Despenser and 



Burghersh; the Vanes, Dukes of Cleveland, Earls of Darlington 
and Lords Barnard ; the Viscounts Fane of Loughgur and the 
Viscounts Vane; Vanes and Fanes, baronets and knights of the 
Garter and the Bath; Vanes and Fanes, puritans and cavaliers, 
soldiers and sailors, diplomatists and conspirators, dramatists 
and divines. 

The rise of the house of Harry Vane to the dignity of 
gentry may be traced step by step. His younger sons and 
their issue drift downwards or away. His eldest son, John, 
appears again and again in his rank of yeoman, but it is pos- 
sible that John made a good marriage. 

With John's four sons the Fanes climb a tall step. John 
Fane of Southborough, the youngest born, married one of 
the knightly house of the Hautes. The wife of his son Henry 
of Hadlow was widow to Sir John Godsalve, clerk of the signet 
to Henry VIII., and comptroller of the mint under Edward VI. 
From Henry Fane, the son of this Henry, came all those 
Vanes whose initial separates them from the Westmorland 
house, ' the elder and the younger Vane,' and their descend- 
ants the Dukes of Cleveland and Earls of Darlington. 

Thomas Fane, the third son of John Fane the yeoman of 
Tonbridge, went to London and prospered there. His only 
son, born out of wedlock, was married to a daughter of John 
of Southborough. Henry, the yeoman's second son, was the 
first Fane at Hadlow. His wife was the widow of a Surrey 
squire and daughter of a baron of the exchequer, and his rise 
is marked by his serving as high sheriff of Kent in 1508 and 
1525. He had no child by his wife, but his bastard son Ralph 
ran a short but famous career. Ralph Fane began life in the 
service of Thomas Cromwell, and well hated as Thomas Crom- 
well might be, his service was one in which a young man might 
rise. We may believe that Ralph Fane was a tall fellow, 
goodly to look upon, for in 1539 he had changed households, 
the king having chosen him for one of his new bodyguard of 
the ' fifty spears,' the ancestors of to-day's gentlemen-at-arms. 
Therefore when Thomas Cromwell, Earl of Essex, went down 
in 1540, Ralph Fane's advancement went on without hin- 

After the death of Henry VIII. he followed the dangerous 
fortunes of a new master, Somerset the Protector, and under 
him won knighthood at the siege of Boulogne. After Pinkie 
Cleuch he was made knight banneret, and to his new rank 


were added lands and pensions and the manors of Penshurst 
and Lyghe, which had been manors of the fallen Stafford. 
But as Fane rose, an eager enemy of his master Somerset was 
gaining strength and following. The first open skirmish 
of the struggle between Somerset and Dudley of Northum- 
berland was the charge against certain knights of the Somerset 
faction of planning Northumberland's murder. Of these 
knights was Ralph Fane, who, dragged from under a truss of 
hay in a Lambeth stable, was led off to the Tower. In Janu- 
ary of 155$ he stood at the bar to answer for conspiracy 
against the lives of divers of the king's privy council, and that 
a soldier's courage did not fail him in the jaws of Tudor law 
we have the boy king's own diary to witness, where we may 
read that Fane answered boldly and ' like a ruffian.' Within 
a month Sir Ralph Fane and Sir Miles Partridge were hanged 
on Tower Hill, the nobler blood of Sir Thomas Arundel and 
Sir Michael Stanhope gaining for them the honour of the axe 
blow. Penshurst was again in the king's hand, whence it 
came to the Sydneys, but Fane's widow, a daughter of Row- 
land Bruges, had some livelihood assured her and is said to 
have lived until 1568, ' a liberal benefactor of God's saints.' 
Ralph Fane was first of his name to come to a knight's 
rank, but beside him the elder line of the Fanes was pushing 
steadily forward. Richard Fane of Tudeley, grandson of 
Harry of Tonbridge, is written gentleman in the many docu- 
ments which concern him. He was of Tudeley in right of his 
wife, the daughter of Henry Stidulf, a Kentish gentleman and 
lord of the manor of Badsell in Tudeley, whose little moated 
manor house of Badsell still remains, not far from the railway 
station of Paddock Wood. The next generation carried the 
Fanes of the Westmorland line to rank amongst the squires. 
George Fane, esquire, of Badsell, was bred at an inn of court, 
as custom ordered that a rich gentleman's son should be, and 
he was high sheriff of Kent under Philip and Mary. He 
married a Waller of Groombridge, and for a second wife a 
daughter of Sir Walter Hendley of Cranbrook, having by his 
first marriage three daughters, married to squires, and two 

After a fashion deplorable by the genealogist, he gave each 
of his sons the name of Thomas. As it was ordered that each 
of them should be a knight, the deeds of these two brothers 
are hard to disentangle. The younger Sir Thomas, who was 



of Burston in Hunton, lieutenant of Dover Castle and mem- 
ber for Dover, did not add lucidity to his pedigree by his 
marriage with a younger sister of his father's wife, a sour 
little lady whose pinched face is seen in the oldest of the Fane 
portraits beside the shoulder of her burly husband. Their 
only daughter, Mary, was wife to her cousin, Henry Fane or 
Vane of Hadlow. 

The elder Sir Thomas Fane cuts a greater figure than the 
lieutenant of Dover Castle. The fate of Ralph Fane came 
very nigh to him in the reign of Queen Mary, for he nibbled 
at treason and was concerned in Wyatt's desperate rising in 
Kent. The death sentence was passed upon him, but the 
royal favour seems to have been invoked, and he was sent home 
to Badsell with a pardon. Like his father and great-uncle 
he served as sheriff of Kent, and in 1573 he was knighted at 
Dover Castle by Leicester the favourite. When the Armada 
threatened us Sir Thomas Fane of Badsell was at work upon 
the Kentish coast arraying the militia and disposing them at 
their stations. 

His first wife, a Colepeper, died without a child, but his 
second marriage carried the descendants of Harry Vane, the 
Tonbridge yeoman, to the House of Lords, for in 1574 the 
widower married Mary Nevill, daughter and sole heir of 
Henry, Lord Bergavenny. This branch of the illustrious 
Nevills of Raby was sprung from Sir Edward Nevill, Baron of 
Bergavenny and uncle of ' Richard Make a King.' Mary 
Nevill brought her husband Mereworth manor and castle in 
Kent, and the little moated house of Badsell ceased to be the 
chief seat of the Fanes. She claimed for herself and her heirs 
her father's historic barony, and the law of peerages was at 
once thrown into debate. Burghley's own unnumbered notes 
of the case still lie at Hatfield, and pedigrees of the Nevills of 
Bergavenny made to illustrate Mary Nevill's cause are found 
on every shelf of ancient genealogical manuscripts. In the 
end the House of Lords adjudged the barony of Bergavenny 
to the heir male, from whom descends the Marquess of Aber- 
gavenny. But for a consolation to the heir female the lady 
had a patent to herself and her heirs of the barony of Le 

To the Elizabethan mind the match of Fane and Nevill 
had a certain scandal of inequality ; but about this time 
appeared a document which should somewhat redress the 


balance of rank. This was the Fane pedigree as set forth and 
prepared by the heralds of the realm. Of this pedigree re- 
main rolls of ancestry beautiful with illuminated shields and 
attested by the signatures of officers of arms, and a version 
of it repeated in the peerage of Collins, is still the authority 
for newspaper paragraphs on the ancestry of the Fanes. The 
house, which our halting genealogy can carry no further than 
Harry Vane of Tonbridge, is traced in triumph to its source 
in Howel ap Vane, a nobleman who flourished in Monmouth- 
shire ' long antecedently to the Conquest,' as the peerages 
even yet remind us. From Howell a line of illustrious de- 
scendants is led through Sir Henry Vane, who was knighted 
on the field of Poictiers for his valiant sword-play under Ed- 
ward the Black Prince. Sir Henry Vane has long been the 
pride and ornament of his house, and the shield of the Fanes, 
with its three steel gauntlets, is held by some to commemorate 
the surrender of the glove of King John of France on the day 
of Poictiers. 

Chronicles and records throw small light upon the doings 
of Sir Henry Vane on that glorious day, but family tradition 
contends stoutly for his fame, and family tradition, as a writer 
assured us but lately, is a surer guide than these grudging 
records. Had we ourselves not such good authority for Sir 
Henry's battlings we ourselves should have traced the use of 
the shield of the three gauntlets to a play upon the word glove, 
which in the old French is gaun, waun or vaun, the last form 
giving a sound near enough to Vane to satisfy the easily satis- 
fied punster in armory. 

From the hero of Poictiers descended Henry Vane of Ton- 
bridge at whose name meet our own pedigree and that of the 
Elizabethan heralds, but over the circumstances of his life we 
are at variance with the older writers. For them he was by 
rank a squire and married to Isabel, daughter and coheir of 
Humphrey Peshall, son of Sir Hugh Peshall of Knightley in 
Staffordshire. Eight of his sons are recorded, of whom only 
three can be traced by modern genealogists. Of these, 
Thomas, the second son, appears as Dean of Salisbury. Our 
own researches point to him as a churchman, but we confess 
ourselves unable to assign to him any higher preferment than 
the parish clerkship of Tonbridge. Many other discrepancies 
appear as we contrast the two pedigrees John Fane, son of 
Henry, makes his will as an esquire, a title which has now 


ROBES, 2 FEB., i62 s - 



faded away from the record, and he is succeeded by his son 
and heir Henry, and not, as the inquest taken after his death 
would persuade us, by his son and heir Richard. 

Having these attestations of their ancient nobility at their 
,backs, the Fanes came to their new rank of peers of the realm. 

Francis Fane, son and heir of Sir Thomas Fane and Mary 
Nevill, inherited from his mother in the last three years of his 
life the barony of Le Despenser. Cambridge and Lincoln's 
Inn educated him, and he was four times returned to Parlia- 
ment. Honours were increased to him. He had the Order 
of the Bath at the coronation of James I., and in 1623 he was 
created Baron of Burghersh and Earl of Westmorland, the 
ancient earldom of the Nevills, which had been forfeited by 
them in the rising of 1569. 

His marriage added another stately house and broad lands 
to the Fane possessions, for his wife was daughter and heir of 
Sir Anthony Mildmay, after whose death she inherited the 
hall and manor of Apethorpe in Northamptonshire. Sir 
Anthony had gone ambassador to Paris in 1596, where his 
cold and ungenial manner served the entente cordiale so ill that 
Henry of Navarre had on one occasion ordered him from the 
presence chamber and offered to strike him on the face. From 
Paris he came home to Apethorpe, where he died in 1617. 
His picture, formerly at Apethorpe and now at Fulbeck, 
shows him standing with his rich armour and weapons lying 
about him. He had inherited Apethorpe from his father Sir 
Walter, Elizabeth's Chancellor of the Exchequer, who al- 
though a puritan of the Calvinists, had weathered the reign 
of Queen Mary, whom he was serving at her death. Sir 
Walter was a skilled financier and economist rather than a 
statesman, but he had nevertheless a share in the condemna- 
tion and death of the Queen of Scots, whose restraint he had 
advised from her first coming to England. The elder Mild- 
may is best called to mind by his foundation at Cambridge of 
that ' house of the pure Emmanuel ' which came to be, as its 
founder had planned, a nesting-place of puritans. 

No less than seven sons and seven daughters were born of 
the Fane and Mildmay match. Of the daughters the most 
famous was Rachel, who was married to Henry Bourchier, 
Earl of Bath. After his death she married Lionel Cranfield, 
Earl of Middlesex. She was a great lady and a busybody, and 
all her cloud of kinsfolk held her in fear as their patroness and 


suzerain. To the vexation of her second husband she held to 
her rank of Countess of Bath, disdaining the Middlesex title, 
and on her death in 1680 she was buried as a Countess of Bath 
beside her first husband in Tawstock church on the Taw, 
where still remains her splendid tomb. Of the sons three were 
in arms for the king, and one, Anthony Fane, died a colonel in 
the army of the parliament. From Sir Francis Fane, the 
third son, descended the eighth Earl of Westmorland. George 
Fane, a colonel of horse in the roval army, was ancestor of the 
Viscounts Fane. From Robert Fane of Combe Bank in Sun- 
dridge came a family seated there for some generations. Of 
all the seven brothers Francis Fane alone left descendants 
whose male line can be recognized in our own time, although 
William Fane, parson of Huntspill in Somerset, was claimed 
as ancestor by a cabinet-maker in London, who sent his pedi- 
gree to the Earl of Westmorland at the end of the eighteenth 

Imay Fane, second Earl of Westmorland, a Knight of 
the Bath at the coronation of King Charles, was with the 
king at Oxford, but his career as a cavalier partisan was of the 
shortest, for in 1643 he ' came in ' to the parliament. He 
was the poet of Otia Sacra, a work from which the lines headed 

7 era Nobilitas are still quoted by the curious 

What doth he get, who e'er prefers 
The scutcheons of hi* ancestors ? 
TU* chimney piece of gold or brass ? 
That coat of arm* blazoned in glass ? 
When these with time and age have end 

The naooty shadows of tome one 

Or other's trophies carved in none, 

Defacd', are things to whet, not try 

Thtae own heroicmn by. 

For cast how much thy merit's score 

Falls short of those went thee before ; 

By so much are those in arrear, 

And ttain'st gentility, I fear. 
True nobleness doth those alone engage, 
Who can add virtues to their parentage. 

Little as Mildmay Fane might value the scutcheons of his 
ancestors as blazoned by the Elizabethan heralds, his tepid 
' prowess ' in the king's cause seems to have made a less sub- 
stantial support for his posthumous fame. In his country 


Attributed to Daniel Mytens. 


retreat the earl's muse served him in laboured lampoons upon 
Oliver's ' brazen face and copper nose,' on Black Tom Fairfax 
and the Rump, but we hear no more of any more dangerous 
trifling with established power, until 1660, when Mildmay 
Fane and his like proclaimed themselves loyal cavaliers and de- 
clared for a restoration when loyalty had become once again 
safe and expedient. 

He married twice, his second wife being a daughter of 
that old hero of the low country wars, Horace, Lord Vere of 
Tilbury. From his first marriage was born Charles, the third 
earl, who travelled for some years in Holland, Flanders and 
Brabant, as we may learn from verses addressed to him on his 
home-coming by the author of Otia Sacra. 

The third earl's biography is illustrated by the first of 
those short family memoirs which Thomas, the sixth earl, 
compiled for the use and warning of those who should come 
after him. He was in command of a volunteer troop of horse 
when King Charles was gloriously restored, and married first 
a Hertfordshire heiress, Elizabeth Nodes of Shephall Bury, 
and secondly Dorothy Brudenell, a daughter of the Cardigans, 
leaving issue by neither. Of him the sixth earl writes 

Charles, Earl of Westmorland, by all accounts I could get, came into the 
possession of an estate above the double of what he left, but being one that cared 
not for business and having no children of his own, left all to the management of 
those about him. He married for his first wife a very good fortune, who died 
in childbed, and her estate, being in land, went away to her heirs upon his death ; 
for his second wife he married a daughter of the then Earl of Cardigan, who 
although she was young never had any children. 

At the death of this easy liver his half-brother Vere came 
to the earldom. He was a very good-natured man, as his son 
records, ' but affected popularity too much, living in Kent 
[at Mereworth], where he was greatly beloved, far beyond 
the compass his estate would allow of.' He enjoyed his earl- 
dom but two years. He had been forward and active in the 
revolution, and hoped that his extravagant living would be 
recompensed by places and rewards, but 

he found himself greatly deceived in the short time he lived. ... a warn- 
ing to all not to spend their estates to serve the Court in expectation of being 
afterwards repaid or rewarded. 

He married Rachel Bence, daughter and heir of an alderman 


of London, who ' in the plague year got a great estate.' Her 
fortune, as paid down, was but five or six thousand pounds, a 
sum which was of little avail in meeting the cost of Vere Fane's 
manner of life at Mereworth. First and last some forty 
thousand pounds came to the Fanes through Rachel Bence, 
' yet coming in small sums like presents it supplied only a 
present occasion to stop some clamorous gap, and so the 
family were not the better for it, but greatly the worse. 

After the death of the fourth earl the earldom of West- 
morland came in turn to three of his sons. 

The eldest of these sons, another Vere Fane, became fifth 
Earl of Westmorland. His father's attachment to the new 
dynasty might have made a great career for this fifth earl, had 
he lived to pursue it. King William adopted him as a lad in 
characteristic fashion, sending him to the academy at the 
Hague to be made a gentleman after the Dutch fashion. He 
grew to be an accomplished young man in whom the king took 
great delight, and he seems to have been on a fair way to be- 
come a favourite at Kensington and the Hague. He had 
volunteered at sea in 1697, and he wore the uniform of a major 
in the first troop of life guards when, a few days before his 
coming of age, he danced at a ball given by the Princess Anne 
of Denmark, afterwards Queen of England. At this ball he 
took a violent fever, which carried him to the vault at Mere- 
worth church, and brought his brother Thomas to the earldom. 

It is to this Thomas that we owe these memoirs of his 
kinsfolk. When he succeeded to the family honours he was 
serving at sea as a volunteer under Captain Beaumont, with 
whom he had been already nearly two years. 

In the which [service] I took great delight so that had I continued I might 
have risen considerably in the world and done well to my family as others my 
juniors have done for theirs, if it should have pleased God to [have] continued my 
life therein. 

His own life the sixth earl is able to give for us in curious 
detail. At the time of his father's death he was at school with 
one Mr. Taylor, the parson of Darent near Dartford. Thence 
he was sent to Eton with his younger brother John Fane, ' and 
when I had gotten to the upper end of the second form I was 
removed to a school at Kensington to learn mathematics in 
order for going to sea for which I was designed.' 

When at this Kensington school he saw from his own 



window the flames of the burning of Whitehall. He was not 
long there, as he was sent back again to Eton. This shifting 
about, as he complains, put him ' quite off from learning,' so 
that he was but in the second remove of the third form 
when he left school for the sea. He was taken on board the 
Revolution as a volunteer, the ship being commanded by 
Captain Beaumont, who was afterwards drowned as an admiral 
in the great storm. 

His brother Vere's death ended his life at sea. His mother 
was determined that one or other of her boys should find that 
Court favour for which his father had crippled the estate, and 
the young earl was sent to Margate to meet King William on 
his way to Holland. King William, it would seem, had but 
one method before him for the training of a lad of promise, 
and Thomas was bidden to follow his king to the Hague, where, 
to his dismay, he found himself ordered into that academy 
which had received his brother. The restraints of this seat 
of the polite learning of the Dutch irked the young seaman, 
who doubtless believed himself safely escaped from schools and 

I was very sorry for this change of life having a great delight in the sea where 
I wished to have continued, but my Mother through mistaken notions I suppose, 
fancied that because my Brother was so fortunate as to be in the King's favour 
greatly therefore she hoped I should succeed him in that as well as Estate. 

In Holland he stayed with small hope of advancement. 
From the Court he had those fair words which butter no man's 
bread, and his mother at home in Kent would send him little 
money from the estate, believing that the king had made pro- 
vision for him. When Queen Anne came to the throne the 
earl found himself in a strange land with few friends, and debts 
which he could not meet until my lord of Marlborough kindly 
wrote an order for ^200 upon the paymaster of the troops. 
With this money he paid his debts, ' made a short progress 
about Holland and the other Provinces,' and came home again 
to England. 

In the second year of Queen Anne, Thomas, Earl of West- 
morland, became a lord of the bedchamber to Prince George 
of Denmark. For this poor prince, despised and neglected of 
the historians, his lord of the bedchamber has a good word and 
a loyal : 

The Prince although a foreigner born was become so hardy an Englishman that 



it was visible to all who were about him, always pleased with their successes and 
speaking always in a manner natural for a people of a country to do in behalf of 
their own, so he used to do on the behalf of this kingdom looking upon it as hi* 
own country. He was mighty easy towards all his servants, affected not popu- 
larity and appearing in public, towards his latter days grew very fat and uneasy 
to himself with a great difficulty of breathing which made him care little to stir 
about, would stand still a great while till he became afflicted with the gout. 

A later entry in the book tells of the earl's marriage : 

In the year of the entire Union of the two Kingdoms being 1708 and which 
commenced the first of May I married the [ ] day of June to a most excellent 
woman ; she was of an ancient family the only daughter of Mr. Thomas Stringer 
of Sharleston in the county of York. She was married first to Richard Beaumont 
esquire of Whitley in the said county, who died without having any children, 
and about three years afterwards I had the happiness to obtain her in marriage. 

The only child of this marriage was a son born dead by 
reason of the treatment laid down for the mother by Sir David 
Hamilton, Queen Anne's physician. He had been sent for by 
the earl's own mother, a dowager who, as he says sadly, ' was 
in many ways a very unfortunate woman to her family [and] 
was so here by her oppiniatrity of having this man,' who 
ordered rough carriage exercise for the Countess Catherine. 

Thomas, the sixth earl, died in 1736, and a third brother 
succeeded him, John Fane, who had been a colonel in Marl- 
borough's wars. His brother's death found him a peer of 
Ireland, by the style of Lord Catherlough. In the eighteenth 
century military or naval promotion did not lag when an 
English earl was in question, and the new earl was able to 
leave the army as lieutenant-general of the forces. He retired 
to Mereworth, where the unhappy taste of the time persuaded 
him to pull down the old castle and church of Mereworth to 
rebuild them after the style of Palladio. With him this elder 
line of the Fanes ended. His younger brother, Mildmay Fane, 
whom a cousin had made heir of the Burston lands, was long 
since dead in his youth. 

For a new earl a long journey must be made over the 
family pedigree. Sir Francis Fane of Fulbeck in Lincolnshire, 
a Knight of the Bath, was a cavalier commander who led the 
royal forces at Doncaster and Lincoln. When Lincoln fell to 
the Parliament in 1644 he was taken prisoner, but his captivity 
was not a harsh one, as he was soon allowed to go home on his 
parole. The next year he was allowed to compound for his 
estates. Before the restoration he rebuilt the house of Ful- 




beck. The monuments of two of his sons commemorate the 
travels of the second generation of Fanes of Fulbeck, William 
Fane, the second son, having travelled for ten years in France, 
Flanders, Germany, Italy, Turkey, Jerusalem and the Holy 
Land. In some of these wanderings he must have had the 
company of his youngest brother Edward, who made five 
journeys into Spain, five into Italy, two into Turkey. Ed- 
ward Fane dwelt six years at Aleppo, probably as a Levant 
merchant, whence he visited Jerusalem, Tripoli, Sidon, Acre, 
Joppa, Nazareth, Galilee, Jordan, the Dead Sea and Beth- 
lehem. His adventures included the three days' sea fight 
against the Dutch in 1666, when he fought as a volunteer. 

Sir Francis Fane of Fulbeck, the elder brother of these 
wanderers, was like his father a Knight of the Bath. This was 
a courtier of King Charles's Restoration, a writer of stage plays 
and poems, who dedicated his Love in the Dark. to the Earl of 
Rochester, assuring that depraved lad that his most charming 
and instructive conversation had inspired Sir Francis Fane with 
a new genius and improved him in all the sciences of which 
he coveted the knowledge. More than this, the earl's conversa- 
tion had made Sir Francis a better poet, a better philosopher 
and (surely to the earl's surprise) a better Christian ! and Sir 
Francis held himself obliged to my lord not only for reputation 
in this world but also for future happiness in the next. For- 
tunately for the Fulbeck lands Sir Francis did not remain long 
at Court in such improving and edifying company. He married 
a daughter of John Rushworth of Lincoln's Inn, the author of 
the Historical Collections, who had been the Protector's sec- 
retary, a historian who ended an industrious life within the 
rules of the King's Bench Prison. 

The dramatist was succeeded at Fulbeck by his son and 
grandson, each a Francis Fane, the last dying without issue. 
On the death of this fourth Francis Fane of Fulbeck, the lands 
of Fulbeck came to his widow, who married as her second 
husband an Evelyn of Godstone. She died in 1787, and 
Fulbeck became the portion of Henry Fane, a second cousin 
once removed. 

The third Francis Fane of Fulbeck had a younger brother, 
Henry Fane, who settled at Bristol and married Anne Scrope, 
whose father, a Bristol merchant, was of the old and historic 
stock of the Scropes. The eldest son of this marriage had the 
Scrope estate of Wormsley on an uncle's death and died without 


legitimate issue. The second son, Thomas Fane, married as 
his father had married, a Bristol merchant's daughter. An 
attorney-at-law and clerk to the merchant adventurers of 
Bristol, he might have founded a family of rich citizens of 
Bristol had not John Fane, seventh Earl of Westmorland, died 
childless in 1762. In that year the Bristol attorney found 
himself lord of Apethorpe and Sharlston and eighth Earl of 

From his eldest son John descend the later Earls of West- 
morland. John the tenth earl posted to Gretna Green with 
Sarah Child, the heir of Robert Child the banker, who never 
forgave the name of Westmorland for the adventure, leaving 
his great fortune to the Countess of Jersey, the eldest daughter 
of the marriage. The tenth earl was Lord Lieutenant of 
Ireland, Lord Privy Seal and Knight of the Garter. He died 
a blind old man in 1841, having begotten eleven children by 
his two marriages. 

His son John, the eleventh earl, was a general in the army, 
an author, a diplomatist and a musician. He served in Egypt 
at the storming of Rosetta. His campaigns in the Peninsula 
saw Roliga, Vimeiro, Talavera and Busaco, and he came home 
to marry a niece of Arthur, Duke of Wellington, and to edit 
the memoirs of the Duke's Peninsular wars. His diplomatic 
missions took him to Florence and Berlin and the Congress of 
Vienna. He was a famous violinist, wrote seven operas, three 
cantatas, masses, hymns, canzonets and madrigals, thereby 
making himself an acceptable son-in-law to the musical Wel- 
lesleys, and he was founder of the Royal Academy of Music. 

The twelfth earl was also a soldier and served in India and 
the Crimea, where he was aide to Lord Raglan. He earned a 
C.B. and retired as colonel. His son Anthony Mildmay Julian 
Fane, thirteenth Earl of Westmorland, has but lately sold 
Apethorpe, which had been for nearly three hundred years the 
family seat. 

The line of Henry Fane of Fulbeck, second son of the 
eighth earl, is now seated at Fulbeck. Henry Fane, who was 
in 1772 ' keeper of the King's private roads, gates and bridges, 
and conductor or guide of the King's person in all royal pro- 
gresses,' had nine sons and five daughters. Amongst the nine 
sons may be reckoned three soldiers of distinction, a pre- 
bendary, a banker, a Bengal civil servant and a commissioner 
of bankruptcy. 


Painted ty William Tratnite in 1677. 


The eldest son, Sir Henry Fane, G.C.B., found himself in 
those purchase days a captain in the line at fifteen years of age. 
At thirty he was a brigadier-general, a young and active 
general who held the churchyard of Vimeiro against three 
assaults of Junot. He was at Coruna, Talavera, Vittoria, and 
Busaco, and at that last battle of Toulouse. Next to Cotton he 
was held our best leader of cavalry, and he trained the cavalry 
for Waterloo. His health failed him when as Commander-in- 
Chief in India he was preparing for the first Afghan war, and 
he died in 1840 when off the Azores on his voyage home. 

His brother Charles was wounded beside him at Corufia 
and killed at Vittoria in 1 8 1 3 . His brother Mildmay Fane was 
the third of these brothers in the Peninsula campaign, living 
to fight at Waterloo and to die a general in 1868. The grand- 
son of William Fane of Bengal is now at Fulbeck, this being 
the thirteenth in descent from Henry Fane of Tonbridge, the 
first founder of this house, which, once so widely spread, now 
counts so few descendants. 

O. B. 


A COMPARISON of the early armory of the Germans 
and German-speaking peoples with that of our own 
countrymen shows that among the former the use of canting 
arms is not only of more frequent occurrence, but that those 
arms appear to possess a more spontaneous character, so to 
speak, than was generally the case on this side of the narrow 
seas. This phenomenon is due probably not so much to a 
keener appreciation among German armorists of the humour 
of such things as to the fact that many more of their family 
name are either wholly or in part the names of things than 
was ever the case in England, and therefore more readily 
prompt the employment of this kind of symbolism. 

The Wa-ppenrolle von Zurich, which from internal evidence 
has been confidently assigned to a date between 1336 and 
1347 at the latest, may be adduced in support of this state- 
ment. That famous roll contains nearly six hundred coloured 
drawings of German and German-Swiss armorials, and out 
of some five hundred and fifty that have been identified more 
than a fifth are undoubtedly redende Wappen. 

The simple solid directness of the draughtsmanship, the 
stateliness and variety of the crests always a feature of high 
dignity and importance in Teutonic heraldry, the strong and 
vigorous character of the work and its perfect state of pre- 
servation combine to place this roll among the most precious 
and instructive examples of the armorial practice and design 
of the Middle Ages. A facsimile of it was published at Zurich 
in 1860, and for the purpose of the student this is perhaps as 
valuable as the original, since it is naturally more easily acces- 
sible than that venerable document. The object of the 
following notes is at once to attempt to give such readers as 
have had no opportunity of seeing either the actual roll or the 
facsimile some idea of its beauty, and at the same time to sub- 
stantiate Mr. Barren's l dictum ' almost every out-of-the-way 
charge conceals your pun.' 

1 Anc(itor t i. 55, 


For convenience sake the punning arms in this famous 
collection may be arranged in nine groups as follows : 

(i) The blazon of both arms and crest contains the whole 
of the name of the bearer. Griinenberg, for instance, has the 
canting coat silver a chief rert and a mountain gold in the 

chief. His crest is a mitre-shaped hat coloured as the shield 
with a bush of cock's feathers sable in the top of it. The 
helm is one of the very few in the roll that are drawn full- 



(2) The arms and crest represent the whole name, but the 
crest is part only of the bearings depicted in the shield. 
Betler, for example, puns on his name with arms of silver a 


beggar (Settler) in a long black coat with a wallet silver at his 
back and holding a begging bowl and a staff both gules. The 
crest is the figure of the beggar cut off at the waist clad in 
white with wallet and bowl of sable. 


(3) Part only of the name of the bearer is pictured, but 
that part is shown both by the arms and the crest. Thus 
Velkirch carries 'gules a church banner gold, and these arms 

are repeated on his magnificent fan-shaped crest that is edged 
with ermine and peacock's feathers. 



(4) The arms exactly represent one or more syllables of 
the name, but the crest, being part only of the bearings, only 
partly does so. Muhlhain, for instance, puns with a shield of 
arms complicated enough to gladden the heart and to tax the 

wit of the herald of The White Company : party silver and 
azure a lion gules crowned gold holding a mill-stone azure 
and passing his tail through another mill-stone of silver. The 
crest that goes with this dainty piece of allusiveness is a demi- 
lion gules with a golden crown holding a mill-stone silver. 


(5) The name is not given in the blazon of the arms and 
crest ; they merely suggest it. Montfort furnishes an ex- 

ample of this class with his arms of silver a chess rook sable. 
The crest is a chess rook gules edged with peacock's feathers 
along the top. 


(6) The arms alone contain the pun, the crest making no 
reference to the name. Roschach, for instance, whose name 
is properly Rosenberg, has for arms silver a rose tree growing 
out of a mount gold. 

(7) The blazon gives part only of the name. Aichelberg 

and Aichan in this way carry the one in gold, the other in 
silver, three scale-beams (Aichellen) sable. 


(8) The charge merely hints at the bearer without actually 
naming him ; as for example in Tufel's arms, gold a roundel 
sable, where the solid black disk is evidently intended to 
denote, or at least to suggest, the realm of darkness. 

(9) Finally, the crest alone either exactly translates the 
bearer's name, as that of Wolfsattel, which is a wolf saddled 
azure ; or it makes a more or less obvious allusion to the sound 

of it, as that of Wisendangen, which is indeed two white 
things (weisst Dinge), a pair of huge ibex horns of silver one 
on either side of the helm. 


These groups may be further subdivided into sections 
according to the subject matter of the arms ; for instance, 
shields containing human figures ; those which have repre- 
sentations of water ; the important section belonging to 
names of which the syllable -eg or -eck (Ecke corner) forms 
a part ; arms of families whose names end in -berg or -perg, 
-fels, -stein and the like, of which the English equivalent is 
-mount ; the leaf (Blatt or Laube) section and so on. Each 
group consists of one or more of such sections, and these two 

methods of classification will be combined in the consideration 
of some other noteworthy specimens of the canting arms 
included in this wonderful collection. 

I. Biber's shield is gold with a beaver (Biber) sable placed 
bendwise athwart it, and his crest is a tall sugar-loaf cap of 
gold with a black beaver similarly painted upon it and a bush 
of black cock's feathers atop. 

The punning arms of Ot a dem Rand are sable with the 
remarkable charge of a turnip (Rande), and he has a turnip for 
his crest. 


Two more of these strange vegetable coats appear in the 
roll ; silver a parsnip growing out of a green mount and sable 
a cabbage. Neither of them has been identified, but it may- 
be guessed that they also are punning arms. 

Kim bears gules a high peaked hat silver with strings vert 
and a sprig (Keim) of green stuck on either side of it. His 
crest is a similar hat with a bunch of green sprigs sprouting 
from the point. 

Affenstein has silver a sitting ape (Affe) gules biting a 
golden stone (Stein), which may however be intended for aa 
orange. On the helm a like ape sits as crest. 

Hoheneck plays on his name with the fine simple arms 
gules a quarter silver ; and his fantastic crest, which is nothing 
but a quiver with black cock's feathers stuck in it, is coloured 
in the same way. ' Ecke hoch oben in dem Schild ' is the com- 
ment of the editor of the facsimile on these arms ; and it 
may be noted here that all canting coats in this roll for names 
of which -eck or -eg is part have sharply pointed charges. 


Thus Sterneg carries sable a pale silver and three stars 
(Sterne) gules thereon. Two sickles silver with handles gules 
and a star gules between their points are placed upright on 
the helm for the crest. 

The arms of Schwarzenberg are silver a mountain sable 
(schwarz), and his crest is a mitre silver with the black mount 

on back and front and a tuft of cock's feathers sable on either 

Pfaff displays on a field gules the figure of a priest (Pfaff e) 
cut off at the waist wearing a white surplice and a gold cap and 
flourishing a holy-water sprinkler of gold. The priest's figure 
is exactly repeated for a crest. 


II. The well known shield of the duchy of Styria is green 
with the silver panther which has been 1 wrongly described as 
a wingless griffon with a forked tail breathing flames. The 
crest is the upper half of him. Originally no doubt this was a 
punning charge, a rampant steer (Stier) ; but already as early 
as the first half of the fourteenth century the steer is losing 
his natural form and changing into a monster with a steer's 
head indeed, but with very unbovine body and extremities. 

The beginnings too of what later developed into a*forked tail 
are clearly visible. 

1 By Trier, for instance, in his Einleilung zu der ffapen-Kunst, gth" Edn. 
Leipzic, 1744, page 221, a mistake copied by the late Dr. Woodward, Heraldry 
British and Foreign, ii. 121. Spener does not so err nor do modern German 
heraldic writers. It is only fair, however, to add that Trier mentions the fact 
that "others call this charge a panther," and that "von Bircken believed it 
to have been a steer in early times." 




The coat of Ringenberg is silver a ring gules twisted with 
silver set upright on a green mount, and his crest is a like ring 
on a cushion gules. 

Ramensperg bears for arms gold a ram sable standing on a 
mount vert, and for crest a demi-ram sable with horns silver. 

Blattenberg puns on his name with silver a fess gules and 


three mounts of green leaves (Blatter) in the chief. His crest 
is a linden tree in full leaf painted green. 

Bartenstein carries these canting arms ; azure two broad 
axes (Barten) silver their helves gold on a mount silver. The 
crest is two silver axes with helves gules fixed one on either side 
of his helm. 


Pflegelsberg has a similar shield and crest ; gules two 
flails (Pfltgel) with golden handles and silver swiples on a green 
mount. Two like flails appear on the helm. 

The punning coat of Wolfurt is silver two running wolves 

azure over a ford (Furt represented by waves) azure in the 
foot. The crest is the head of one of the wolves. 

Mdnch's arms are naturally enough a monk (Munch) in 
a silver field ; and a monk cut off at the waist serves as his 

3 2 


III. Helmshoven's achievement, gules a helm gold and a 
like helm as his crest, is of great interest as showing with con- 
siderable detail the exact form of helm in use at the date at 
which the roll was made. 

Aeschach displays on a shield gules the head of a grayling 
(Aesch} silver, and the crest is the same fish's head with the 
scaly skin continued to form the mantle. 

The arms of Facklastein are silver a golden torch (Fackel) 
with red flames, and two like torches are fixed upright on his 
helm for the crest. 


Wasserburg carries the canting coat of gules three water 
tubs silver, the crest being two like tubs with a bush of pea- 
cock's feathers in each. 

Kiirneg uses gules a point bendwise silver and his fan crest 
with tufts of cock's feathers sable at the points of it is similarly- 

The little group of arms for names in which Stube (cham- 
ber) occurs is very curious. 

Stuben has for arms gules three chamber windows azure 
with golden frames, and the crest is one such window set 
round with bunches of black cock's feathers. 



Stubenweg's shield is gules with a sitting dog silver, and 
he uses a crest of the same dog not a hunting hound but the 
pet dog that stays at home in my lady's chamber. 

Stubenwid, more curiously still, has simply on his helm 
and sable shield the stove that warms his room. 

The two families of Mandach have each a black man's head 
for crest, and bear the one sable a chief gules, the other gules 
a chief silver with the negro's head in the chief of each. 

Laubgassen's shield is gold six linden leaves (Lauben) vert 
and a bordure gules, and the crest is a linden tree gold. 


IV. The canting arms of Arbon are silver an eagle (Aar) 
gules with golden beak and legs, and he has a red eagle's head 
and wings for his crest. 

Heutler bears sable a chief silver and a label gules, which 
is thought to suggest a hay (Heu) rake by its shape. The 
white comb-shaped attachment at the back of his black 
swan's head crest has the same red label upon it. 

Swangow places, as may be expected, a swan in his red 
shield, and uses a swan's head for a crest. 

Hirseg's punning coat is gold a stag (Hirscb) gules climb- 
ing the jagged side of a mountain azure. His crest is a demi- 
stag gules with golden antlers. 


V. Mtiller plays on his name with azure a mill-wheel 
gold, and a like wheel on a red cushion is his crest. 

Russ has for his canting coat silver three legs sable of a 
war horse (Ross) with silver hooves lying fesswise one above 
the other, and for his crest two like legs crooked at the knee. 

The allusive character of Spiser's arms, gules a mill-stone 
silver, with which goes a like stone set round with cock's fea- 
thers as crest, is not very obvious until one remembers that it 
is by the grinding of mill-stones that grain is converted into 
food (S-peise) \ 


More obscure still is the pun that Sulzberg's shield con- 
tains. His arms, barry wavy azure and gold, must be taken 
to typify the stream that flows from a salt (Salz) spring, and 
the same idea is conveyed by the strongly waved outer edges 
of the two golden horns that decorate his helm. 

VI. Tor carries the canting arms gules a gateway (Thor) 
silver with the doors flung open. 

Stofen has azure three cups (Staufen) gold. 

Wasserstelz puns on his name with arms of azure a fess 
gold and three waterwagtails (Wasserstelzen) azure on the fess. 



Many coats with beasts standing on mounts belong to this 
section ; it will suffice to mention those of Barenfels, who 
displays on a shield gold a bear erect on a mount vert, and 
Helfenstein, who has gules an elephant silver standing on a 
mount gold. 

Henneberg's coat, a well known quartering of the Saxon 
duchies, is gold a hen sable standing on a green mount. 

ROtenberg has gold a mountain gules (roth). 

Winterberg has the beautiful arms sable three white snow- 
covered mountains. 

Lobeg, with an eye to both syllables of his name, has de- 
vised for himself silver a linden leaf (Laube) vert on a point 
(Ecke) gules. 

VII. Griinstein uses the simple and expressive arms 
barry of four pieces green and silver. 


Turner has gules a tower (Thurri) silver. 

Laiterberg's shield is silver with two ladders (Leiter) gules 
crossed saltirewise. 

Oberriedern bears silver a boat sable with two oars (Ruder) 

The sharply pointed divisions in the shield of the princi- 
pality of Teck, lozengy bendwise sable and gold, the WQrtem- 
berg colours, and Ktlnsegg's coat, which is the same in red 
and gold refer, as has been indicated above, to the latter part 
of these names. 

VIII. In End's arms, azure a leopard rampant silver with 
paws of gold, the ends of the beast's legs pun on the family 

The next illustration gives the early form of the remark- 
able bearings of Manesse, gules two mail-clad fighting men. 
In later times one of the warriors is shown lying prostrate and 
vanquished at the feet of the other. That sinister name 
could scarcely be better symbolized than by this significant 
shield, for even these quaint placid little figures of the Zurich 



Roll seem instinct with the very spirit of war. Surely the 
first of those fierce Maneaters who assumed it must have had 
in his mind some such biblical words as Isaiah's threatening 
against the Assyrian foe ' the sword, not of a mean man, 
shall devour him.',.1 

IX. A few crests are exact translations of the name of the 
bearer. Such, for instance, is Roseneck's red rose with pro- 
minent green barbs on a yellow cushion. 


A rather larger number merely hint at the name. 
Graber's crest is a grave-digger's shovel of gold, with a 
bush of cock's feathers sable at the point of it. 

Kiissenberg's is a red cushion (Kissen) with a golden cup 
upon it, while Kaplan has a green cap with a red ball atop. 
Lindenberg has a silver linden leaf for his crest, and FrOwler's 
crest is the head of a woman (Frau) wearing a red hood lined 
with white. 

And so, but for a proper fear of the editor's frown, the 
interesting catalogue might be continued for many pages. 
But enough has perhaps been said to lift for a moment a corner 
of the curtain of the years and to give a glimpse of bygone 
fashions and things long dead through the golden haze that, 
even while it dims their outlines, wraps them in the charm and 
the glamour of antiquity and romance. 



ONE can readily appreciate the ' blank amazement ' of Mr. 
Round upon finding that a pedigree, which he had 
denounced at sight in no measured terms, could after all be 
proved step by step, with one doubtful exception. Such 
are the disadvantages of Jedburgh justice condemnation 
first and evidence afterwards. It is very well now to affect 
an injured air, and make out that his words had but a limited 
application. Readers of the Ancestor have seen the expres- 
sions he used, and may judge whether they could well be 
more sweeping. His phrase ' shattered by Domesday Book,' 
for example, according to the gloss now put upon it, merely 
means at variance with certain theories of nomenclature, 
which Mr. Round has deduced in part from his Domesday 
studies. So eminent a critic, so perfervid an apostle of 
accuracy, might really have expressed himself with more pre- 

Let me hasten to wear my own white sheet. One sen- 
tence of mine might conceivably be construed to imply that 
certain names would be found in the Golden Mirrour which, 
it seems, are not there. 1 That was, I own, a piece of care- 
lessness, but not a wilful attempt to deceive, as Mr. Round, 
with the graceful courtesy which so distinguishes him, would 
appear to hint. As to my use of the word contemporary, I 
am impenitent still, and should declare without a blush that 
we were all contemporaries of Queen Victoria, merely smiling 
when Mr. Round protests that he at all events is not yet in 
his dotage. 

For a more important correction I have to thank Mr. 
Farrer. The rebellions of Roger of Poitou are, it is true, 
matter of history, but not at the date of Domesday. Some 
years earlier his family had been implicated in the factious 

1 When Mr. Round twits me further with limiting this work to Lancashire, 
I can only suppose that he has somehow misread the word country as county, 
though he quotes it correctly. 


ri i; -Xrr\ xts.t-, 







of Robert the king's son. William Rufus had not 
been many months on the throne when Roger and some of 
his brothers were in arms against him as the Duke's partisans. 
On the first occasion the faction had been scotched but not 
killed, and it would seem that a number of Norman nobles 
were thenceforward held by the Conqueror in suspicion ; but 
no definite statement has been found to explain why Roger's 
great fief was in the king's hand at the time of the survey. 

Mr. Farrer has been fortunate enough to see the Trafford 
evidences, or a good many of them, and has been so kind as to 
communicate to me his own copies. I am therefore now in a 
position to give the full Latin text of several that had to be 
cited before in imperfect abstracts ; but Mr. Farrer's copies 
do not include the deeds I numbered 3 and 5. In two cases, 
Nos. I and 7, my text is taken from a photograph of the 
original, and a print of the former is here reproduced. Mr. 
Farrer considers that the witnesses' names in that deed point 
to a date about 1150-1170, thus agreeing exactly with my 
own estimate; and those in No. 2 to about 1170-1186.. 

Hamundus de Maci Omnibus hominibus suis clericis et laicis, francis et 
anglicis, tarn futuris quam presentibus Salutem. Notum sit uobis me conces- 
sisse Wlfet note et heredes suos Radulfo filio randulfi et Roberto filio suo et 
heredibus suis libere et quiete de me et heredibus meis, et hoc nominatim propter 
marcas iiii or - Istius conuentionis isti sunt testes, Adam capellanus, Robertas de 
Maci, Robertus de tattun, Willelmus de tattun, Matheus de Bromhale, Matheus 
de mortun, Rogerus filius hamundi de maci, Adam filius Ricardi, Galfridus 
filius Roberti de maci, Robertus malueisin, Galfridus filius Ricardi de maci, 
Simon filius Hugonis et Willelmus frater eius et Hugo de Maci, Robertus pre- 
positus et Hugo filius eius. 

No seal remains. Instead of a separate tail, two strips are cut length- 
wise at the bottom of the parchment to which a seal or seals have been 


Hamundus de maci omnibus hominibus suis clericis et laicis francis et an- 
glicis tarn futuris quam presentibus Salutem. Notum sit uobis me concessisse 
Wlfet note et heredes suos Roberto filio Radulfi et heredibus suis libere et 
quiete de me et heredibus meis sicuti carta patris mei confirmat et hoc nomi- 
natim propter dimidiam marcam. Istius confirmacionis isti sunt testes, matheus 
de bromhal, hugo de maci, Robertus de maci, hamundus de maci filius hamundi, 
adam et Willelmus frater ' eius, petrus canutus, Robertus de arderne, Simon 

1 Or fratres ? as Canon Raines read. 


de t u rs (?), Ricardus filius _Kospatric, Willelmus et Rogerus fratres domini, 
hug' preposito, 1 Hugo de sttfort, 2 Robertas filius Warin, henricus frater eius, 
Robertus clericus, et pluribus aliis (?). 

A broken seal of white paste, showing the hind quarters of a lion (?). 


Nouerint presentes et futuri quod Ego Hamo de Mascy dedi et concessi et 
Hac presente Carta mea confirmaui Henrico filio Roberti pro homagio et serui- 
tio suo vnam bouatam terre cum pertinentiis de dominico meo in asselehe, 
illam scilicet quam Vhtredus tenuit, videlicet quartam partera tocius uille, ill! 
et Heredibus suis habendam et tenendam de me et Heredibus meis in feodo et 
Hereditate Libere et Quiete plene et pacifice in bosco in piano in pratis et 
pascuis in aquis in viis et in Semitis in stagnis in moris et mariscis in molendinis 
et in omnibus Libertatibus nominatis et non nominatis, Exceptis speruariis et 
pannagio forinsecorum porcorum et venacione Cerui et Cerue. Predictus 
autem Henricus et Heredes sui Habebunt dominicos porcos nutritos in asselehe 
et hominum suorum in prefata terra manencium quietos de pannagio, et he 
porcos de forinsecis porcis annuatim vnde uoluerint, Reddendo inde annuatim 
mihi et heredibus meis de eo et heredibus suis iii solidos ad festum sancti iohan- 
nis baptiste pro omni seruitio et consuetudine et exactione mihi pertinente 
saluo forinseco seruitio. Hiis testibus, Patrico de Madburleia, Hugone de 
Mascy, Ricardo de Kingeslea, Liolfo de twanlawe, Ricardo filio suo, Alano de 
tatton, Ada de bromhale, Ada de Carintona, Willelmo de Mascy clerico, Hen- 
rico de Fulsahe, Johanne de Barton, Matheo de Birches, Hugone de stretford, 
Ricardo clerico de Mamecestria. 

On a large seal of white wax, a lion passant guardant (?) sinister . . . 


Sciant omnes [tarn] presentes quam futuri quod ego Gospatricius de cherel- 
tona dedi et concessi et present! carta mea confirmaui henrico filio Roberti filii 
Radulfi de trafford pro homagio et seruicio suo totam quartam partem de 
chereltona, scilicet quatuor bouatas terre cum omnibus pertinentiis, duas scilicet 
quas Rannulfus tenuit, et unam bouatam quam steinuulfus tenuit, et unam 
bouatam quam Robertus filius edwini tenuit, in bosco et piano in pratis et 
pascuis et in assartis in molendinis et in omnibus libertatibus et aisiamentis ad 
eandem uillam spectantibus, illi et heredibus suis tenendas de me et de meis 
heredibus libere et quiete, pro omni seruicio mihi et heredibus meis annuatim 
inde reddendo quinque Solidos argenti, scilicet xv denarios ad Natale domini, et 
xv denarios ad pascha, et xv denarios ad festum beati iohannis baptiste, et xv 
denarios ad festum sancti Michaelis, et quod ego et heredes mei prefatam terram 
warantizabimus per pretaxatum seruicium prenominato henrico et heredibus 
suis, hiis testibus, Rogero de bartun, Orm de astun, Roberto de burun, Matheo 
de Redich, Willelmo de Radeclpue], Rogero de Middiltun, Ada de Buri, Gil- 
berto de notona, Willelmo filio suo, Galfrido de burun, hugone de stretford, 
Alexandra de pilkintona, Matheo de Glothec, hugone de Soreswrth, Roberto 
fratre suo, Roberto filio hugonis de Masci et multis aliis. 

Seal of white paste : SIGIL . . . PAT E CHARLTVN. 

1 Prepositus ? (or prepositi ?). " Stretford ? 




Sciant presentes et futuri Quod ego Helias filius Robert! de penelbiria Dedi 
et Concessi et Hac presente Carta mea confirraaui Henrico filio Robert! filii 
Radulfi de Trafford pro Homagio et Seruicio suo totam terram de Gildehuses- 
tide cum pertinentiis infra Has Diuisas, Scilicet de Goselache usque ad pullum 
ubi Matheus filius Willelmi leuauit fossatum ad uertendum aquam ad Molen- 
dinum suum, et per pullum descendendo usque ad fossatum Quod ego feci, et 
ita per illud fossatum usque ad Mussam, et de mussa usque ad Goselache, ill! et 
Heredibus suis tenendam de Me et de meis Heredibus Libere et Quiete integre 
et Honorifice in Bosco in piano in pratis in pascuis et in omnibus libertatibus 
et aisiamentis cum communione omnium libertatum Quas liberi homines pre- 
dict! Mathei domini mei Habent, Sicut Carta testatur quam Habeo de predicto 
Matheo de prefata terra, Reddendo inde annuatim Michi et Heredibus meis a 
se et Heredibus suis quatuor solidos pro omni seruicio et Consuetudine ad duos 
terminos scilicet ad festum Sancti Michaelis duos Solidos ad pascha duos solidos. 
Prenominatus uero Matheus filius Willelmi et Heredes sui Habebunt unam uiam 
per Medium prefate terre prescript! Henrici ad Carianda fena sua. Hiis Testibus, 
Ricardo filio Henrici, Roberto de burun, Ricardo de perepont, Willelmo de 
Radecliue, Alexandra filio Gilberti de Harewode, Henrico filio Galfridi de 
Mamecestria, Petro De Burnhil, Alexandra de pilkinton, Matheo de Redich, 
Hugone de Stretford, Ada de Ormeston, Roberto filio Hugonis de Mascy, 
Ricardo clerico de Mamecestria. 

The seal gone. There is another deed between the parties (there 
called simply Elias de Penelbiria and Henricus de Trafford) otherwise in 
the same terms, and with the same witnesses, but the rent is there 35. to 
be paid at three terms, Michaelmas, Christmas and Easter. 

My provisional abstracts prove to have been more accurate 
and more nearly complete than I had dared to hope. We will 
not stop now to enlarge upon the Mascy family party who were 
present at the execution of the first deed. The subject matter 
is, I take it, the seigniory of a tenant's holding, whether free 
or villein there may still be differences of opinion. Wlfet 
note is plainly the name, as the photograph shows ; whether it 
should be one word or two remains doubtful, for in both 
charters it happens to be divided at the same place by the end 
of a line. The document describes itself as an agreement 
(conventid), its form suggesting rather a compromise between 
two neighbouring landlords between whom some question of 
title or of boundaries had arisen than an ordinary sale and pur- 
chase. It is not a grant of land to hold in demesne, nor is any 
rent or service reserved. The grantor takes his four marks, and 
retains apparently no superior lordship. The second tallies 
precisely with the first, except that the term confirmatio is 
substituted for conventio, and a few words of reference to the 
earlier deed are added. I merely note these points here, and 
shall refer to them again. 


Let us next make an effort to clear the issues, which have 
been laboriously confused. With the evidence now before 
him, even Mr. Round is constrained to acknowledge that the 
pedigree of the Traffords, as given in Burke and elsewhere, is 
in the main correct, certain dates always excepted, and one 
single point reserved ; that they descend in the male line 
from the Randolf, Ralph and Robert of the first deed, and are 
* among the oldest of our landed houses.' I gather that he 
accepts also my calculation which placed the birth of Randolf 
probably in the second half of the eleventh century. The 
points which I endeavoured to prove being thus conceded, he 
goes on to decide offhand, in a somewhat peremptory manner 
as it seems to me, certain other questions which I raised, and 
to parade his contemptuous disagreement with my supposed 

Now I accept with all my heart the canon of criticism Mr. 
Round has laid down, and agree that in every discussion it is 
essential to appreciate an opponent's case, and to meet it 
fairly. That is what I desire to do. How far he has been 
true to his own maxim is another question. Had it been any 
one else, I should have said to myself, How carelessly he must 
have read my essay ; but Mr. Round's best friend will hardly 
credit him with carelessness in such a matter. His readers 
might naturally suppose that I had pinned my faith to the 
dates which in fact I exposed and ridiculed, committed myself 
to that second Henry whose existence I was the first to ques- 
tion, and entered upon a kind of crusade, on behalf of legend 
and tradition, against sound scientific historical methods. 

Not that he has asserted any of these things in so many 
words. Oh dear no. There are far less clumsy methods of 
conveying a false impression, and these he prefers to use with 
a skill which readers of the Ancestor have doubtless admired, 
not for the first time. To select one instance : twice on a 
page he has done me the honour of quotation. My words 
undoubtedly, with reference attached ; and very ridiculous 
they are made to look. The reason is simple. He has not 
thought it necessary to mention that I used them ironically, in 
depicting the attitude of one whom I was myself ridiculing. 1 

1 Ancestor, x. 79, ix. 72. I wrote ' If that was so, the dates he adopted are 
now explained . . . Subsequent generations, no doubt, had to be spread out 
rather in order to make all shipshape ; but no matter. It was a good way on 
to a point where his materials permitted, or required exact chronology.' Mr. 
Round will hardly plead lack of intelligence to grasp the purport of this passage. 


Such are the delicate pleasantries that have endeared Mr. 
Round to all, and especially to those with whom he does not 
happen to agree. 

Again, let us take the question of the second Henry. Mr. 
Round has chosen to assume that he was gratuitously invented 
by the pedigree maker to help bridge over a gap of years ; * and 
finds it ' evident ' that I ' cannot emancipate myself ' from 
that pernicious influence. Well, if it were so, I should for 
once be in good company. Was not he also content to follow 
the old pedigrees of the house of Windsor at a point where 
evidence failed him, as a writer in the Ancestor has pointed 
out ? a But in my case the charge does not happen to be true. 
It is I who may claim credit for fastening on the error, if error 
it be. For I am not prepared to dismiss the matter with the 
airy dogmatism of Mr. Round airy indeed this time, since 
avowedly he has not seen the evidence. Nor can he blame 
me for that. Had the point been one which I aspired to 
clear up, it would have been incumbent on me to disclose all 
I had. I was, however, content to state the difficulty, and 
pass on ; yet I did not omit to mention that there is other 
evidence, and where it may be found. 3 

The truth is that, besides the charters I have cited, there 
are a number of others without date to which a Henry de 
Trafford is a party. To interpret these as covering a con- 
siderable space of time, and applying to two separate genera- 
tions, was neither fraudulent nor unreasonable, though I have 
already expressed a strong doubt whether it was right. How 
frequently such a difficulty will arise in dealing with ancient 
deeds, how often old pedigrees have to be corrected in the 
opposite sense, by the insertion of one more generation where 
two persons of the same name succeed one another, most 
genealogists know. On this head Mr. Round is no more 
justified, I would submit, in casting an imputation upon the 
maker of our pedigree than in attacking me as his benighted 

To return to the tradition of Saxon origin, here assuredly 

1 A difficulty which, as I have shown, appears in fact to have caused him 
less concern than it should have done. 

1 Ancestor, ii. 95, iv. 50. His retort (it cannot be called an answer) will be 
found in Ancestor, v. 48, and is worth reference as a shining example of his con- 
troversial methods. 

3 Ancestor, IK. 73. 


one might hope for help and guidance from Mr. Round's 
great learning. Well, we have his opinion, clear and em- 

'iatic enough, expressed not without a certain warmth, 
hat is just the difficulty. How it may appear to others I 
cannot say : to my mind his conclusion and his arguments 
for once fail to carry conviction. There is a taint of preju- 
dice about them prejudice against tradition as such, bias 
against a too presumptuous person (my humble self), who 
must, if any way possible, be put in the wrong, a too eager 
desire to justify at all costs that Jedburgh judgment of his. 
Engagingly human traits these ; but not quite in harmony 
with the scientific spirit. 

Let me protest once more that I have shown no intention 
to take up the cudgels for tradition all and sundry. Tradi- 
tion, I am well aware, is frequently untrue, absurdly untrue. 
Jerningho and all his crew are nothing to me : they were only 
dragged in to import prejudice, and to confuse the issue. I 
have not claimed that tradition proves anything : not even 
that the tradition in question is proved to be true. Yet there 
is a region, lying just beyond the frontier of recorded fact, 
which may be wholly barren for the student of the past if he 
be forbidden to use tradition for a guide, even where there is 
no other. Tradition, I would suggest, is itself a fact, though 
one that needs to be approached with caution. Mr. Round 
will have none of it. He has nothing but contempt for those 
who pay any attention to this class of fact, unless it be to 
replenish their armoury of ridicule and invective : that is to 
pour new wine into old bottles, and so forth. He even pre- 
fers, it would seem, the guidance of pure conjecture. 

My ' reverence for tradition ' amounts to this, that I have 
ventured to select one tradition among many, and commend 
it to respectful consideration, not for its venerable antiquity, 
but because it appears to me to harmonize with known facts. 
Other families cherish a tradition of Saxon origin for which 
no basis can be shown. Granted : but in 1212 and earlier 
this family held a manor in thanage in a Hundred where a 
number of King Edward's thanes had apparently been left 
in undisturbed possession. 1 Here surely is a prima facie case 
for the tradition ; and more than that I do not claim. 

To rebut this, Mr. Round has two arguments. First, he 

1 This theory, I gather, Mr. Round does not dispute. 


points to two cases l in which King John (before his acces- 
sion) granted lands in the same Hundred to be held by this 
tenure, and sets up a hypothesis that ' rather earlier,' but ' not 
earlier than the middle of the twelfth century,' there had been 
a similar grant of Trafford to ' a man of foreign blood.' Here, 
then, we are in a realm of pure conjecture. Is it even plaus- 
ible conjecture ? Were our earliest kings in the habit of 
granting lands on these terms ? By King John's time a tenure 
which had persisted since the conquest may well have become 
stereotyped by use, while any policy tending to widen the 
area of knight service may have grown obsolete. Yet even 
then grants in thanage are surely uncommon enough to be 
worth noting. As the date recedes, with every decade, I 
submit, such a grant from the Crown becomes more and more 
improbable ; a century earlier it would be scarcely credible. 

Though the pedigree from Randolf is not in dispute, Mr. 
Round observes, truly enough, that Robert is the first who is 
proved lord of Trafford ; nor can we -prove that he died much 
before 1205. Indeed we have no root of title in Trafford at 
all. But though proof be wanting, it seems to me at any rate 
probable that Ralph was lord before the date of the deed No. i. 
I have already briefly remarked upon the form of that docu- 
ment. It may or may not imply a previous dispute, possibly 
one of long standing ; but whether or no, who so likely as the 
lord of Trafford to be one of the parties, the other being that 
post-Domesday intruder the lord of the adjoining manor of 
Stretford ? If my reading of the deed is reasonable, the 
ownership of Trafford is carried back a good way into the 
twelfth century, while the probability of Mr. Round's pre- 
sumed grant grows less and less. The absence of any charter 
of Trafford, where other deeds have been so carefully guarded, 
is itself some argument for immemorial possession. 

Secondly, Mr. Round objects that the name Randolf is 
distinctively French. That it was ' unknown ' in England 
before the Conquest, merely because it is not found in Domes- 
day among the tenants of King Edward's time there men- 
tioned, seems rather a bold assumption. 3 However, we may 

1 With one of them I supplied him. Ancestor, ix. 79, iv. 209. 

* To write ' that pretended Englishman with the very French name Renouf 
(Ranulfhus) ' is an ingenious way of begging the question. That a name has a 
French equivalent proves nothing. By parity of reasoning one might pour 
scorn upon that pretended Englishman with the very French name Auveray 



accept his statement that it was common after the Conquest 
though not found before, and let that pass. But to assume 
further that a man born in the second half of the century 
could not be of English parentage if he bore a foreign name 
is surely to press the matter too far. I freely admit that the 
name does affect the probabilities of the case ; but should 
not myself go so far as to say that it ' creates the strongest 
presumption ' still less that it justifies the expression ' shat- 
tered by Domesday Book.' 

There the question must rest, for by the circumstances of 
the case there can be no proof one way or the other. Mr. 
Round thinks I make too much of the thanage tenure, in con- 
junction with the suggestions of those early deeds : I think 
he regards that too lightly, and places undue stress upon his 
argument from the name. For such legitimate differences of 
opinion there is, I submit, ample room ; for arrogant dogma- 
tism none whatever. 

Lastly, with regard to the legend of the thresher, I confess 
I do not here rate Mr. Round's judgment very high. One 
has met with worthy people to whom any work of fiction was 
ex hypotbesi a pack of lies, and therefore taboo. A note of 
kindred fanaticism is perceptible in Mr. Round. That legend 
and tradition are as a red rag to him (I had almost written a 
Red Book) need cause no surprise. Are they not pitfalls for 
the unwary, snares for the student of history, false lights that 
have led many astray ? Moreover, several of his remarks, 
those concerning the flail for example, betray an astonishing 
(yet perhaps characteristic) lack of humour. 

I have missed the point of this story, he considers. Well, 
my complaint was that Mr. Agarde had missed the point, or 
rather that his version disclosed no point whatever. In a 
conflict between a strong man and a weak, suppose the weaker 
has recourse to disguise and is detected, what then ? Why 
should the incident, if it ended there, become permanently 
imbedded in local memory, or be cherished with pride by the 
man's descendants ?* To strike the popular imagination, it 
must be that the disguise was part of some ruse de guerre, an 
ingenious stratagem whereby the weak managed to get the 
better of the strong, and that in a cause which appealed to 

1 Where the mighty are picturesquely brought low, like King Charles 
after Worcester (an unfortunate parallel for Mr. Round to suggest), that is of 
course another matter. 


many sympathies, such as a class conflict, or a race conflict, 
and not in a mere private quarrel. 

Once more I must disclaim all championship of legend in 
general : I have nothing to do with Bulstrode's bull, the 
Stourton giant and the like. This legend contains no element 
of the marvellous or the grotesque : it simply postulates a 
struggle in which, by resolution and cunning, the weaker party 
contrived to hold his own. I cannot forget that it has been 
popularly affixed to the man, whether Saxon or not, whose 
small thanage manor was sandwiched between the barony of 
Manchester and the post-Domesday encroachments of an- 
other Norman baron. The hint of variance possibly conveyed 
by our earliest record is thus hardly needed to give legend for 
once an appearance of verisimilitude. If it was not true, it is 
exceedingly ben trovato. 

For the rest, the difference between Mr. Round and my- 
self is mainly one of tone and temper. He has a mission, it 
seems, to confound the heathen and rebuke the backslidings 
of his people. He is a voice crying in the wilderness : How 
long shall Burke continue in iniquity ? In such a case remon- 
strance is no doubt thrown away, or one might ask whether, 
after all, the clamorous method is the most effective. For a 
quarter of a century or so he has lifted up his voice, yet the 
editor of that standard publication remains serene in his sins, 
conscious perhaps that subscribers have not fallen away. Is 
it not time that saner councils prevailed ? There may be 
occasions that call for strong language, but (like all strong mea- 
sures) it must be used sparingly and with discrimination, or 
it will fail of its effect. Strange that so acute and able a man 
has never discovered this truth, nor the persuasive value of 
sweet reasonableness. 

W. H. B. BIRD. 


I AM happy to find myself at the outset in agreement with 
Mr. Bird ; the difference between my article and his ' is 
mainly one of tone and temper.' Those who read his angry 
outburst will doubtless draw their own conclusions. 

My original position remains, it will be seen, unshaken ; 
Mr. Bird, in spite of his vehemence, does not even venture to 
question it. What I wrote on the Trafford pedigree was 
this : 

The World . . . asserts that ' Randolph, Lord of Trafford, was the patriarch 
of the family, which for nearly nine centuries after him has produced an unin- 
terrupted line of heirs male. The first recorded Trafford lived in the reigns of 
King Canute and Edward the Confessor, 1 being succeeded by his son Ralph,' etc. 
This grotesquely impossible tale is duly found in Burke' 's Peerage, although it is 
shattered by Domesday Book. 3 

This is the ' grotesquely impossible tale ' (sic) that I ' de- 
nounced at sight in no measured terms,' and that Mr. Bird, 
it will be seen, does not venture to defend. Far from trying 
to ' make out ' that my words ' had but a limited application,' 
I most emphatically repeat that the tale as it stands is ' gro- 
tesquely impossible,' for the excellent reason that Renouf 
(Ranulfus) is not an English name. Readers of ' What is 
Believed ' will have learnt from many a paragraph (not from 
my pen) how pedigrees deserve but ' Jedburgh justice ' as 
Mr. Bird puts it when they make our English forefathers 
born before the Conquest masquerade in foreign names. 

Mr. Bird grudgingly accepts my statement that Randolf 
is a name not found before the Norman Conquest, but accuses 
me of ingeniously ' begging the question ' by pronouncing it 
foreign. Readers of the Ancestor, therefore, may be in- 
terested in the following expert remarks on the name by the 
acknowledged authority on the subject, Mr. W. H. Stevenson, 
Fellow of St. John's, Oxford, which I have his permission to 
publish : 

The name Randolph occurs, in the form Randulf, as the name of a moneyer 
of|King Edmund. This is the only instance of the use of this name before the 

1 This is how the ' nearly nine centuries ' back (from 1900) are reckoned. 

2 Peerage Studies, p. x. 


coming of the Normans in the days of Edward the Confessor and William the 
Conqueror. The list of tenth and eleventh century moneyers yields many 
foreign personal names, principally Frankish, and there can be little doubt that 
Edmund's moneyer was a Frank. His name, at all events, is not an Old-English 
one, whereas it was a very favourite and, one might say, characteristic, Frankish 
name. From the Franks the Normans, after giving up most of their native 
Scandinavian personal names, borrowed this name. It would be impertinence 
on my part to dilate upon its wide currency among them in a letter addressed 
to one who has so deep a knowledge of Norman matters as you have. The 
reasons for saying that it is not a possible Old-English personal name are, apart 
from its non-appearance in the recorded names, that it is a contracted form of a 
name that would appear in Old High German (which, for our purpose, maybe 
taken as Old Frankish) as Hraban-wolf, the Old-English representative of which 
would be *Hrzfen-wulf, a name that is entirely unknown and that is improbable 
from the fact that ' raven ' was not one of the common nouns used by the 
English in forming compound personal names. The Frankish name appears in 
the chronicler Fredegar (seventh century) as Chramnolf ; in Hincmar of 
Rheims in the ninth century as Ramnulf. The corresponding assimilation in 
Old English produced hremm from Hrtefen, which is another proof of the philo- 
logical impossibility of Rannulf being an Old English name. This Frankish 
Ramnulf naturally became assimilated to Rannulf, and the name then became 
confused with Randulf, which is from an Old Frankish Rand-wolf, or it developed 
in French mouths a d between the n and the , or had the d introduced by 
analogy with Radulf. The history is not clear, but, as you no doubt know 
better than I do, Ranulf and Randolph are applied to one and the same person 
almost indifferently, and there is even confusion with Radulf in the case of 
Flambard. Rand-wolf, I may say, has no representative in Old-English, in which 
names compounded with Rand are as foreign as those compounded with Hraefen. 
The Old English name corresponding to Radulf was Raedwulf, but this name, 
which would have produced Redwulf, not Radulf, was very little used and seems 
to have been confined to the Northumbrians only. On philological grounds 
alone I should say that a Ralph son of Randle or Randulf before the coming of 
the Normans is highly improbable, and that an Englishman bearing either name 
before that event is a sheer impossibility. 

It is amusing enough to compare this verdict with the 
artless efforts at philology in Mr. Bird's footnote. 

Now this Trafford ' tale ' has a particularly bad pre- 
eminence even among other claims to Old-English ancestors ; 
bad, because of the precision with which the tale is told, and 
bad because it is not only repeated year by year in Burke's 
Peerage, but has now actually found its way into a History of 
Stretford Chapel, published by the Chetham Society (1903), 
where our friend Randle,' temp. Canute ' again lifts his head ! ' 
I must, therefore, once more denounce it ' in no measured 

1 See the current English Historical Review (Oct. 1904), six. 827, where the 
reviewer naturally calls attention to the fact. 


terms,' and I can only regret that Mr. Bird, who does not dare 
to defend it, endeavours to convey by his opening words the 
impression that this denunciation has no justification, and that 
I have hastily condemned what is valid and true.'. 

Mr. Bird's own version of the Trafford pedigree was 
unheard of till he advanced it. It begins only after the 
Conquest, and I said of it at once in the Ancestor, with perfect 
frankness, that ' I have no wish to question it,' and ' there is 
obviously nothing "impossible," still less "grotesquely impos- 
sible " in ' his post-Conquest Randolph. It is difficult, there- 
fore, to understand the somewhat neurotic bombardment of 
which I am the subject, unless it is due to Mr. Bird's annoyance 
at having to admit that no Randolf can have been born in 
England before the Conquest, and having further to admit 
that ' Mr. Round observes, truly enough, that Robert is the 
first who is proved lord of Trafford ; nor can we prove that he 
died much before 1205.' 

Just so. Everything before that is speculation, for Mr. 
Bird cannot be allowed to select one ' tradition ' and reject 
others as worthless. He here confuses the issue. Either 
' tradition ' is of value as evidence per se, or it is not. All 
family traditions, as such, rest on a similar footing ; we must 
not pick and choose to suit our own convenience. 

Nevertheless, if Mr. Bird will but do me the honour of 
reading that article of mine with common care, he will find 
that we are much less far apart than he imagines and represents. 
The origin of the connexion of the family with Trafford is a 
question of probabilities. I have given my reasons on p. 80 
for deeming it ' most improbable ' that, even after the Con- 
quest, an English family ' would have adopted so early as the 
eleventh century so foreign a name as Ranulf.' But I have 
not said that such a supposition is ' shattered by Domesday 
Book,' an expression which I only apply to the pre-Conquest 
1 tale.' Indeed, so far from being guilty of ' arrogant dog- 
matism ' on this point, I went on to observe : 

The clue, it may be said, is slight ; but it is all the evidence that we have. 1 

My definite conclusion at the close of my article was that 
' Trafford was probably (sic) granted to a man of foreign blood,' 
etc. 1 Am I or am I not guilty of ' arrogant dogmatism ' ? 

1 Ancestor, No. 10, p. 80. 


Mr. Bird, on the other hand, thinks it probable that 
Trafford belonged to the existing family even before the Con- 
quest. But of this he admits that, as I urged, there is and can 
be ' no proof.' l And the onus probandi rests, I must remind 
him, with those who claim an exception to the normal results 
of the Conquest. As ' What is Believed ' * reminds us, that 
claim is now being made for quite a number of families, and 
has received at the editor's hands ' Jedburgh justice.' That is 
why one must insist upon the point that the Traffords also, 
admittedly, cannot make it good. 

' With regard to the legend of the thresher,' my readers 
will doubtless remember that it belongs to the same class as 
those connected with the well-known crests of Hamilton and 
of Hay. With strange ' fanaticism ' (as Mr. Bird puts it) 
antiquaries have long discarded them ; but they still linger, I 
admit, in the pages of popular magazines. The Trafford 
motto of ' Now thus ' is closely akin, it may be interesting to 
note, to that on Sir William Tyler's ' standard ' tem-p. Hen. 
VIII., viz., ' Nowe it is thus.' One cannot well say which is 
the earlier in origin ; for, as those who are familiar with the 
subject know, mottoes are less ancient than they seem, and 
those for instance in Norman French in no way prove the 
' Norman French ' origin of those who use them. 

I need but say a few words on Mr. Bird's personal 
attack. To that attack, if it needed a reply, the best reply 
would be found in the letters I receive from readers of my 
papers, many of them personally unknown to me, some of them 
in distant lands. Remembering that, as Lord Beaconsfield 
observed, the critical investigation of pedigrees does not tend 
to popularity, while, as Mr. Bird unguardedly reminds us, 
spurious genealogies bring prosperity, I have often been sur- 
prised that my sturdy denunciation of their wilful and per- 
sistent repetition should have met with such widespread ap- 
proval. It is something, after all, to have earned the praise 
of those whose names are more widely known and whose 
authority carries even greater weight than that of the critic 
whom it annoys. 


' Ancestor, No. 10, p. 82. 

1 See Ancestor, No. n, p. 177, and 'What is believed 1 in the current 


terms,' and I can only regret that Mr. Bird, who does not dare 
to defend it, endeavours to convey by his opening words the 
impression that this denunciation has no justification, and that 
I have hastily condemned what is valid and true. 

Mr. Bird's own version of the Trafford pedigree was 
unheard of till he advanced it. It begins only after the 
Conquest, and I said of it at once in the Ancestor, with perfect 
frankness, that ' I have no wish to question it,' and ' there is 
obviously nothing " impossible," still less " grotesquely impos- 
sible " in ' his post-Conquest Randolph. It is difficult, there- 
fore, to understand the somewhat neurotic bombardment of 
which I am the subject, unless it is due to Mr. Bird's annoyance 
at having to admit that no Randolf can have been born in 
England before the Conquest, and having further to admit 
that ' Mr. Round observes, truly enough, that Robert is the 
first who is proved lord of Trafford ; nor can we prove that he 
died much before 1205.' 

Just so. Everything before that is speculation, for Mr. 
Bird cannot be allowed to select one 'tradition' and reject 
others as worthless. He here confuses the issue. Either 
' tradition ' is of value as evidence per se, or it is not. All 
family traditions, as such, rest on a similar footing ; we must 
not pick and choose to suit our own convenience. 

Nevertheless, if Mr. Bird will but do me the honour of 
reading that article of mine with common care, he will find 
that we are much less far apart than he imagines and represents. 
The origin of the connexion of the family with Trafford is a 
question of probabilities. I have given my reasons on p. 80 
for deeming it ' most improbable ' that, even after the Con- 
quest, an English family ' would have adopted so early as the 
eleventh century so foreign a name as Ranulf.' But I have 
not said that such a supposition is ' shattered by Domesday 
Book,' an expression which I only apply to the ^-Conquest 
' tale.' Indeed, so far from being guilty of ' arrogant dog- 
matism ' on this point, I went on to observe : 

The clue, it may be said, is slight ; but it is all the evidence that we have. 1 

My definite conclusion at the close of my article was that 
' Trafford was probably (sic) granted to a man of foreign blood,' 
etc. 1 Am I or am I not guilty of ' arrogant dogmatism ' ? 

1 Ancestor, No. 10, p. 80. 


Mr. Bird, on the other hand, thinks it probable that 
Trafford belonged to the existing family even before the Con- 
quest. But of this he admits that, as I urged, there is and can 
be ' no proof.' l And the onus probandi rests, I must remind 
him, with those who claim an exception to the normal results 
of the Conquest. As ' What is Believed ' * reminds us, that 
claim is now being made for quite a number of families, and 
has received at the editor's hands ' Jedburgh justice.' That is 
why one must insist upon the point that the Traffords also, 
admittedly, cannot make it goc 

' With regard to the legend of the thresher,' my readers 
will doubtless remember that it belongs to the same class as 
those connected with the well-known crests of Hamilton and 
of Hay. With strange ' fanaticism ' (as Mr. Bird puts it) 
antiquaries have long discarded them ; but they still linger, I 
admit, in the pages of popular magazines. The Trafford 
motto of ' Now thus ' is closely akin, it may be interesting to 
note, to that on Sir William Tyler's ' standard ' temp. Hen. 
VIII., viz., ' Nowe it is thus.' One cannot well say which is 
the earlier in origin ; for, as those who are familiar with the 
subject know, mottoes are less ancient than they seem, and 
those for instance in Norman French in no way prove the 
' Norman French ' origin of those who use them. 

I need but say a few words on Mr. Bird's personal 
attack. To that attack, if it needed a reply, the best reply 
would be found in the letters I receive from readers of my 
papers, many of them personally unknown to me, some of them 
in distant lands. Remembering that, as Lord Beaconsfield 
observed, the critical investigation of pedigrees does not tend 
to popularity, while, as Mr. Bird unguardedly reminds us, 
spurious genealogies bring prosperity, I have often been sur- 
prised that my sturdy denunciation of their wilful and per- 
sistent repetition should have met with such widespread ap- 
proval. It is something, after all, to have earned the praise 
of those whose names are more widely known and whose 
authority carries even greater weight than that of the critic 
whom it annoys. 


i Ancestor, No. 10, p. 82. 

See Ancestor, No. II, p. 177, and 'What is believed' in the current 



g. Bill (13 June 1631) of Henry Mathewes of Barkeswell, co. Warwick, 
gent., and Mary his wife. 

Answer (29 Sept. 1631) of Thomas Good, esquire. 

Concerning a lease of lands in Bedmarlowe Debitat, co. Wore. 

George Mathewes 

Henry Mathewes of Mary Good, Thomas Good, three younger 

Thomas Good of Cliffords = Mary ? 
Inn, gent., made a will in 
Sept. i S97 

Barkeswell, gent. 


marr. between esquire 
30 Sept. 1607 and 
1 1 Jan. 1 6o 



Bill (2 June 1641) of John Musgrave of Thirmby Grange, co. West 
morland, gent., son of John Musgrave of Catterlen, gent., deceased. 
Answer (8 June 1641) of Isabel Vaux, wife of John Vaux. 
Plea (n Nov. 1641) of John Vaux, gent. 

Concerning the estate of John Musgrave, deceased. 

Rowland Vaux, who made 
a settlement of his lands 
20 June, 19 Eliza. 

William Vaux, eldest son 

John Musgrave of Catterlen, = Isabel, now living = John Vaux of Catterlen, gent., 

gent., who died in Sept. 1607. 
A kinsman of Sir Richard 
Musgrave, K.B., deed. He 
is said to have been 
attainted for a felony shortly 
before his death 

apart from her 

1 I 




William Thomas 

Richard Anne Frances, 




jrave Musgrave, 


died about 



died about 

died about 

five years 



five years 

five years 









married three years after the 
death of John Musgrave 

Musgrave of 
Thirmby Grange, gent., 
ior. of his brother 
mas and sister 



j. Bill (23 Nov. 1641) of Henry Million the elder of Coventry, alderman, 
and Henry Million his son, of Gillmorton, co. Leic., clerk. 
Answer (2 Dec. 1641) of Roger Mynde, a defendant. 

Concerning the advowson of Gillmorton, which John Wale of Walford, 
gent., conveyed to John Woodcock, citizen and bricklayer of London, 
and which the elder compt. purchased of Randolph Woodcock. 



i Woodcock, 
citizen and bricklayer 
of London 

Randolph Woodcock 

Roger Mynde = Margaret, 
dau. and 

rgaret, John 


Roger Mynde, 
a defendant 

Woodcock, Thomas Woodcock, Randolph 
son and heir, a defendant Woodcock, 

a defendant a defendant 


- Bill (5 July 1641) of Nathaniel Mundy of Hatherdine in Andover, 

Answer (16 Oct. 1641) of John Sewell, clerk, a defendant with John Mundy. 
Concerning a settlement of land which was to have been made about 
October 15 Car. I. on compt.'s marriage. There was a dispute concern- 
ing the settlement, and Elizabeth Sewell left her father's house for the 
compt. Mrs. Anne Browne persuaded the deft. Sewell to marry the 
couple rather than that they should be suffered ' soe loosly to wander 
and ramble together about the countrey.' 

John Mundy of 

John Sewell of = . 


Millitis, clerk 

sister of 
Mrs. Anne 

Nathaniel Mundy = Elizabeth Sewell 
a child 




M s l j. Bill (9 June 1641) of Thomas Martin the younger of Totnes, co. 
Devon, merchant, and Margery his wife, and Laurence Adams the younger of 
Totnes, merchant, and Margaret his wife, compts. against John Lynn, Philip 
Holdich and Richard Martin. 

Richard Lee of Totnes, = {Catherine, 

merchant, made a will relict, 
24 April 1619, and about 
died 18 June 1620 

made a will 
2 Feb. 1620. 

Christopher Lee of Richard Lee of = 
Totnes, merchant, Totnes, merchant, 
eldest son, exor. of made a will 2 Aug. 

= Christian, 
now relict 
of. . . 

Margery Lee, 
wife of Thomas 
Martin the 

Margaret Lee, 
wife of 

father's will. Made 1627 and died 8 
a will 13 July 1623 Aug. 1627 
and died 12 Sept. 

Peter of 

2 Feb. 1623. 

Adams the 
married 10 
Feb. 162-; 

Katherine Lee, Christian Lee 
widow of 

Luscombe (a 
kinsman of 

Henry Luscombe 
of Luscombe, esquire) 


Bill (16 Feb. ifSfg) of Thomas Mercer of London, salter. 
Answer (3 March l6|) of Anne Saunders, widow. 

Concerning certain messuages, copyhold of Richmond manor. 

Elizabeth Baker, widow, 
copyholder in the manor of 
Richmond alias Westsheene, 
co. Surrey 

Thomas Mercer = 
of London, deed. 

Thomas Mercer, 

relict of . 


other issue 




M jV. Bill (27 June 163 1) of Thomas Marsh of Craford, co. Dorset, yeoman, 
and Rebecca his wife. 

Answer (24 Sept. 1631) of Nicholas Lovell, gent., and Rebecca his wife, and 
of Thomas Dewye and Anne his wife. 

Concerning the portions of the defendants Rebecca and Anne. 




John Lockett = Rebecca, = Thomas Marsh, Ja'mes Dewye, 

of Craford, adi 

nix. of married June 161 1. gent. 

died 25 years Jol 

n Lockett He had no estate 

since, intestate 

before marriage 



Mary An 

ne, wife Joane 

Martha Rebecca, 


of Thomas 

a posthumous 

only son 


child, wife 

born in 

of Nicholas 


Lovell, gent., 

1598, aged 

married four 

near 8 years 

years since 

at her 



married 4 

years since 



. Bill ( ) of George Maye of London, gent., and Su;an his wife 

Answer (9 July 1646) of Francis Walsted, esquire, and Thomas Wagst affe 

Concerning the settlement made upon the compt. Susan by Richard 
Gwynne of Clewer, who by indenture dated 13 April 1635 made be- 
tween the said Richard Gwynn and Francis Walsted of the Middle 
Temple, esquire, and Thomas Wagstaffe of London, grocer, settled a 
mansion house called the Chantry House of the Blessed Virgin Mary in 
Clewer, wherein he dwelt, with certain other houses and lands to the use 
of himself and his wife Susan for their lives, with remr. to their daughter 
Susan Gwynn. He made a will 17 May 1638, which was proved by his 
daughter Susan, then widow of John Wagstaffe, esquire. 

[The Visitation of London in 1634 describes Emme Gwynn, the eldest 
daughter, as wife of John Wagstaffe.] 

Richard Gwynn of Clewer, 
co. Berks, gent., who made 
a will 17 May, 1638. 
His wife was Susan [dau. 
of James Talke of 

William Gwynn, Emme Gwynn, Blanche Gwynn, Susan Gwynn, 

esquire, one of wife of Thomas wife of John wife of (i.) John 

the auditors of Bludder, Finch WagstafFe of the 

the king's apothecary Middle Temple, esquire, 

revenues and (ii) of George 

Maye of London, gent. 



232. PYNSON OF MEDYLSEX beryth to his crest a demy heron gold vollant 
the wynges and beke sable holdyng a branche of pynne apple tre vert the apples 
gold in a wreth gold and geules manteled sable doubled silver. Par C. B. Gar . 

233. SPENCER OF that beryth two owndes ermyns beryth to his crest 
two dragons the oone silver the other geules their neckes wrythed together 
havyng the oone the other by the mouth standyng close on a wreth or s. g. ar. 

234. SPURCOK Beryth to his crest a cocke silver membryd geules standyng in 
a wreth silver and vert manteled asur d. ar. 

235. WENLOKE OF WENLOCK IN SHROPSHIRE beryth to his crest a gryffon 
gold standing on a wreth or b. g. a. 

236. WYGSTEN OF beryth to his crest a lynx hed razed geules and asur 
par pal droupe gold iu a wreth silver and sable manteled sable doubled ar. 

THE vii j lh beryth to his crest an egles hede coppe silver and asur betwene two 
wynges conterchanged on every wyng thre droupes counter couloured in a 
wreth or s. g. a. 

238. SATINA PASTROVICHIO VENISIAN beryth to his crest a lyons hede razed 
gold langued geules on his necke a fece ermyn in a wreth or b. manteled s. d. ar. 
Per C. B. 1528, 1 2th day Marche. 

beryth to his crest an arme in pal garnesched bende of foure peces silver and 
sable the hand charnu holdyng up right a handful] of rye gold the arme in pal 
standyng in a wreth or g. g. ar. Per C. Benolt the 22 daye of Marche a 1528 

240. COUPLAND OF LONDON MARCHANT TAYLOUR beryth to his crest a horsse 
hede coppe gold brydeled geules betwene two branches of hauthorne vert the 
fiowres silver standing in a wreth gold and asur ma. b. d. ar. Per C. Be. 15 day 
of Aprils 1 528 H ci 8 vi 20. 

241. HAWARD DUKE OF NORFOLK crest for HAWARD two wynges geules in 
pall on eche of theym the armes of Haward in a crowne gold manteled g. d. ar . 

242. DAWBENEY CHAMBERLAYN w* H. vij th beryth to his crest a tree of holly 
wert the berrys geules standing in a wreth ar. g. g. ar. 


243. LARDER beryth to his crest an olyphauntes hed sable armed and crowned 
gold in a wreth or g. s. ar. 

244. LESQUET beryth to his crest a castel silver standing on a wreth silver 
b. g. ar. 

245. TUNSTAL beryth to his crest a cocke geules standing on a wreth ar. sable 
sable ar. 

246. HEYFORD NUPER MAIOR LONDON beryth to his crest a harte geules 
armed gold standyng on a wreth silver and sable m. s. dou. ar. 

247. COPWODE OF TATRYGE IN HERTFORDSHIRE beryth to his crest an egle 
vert standing on a wreth or asur manteled sable doubled ar. 

248. BLAGCE OF DERTFORD IN KENT beryth to his crest a hede fro the shul- 
ders face and necke silver long here and berde sable a sowdains hatte gold lyned 
ermyns the beeke bacward his appareyl geules bound about the coller gold stand- 
ing in a wreth gold and sable manteled geules doubled silver. 

249. FESANT OF SUTHEREY beryth to his crest a fesant in his coullours hold- 
yng a braunce of roses geules in her beke the stalke and leves vert standyng in 
a wreth gold b. g. ar. 

250. CROMER OF YARMOUTH beryth to his crest a crowe sable in a wreth 
silver and geules manteled b. doubled ar. 

251. CURTEYS OF LONDON beryth to his crest an armytes hed from the shul- 
ders with long here and berd and a brode hatte sable about the smalle of the 
hatte a bande golde at every ende of hit a buttun geules his appareil asur 
bound a bout the coller gold on a wreth gold and geules manteled b. d. ar. 

252. MOL OF CODSALLE IN STAFFORDSHIRE beryth to his crest a bludhounde 
is hede party par pal geules and sable eeryd ermyns langued asur dented silver 
i n a wreth silver and sable m. g. ar. 

crest a fleurdelys party par pal gold and silver in a wreth geules and silver m. 
b. d. ar. 


255. PEKHAM OF LONDON beryth a lepardes hede sable percyd with thre cros- 
crosselettes fiches silver eryd and lampassed gold on a wreth ar. s. m. g. ar. 

256. LANGRICH OF LONDON beryth to his" crest a dragon clos wynged vert 
with a hede at her tayle standing in a wreth silver and sable m. g. ar. 

257. MATTOK OF HICHIN IN HERFORDSHIRE beryth to his crest a bere syttyng 
party par fece sable and silver moseled gold in a wreth ermyns manteled asur 
d. ar. 


258. HOCAN DRAPER OF LONDON beryth to his crest a fleurdelys party par 
pal gold and asur in a wreth gold g. b. ar. 

259. GRENE OF ESSEX TAYLOUR OF LONDON beryth to his crest a lyon scant 
the tayle cowart the fore part of the lyon silver the hynder part sable. 

260. RIDEEN OF EXCITER IN DEVON beryth to his crest a demy griffon ram- 
pant and volant party par pal silver and geules standing in a crowne gold man- 
teled asur doubled gold. 

261. SCHAA OF LANCASHIRE COLDSMYTH OF LONDON beryth to his crest a shef 
of arrowes gold fethered silver a gyrdel geules bouckle and pendant gold in 
a wreth ar. s. or ar. 

262. ASLYN or ASKIN beryth to his crest a demy asse rampant asur in a wreth 
or b. manteled s. or. 

263. HOWARD OF DERBYSHIRE beryth to his crest a chamber of a gownne 
sable fyryng with a tampon geules leyng on wreth or g. m. b. ar. 

264. RYS OF ESSEX DRAPER OF LONDON beryth to his crest a hede geules 
armed gold in a wreth or. b. g. ar. 

265. KEBEL OF LONDON beryth to his crest vj bylles the blades silver the 
haftes sable in a crowne geules m. sa. d. or. 

266. LYMINGTHON OF LEYCESTERSHIRE beryth to his crest a swannes hed 
silver owt of the necke v. taselles of pecokfethers gold on a wreth a. g. g. ar. 

267. SPENCER OF beryth to his crest a hethe cock in his coulour 
sable in a wreth ar. b. b. ar. 

268. COOPE OF ESSEX beryth to his crest a demy fleurdelys gold and silver 
party par fece a dragons hede geules issant owt of the myddel leffe langued silver 
in a wreth ar. vert. v. ar. 

269. WYLSHIRE OF STONE IN KENT beryth to his crest an egles legge the 
fethers stycking owt sable the foote dounward in a wreth or and geules manteled 
b. doubled argent. 

270. RAWSON OF CASTELFORD beryth to his crest an egles hed rased sable 
droppe a ring in his mouth hangyng gold w. ar. g. s. ar. 

271. ROBERTES beryth to his crest a greyhound syttyng silver in a wreth sable 
and silver m. sable doubled ar. 

272. HEDE beryth to his crest an unicornes hed silver in a wreth or and 
silver manteled sable doubled ar. 

273. GOODYER OF MYDELSEX beryth to his crest a pertryche in her coulJours 
holdyng an eere of whete in her mouth gold standing in a wreth a. b. ma. g. ar. 


274. GOODYER OF OXFORD SHIRE beryth to his crest a bryd rising gold 
syttyng in a wreth gold and asur manteled asur d. or. 

275. STEDE OF LONDON SQWYER beryth to his crest an unicornes hede silver 
armed gold in a wreth or ar. manteled sable replenyshed w 1 croscrosseletes or 
doubled silver. 

276. CHAMPENEY OF DEVON SQUYER beryth to his crest a demy moryan 
from the wast upward clothed w' strayt sieves gold gyrther geules holdyng a 
ring in his hande and oone hangyng by his ere gold in eche a ruby havyng a 
copped towell about his hed and hangyng downe silver in a wreth b. ar. the 
mantel silver replenyshed with roses geules budded gold doubled geules. 

277. CURTEYS OF LINCOLN beryth to his crest a rammes hede gold armed 
geules in a wreth gold and asur the mantell pale gold and asur doubled purple. 

278. POWER OF BUKKYNGHAMSHIRE beryth to his crest a hartes hede sable 
armed gold in wr. ar. g. g. ar. 

279. ALWEN OF DEVON beryth to his crest a demy lyon sable rampant fretted 
gold in a wr. or b. m. or d. b. 

280. GYGGES OF SUFFOLK SQWYER beryth to his crest a lyon with two taylles 
able standyng w' his foure fete in a wreth or b. s. ar. 

281. LACY OF LINCOLN beryth to his crest a demy lyon geules rampant 
armed langued asur in a wreth or b. g. ar. 

282. HARDING OF LONDON beryth to his crest a byrde rising w' thewynges 
gold sytting in a w. or b. b. ar. 

283. WRYTH OF WILTES ALIAS GARTER KING OF ARMES beryth to his crest a 
dove close silver membred geules crowned gold standyng in a wreth or b. b. ar. 

284. HOLME OF LANC' beryth to his crest a lyons hede cloose mouthed gold 
a sowdens hatte asur lynyd ermyns the beke foreward in a wreth silver and asur 
manteled asur doubled silver. 

285. COPILDIKE OF KENT beryth to his crest a Katherin whele betwene two 
swordes in pal the pointz upwardes silver the haftes pomel and crosse of the 
whele standing in a wreth gold and asur manteled asur doubled silver. 

286. KEN EOF beryth to his crest a sheffe of arrowes silver a gyrdel 
sable in a wreth b. ar. b. ar. 

287. HOLME OF YORKSHIRE beryth to his crest a hertes hede in his coullours 
armed gold in a wreth ar. g. g. or. 

288. CLARELL beryth to his crest a gotes hed silver armed gold in a wreth 
silver and geules m. g. d. ar. 


289. MORTON OF LONDON beryth to his crest a gotes hed silrer armed of the 
same in a w. ar. g. g. ar. 

290. SPALDTNC beryth to hit crest an olyphantes hede gold armed silver 
crowned asur in a wreth or b. b. ar. 

291. HORWOD OF HUNTINGDONSHIRE beryth to his crest a roten stocke hory 
in his coullours in a wreth or s. s. ar. 

292. TYCHEWEIL beryth to his crest a tygre silver loking backe under his 
hynder legges in a loking glasse gold in a wreth g. ar. manteled asur besante 
lyned silver. 

293. BARNARD OF HAMPSHIRE beryth to his crest a madyns hed w 1 a baw- 
dryke gold abowt her necke a rowle and her appareil geules on the sayd rolle 
on her hede a feder here silver w. or s. s. ar. 

294. CRAFFORD beryth to his crest a gryffons hede betwene two wynge* 
silver in a wrethe or b. m. v. d. ar. 

295. UPHOLDESTERS OF LONDON to their crest a pavylyon asur lynyd ermyns 
the pole and pomels gold in a wreth b. or manteled b. ar. 

296. DRAYTON OF LONDON beryth to his crest an egles legge the foote down- 
ward asur in a wreth gold and asur ma. g. d. ar. 

297. BOND OF COVENTRY beryth to his crest a heth cockes hede asur holding 
an eerey of corne in her mouth gold betwene two wynges and the barbes under 
her beke gold both hed and wynges bezanted in a wreth ar. b. g. ar. Par C. B. 
and G. Wr. 

298. SHERLEY COFERER TO KING H. viij* beryth to his crest a bludhoundes 
hede silver eeryd sable havyng a bolt in his mouth in bend geules the fethers 
upward in a wreth ar. v. g. ar. Par C. B. and G. Wr. 

299. VIDEPOL OF LONDON beryth to his crest a demy catte rampant party 
par pal gold and geules goute center couloured in a wreth ar. s. g. a. Par. C. 
Be. and G. Wr. 

300. THORN OF beryth to his crest on a hawkes hede gold a lozenge 
geules havyng in her mouth a branche of hawthorn vert the leves the floures 
silver in a wreth silver and sable manteled geules doubled silver. Par Cla. Be. 
and Wryth Gart. 

301. STALWOURTH OF LONDON DRAPER beryth to his crest a hawkes hede 
asur holdyng a branche of marygoldes stalke and leves vert flowres all cloe gold 
in a wret a. s. g. a. Per C. B. G. W. 

302. JYKET OF MYDELSEX beryth to his crest a horse hed palle of TJ pece* 
wave ar. s. brydeled gold in a wreth a. v. g. a. Per C. B. G. W. 


303. BROWN OF LONDON THE KINGES PEYNTER H. vnj" 1 beryth to his crest 
a cranes hed asur beked geules holdyng a branche of acorne vert the acorne gold 
betwene two wynges gold on every wyng oone skalop and oone skalop on the 
necke conter couloured of those two in a wreth a. s. g. a. Per C. Benolt and 
Garta Wryth. 

304. YONG OF HOGGESTON beryth to his crest a gryffons hede rased gold 
and asur party par pall thre lozenges contercouloured ij j beked geules holding 
in hit a branche of oke vert the acorne or in a wreth ar. sable geules argent. 
Per C. B. G. W. 

305. FOWLER OF MADE KNYGHT BY beryth to his crest an 
owle silver with a crowne about her necke and membred gold in a wreth ar. b. 
g. a. Per Clarencieux Benolt Garter Wryth. 

306. LEE OF QUARINGDOUN beryth to his crest a hawke gold membred and 
the wynges geules close fedyng on an egles legge asur leyng a long the fleshe of 
the thygh seen geules in a wreth sylver and geules manteled geules doubled ar. 
Per C. B. G. W. 

307. CLERKE OF QUARINGDOUN beryth to his crest [a] larke vollant geules 
the wynges and a whete ere in pal in her mouth gold standing silver and sable 
mant. g. dou. ar. Per C. B. G. W. 

308. LORD OF LONDON beryth a demy egle vollant sable havyng rammes 
homes on her hede gold the wynges geules the inner partes silver in a wreth or 
and b. mant. g. d. ar. Per C. B. G. Wr. 

309. LUCAS OF SUFFOLK AUDITOUR beryth to his crest a wodwous arme silver 
flecked at the elbow holding a croscrosselet fiche geules on the arme v pellettes 
in sautoir on that in palle in a wreth or g. g. ar. Per C. B. G. Wryth. 

310. BRUN MAIOR OF LONDON H. VIIJTH beryth to his crest a crane goyng 
asur the wynges close two gemewes the one about his necke and the other hang- 
yng by hit gold membryd geules in a wr. ar. s. g. ar. 

311. CUSSUN OF LONDON beryth to his crest a conney sable standing up etyng 
couloumbyns spryng owt of a hylle wheron he standes verth the flowres asur 
on a wreth or b. g. ar. Per G. C. 

312. TATE OF beryth to his crest an right arme garnyshed party 
par pal geules and gold the ege next the hand asur engrayled fleeted at the elbow 
holdyng in the hand silver a handfull of dates stalked vert in a wreth gold and 
sable man. g. ar. 

313. EDEN OF BURY IN SUFFOLK beryth to his crest a demy lezard in his 
coulors holdyng in his pawes a busche of hawthorn vert floures argent in a wreth 
ar. g. g. ar. 

314. HALGH OF beryth to his crest a woulfes hede razed party par 
bend vert and geules on his necke thre skalops in pal gold in a wreth ar. b. g. ar. 


315. CAVELEYR HALYEN MADE DENISON BY H. viij" 1 beryth to his crest a 
horsse hede sable chaffron and crynettes gold a busche of oystryshe fethers in 
his hede quarterly silver and geules in a wreth ar. v. g. ar. 

316. DAWEUS MAIOR [sic for sheriff] OF LONDON TEMPORE H. vnj' 11 beryth 
to his crest ahalbert in pall gold a dragon vollant without feete sable bezante 
casting fyre at her tayle stycking on the point of the sayd halbert in a wreth 
gold and asur manteled geules doubled argent. 

317. BUSTARD OF beryth to his crest a demy egle silver the wynges 
displayed geules two eres of come in pal over the wynges and beked gold in a 
wreth ar. b. g. ar. 

318. MARLAND OF CROYDON beryth to his crest a camelles hede razed barrey 
of vj peces wave silver and geules ered langued and razed gold in a wreth a. 
b. g. ar. 

319. FERMOUR OF OXINFORDSHIRE beryth to his crest a cockes hede geules 
combed barbed and beked gold holdyng a branche of lyllys vert in his mowth 
the floures ar. in a wreth or s. g. ar. 

320. SPRING OF LAYNAM IN ESSEX beryth to his crest a demy roo buck ram- 
pant quarterly silver and gold holdyng in his mouth a braunce of coulumbins 
vert the floures asur in a wr. or g. b. ar. 

321. HOBSUN OF beryth to his crest a panthers hede razed silver 
full of tourteaulx in a wreth or s. g. ar. 

322. FENROUDER OF LONDON COLDSMYTH berytlTto his crest a roo bucke 
party par pal geules and silver armed gold standing betwene two branches of 
hasel vert in a wreth a. b. g. ar. 

323. COWPERS CRAFTE OF LONDON to their crest a demy moore cooke asur the 
wynges dysplayed beked silver holdyng a lylly of the wynges the barbes geules 
the wynges replenyshed with anneletes sable the body w 1 annelettes gold w. 
or b. g. ar. 

324. PORTER OF LONDON CLERK OF THE CROWNE beryth to his crest a demy 
sqwyrell gold replenyshed w' heurtes holding betwene the feete and in the 
mouth a branche of hasel vert the nuttes silver in a wreth or. b. g. ar. 

325. CRANE OF THE CHAPELL TO KING H. VIIJTH beryth to his crest a demy 
doo gold a bee about the necke asur bezante in a wreth silver vert manteled 
sable doubled silver. 

326. BRYKES OF KAYOW BESYDES RICHEMOND beryth to his crest a beres hed 
razed gold and asur par pal holding an arrow w' a brode hed geules in bend 
the fethers upward in a wreth silver and vert ma. g. d. ar. 

327. TOLLEY OF RAMESSEY beryth to his crest a demy dragon w'out wynges 
vert bezante langued geules a bee about his neck silver pellete in a wreth or 
g. s. ar. 


328. BULMER BASTARD OF EBORU' beryth to his crest a demy bull rampant 
geules armed and langued the typpes of the homes on his syde a skalop betwene 
two byllettes in pal gold in a wreth ar. b. g. ar. 

329. LYLEGRAVE OF YORKES beryth to his crest a pecockes hede barrey of 
f oure peces gold and asur holdyng a lylle in his mouth silver stalked rert in a 
wreth ar. g. s. ar. 

330. STARKY OF DERBYSHIRE beryth to his crest a storkes hede rased party 
par pal silver and sable holdyng a snake in her mouth vert or a wreth or b. g. ar. 

331. GREVE OF EBOR' beryth to his crest a sqwyrell syttyng bende in bellecke 
of foure peces ar. sable the tayle up center couloured holding betwene his fore 
fete a skallop gold in a wreth ar. b. g. ar. 

332. BATY OF YORKSHIRE beryth to his crest a cormorant havyng a fyche in 
her mouth silver the wynges cloose and membred geules havyng a crowne about 
her necke and a chayne comyng over her backe gold standing on a wreth a. b. g. a. 

333. BEAUMONT OF YORKSHIRE beryth to his crest a bulles hed razed quarterly 
silver and geules the typpes of the homes gold in a wreth or. b. m. g. d. ar. 

334. BOUGHTON OF WOLWICH IN KENT beryth to his crest a gootes hed razed 
party par pal silver and geules peleted plated horned berded and razed gold 
wreth silver b. g. ar. (Bit bint en tst. 

crest a cony standing up right gold and asur barrey of vj peces holldyng in his 
pawes a branche of philbertes vert in a wreth ar. g. ma. v. ar. 

336. BROKE SPERE OF CALLAYS beryth to his crest a gootes hed of Ynde bende 
of iiij peces geules and asur berdyd eeryd and horned gold in a wr. a. s. g. ar. 

337. BROWN OF NEWARK UPON TRENT beryth to his crest a crane cheveronne 
of iiij peces geules and asur his wynges membred an an [sic] annelet about his 
necke gold standing in a wreth a. b. g. ar. 

338. BEEKE OF WHITEKNYGHT IN BARKSHIRE beryth to his crest a half a 
pecoke gold and sable barrey endented of iiij peces betwene two wyng and asur 
on every wyng thre bezantes wr. ar. v. g. ar. 


339. SCROP BARON beryth to his crest a bushe of ostrysche fethers asur in a 
crowne gold manteled asur doubled silver. 

340. FITZHUGH BARON beryth to his crest a dragon vollant asur syttyng in a 
crowne gold mant. b. d. ar. 


341. MONTJOYE BARON beryth to his crest a woulf sable standyng betwene 
two homes lyke sawes in a crowne gold m. s. a. 

342. BROKE BARON beryth to his crest a sarazins hede caboched long here 
and^berd sable crouned gold langued geules leyng on the mantel geules doubled 

343. KNYVET beryth to his crest a dragons hede betwene two wynges asur 
w. a. s. b. a. 

344. WYNDESORE OF STANWEL beryth to his crest a hertes hede silver coppe 
in a w. or g. g. ar. 

345. PARRE beryth to his crest vj floures geules stalked vert in a wreth or. 
i. I. ar. 

346. BULLEYN VISCOUNT RocHEFORD beryth to his crest a bulks hed sable 
coppe armed langued gold wr. or. g. g. a. and he beryth for an other crest a 
gryffon scant gold the tayle coward in a wreth ar. g. g. ar. 

347. WENTWOURTH OF SUFFOLK beryth to his crest a wyne pot with a towel 
knyte to the handel silver wr. ar. g. g. ar. 

348. UTREYGHT OF YORKSHIRE beryth to his crest a buckes hede asur armed 
and in a crowne gold manteled geules and doubled argent. 

349. WYOT beryth to his crest a demy lion rampant sable armed geules 
holding in his pawe a darte on his shulder a brod arrow hede gold wr. ar. b. g. ar. 

350. METHAM OF YORKSHIRE beryth to his crest a bulks hede coppe betwene 
two buckes homes sable armed gold in a wr. or. g. g. ar. 

351. ALYNGTON OF SUFFOLKE beryth to his crest a bloudhound passant 
ermyns in a wr. ar. s. g. ar. 

352. TREVEYNON OF CORHUAIL beryth to his crest a hert passant quarterly 
silver and geules armedjgold in a wr. ar. s. g. ar. 

353. CROMER beryth to his crest a tygre regardant bacward in a loking glas 
silver betwene his hynder legges in a wr. ar. s. s. ar. 

354. OXINBRICE beryth to his crest a demy lyon la queue fourchie silver 
holdyng in his right pawe a skalop gold wr. g. g. ar. 

355. SACHEVEREL beryth to his crest a gote passant silver arme de mesmes 
in a wreth ar. g. g. ar. 

crest a gryifons hede betwene two wynges gold holdyng in his mouth a sowned 
or a plomet sable in a wr. or b. g. ar. 


303. BROWN OF LONDON THE KINGES PEYNTER H. vnj lh beryth to his crest 
a cranes hed asur beked geules holdyng a branche of acorne vert the acorne gold 
betwene two wynges gold on every wyng oone skalop and oone skalop on the 
necke center couloured of those two in a wreth a. s. g. a. Per C. Benolt and 
Garta Wryth. 

304. YONG OF HOGGESTON beryth to his crest a gryffons hede rased gold 
and asur party par pall thre lozenges contercouloured ij j beked geules holding 
in hit a branche of oke vert the acorne or in a wreth ar. sable geules argent. 
Per C. B. G. W. 

305. FOWLER OF MADE KNYGHT BY beryth to his crest an 
owle silver with a crowne about her necke and membred gold in a wreth ar. b. 
g. a. Per Clarencieux Benolt Garter Wryth. 

306. LEE OF QUARINGDOUN beryth to his crest a hawke gold membred and 
the wynges geules close f edyng on an egles legge asur leyng a long the fleshe of 
the thygh seen geules in a wreth sylver and geules manteled geules doubled ar. 
Per C. B. G. W. 

307. CLERKE OF QUARINGDOUN beryth to his crest [a] larke vollant geules 
the wynges and a whete ere in pal in her mouth gold standing silver and sable 
mant. g. dou. ar. Per C. B. G. W. 

308. LORD OF LONDON beryth a demy egle vollant sable havyng rammes 
homes on her hede gold the wynges geules the inner partes silver in a wreth or 
and b. mant. g. d. ar. Per C. B. G. Wr. 

309. LUCAS OF SUFFOLK AUDITOUR beryth to his crest a wodwous arme silver 
flecked at the elbow holding a croscrosselet fiche geules on the arme v pellettes 
in sautoir on that in palle in a wreth or g. g. ar. Per C. B. G. Wryth. 

310. BRUN MAJOR OF LONDON H. VIIJTH beryth to his crest a crane goyng 
asur the wynges close two gemewes the one about his necke and the other hang- 
yng by hit gold membryd geules in a wr. ar. s. g. ar. 

311. CUSSUN OF LONDON beryth to his crest a conney sable standing up etyng 
couloumbyns spryng owt of a hylle wheron he standes verth the flowres asur 
on a wreth or b. g. ar. Per G. C. 

312. TATE OF beryth to his crest an right arme garnyshed party 
par pal geules and gold the ege next the hand asur engrayled fleeted at the elbow 
holdyng in the hand silver a handfull of dates stalked vert in a wreth gold and 
sable man. g. ar. 

313. EDEN OF BURY IN SUFFOLK beryth to his crest a demy lezard in his 
coulors holdyng in his pawes a busche of hawthorn vert floures argent in a wreth 
ar. g. g. ar. 

314. HALGH OF beryth to his crest a woulfes hede razed party par 
bend vert and geules on his necke thre skalops in pal gold in a wreth ar. b. g. ar. 


315. CAVELEVR HALYEN MADE DENISON BY H. vnj" 1 beryth to his crest a 
horsse hede sable chaffron and crynettes gold a busche of oystryshe fethers in 
his hede quarterly silver and geules in a wreth ar. v. g. ar. 

316. DAWEUS MAIOR [sic for sheriff] OF LONDON TEMPORE H.vnj" 1 beryth 
to his crest ahalbert in pall gold a dragon vollant without feete sable bezante 
casting fyre at her tayle stycking on the point of the sayd halbert in a wreth 
gold and asur manteled geules doubled argent. 

317. BUSTARD OF beryth to his crest a demy egle silver the wynges 
displayed geules two eres of corne in pal over the wynges and beked gold in a 
wreth ar. b. g. ar. 

318. MARLAND OF CROYDON beryth to his crest a camelles hede razed barrey 
of vj peces wave silver and geules ered langued and razed gold in a wreth a. 
b. g. ar. 

319. FERMOUR OF OXINFORDSHIRE beryth to his crest a cockes hede geules 
combed barbed and beked gold holdyng a branche of lyllys vert in his mowth 
the floures ar. in a wreth or s. g. ar. 

320. SPRING OF LAYNAM IN ESSEX beryth to his crest a demy roo buck ram- 
pant quarterly silver and gold holdyng in his mouth a braunce of coulumbins 
vert the floures asur in a wr. or g. b. ar. 

321. HOBSUN OF beryth to his crest a panthers hede razed silver 
full of tourteaulx in a wreth or s. g. ar. 

322. FENROUDER OF LONDON GOLDSMYTH beryth "to his crest a roo bucke 
party par pal geules and silver armed gold standing betwene two branches of 
hasel vert in a wreth a. b. g. ar. 

323. COWPERS CRAFTE OF LONDON to their crest a demy moore cooke asur the 
wynges dysplayed beked silver holdyng a lylly of the wynges the barbes geules 
the wynges replenyshed with anneletes sable the body w' annelettes gold w. 
or b. g. ar. 

324. PORTER OF LONDON CLERK OF THE CROWNE beryth to his crest a demy 
sqwyrell gold replenyshed w' heurtes holding betwene the feete and in the 
mouth a branche of hasel vert the nuttes silver in a wreth or. b. g. ar. 

325. CRANE OF THE CHAPELL TO KING H. VIIJTH beryth to his crest a demy 
doo gold a bee about the necke asur bezante in a wreth silver vert manteled 
sable doubled silver. 

326. BRYKES OF KAYOW BESYDES RICHEMOND beryth to his crest a beres hed 
razed gold and asur par pal holding an arrow w' a brode hed geules in bend 
the fethers upward in a wreth silver and vert ma. g. d. ar. 

327. TOLLEY OF RAMESSEY beryth to his crest a demy dragon w'out wynges 
vert bezante langued geules a bee about his neck silver pellete in a wreth or 
g. s. ar. 


357. BROWNE OF IN ESSEX beryth to his crest a lyons pawe razed 
armed geules holdyng the wynge of an egle sable in a wr. ar. v. s. ar. 

358. SHERBOURNE beryth to his crest a lyons pawe gold holdyng an egles 
hede razed geules in a wr. ar. s. g. ar. 

359. LUCY OF beryth to his crest a bores hed coppe ermyns armed 
gold betwene two wynges sable beleted gold in a crowne geules manteled geules 
doubled ar. 

360. BURDEIT beryth to his crest a lyons hede sable langued and eryd geules 
in a wreth or. b. g. ar. 

361. MORTON beryth to his crest a lapwyng vollant silver the wynges and 
membred sable in a crest ar. b. g. ar. 

362. AUDELEY BARON beryth to his crest a sarazins hed sable with a torche 
a bout hit silver a barre cheveronne on hit purple the hede close mouthed wr. 
or. g. g. ar. 

363. WYNGFELD OF SUFFOLK beryth to his crest a bull quarterly gold and 
sable armed of the second in a wr. a. b. g. a. 

364. COMPTON OF COMPTON beryth to his crest a demy dragon rased an 
vollant geules his legges lenyng on a crowne a bout his body gold the rasures a 
bout the helmet m. b. d. ar. 

365. WILLOUGHBY BARON beryth to his crest a sarazins hede caboched sable 
crowned gold langued geules. 

366. EVERS OF YORKSHIRE beryth to his crest a catt passant gold and asur 
quarterly in a wr. ar. s. g. ar. 

367. BOROUGH beryth to his crest a faucon rising ermyns membred beked 
sonettes and a crowne about her necke gold wr. or. s. b. ar. another crest a 
fleurdelys ermyns. 

368. TYRWHIT beryth to his crest a lapwyng gold wr. ar. b. g. ar. 

369. FAIRFAX OF YORKSHIRE beryth to his crest a gotes hed razed barrey of 
vj peces silver and geules berded horned and a crowne a bout his necke gold wr. 
or. g. s. ar. 

370. CAPEL OF ESSEX beryth to his crest an ancre in pall geules bezante the 
ringes and the pawnnes gold over the uppermost annother annelet asur wr. 
or. b. g. a. 

371. DOON beryth to his crest v snakes knotted togethers vert langued 
geules in a wr. or. g. b. a. standyng in pal. 


372. BELKENAP beryth a lezard passant in his coullours havyng a bout his 
necke a crowne and a chayne by hit a bout his body standyng by a becon gold 
in a wreth ar. g. g. ar. 

373. FITZWILLIAM beryth to his crest a bushe of swane fethers silver in a 
crowne gold manteled g. d. ar. 

374. GYFFORD OF beryth to his crest a panthers hede gold spotted 
geules and asur hys breth lyke fyre in a wreth ar. g. b. ar. 

375. GARNEYS beryth to his crest a wodwose arme in pal charnu razed 
holdyng a fauchon silver crosse and pomel gold the strokes on the fauchon 
bledyng g. wreth ar. g. g. ar. 

376. POOLE BARON MONTAGU beryth to his crest a griffons hede betwene 
two wynges silver beked eryd in a crown geules manteled asur doubled argent. 

377. VEER ERLE OF OxiNFORDJberyth to his crest a bore asur armed brysteled 
the pusil gold wr. or. g. g. ar. 

378. LONG beryth to his crest a lyons hede silver holdyng a mans right arme 
razed in bend charnu in his mouth bledyng purple in a wreth or. b. s. ar. 

379. CHAMBERLAYN OF OXINFORDSHIRE beryth to his crest an asses hede 
silver in a wr. ar. s. s. ar. 

380. NEVYLL SIR EDWARD beryth to his crest a bull argent flecked sable 
armed and a coller about his necke with a chayne a boute his body gold in a 
wreth ar. b. g. ar. 

381. HANSARD OF beryth to his crest a faucon rising asur the utter 
s yddes of the wynges geules beked membred and sonnettes gold in a wreth 
ar. s. g. ar. 

382. ESSEX beryth a demy gryffon the wynges close gold holding in his beke 
a gryffons legge razed geules the foote downeward in a wreth ar. s. b. ar. 

383. FRAMELYNCHAM beryth to his crest a panthares hed close mouthed 
gold spotted b. geules razed in a wreth arg. s. ar. 

384. TYLER beryth to his crest a demy \vyld cat razed in pal peleted on his 
shulder a crosse 'ourme fysche in a cressant geules wreth a. b. g. ar. 

385. SHARP beryth to his crest a woulfes hede razed party par pal sable and 
gold aboute his necke a crowne contercouloured langued geules in a wr. a. 
b. g. ar. 

386. JERNYNCHAM OF NORFFOLK beryth to his crest a demy faucon rising 
on the body asur thre gemelles gold the insides of the wynges geules the owt 
sydes gold in a \vr. ar. sa. g. ar. 


387. KYNCESTON beryth to his crest a goote silver ramping against an ire 
tree vert in a wr. or. b. g. a. 

388. NEVYL OF LEVERSEGE beryth to his crest a greyhoundes hede razed 
gold on his necke a label vert betwene thre pellettes wr. a. g. g. ar. 

389. TALBOT OF beryth to his crest a lyon gold standyng on a 
dukes hatte geules lynyd ermyn on the lyon a cressent silver w'in annother 
cressent asur manteled geules doubled silver. 

390. FYNCHE beryth to his crest a byrd vollant standyng on a burre stalke 
with leves leyng a long the wynges gold membred and the floure geules in a 
wr. or. b. g. ar. 

391. DYMMOKE beryth to his crest two asses eerys grey w' in sable standyng 
in a wreth or g. s. ar. 

392. DAWNCE AUDITOUR beryth to his crest a horse hede geules and asur 
par iece besanted brydeled silver in a wr. a. v. g. ar. 

393. THOMAS SIR WILLIAM beryth to his crest a ro buckes hed sable horned 
gold betwene two branches of nettels vert w. or. s. g. ar. 

394. HOPTON beryth to his crest a gryffon silver vollant holdyng in oone 
fote up a pellette the wynges and membred gold standyng in a wreth a. b. g. ar. 

395. BAYNHAM beryth to his crest a best lyke a woulf sable ful of sterres gold 
his eres and legges geules his fete cloven lyke a hogge. 

396. LATIMER BARON beryth to his crest a gryffon gold standing in a wr. a. 
b. g. ar. oon foot rampyng vollant. 

397. ZOWCHE beryth to his crest a faucon vollant silver stonding on a 
knotty stocke gold leyng a long a branche of v leves vert comyng owt of hit on 
her brest a cressant asur in a wr. a. b. g. ar. 

398. RADCLYF OF THE TOURE beryth to his crest a bulles hede rased sable 
sable a crowne a bout his necke with a chayn at hit horned and langued silver 
in a wreth ar. g. s. ar. 

399. POOLE OF CHESCHIRE beryth to his crest a hertes hed caboched the 
nose to the wreth geules armed barrey of vj peces gold and asur in a wreth 
or b. g. ar. 

400. LEYLOND beryth to his crest a doves hed silver membred geules be- 
twene two wynges in pal asur holdyng in her beke thre erys of corne gold in a 
wr. a. s. g. ar. 

401. HOLFORD beryth to his crest a greyhond in his pryde sable standing in 
a wreth a. g. s. ar. 


402. PERCY beryth to his crest a lyon asur langued geules standing on a 
dukes hatte geules doubled ermyn a cressant on his brest gold manteled b. d. ar. 

403. HAWARD beryth to his crest a lyon gold crowned silver] regardant a 
cressant on his shulder sable standing on a dukes hatte geules doubled ermyns 
manteled g. ar. 

404. APPLYARD beryth to his crest a demy tygre quarterly asur and geules 
the mane and the end of the tayle and a busche of here in the myddes of hit 
gold holdyng the stalke of an vert in his mouth the apple purple the 
tayle contercouloured in a wr. a. s. g. ar. 

405. GORGES beryth to his crest a dunne greyhoundes hed w' a coller about 
his necke geules a bouckle and a payre of tyrrettes hangyng by hit gold langued 
of the coller in a wreth or b. g. ar. 

406. STANLEY OF BASTARD beryth to his crest an egles hede gold 
holdyng a lyons pawe in her mouth geules razed the foot upward armed silver 
on the egles necke thre pellettes iiij. in a wr. a. b. g. ar. 

407. DAWTREY OF beryth to his crest a foxe party par pal sable 
and geules standing betwene two wyngs in pal gold in a wreth a b. g. a. 

408. BOTELER MAIOR OF LONDON beryth to his crest a bores hede with a 
long necke coppe geules and asur par pal armed silver in a wr. or b. g. a. 

409. FITZWILLIAM OF GAINS PARKS HALL IN ESSEX beryth to his crest a 
busche of swanne fethers silver in a crowne gold on the fethers a tourteau over 
hit a fleurdelys geules ma. g. d. ar. 

410. HEYRON TRESOURER OF THE CHAMBER beryth to his crest a herons hede 
razed ermyns membred and a crowne about her necke gold in a wreth ar. s. g. ar. 

411. DYNHAM beryth to his crest an ermyn in his kynd w' a lace a bout his 
necke a goyng under hym gold standing betwene two tapors goubonne gold and 
sable in a wreth silver and asur manteled geules doubled argent. 

412. YARFORD MAIOR OF LONDON beryth to his crest a gotes hed razed asur 
berded horned on his necke thre skaloppes gold i ij in a wreth ar. s. g. ar. 

413. SEYMOUR MAIOR OF LONDON beryth to his crest a swannes hede bende 
of vj peces silver and geules beked gold in a wr. or. b. s. ar. 

414. STAYBER OF NUREMBERGH IN HIGH ALMAYN beryth to his crest a demy 
lyon regardant the one foote downe the other up betwene two ox homes sable 
in a crowne of the lyon a bee a bout his necke silver and geules goubonne m. g. ar. 

415. WARHAM OF beryth to his crest an arme quart' silver and 
asur the hand silver holdyng a sword sable pomel and crosse gold the point 
downward on the sword thre plates on every plate a crosse geules in a wr. a. 
p. g. ar. 


416. BAYLLY MAIOR OF LONDON beryth to his crest a wodwos arme silver 
on the upper part of hit a fece vayr cotised asur fleeted at the elbow the hand 
charnu holding a staffe downeward gold in a wr. ar. b. g. ar. 

417. BALDRY MAIOR OF LONDON beryth to his crest a demy mayden fro the 
navel upward her appareyl sable and gold par pall endentedthe sieves stray te 
and endented and her gyrdyll conter couloured standing in a daysy in his cou- 
lour and her hondes upon hit stalked with two leves vert her here gold a garlond 
a bout her hede geules budded gold in a wreth ar. b. g. ar. 

418. MAYNORS SERJANT OF THE KINGES SELLER beryth to his crest a hand 
charnu holdyng a beres pawe in pal sable rased goute armed gold the foote 
dounward in a wreth ar. s. ma. g. ar. 


419. BEDEL OF beryth to his crest a buckes hede geules armed 
every hornne in pal or and asur a floure hangyng downeward by the upper tynes 
silver stalked vert in a wreth or. b. manteled g. d. ar. Per C. B. G. W. 

his crest a bore sable tusked gold standyng on a wreth gold and sable manteled 
g. d. ar. 

421. BOYNTON OF SUDBERRY beryth to his crest a gote sable goute silver 
armed gold standing on a wreth silver and sable m. g. ar. 

422. BENBERY OF beryth to his crest a demy antelope in his 
coullour in a wreth vert and geules m. b. d. ar. 

423. BIRKEN beryth to his crest a hartes hede silver armed and langued gold 
in a wr. g. ar. g. ar. 

424. BODYAM OF beryth to his crest a demy mandragore femalle 
silver the here gold the leves vert the apples purple a croscroselet fiche sable on 
her brest in a wr. or. b. g. ar. 

425. COBBELEGH OF BRYGHTLEY IN DEVON beryth to his crest a cockes hed 
razed geules goutee gold holding in his beeke two eres of whete silver in a wreth 
or. g. manteled g. ar. 

426. ESINGOLD beryth to his crest two armes asur holdyng up their handes 
silver standing on a wreth gold and geules m. b. ar. 

427. GILES beryth to his crest a squyrell holdyng a branche of 
couldre the noisettes gold in a wr. or. s. manteled geules doubled argent. 


428. GONSON OF LONDON beryth to his crest the hede of a goote of Ynde 
silver goute sable. 

429. HARE beryth to his crest a demy hare in pal bende of foure 
peces gold and geules holdyng in his mouth a branche of fongere vert in a wreth 
ar. b. g. ar. 

430. LISLE BARON beryth on a chief asur iij lionceaulx gold beryth to his 
crest a hert passant silver havyng a croune with a chayne pendant a bout his 
necke and armed gold in a wreth or and asur manteled asur doubled ar. 

431. LONCUEVILLE that beryth the fece dancey silver beryth to his crest a 
bind howndes hede geules with a bee dancey and eryd silver in a wreth ar. g. g. ar. 

432. LYNCEYN beryth to his crest a bundell of lykes in a crowne of gold 
manteled geules doubled silver. 

433. BURN ELL OF LONDON beryth to his crest a lions legg in pal coppe sable 
armed geules holding a branche of bouraige leves and floures in their kinde 
standing in a wreeth gold and wert manteled sable doubled vert. 

434. DODMORE OF LONDON maior 1530 beryth to his crest an arme in pall 
comyng out of cloudes in their coulour garnyshed quart' geules and sable over 
all thre houpes gold the hand charnu holding two arrowes with brode heddes in 
sautoir vert fetheryd and hedes gold on a wreth gold and asur manteled geules 
doubled silver. 

435. ACHELEY beryth to his crest a demy bustard geules the lyfte wyng up 
the other rysing gold holding a lylly in her mouth in the propre coulours on a 
wreth silver and sable manteled asur doubled silver. 

436. ALEYN OF TAXSTED beryth to his crest a demy greyhound in pall palle 
of iiij peces silver and asur holdyng up with his fete a cressant gold on a wreth 
silver and asur ma. g. doub. ar. (H. VI.). 

437. AMYDAS beryth to his crest a demy mayden from the navel arrayed 
palle of iiij peces geules and asur holdyn with booth her hondes before her brest 
an annelet gold a wreth about her hede silver and purple her here gold on a 
wreth silver and asur manteled geules doubled silver (H. VIII.). 

438. AMCOTTES beryth to his creste a sqwyrell leyeng geules cracking a nutte 
gold and colered gold on his syde thre bezantes ij. j. on a wreth gold and asur 
manteled sable doubled silver (H. VIII.). 

439. BARRO beryth to his crest a hyndys hede sable in a wreth purple and 
silver manteled geules double silver (H. VII.). 

440. BELHOWS beryth to his crest a sqwyrell sittyng par pall silver and asur 
a gainst a branche of couldre vert the noisetes and her tayk gold (H. VII.). 

441. BROWNE OF MARCH ANT OF LONDON beryth a demy crane 
vollant sable replenyshed with skalops geules wr. a. b. m. g. d. a. (H. VII.). 



442. BORELL beryth to his crest a wodwos armes fleeted silver holdyng a 
braunche of burres vert floured gold on the arme thre pellettes i. ij. on a wreth 
silver and sable ma. g. d. ar. (H. VII.). 

443. BOYS beryth to his crest a demy catte rampant barrey of iiij peces gold 
and sable holdyng a garlond of ooke vert the glans gold in a wreth a. b. m. g. 
d. ar. (H. VIII.). 

444. BROWNE beryth to his crest a cranes necke silver in pal the crowne 
geules membryd gold on a wr. ar. s. g. ar. (H. VII.). 

445. BORLAS beryth to his crest a bores hede coppe with the necke bende 
of iiij peces gold and sable betwene two burres stalked and leved vert floured 
purple (H. VIIL). 

demy crane close bende of iiij peces silver and geules the wynges close sable 
holdyng a fyshe in her bylle party par pal silver and purple two ryng[s] about 
her necke and two rynges hangyng by gold on a wreth or. b. s. a. (H. VIII.). 

447. CON WAY beryth to his crest a crane syttyng close palle of vj peces sable 
and asur a bout her necke two annelettes gold wreth silver and geules g. ar. 
(H. VIIL). 

448. COPPLEY OF ROUGHWEY IN SUSSEX beryth to his crest a gryffon gold 
sitting membred geules the right wyng silver the lyfte sable a crownal about 
his necke par pal countercouloured of the wynges a chayne asur hangyng at it 
and holdyng up the same in the myddes with his right foote in a wr. or. g. m. 
b. d. ar. his congnoissance an ostriche silver clos the wynges geules havyng in 
his becke a horshew sable a bout his necke a crownal and a chayne hangyng and 
comyng over the back gold not shewyng his legges on a wr. or. g. Per C. B. 
a 1530 the 4th daye of Juing, booth by patentes. 

449. GIFFORD OF WOURCESTERSHIRE beryth to his crest a hand silver holdyng 
full of jelefours in their coullours standyng in pall in a wreth geules and silver 
mantelyd sable doubled silver. 

450. CAUNTON OF LONDON beryth to his creeste a camell sable bezanted 
about his necke two jemelles the typpe of his tayle and his legges from the knees 
douneward gold armed geules standing in a wr. a. b. (H. VIII.). 

451. SANDFORD OF beryth to his crest a boore hede with the necke 
gold in a crowne geules. 

452. BARROW OF FLOKERBROKE beryth to his crest a demy boore rampyng 
silver iij billettes beteew two cotises in bend on the body sable armed geulen 
standing in a wreth ar. b. 

453. JACSON OF beryth to his crest half a darte rased standyng in 
pal barrey of vj peces sable and verte the hede lyke to a brood arrow douneward 
par pal gold and silver in a wreth a. b. 


454. DYCGEBY OF beryth to his crest an ostriche silver havyng a 
horshewe in his mouth asur. 

455. LETTON OF beryth to his crest a brewe in his coulour stand- 
ing in a wreth asur [and] gold. 

456. STREY OF YORCK beryth to his crest an owle gold membred and the 
wynges displayed geules on his brest thre hurtes betwene two palles of the 
wynges standing in a wreeth ar. b. 

457. CARILL OF beryth his crest a dragons hede bende of iiij peces 
rased vert and gold betwene two birdys wynges standing in pal pal the furst 
silver the second sable in a wreth silver and asur nuntelyd asur lynyd silver. 

458. FOULER OF ISLYNCTON beryth to his crest an arme in pall from the el- 
bowe gold and geules palle of iiij peces the hand silver holdyng a lure by the 
leches geules the lure vert fretted silver the wynges upward the furst silver the 
second sable wreth silver and sable. 

459. HARTEGRAVE beryth to his crest a'_hartes hede gold alljthe neeke frettyd 
geules armed silver rasyd and the snowte asur standing in a wreth silver and 

460. GOLDSMYTH beryth to his crest a hawke asur membred geules droppe 
gold standing cloose in a wr. a. b. 

461. RUTHALL OF beryth to his crest a dove silver holdyng a flcure 
in her mouth gold stalked leved vert the wynges vollant geules droppe gold. 

462. EVERARD OF SUFFOLKE beryth to his crest a mannes hede charnu a close 
coif about his eres geules an albanois hatte gold fretted sable. 

463. REDE OF beryth to his crest a bushe of reedys gold bound with 
a corde geules. 

464. HUNT OF PADDON beryth to his creste a demy luce in pall bende of vj 
peces gold and asur eyrant. 

465. CHAMBER beryth to his crest a demy eigle displayed with two neckes 
sable ermyneyd silver and ermyns party par pal a bee a boute the necke and the 
wynges countercouloured membred and dyademes behynd the heddys geules. 

466. NORTH OF FELCHAM beryth to his crest a cockes hede geules holding 
in his beeke a braunche of holly on his necke thre besantes betwe two cotises 
in fece gold standing betwene two wynges cheveronne of iiij peces gold and 

467. BROWNE OF beryth to his crest a demy crane par pall asur 
and geules cloose on his necke ij barres gold membred of the second standing 
betwene two brome stalkes vert floured gold in a wreth gold an geules. 


468. STRANGE beryth to his crest two handys the oone holding in 
the other coppe silver leyeng on cloudes in their coullours on a wreth silver and 

469. WYNDOUT OF beryth to his crest a hande gloved silver the 
arme garnyshed geules standing in pal betwene two wynges sable a hawke 
syttyng on the fiste asur membred gold holdyng the loynes geules a wreth silver 
and asur. 

470. WROTH E OF ENFYLD beryth to his creste a lions hede rased sable crowned 
gold ered langued geules standing betwene two wynges bende of iiij peces silver 
and sable in a wreth gold and asur. 

471. HENGSTOTT OF HENGSTOT IN DEVON beryth to his crest a roo buckes 
hede rased gold two javelyns in saultoir on the necke sable betwene iiij pellettes 
in a wreth silver and asur. 

472. PRATTE OF ROYSTON beryth to his crest a woulves hede silver and sable 
par pall langued and ered geules on his necke a fece contercoloured standyng 
betwene two branches of ooke in the colours the fece plated and pelleted. 

473. PACE OF LONDON beryth to his crest a bores hed caboched standing in 
pall sable a croscrosselette fische and an ancre in saultar gold on his cheke armed 
snowt and eres gold. 

474. HARDY OF beryth to his crest a byrdes hede bende of iiij 
peces silver and sable holding in the beeke a jelofour purple stalked vert standing 
betwene two wynges party par fece geules and gold membred gold. 

475. HAWKYNS OF SHERINGTON IN HARFORDSHIRE beryth to his crest a demy 
hawk checke silver and sable the wynges vollant geules the pinions and mem- 
bred geules. 

476. WARTON OF beryth to his crest an arme from the elbowe 
armed quarterly silver and sable holdyng a hand axe in the myddys in pall the 
stele and maunche geules the hed silver upward the fermail gold on the arme 
thre besantes. 

477. YONG OF beryth to his crest a demy sqwyrel geules holdyng 
a nutte gold bytyn g of hit stalked and leved vert on the body a cheveron palle 
of iiij peces silver and sable beneth hit ij plates. 

478. HILL OF beryth to his crest a roobuckes hede geules and asur 
par pal indented razed a fece on the necke the snowt armed and the rasures gold. 

479. GODSALVE OF beryth to his crest a gryfFons hede palle of iiij 
peces wave silver and sable the rasures and membred gold holdyng a braunche 
of jelofres geules stalked vert. 

480. TOMPSON OF beryth to his crest a demy of the see 
standyng in pal the body lyke a dogg geules the eres the crest along the backe 

lyke a sawe the skales thynne the feete lyke a hogge and the legges all these gold. 


481. CULCHFT OF CHESCHIRE beryth to his crest a morian standing naked 
sable holdyng before hym a target lyke a lyons face asure an annelettein the 
mouth gold casting a darte above his hede geules the hede f ethers and a towell 
a bout his hede and hangyng downe silver standing in a wreth gold and asur 
manteled geules lynyd silver. 

482. SAXTON OF beryth to his crest a demy mayden fro the navel 
upward in a surcote geules voyded ermyns her here gold a chappelet about her 
hede and an other in her right hond holdyng it up geules standyng in a garlond 

483. BOYDEL OF beryth to his crest a Sarazins hede sable long herd 
and here all sable on the hede a dukes hatte the beeke foreward purple lynyd 

484. REST OF LONDON beryth to his crest a birde vollant asur the wynges 
geules membryd gold holdpng] a branche of feme in her beke verte. 

485. LYSTER OF YORC' beryth to his crest a larke vollant gold standing 
betwene two branches of ooke in their coullour. 

486. BRUGES OF LONDON beryth to his crest a moryans hede sable the coller 
palle of iiij peces silver and asur pelleted bezanted a wreth a bout his hede gold 
and geules on every pece a drope conter chandgyd knottyd behynde and hang- 
yng downe gold. 

487. THURSTON OF LONDON beryth to his crest an arme fleeted at the elbowe 
palle of iiij peces silver and sable the hand silver grypyng a flynt stone in the 

488. WATSON OF beryth to his crest a gryffons hede rased chever- 
onne of iiij peces silver and sable holdyng in the beke a jelofre geules stalked 
vert membryd gold. 

489. LEDER OF beryth to his crest an arme fleeted at the elbowe 
bende of iiij peces vert and geules the hand silver holdyng a braunce of romary 
floured in the kynd a ryband bound a bout hit and hangyng downe geules stand- 
yng in a wreth silver and asur manteled asur doubled silver. 

490. MERFYN OF LONDON beryth to his crest a moriens hed sable with a 
towell a bout hit silver his coller palle of iiij peces gold and sable on every pece 
oone ermyne contercouloured standing betwene two dragons wynges in pal 
sable the pointz gold. 

491. GYLL OF beryth to his crest a demy faulcon in the propper 
coullour the wynges lozenge gold and vert. 

492. CAVE OF beryth to his crest a marygold in pal the oone leef 
silver an other purple stalked and leved vert owt of the marigold dooth issu a 
greyhoundys hed par pall silver and sable on the neeke thre droppes conter- 
couloured j. ij. 


493. REED OF JUSTICE beryth to his crest a shoveler bende of vj 
peces silver and sable. 

494. YEO OF beryth to his crest a shouvelers hede asur on the 
necke iij droppes gold j. ij. standyng betwene two wynges the furst gold the 
second silver. 

495. Fox OF beryth to his crest a fox runnyng lokyng bacward par 
pal silver and geules holdyng in hys mouth a braunche of strawberys in their 

496. JENYNS OF beryth to his crest a hauke vollant asur the utter 
syddys of the wynges geules. 

497. GRENE OF beryth to his crest a gryffons hede rased gold and 
vert quarterly holdyng in her beke a troyffle sable. 

498. HULL OF HAMELDEN IN SURREY beryth to his crest a dragons hede sable 
on the neke a bee gold on the whiche thre tourteaulx beneth that a pal silver 
betwene iiij plates langued and eryd geules. 

499. PALMER OF beryth to his crest a demy dragon vollant silver 
on a bee a boute his necke geules thre bezantz the wynges upryght fretted on 
every wyng betwene the frettes iiij troiffles of the body. 

500. PECOCKE OF WATERFORD IN IRELOND beryth to his crest a pe- 
cokes necke gold standyng betwene two wynges and membred geules holdyng a 
snake in his mouth asur the hede of the snake gold in a wreth silver and sable. 

501. HUTTON OF beryth to his crest a camelles hede par pal sable 
and silver droppe contercouloured betwe two wynges the furst silver the second 
sable droppe contrechanged snowt and eres geules holdyng a brode arrow in the 
mouth gold the point downeward. 

502. PARK OF [MALMAYNS *] beryth to his crest a wesel gold and asur palle 
of iiij peces standyng on a terrace and there spryngyng thre branges of fougere 
vert closed with a pal silver about hit. 

503. HALL OF beryth to his crest a dragon wyver vollant sable 
holdyng up in the right foote in pal an holmesse silver the crosse pomel a crownal 
a bowt his necke a chayne hangyng at hit and leyeng over the backe and the 
wynnges droppe gold the tayle knotted standyng on a terrace vert within a 
bulwert silver on a wreth gold and geules. 

504. MOYLE OF beryth to his crest two demy dragons endosed 
rampantz their neckes enterlaced the furst gold the second geules the wynges 
not seen. 

505. SKUSE OF beryth to his creste a lyke a foxe purple 
the body replenysched with sterrys and a bee a bout his necke gold his fete 
cloven gold from the knees downeward. 

1 In a somewhat later hand. 


506. TOLL OF beryth to his crest a bores hed coppe eyrant sable 
armed the snowt and on the necke two ragged staves in saultoir gold betwene 
iiij plates. 

507. HYNDE OF beryth to his crest a gryffons hede betwene two 
wynges in pal asur a bee a bout hit necke under hit a skalop membred and eryd 
gold the wynges droppe silver. 

508. THOMAS AP JOHN FITZ URIAN beryth to his crest two pollaxes in saultoir 
the furst geules the hede gold the second asur the hede silver a crowe sable 
standyng on the croisseur on his brest a cressant silver. 

509. HORTON OF beryth to his crest an arme garnysched geules 
holdyng in the hand silver a dart asur hedyd and fethered gold and two stalkes 
of strawbery floures in their coullours. 

510. SAINCTAMOND OF beryth to his crest an asses hede asur the 
mane a fece on the necke betwene thre besantes above the furst a marlet gold. 

511. ALYEFF OF COLSOLL IN KENT beryth to his crest a camelles hede geules 
and sable quarterly thre besantz in pal on the necke holdyng in his mouth the- 
end of a spere gold broken the eres of the staffe the spere hed silver standyng 
betwene two branches of hasel vert the noysettes gold. 

512. PLAYDELL OF beryth to his crest a pantares hed rased sable 
besanted plated havyng in his mouth a crosse fourme fishe issuyng with his 
breth geules. 

513. WHITINCDON OF beryth to his crest a dragon's hed sable 
besante commyng owt of a cincfeule geules holdyng in his mouth a dartes ende 
rased gold the hede upward silver the point and the dragons tong geules. 

514. ALFREY OF IN SUTHEX beryth to his crest two demy swannes 
indosed theyre neckes entrelaced the furst sable the second silver a crownal gold 
about booth their neckes. 

515. WREYE OF beryth to his crest a demy herenshewe holding a 
fysche in her mouth silver the wynges geules in pal. 

516. JOHNSON OF beryth to his crest a wolves hed razed gold 
droppe sable holdyng a floure in his mouth gold the stalke vert. 

517. AUDELEY OF IN ESSEX beryth to his crest a demy conny in 
pal sable fedyng on a branche of fern vert the fete a fece on the necke cotised 
and the cros gold. 

518. RAYMOND OF beryth to his crest a catte sitting regardant par 
fece gold and geules pelleted besanted center couloured a bee about her necke 

519. PATISMARE OF beryth to his crest a demy harre of the see 
asure the fete and eres gold. 


520. JONYS OF berith to his crest a ravons hed sable havyng in hys 
beke a branche of lyke reed vert the top downeward. 

521. BEKWITH OF beryth to his crest a demy bustard bende of iiij 
peces gold and vert the wynges in pal behynde hym the one silver the other 

522. BOUGHTON OF beryth to his crest a storkes hede rased chever- 
onne sable and silver of iiij peces membryd gold an eele in her mouth asur. 

523. POTKYN OF beryth to his crest a roo buckes hed sable rased 
geules th nowt eres and and armed gold. 

524. AYLMARE OF LONDON beryth to his crest a lyke a unicorne the 
horn streyght bacward the tayle wrynkeled the fete cloven gold. 

525. GRENEWAYE OF beryth to his crest a griffons hede asur mem- 
bred ered rased and the fethers in the necke gold holdyng an ancre in her mouth 
by the ring hangyng doune geules. 

526. MONOUX OF LONDON beryth to his crest a byrde asur the wynges close 
gold holdyng in her beke a branche of ooke verte the glans gold. 

527. BYRKEBEKE OF beryth to his crest a bowe bent in pal gold 
standing in a busche of hasel verte the noisetes appering owt of the huskes gold. 

528. DANVERS OF beryth to his crest a right hand open charnu the 
sieve geules the edge gold ingraylyd a marlet vert standyng on the fyngers endes 
havyng an annelet gold in her mouth. 

529. BACON OF beryth to his crest a bludhondes hede sable razed 
and eryd silver havyng a hogges foot in his mouth gold. 

530. MOYLYN OF beryth to his crest a greyhoundes hed quarterly 
silver and gold on the pardon a molet geules standing betwene two branches 
of strawberies in their coullours. 

531. VILLERS OF beryth to his crest a robuckes hede sable rased 
byllsted all over and armed gold. 

532. ROCHE OF beryth to his crest a roo buckes hede geules armed 
gold standing betwene two wynges the first silver the second asur in pal. 

533. WALDEN OF beryth to his crest a hawkes hede gold havyng a 
wyng in her beke asur rased geules. 

534. CHAMBUR OF IN ESSEX beryth to his crest a camelles hede 
silver and gold par pal the eres geules on the necke a fece betwene thre anne- 
lettes sable. 

535. HARTEWELL OF beryth to his crest a flye callyd a bucke home 
geules the wynges and homes silver. 


536. COOKE OF KENT beryth to his crest an arme palle of iiij peces 
gold and geules edged asur the hand silver holdyng a branche of marigold and a 
branche of columbynes verte the flowres gold. 

537. SWYNARTON OF beryth to his crest a boore passant silver 
standyng on a terrace vert a coller asur besante. 

538. WHITE OF beryth to his crest a hawkes hede vert betwene 
two wynges in pal the furst gold the other silver membryd purple holdyng in 
his beeke a braunche purple the flores silver the leves vert. 

539. ALVARD OF GYPPYSWYCIIE IN SUFFOLKE beryth to his crest a hyndes 
hede asur on the necke thre bezantes between two gemelles gold standing be- 
twene two branches of hasell in the coulo'. 

540. FYSCHAR OF HATFELD beryth to his crest a demy scale the feete rampant 
standing in pal quarterly silver and asur betwene two reedes with leves gold 
the flowres silver. 

541. UMPTON OF beryth to his crest a demy greyhound salyant 
gable havyng a spere ende broken in his mouth and a coller about is necke gold. 

542. STYLE OF beryth to his crest a demy storke sable the wynges 
upright behynd silver in the beke gold holdyng a lamprey asur. 

543. PAWLMER OF beryth to his crest a demy panthare silver 
wounde pellete the breeth asur holdyng betwene his fete in pal a branche of 
vyne vert the grapes purple. 

544. LECHT OF beryth to his crest an unicornes hede rased sable 
on a bee about his necke silver thre tourteaulx horned berdyd and an annelet 

545. FYSCHMONCERS CRAFTE OF LONDON have for their congnoissance two 
armes clothed with chasubles asur lynyd gold the hand sylver holdyng up a 
popes tyayre purple the crownes gold w' perry full [tic]. 

546. MAYDELEY OF beryth to his crest a merlyon close party par 
pal asur and silver holdyng a larke under her fete membred and sonettes gold 
the wynges close. 

547. KNYCHT OF beryth to his crest a hawke vollant asur and 
silver par fece membred geules standyng on a spurre lethered leyng and her 
wynges gold. 

548. BRADBERY OF beryth to his crest a demy palumb silver vollant 
fretted membred geules in his beke a braunche of vert the berryes geules. 

549. COLE OF beryth to his crest a demy heron vollant silver mem- 
bred sable the inner partes of the wynges gold the utter part vert holding in 
her beke a branche of holly gold the beryes geules. 


550. SAMPSON beryth to his crest a demy dragon standyng in 
pal holdyng up a swourd in his right pawe and droppe silver pomel crosse gold 
his wynges owt behynd hym. 

551. HALL OF beryth to his crest a demy lyon rampant the tayle 
fourchie and croise losenge silver and asur holdyng up betwene his pawes a 
fuzeau gold langued geules. 

552. DORMER OF beryth to his crest a foxe silver and sable par pall 
goyng on a terrace vert havyng a wyng in his mouth gold razed geules. 

553. CLEMENT beryth to his crest a lyon passant silver droppe 
geules standing in a wreth silver and sable. 

554. PAKINTON OF beryth to his crest a demy hare standing in pall 
asur on the syde iiij besantes in crosse. 

555. MUNDY OF beryth to his crest a woulves hed sable rased 
besanted langued geules. 

556. WARD OF STAFFORD beryth to his crest a marlet silver droppe asur beked 
geules holdyng in hit a fleurdelys silver. 

557. KEBELL OF beryth to his crest an olyvantes hede bende of 
iiij peces the snowt and eres geules. 

558 GARDINER OF beryth to his crest an oold mans hede silver long 

here and berd sable his necke rased geules an albanoys hatte on his hede silver 
the reversion lyke a wrethe purple. 

559. CREMOUR OF beryth to his crest a rammes hede coppe geules 
and silver palle of vj peces armyd gold eryd silver. 

560. HERFORD OF PLYMMOUTH beryth to his crest a demy lyon rampant 
regardant silver a bee about his necke and two bendes on his body geules and 
the typpe of the tayle armed and langued asur in a wreth gold and geules. 

561. KEYLE OF beryth to his crest a maydens hede beneth the 
shulders silver the here gold a chappelet on her hede geules her rayement barrey 
of foure peces wave silver and sable. 

562. KENERSEY OF beryth to his crest a demy hynd in pal gold on 
the body a fece undey betwene two cotises and the eres sable. 

563. BARLE OF (Barley in Darbyshyr 1 ) beryth to his crest a demy bucke in 
pall gold and (silver 2 ) par pal thre barres wave 3 on the body sable * the furst 
home silver the second gold. 5 

1 In a later hand. 

2 In a later hand, altered from sable. 

3 In a later hand, altered from indented. 

4 In a later hand, altered from contercouloured. 
E In a later hand, altered from sable. 


564. LENACRE OF beryth to his crest a greyhoundes hede quarterly 
sable and silver foure skalops center couloured the eres geules standyng on a 
wreth silver and asur. 

565. KYLOM OF beryth to his crest a hartes hede geules armed 
silver on the necke a fece betwene thre annelettes gold. 

566. CRYSTEMAS OF beryth to his crest an arme in pal purple the 
shert apperyng'endented ermyns edged gold the hand silver holdyng a braunche 
of hollys in the coulour. 

567. CRUCE OF beryth to his crest a demy palumbe silver membred 
and a bee about her necke geules the wynges in pal behynd at the backe gold 
and sable barre of iiij peces. 

568. COPE OF beryth to his crest a rammes hede silver armed vert 
standing on a wreth gold and asur. 

569. HADDON OF beryth to his crest a mannes legge fleeted armed 
silver the genoul gold and the sporre the foote upward. 

570. HAMPTON OF SARUM beryth to his crest a greyhound courrant silver 
havyng a donne cony by the belly in his mouth sanglant a coller gold. 

571. GUNTER OF beryth to his crest a roo buckes hede geules and 
sable par pal the homes center couloured. 

572. HYDE OF beryth to his crest a cockes hede rased asur combed 
membred and barbed purple on his necke a losenge gold betwene iiij besantes 
in crosse havyng in his beke a pance w' a stalke in the proper coulours. 

573. HOLLYS OF beryth to his crest an arme fleeted at the elbowe 
bende of iiij peces silver and sable the hand silver holding a braunche of holly 
in the proppre coulours. 

574. GYBSON OF beryth to his crest an arme in pal armed sable 
the gauntelet silver holdyng in the hande a malet of the arme by the hafte. 

575. GRAVE OF beryth to his crest a foxe silver and sable palle of 
iiij peces holdyng a penne to wryte wyth in his mouth gold. 

576. HOLSTON OF beryth to his crest a lyons pawe rased barrey of 
iiij peces gold and geules grypyng a stone asur. 

577. GORGE OF beryth to his crest a demy bludhonde sable the 
legges eres and a fece cheverone on his neke gold standing betwene two branches 
of feme vert. 

578. GRENE OF beryth to his crest an arme in palle garnysched vert 
the edge of the sieve gold a hand silver holding a branche of hollys vert the 
beryes gold. 


579. ANDREWS OF beryth to his crest an greyhoundys hede coppe 
gold and sable par pall a sauterelle betwene two rondelettes in fece on the necke 

580. UVEDALE OF beryth to his crest a morecocke gold the wynges 
close vert the toppe of her hede and membred geules a fece cotised on the necke 
asur besanted. 

581. WODWARD OF beryth to his crest a woulves hede barrey of 
foure peces sable and silver on the second of sable thre plates standyng betwene 
a branche of ooke and an other of feme. 

582. PORTER OF beryth to his crest an antelopes hede rased silver 
armed gold a crownal about his necke geules standing betwene two branches of 
hasell in the coullour. 

583. PURD OF beryth to his crest a swannes necke checke silver and 
sable, membred geules holdyng a reed in her mouth and the floure gold the 
leves vert. 

584. PETTE OF beryth to his crest a demy grayhond in pall sable 
colered and two bendes on his body gold standing betwene two stalkes of feme 

585. VAUGHAN BAYLY OF DOVER IN KENT beryth to his crest thre gonnes in 
pal the mouth upward shoting in stockes gold two snakes wrythed in fesse from 
the oone to the other havyng eche two heddys asur the stones with fyre appering 
at the mouthes of the gonnes standyng the oone from the other on a wreth silver 
and vert manteled geules doubled silver. 

586. PYMME OF beryth to his crest a hyndes hed gold a fece on 
his necke florete conterflorete sable holdyng in his mouth a stalke with a pynne 
aple gold the stalke vert. 

587. ROLL OF beryth to his crest an arme garnysched gold on the 
arme a fece cheveronne betwene two gemelles asur the hand silver grypyng a 
stone sable. 

588. PALSHEY OF beryth to his crest an arme fleeted bende of vj 
peces geules and silver the hande silver holdyng a handfull of pancees by the 
stalkes in their coulours. 

589. SMYTH OF beryth to his crest an arme in pal garnysched 
checque silver and vert the hand charnu holdyng thre dartes gold. Edw. IV. 

590. WILLIAMS OF beryth to his crest a wayre for fysche vert 
bound geules the bayte hangyng in hit gold leyng. 

591. PILBOROUCH OF beryth to his crest a byrdes hede rased bende 
of iiij peces gold and asur two pellettes two besantes in pal on the necke hold[ing] 
in the beke a branche of pynne apples vert the apples geules. 


592. WARYN OF beryth to his crest a conny sable a collar silver 
and geules checke cotised and the eres gold standing on a terrace vert hedged 
a bout gold. 

593. GOUGH OF beryth to his crest a bores hede with necke coppe 
geules a coller and a chayne hangyng at hit gold havyng a bore spere in his 
mouth the shafte sable the hede silver standing on a wreth silver and asur man- 
teled sable lynyd silver. 

594. RUDEHALL OF IN HARTFORDSHiRE beryth to his crest an arme 
charnu holdyng a marygold stalked vert the floure gold. 

595. REICNOLT OF beryth to his crest a woulves hede rased sable 
eryd and langued geules on the necke thrc dropes betwene two cotises gold in 

596. TROYS OF beryth to his crest a ragged stocke silver out of the 
whiche a braunche of ooke in pal in the coulor. 

597. RUCHE OF beryth to his crest a lynx hede rased vert droppe 

598. MORGAN OF beryth to his crest a griffons hede sable and 
silver bende of iiij peces havyng in his beke geules a lyke ' blade and ered gold 
silver bek. 

599. MEGGES OF beryth to his crest a bludhonds hede sable on 
his neke a gemelle gold betwene thre plates behynd his hede standyng a branche 
of ooke in the coulours. 

600. JOHNSON OF beryth to his crest a leopardes hed rased party 
par pal geules and sable a fece on his necke and his eres gold besanted plated over 
all the hede and necke. 

601. KETELBY OF beryth to his crest a lyons hed rased geules 
holdyng in his mouth an arrow silver a brode hede gold fetheryd asur. 

602. MUCKLOW OF beryth to his crest a draggons hede endented 
par pal geules and silver droppe gold and sable holding a hogges foote in the 
mouth gold the rasures upward. 

603. SMYTH OF beryth to his crest a dragons hed rased silver 
pelleted langued and eryd geules. 

604. KYTSON OF beryth to his crest a half a sonne gold in fece over 
hit an unicornes hede sable rased geules on the necke thre besantes ered armed 
and berdyd of the sonne. 

i leek. 


605. MEERY OF beryth to his crest the maste of a ship broken with 
a toppe sable the dartes in hit gold the heddys silver the sayle in crosse bounde 
up and the fastenyng geules. 

606. MURIELL OF beryth to his crest a demy catte par pal regard- 
ant silver and sable a coller contercoulloured the furst foote holdyng up a 
branche of mulbery vert the floures silver the other foote on the wreth. 

607. MARSHALL OF beryth to his crest a demy oxe in pall silver 
and sable armed gold havyng wynges straith owt on his sydes silver. 

608. LANE OF beryth to his crest a swanne hede palle wauve o f 
iiij peces silver and geules on the necke a cincfeule par pal gold and purple 
membred geules standyng betwene two reedys vert. 

609. FERMOUR OF beryth to his crest a cockes hede geules com- 
myng owt of a daysy silver stalked asur holdyng a pance in his beke in the proper 

610. FORD OF beryth to his crest a demy wolf in pal sable on his 
body thre acornes betwene two cotises in bend gold standyng betwene two 
branches of vert the floures gold. 

611. FRANKELYN OF beryth to his crest a demy luce ayrrant with 
boores teth and barbed lyke a cocke gold rased geules standyng betwene two 
reedes vert. 

612. HORDEN OF beryth to his crest a demy woulf saliant quarterly 
silver and sable holdyng a quatrefeule with out stalke betwene his fore fete 
quarterly of his body. 

613. HORNE OF beryth to his crest a man standyng his cote strayte 
sieves hangyng downe and his hat vert blowyng a home with his right hond 
and his nose sable his doublet geules holdyng in his lyfte hond a bowe bent in 
pal gold under his grydyll arrowes silver his face and handes charnu. 

614. HARPER OF LATTON HALL IN ESSEX beryth to his crest a boore passant 
a crownal about his necke and a chayne at hyt comyng about his body 
armed geules. 

615. ASKE OF YORKESHIRE beryth to his crest a dragons hed silver in a torche 
gold and asur. 

616. ASKE OF AUGHTON in Yorkeshire beryth to his crest a sarazins hed 

617. BARTON OF GRIMSTON IN beryth to his crest a tygres hede 
ermyns in a wreth hermyns and sable. 

618. COGNYERS OF YORKSHIRE beryth to his crest a wynge geules in pal in a 
wreth silver and geules. 


619. CONSTABLE OF HOLDERNES beryth to his crest a dragons hede barrey 
of vj peces the geules lozend gold in a wreth gold and asur manteled asur doubled 

620. SMYTH OF beryth to his crest a griffons hede rased sable 
berdyd membred and the rasures gold a bee aboute the neke silver. 

621. CLERVAUX OF YORKESHIRE beryth to his crest a crane in his coulours 
sette without shewyng his legges in a wreth gold and sable. 

622. HUDSWELL OF YORKESHIRE beryth to his crest a fountayne geules the 
water apperyng sylver. 

623. MONTFORD OF YORKSHIRE beryth to his crest a lyons hede asur in a 
wreth silver and geules. 

624. MYDELTON OF YORKSHIRE beryth to his crest in his proprc coulour wyth 
a chayne at hys myddell gold tyed to a blocke sable. 

625. MALORY OF YORC' beryth to his crest a horse hed geules in a wreth 
silver and sable. 

626. PLUMPTON OF YORKSHIRE beryth to his crest a gootes hed silver the 
homes gold standyng in a crowne. 

627. PIGOT OF YORKSHIRE beryth to his crest a greyhound syttyng sable a 
coller gold and on his side in pal thre pickaxes silver in a wreth gold and vert. 

628. Roos BARON beryth to his^crest a pecoke in his pryde standyng in a 
wreth gold and asur. 

629. SEE OF HOLYM IN YORKSHIRE beryth to his crest a mayden from the 
navyll upward arrayd a chapelet on her hed of roses g. 

630. STRANCWAYS OF YORKSHIRE beryth to his crest a lyon passant palle of 
vj peces silver and geules. 

631. SHORTHOSE OF YORKSHIRE beryth to his crest a dragon vollant asur in a 
wreth silver and geules. 

632. STANHOP OF YORKSHIRE beryth to his crest a busche of vert the floures 
hangyng lyke belles silver. 

633. TWYERE OF YORKSHIRE beryth to his crest a grySons hede. 

634. TANCKARD OF YORKSHIRE beryth to his crest a busche of olyve tree vert 

635. WYTHAM OF YORKSHIRE beryth to his crest a mayden fro the navel 
upward arrayed in a crowne gold. 

636. WANDISFORD OF YORKSHIRE beryth to his crest a churche. 


637. WARD OF YORKSHIRE beryth to his crest a gootes hed gold. 

638. FITZURIAN APTHOMAS Ris OF WALIS beryth to his crest a demy lyon 
rampant yssuyng owt of a toppe of a ship palle silver and vert. 

639. GREY MARQUYS DORSET beryth to his crest an unicorne ermyns in a 
sonne gold. 

640. GREY OF KNYGHT BY H. vm beryth to his crest a draggon 
syttyng legges nothyng seen gold vollant on his brest a marlet sable dyfferens 
langued geules. 

641. TERELL OF HERON IN ESSEX beryth to his crest a boores hed in pal sylver 
swallowyng a pecockes tayle in hys kynde. 

642. JAMES OF LONDON ALDERMAN beryth to his crest a lyon asur standyng 
betwene two wynges in pall and the lyon ermyned gold the lyon regardant. 

643. ISAAC OF LONDON AND ALDERMAN beryth to his crest a fagot silver leyng 
in a wreith gold and purple bounde geules on the fagot a swourd standyng the 
point upward silver manched sable garnysched gold mantelyd asur lynyd silver. 

644. MYLL OF HAMPTON beryth to his crest a demy bere rampant sable 
moseled and a chayne goold and armed in a wrethe or. g. manteled g. d. er. 

645.* WHEYTLEY berith in his crest iiij wheyt shevis lyenge upon every 
sheffe a tourtez in the mydes. 

646.* DETHIKE bereth to his creste a horsse hed coppe sylver on awrethor. 
g. mantelled g. d. ar. DERBYSHIRE. 

647.* BROWNE OF SNELSTON IN DARBY SHERE bereth to his creast a griffphins 
head rassed sable eared and beaked geules aboute his necke ij gemeles silver a 
troyfoyle ermins in a wrethe ar. sa. 

648.* BRETON berethe to his crest a beares foote rased blue theron a chev- 
eron gould. 

649.* BOSTOCKE bereth on a stocke razed or. a beares hed rased sables mus- 
selled or. 

* These last five blazons are added in later hands. 



Acheley, 435 
Aleyn, 436 
Alfrey, 514 
Alington, 351 
Alvard or Ahvard, 539 
Alwen, 279 
Amcottes, 438 
Amydas, 437 
Andrews, 579 
Appleyard, 404 
Ardern, 75 
Arundel, 157, 196 
Ascu, 225 
Ashton, 30 
Ashurst, 20 
Aske, 615, 616 
Aslyn or Askyn, 262 
Aston, 70 
Atherton, 43 
Audeley, 108, 362, 517 
Aylmer, 524 
Ayloffe, 511 

Bacon, 529 
Baldry, 417 
Banester, 52 
Barley, 563 
Barnard, 293 
Barrow, 439, 452 
Barry, 84 
Barton, 617 
Basset, 195 
Baty, 332 
Baude, 164 
Bayly, 416 
Baynham, 395 
Beaumont, 333 
Beckwith, 521 
Bedingfield, 106 
Bedyll, 419 

Belhouse, 440 

Belknap, 372 

Bellew, 420 

Bellingham, 119 

Belse, 338 

Benbery, 422 

Berkeley, 130, 135 

Bermingham, So 

Birche, 335 

Birkbeck, 527 

Birken, 423 

Blagge, 248 

Blount, 124 

Bodiam, 424 

Bold, 33, 129 

Boleyn, 346 

Bond, 297 

Booth, 27 

Borlase, 445 

Borough, 367 

Bostock, 649 

Boteler, 31, 50, 408 

Bough ton, 334, 522 

Boydell, 483 

Boynton, 421 

Boys, 443 

Bradbury, 541 

Brandon, I 

Brereton, 59 

Breton, 648 

Broke, 336, 342 

Brome, 121 

Broughton, 123 

Browne, 303, 337 357, 441, 444, 467, 


Brugys, 182, 486 
Brun, 310 
Bryan, 181 
Brykes, 326 
Bryne, 73 



Bulkeley, 67 
Bulmer, 328 
Burdet, 360 
Burnel, 433 
Burrell, 442 
Bustard, 317 
Byron, 28, 205 

Calthrop, 175 
Calveley, 55 
Capel, 370 
Carew, 105, 183 
Caryl, 457 
Cathrall, 12 
Caunton, 450 
Cave, 492 
Cavelier, 315 
Chamber, 465, 534 
Chamberlain, 379 
Champney, 276 
Cheyne, 90, 152 
Choke, 172 
Christmas, 566 
Clarel, 288 
Clement, 553 
Clere, 169 
Clerke, 307 
Clervaulx, 621 
Clifford, 153 
Clifton, 9, 159 
Clinton, 1 86 
Cobleigh, 425 
Cocksey, 101 
Code, 549 
Cole, 549 

Compton, 364, 446 
Constable, 184, 619 
Conway, 140, 447 
Conyers, 618 
Cooke, 536 
Cooper's Craft, 323 
Cope, 268, 568 
Copeland, 240 
Copley, 448 
Copuldike, 285 
Copwode, 247 
Corbet, 187 
Cottesmore, 230 
Cottingham, 69 
Crafford, 294 
Crane, 325 


Cremour, 559 
Croft, 155 
Cromer, 250, 353 
Cruge, 567 
Culcheth, 481 
Curteys, 251, 277 
Curwen, 218 
Cusak, 89 
Cussun, 311 

Dacre, 156 

Dal ton, 17 
Danvers, 528 
Darcy, 151 
Daubeney, 242 
Dauncy, 392 
Davenport, 68 
Dawes, 316 
Dawne, 58 
Dawtrey, 407 
Delabere, 107 
Delves, 60 
Desmond, 79 
Dethick, 646 
Digby, 131, 454 
Dillon, 83 
Dodmore, 434 
Dormer, 552 
Drayton, 296 
Drury, 185 
Dudley, 133 
Dun, 371 
Dymoke, 391 
Dynham, 411 

Eburton, 254 
Eden, 313 
Edgecombe, 1 68 
Egerton, 65 
Egleston, 19 
Esingold, 426 
Essex, 382 
Everard, 462 
Evers, 366 

Fairfax, 170, 369 
Farington, 36 
Fayfy, 239 
Feilding, 217 
Fenrother, 322 
Fermour, 319, 609 


Ferneley, 74 
Ferrers, 174 
Fesant, 249 
Filiol, 20 1 
Finch, 390 
Fisher, 540 

Fishmonger's craft, 545 
Fitton, 57 
Fitzhugh, 340 
Fitzlewes, 116 
Fitzurian, 508 
Fitzwarin, 154 
Fitzwater, 100 
Fitzwilliam, 373, 409 
Ford, 610 
Fortescue, 93 
Foster, 211 
Fowler, 221, 305, 458 
Fox, 495 

Framlingham, 383 
Frankelyn, 61 1 
Frowyke, 224 
Fulford, 166 

Gardiner, 558 

Garneys, 375 

Gascoigne, 134 

Gerard, 46 

Gibson, 574 

Gifford, 374, 449 

Gigges, 280 

Giles, 427 

Gill, 491 

Gillyot, 228 

Godsalve, 479 

Goldsmith, 460 

Gonson, 428 

Goodyere, 273, 274 

Gorge, 577 

Gorges, 405 

Gough, 593 

Grave, 575 

Green, 112, 259, 497, 578 

Grenewaye, 525 

Greve, 331 

Grey, 142, 639, 640 

Griffith, 148, 158 

Guildford, 91 

Gunter, 571 

Haddon, 569 

Halgh, 314 
Hall, 503, 551 
Hampton, 570 
Hansard, 381 
Harding, 282 
Hardy, 474 
Hare, 429 
Harecourt, 160 
Harington, 47 
Harper, 614 
Hartegrave, 459 
Hartwell, 535 
Hastings, 147 
Haute, 206 
Hawkins, 475 
Head, 272 
Hengscott, 471 
Herbert, 114 
Herford, 560 
Heron, 410 
Heydon, 103 
Heyford, 246 
Hill, 478 
Hinde, 507 
Hobson, 321 
Hogan, 258 
Hoghton, 39 
Holford, 64, 401 
Hollis, 573 
Holme, 284, 287 
Holston, 576 
Hopton, 109, 394 
Horden, 612 
Home, 613 
Horton, 509 
Horwood, 291 
Howard, 241, 263, 403 
Howth, 82 
Huddeswell, 622 
Hull, 498 
Hungerford, 97 
Hunt, 464 
Hussey, 176 
Hutton, 501 
Hyde, 572 

Inglefield, 202 
Ireland, 35 
Isaac, 643 
Iwardby, 223 

9 6 


Jackson, 453 
James, 642 
Jenyns, 356, 496 
Jerningham, 386 
Johnson, 5 16, 600 
Jones, 520 
Jyket, 302 

Kebell, 265, 557 
Kelway, 203 
Kemp, 226 
Kene, 286 
Kenersey, 562 
Ketelby, 601 
Ketin, 87 
Keyle, 561 
Kidwelly, 227 
Kighley, 21 
Kildare, 78 
Kingston, 387 
Kitson, 604 
Knight, 547 
Knightley, 171 
Knollys, 71 
Knyvet, 343 
Kylom, 565 

Lacy, 281 

Lane, 608 

Langrish, 256 

Langton, 37 

Larder, 243 

Lathom, 4, 1 8 

Latimer, 396 

Lawrence, 51, 189 

Leder, 489 

Lee, Legh, or Leigh, 32, 214, 231, 306, 

Leght, 544 

Lenacre, 564 

Lesquet, 244 

Letton, 455 

Lever, 49 

Lewkenor, 102 

Leyland, 400 

Lingen, 432 

Lisle, 141, 430 

Lister, 485 

Loder, 219 

Long, 213, 378 

Longford, 16 

Longueville, 431 

Lord, 308 
Lucas, 309 
Lucy, 359 
Lylegrave, 329 
Lymington, 266 
Lytton, 167 

Mainwaring, 63 
Malory, 625 
Man, 6 
Marland, 318 
Marney, 161 
Marshall, 607 
Massey, 66 
Mattok, 257 
Mauleverer, 208 
Maydeley, 546, 
Meery, 605 
Megges, 599 
Merfyn, 490 
Mering, 178 
Metham, 350 
Midleton, 624 
Mill, 644 
Mol, 252 
Molyneux, 41 
Monhaut, 7 
Monoux, 526 
Montford, 623 
Montgomery, 150 
Morgan, 598 
Mortimer, 96 
Morton, 289, 361 
Mountjoy, 341 
Moyle, 504 
Moylyn, 530 
Mucklowe, 602 
Mundy, 555 
Muriel, 606 
Mynors, 418 

Nevill, 380, 388 
Newborough, 162 
Norris, no 
Norton, 215 
North, 466 

Ormond, 77 
Oxenbridge, 354 

Pace, 473 


Pakington, 554 
Palmer, 499, 543 
Palshey, 588 
Parke, 502 
Parker, 115 
Parr, 345 
Paston, 117 
Patismere, 519 
Paulet, 199 
Peckham, 255 
Pecocke, 500 
Percy, 402 
Pette, 584 
Peyton, 173 
Pigot, 627 
Pikering, 127 
Pilborough, 591 
Pilkington, 45 
Pleydell, 512 
Plumpton, 626 
Plunket, 85 
Pole, 118, 376, 399 
Pomery, 136 
Porter, 324, 582 
Potkin, 523 
Power, 278 
Poynings, 92 
Poyntz, 98 
Pratt, 472 
Preston, 8 1 
Prestwich, 15 
Pudsey, 42, 177 
Pulteney, 139 
Purd, 583 
Putenam, 264 
Pymme, 586 
Pynson, 232 

Radcliffe, 13, 398 
Rawson, 270 
Raymond, 518 
Rede, 209, 463, 493 
Reignolt, 595 
Rest, 484 
Rethe, 253 
Rhys, 264, 638 
Rhys ap Thomas, 99 
Rideen, 260 
Rider, 163 
Rigmayden, II 
Riseley, 94 

Roberts, 271 
Robinson, 2 
Roche, 532 
Rodney, 179 
Rogers, 190 
Rolle, 587 
Roos, 628 

Ruche or Rudge, 597 
Ruthall, 461, 594 

Sabcott, 128 
Sacheverel, 355 
Saint Amand, 510 
Saint John, 145 
Sampson, 220, 550 
Sandes, 126. 
Sandford, 451 
Satina Pastrovichio, 238 
Savage, 54 
Saxton, 482 
Scrope, 198, 339 
See, 629 

Seymour, 192, 193,413 
Shaa, 261 
Sharpe, 385 
Shelton, 137 
Sherborne, 22, 358 
Shirley, 298 
Shorthose, 631 
Skuse, 505 

Smith, 589, 603, 620 
Southwo'th, 38 
Spalding, 290 
Speke, 165 
Spencer, 233, 267 
Spring, 320 
Spurcok, 239 
Stalworth, 301 
Standish, 23, 24 
Stanhope, 632 
Stanley, 3, 62, 406 
Starky, 330 
Stayber, 414 
Stede, 275 
Stourton, 143 
Strange, 197, 468 
Strangways, 630 
Strey, 456 
Strickland, 44, 212 
Style, 542 

9 8 

Swynerton, 537 

Talbot, 25, 26, 389 
Tankerd, 634 
Tarbocke, 34 
Tate, 312 
Thirkyld, 216. 
Thomas, 99, 393 
Thompson, 480 
Thorne, 300 
Throgmorton, 194 
Thurston, 10, 487 
Tichewell, 292 
Tiler, 384 
Toll, 506 
Tolley, 327 
Trafford, 29 
Treffry, 95 
Trevanion, 352 
Trevelyan, 210 
Troutbeck, 61 
Troys, 596 
Tunstall, 245 
Twyere, 633 
Tyndale, 148 
Tyrell, 86, 641 
Tyrwhitt, in, 368 

Ulster, 76 
Umpton, 541 
Upholders, 295 
Ursewyke, 48 
Utreyght, 348 
Uvedale, 580 

Vampage, 125 
Vaughan, 585 
Vaux, 122 
Vavasour, 229 
Venables, 56 
Vere, 377 
Verney, 104 
Vernon, 146 
Villiers, 531 


Waldegrave, 191 

Walden, 533 

Wall, 237 

Wandesford, 636 

Ward, 556, 638 

Warham, 415 

Warre, 207 

Warren, or Warenne, 553, 592 

Warton, 476 

Waterton, 200 

Watson, 488 

Wenlock, 235 

Wentworth, 347 

West, 144 

Wheatley, 645 

White, 538 

Whittington, 513 

Wigsten, 236 

Williams, 1 80, 590 

Willoughby, 113, 365 

Wiltshire, 269 

Windout, 469 

Windsor, 344 

Wingfield, 363 

Winnington, 72 

Wise, 88 

Witham, 635 

Withepol, 299 

Wodehouse, 222 

Wogan, 1 88 

Wolston, 138 

Wolton, 40 

Woodward, 581 

Worthington, 14 

Wrey, 535 

Wroth, 470 

Wryth, 283 

Wyatt, 349 

Yarford, 412 
Yeo, 494 
Yorke, 132 
Young, 304, 477 

Zouche, 397 


THE ancient family of Hawtrey is no longer amongst the 
' landed gentry ' or the ' county families ' of the refer- 
ence books. Nevertheless it endures, and the old name of 
the squires of Chequers, and of the parsons, lawyers and 
schoolmasters their descendants, has gone round the world 
on the playbills. The long ancestry of the Hawtreys deserves 
the care of the genealogist, and a contributor to the Ancestor 
has in a late volume begun the work of bringing the light of 
modern research to bear upon a part of it. 

At first sight Miss Florence Molesworth Hawtrey's 
history of her family * is not an acceptable book to the 
enlightened antiquary. The account of her researches into 
the past swarms with those misprints which come from 
misunderstanding. At the beginning of her tale we gain 
the most confused impression of the origin of the Hawtreys. 
They seem to have brought their name from ' Dauterive ' 
in Switzerland, from Brabant, whence they came with the 
queen of Henry I., and from Normandy, where they lived 
as vassals of Duke William. These are origins enough, 
and we cannot ^wonder that Miss Hawtrey considers a 
fourth derivation of the name ' from the river Arun ' a 
superfluity. Their Norman legend seems the most popular, 
and few would ask more than a descent from ' the knight who 
struck down Harold and seized the standard, for which exploit 
a fourth lion was added to the three in the arms still borne 
by the family.' 

As the Ancestor, in the face of this and a hundred other 
excellent legends, continues to deny the possession of armorial 
bearings to the Conqueror and his companions, we may well 
ask at what time the curious arms of Hawtrey were in truth 
assumed by them. For four crowned leopards between 
double cotises would have set on edge the teeth of the 
medieval armorist, whose eye recognized three or five charges 
borne bendwise as symmetrical but misliked four. 

1 The History of the Hawtrey Family, bf Florence Molesworth Hawtrey, 
in two volumes. George Allen, 1903. 


Side by side with the Hawtreys we have a rare tale of the 
Dormers, whom otherwise we should have taken for a Buck- 
inghamshire family whose modest fifteenth century begin- 
nings were improved by a Dormer Lord Mayor under 
Henry VIII. We are now allowed to recognize them as 
descendants of Thomas Dormer or d'Ormer in Latin de 
Mare Aureo a distinguished and remote personage who at- 
tended King Edward the Confessor on his return from France 
in 1042. 

These things do not encourage us to the study of Miss 
Hawtrey's account of those Hawtreys who follow the swords- 
man of Hastings, whose portrait Miss Hawtrey does not in- 
clude amongst her illustrations, although we may assure her 
that a spirited likeness of him in the act of felling King 
Harold is wrought into the tapestry of Bayeux. Mr. Story- 
Maskelyne and others have helped Miss Hawtrey in her task, 
but their notes and extracts are printed without arrangement 
and with such wild mis-printings and mis-spellings that the 
virtue of them suffers. For an example we quote the will 
made by Edward Hawtrey in 1549, which ends) with the 
puzzling sentence, ' wit Edward Hamden, Harry Hamden, 
William Barnaby cualus.' That ' wit ' should be read 
' witness ' is clear enough, but what may cualus, the 
strange title of William Barnaby, betoken ? We hazard that 
the list of witnesses ends with the words cum aliis. 

The interest and real value of Miss Hawtrey's book begins 
and ends with the family correspondence, which disposes us 
anew to declare that no family history can be dull reading 
wherein old letters are cited at length. 

The Hawtrey letters begin with those of John Hawtrey, 
vicar of Ringwood the first relating his tour to Scotland, a 
tour in which we willingly join him. He remarks the high 
houses and filthy streets of Edinburgh, he sleeps in ' a pomp- 
ous bed ' at Hopetown House, and at Buchanan meets ' with 
a batch of port wine equal to Tarrant's of 5 years old which 
I tasted last summer.' He adds, ' I shall stick to this.' At 
Stirling he is shown the castle, and in an age when an anti- 
quary signified an amateur of Roman altars and red Samian 
ware it is not surprising that Mr. Hawtrey should receive 
Stirling Castle at its custodian's valuation as of more than 
fourteen hundred years' antiquity ! Like most men of his age, 
the age in which they stuck to five year old port, he is curious 


in medicines. ' Buckbean ' is his favoured drug, and Buck- 
bean must be drunk by all those who would stand well with 
him. He urges it upon his brother Edward's wife. ' I am 
very glad you have been brewing Buckbean. I depend upon 
your steadiness to see your husband does not fail to drink two 
small tea-cups every day without interruption, and do you do 
the same.' Stephen Hawtrey, another brother, has come 
from Bath on a visit, and is led at once to the fount of health, 
but ' he shuffles as well as your Husband about Buckbean.' 
A remedy much rarer in 1793 than Buckbean is used by the 
Reverend John Hawtrey, a bath or ' Roman Piscina,' into 
which the vicar of Ringwood proposes to turn himself ' for 
three or four months to come 3 times a week,' an advance 
upon Mr. Pepys, who was satisfied with a single experiment 
in a kitchen substitute for the Roman piscina. Pestle, 
wine merchant to the Reverend John, shall be famous 
with him, for Pestle ' never adulterated a drop of wine.' 
' As a proof that Pestle's wines are unadulterated I 
drank after dinner my usual quantity at his house, 
and tested five or six different sorts of wine, viz. Montem 
25 years old, sherry 12, red calavalle, which is a delicious 
wine, and four sorts of ports, rode home after it, and had no 
heartburn, which is almost always the case if you ride after 
dinner.' We may read with envy that the price of Pestle's 
matchless port in 1793 was but 2OJ. a dozen. In 1795 Ring- 
wood rectory is in very great distress on account of scarcity 
occasioned by the ' dreadful wars.' We do not hear of 
economies in the wholesome wares of Pestle, but the rectory 
is eating brown bread and abstaining from all pastry, cherry 
pyes and cherry puddings. In 1 800 ' the decoction of Elm 
Bark ' has taken the place of Buckbean, but the times demand 
other and stronger medicine. The vampire Bonaparte is 
ravaging Europe like the beast of the apocalypse. "Tis no 
matter what becomes of Him, for He is an infamous Blas- 
phemer and shameless Hypocrite.' For minds unsettled by 
signs and wonders ' Dr. Rett on the Scripture prophecies, 2 vols. 
octavo,' provides a spiritual Buckbean. ' The Bishops of Lon- 
don and Lincoln strongly recommend the work ; I am much 
pleased with it ; it must amaze and confound every Infidel 
that reads it in these very awfull times.' 

The long war and the constant menace of invasion seems 
to have told upon the nerves of a generation of the English. 


One side of life under the regency is presented well enough by 
the gin-fired caperings of Corinthian Tom and Jerry, but 
elbowing these the Puritan re-appears. The rector of Ring- 
wood, a sound divine, riding happily in his flapped hat be- 
tween his friend's houses, and, Buckbean to aid, rejoicing over 
the subordination of sherry, ' red calavelle,' and four sorts of 
port, must make way for a generation afflicted with a spiritual 

Another Reverend John Hawtrey comes. A man of 
strong character, the story of his life fills most of Miss Haw- 
trey's book, and he seems an Englishman of a type so far from 
us that we wonder to find his daughter writing of him in the 
twentieth century. 

John Hawtrey began his career in 1798 as a cornet in the 
Fourth or Queen's Own Regiment of Dragoons. ' Eton,' as 
he says in a scrap of autobiography, ' was then very warlike,' 
and the commissioned ranks were filled with young men whose 
guardians had but to buy a commission and a uniform to make 
soldiers of them the day they left school. Forty pounds a 
year was the allowance which his father made to the young 
dragoon officer in an army so pleasantly unreformed that 
John Hawtrey asked his father to buy him a step in rank be- 
fore he had bought his first charger, and probably before he 
had learned 'to mount and dismount a la militaire.' Al- 
though the elements of a soldier's trade were not demanded 
of a lieutenant, we are reminded by a letter to John Hawtrey 
from his father that one qualification at least was demanded 
in 1798. 

Every Officer in the Army is by an Act of Parliament obliged to receive the 
Sacrament within 6 Calendar Months after he has his Commission ; therefore 
when you are qualified to receive the Sacrament, you must inform the Clerk of 
the Parish of your intentions, and he will take care and provide a Certificate for 
you and be witness of your receiving it, together with the Sexton, and the 
Minister will sign it, and then at the next Quarter Sessions of the peace for 
Ipswich you must go into Court with your witnesses and Certificate and take 
the necessary oaths prescribed by Act of Parliament, for which you pay two 
shillings, and this is called qualifying for your Commission. 

At the age of nineteen or twenty years the purchase system 
made John Hawtrey a captain in the 25th Foot. He was then 
a young man with blue eyes and fair hair, six feet in height, 
who had for a time relinquished his playing upon the flute, 
because ' nothing is so likely to affect the lungs and bring on a 


consumption.' He married i 1804 Miss Ann Watson, 
daughter of Colonel Watson, who was shot near Wexford 
leading his men against the rebels in arms. By this time 
Captain Hawtrey, who when quartered at Gibraltar had been 
a ' professed avowed infidel,' had become a very serious young 
man, as witnesses a document drawn up by him in which the 
day of the young couple is parcelled out in virtuous sections 
from seven in the morning till eleven in the evening, a day 
ending with ' from 9 to li,the Elegant Authors, Poems Sub- 
lime or Pastoral, the Belles Lettres, Addison, Thompson, 
Sterne and Religious Works.' 

John Hawtrey's military life was short and undistin- 
guished. In 1807 he went with the force which was to take 
Madeira, but Madeira was surrendered without a shot. From 
Madeira he was ordered to the West Indies, where he sold his 
commission in 1808 and left a profession which he had come 
to believe was ' a bad one, a very bad one.' He had become 
a Methodist preacher, and the army in 1808 did not love 
preaching captains. In 1832 he took orders in the Church 
of England and died a Somersetshire parson in 1853. 

Miss Hawtrey's work fills two volumes, and might with 
more careful editing have been made a single volume of some 
interest. But no plan has been followed, and Miss Hawtrey 
has evidently not had the heart to cut away the unnecessary 
from cherished letters and memoirs. That it is possible to 
read with pleasure amongst her nine hundred pages is another 
testimony to the abiding interest which clings about old 
family correspondence. 


it please your lordshipps 

' These three men, Joell and the rest, have wearied 
Mr. Maior and myselfe with their pretensed personall wronges 
betwixt their minister and them. They have been examined 
at several times by Mr. Maior and the Justices of the Citty. 
Myselfe have spent diuerse dayes with Joell in hearing and 
examining his personal aggrenances against his minister. I 
haue found them mier shadowes to cover his pride, stomack, 
and wilfull disobedience, and no perswasion, that Mr. Maior 
or myselfe have used, canne moue Joell and the rest to yeald 
their obedience unto your Lordshippes authoritie and comand. 
They are three chief men for wealth and estimac'on : who 
like Corah, Dathan, and Abirham haue seperated them selues 
from their congregac'on and onder Ho'ble informac'on except 
exemplarie justice bee shewed uppon these, our Walloon 
congregac'on will fall to nothinge. 

(Signed) ' Sa : Noruicen.' * 

The Joell referred to was one Desormeaux, a member of 
the Walloon French church at Norwich, and the moving 
epistle of the Bishop of Norwich was addressed to the Privy 
Council. The cause of the difficulty was the refusal of 
Desormeaux and others to pay the rates for the maintenance 
of their own and their parish clergy. 

The first regular settlement of the strangers at Norwich 
in the sixteenth century was in 1565, when a selected few were 
invited by the City authorities to settle and exercise their 
trades ; arrangements were made by the Duke of Norfolk 
with John Utenhove and the London Dutch Consistory, 
and the first party of thirty families and their servants, 
chiefly from London, Sandwich, Colchester and Lynn, came 
to the City. In due time large numbers followed them, 
and the trade of the City and County of Norfolk, which 
had greatly diminished, grew to large proportions. Two 

1 State Papers. Dom. Jac. I., 37, 43, 1613. 



hundred years before, as was doubtless remembered by the 
authorities, the Flemings imported by Edward I. and Philippa 
of Hainault had laid the foundations of the English woollen 
manufacture in England, and the middle of the fourteenth 
century saw Norwich more prosperous than ever before. 
Fuller tells us that there were no less than sixty parish and 
seven conventual churches within the walls, and upwards of 
70,000 souls in the city and suburbs, all of which prosperity 
had been caused by the woollen trade established by the 

The Dutch, by far the most numerous, were assigned in 
1565 the choir of St. John the Baptist, formerly the church 
of the Black Friars, which had come into the hands of the 
Corporation at the dissolution of the monasteries. The 
Walloon French were given the use of the chapel of Little 
St. Mary in Tombland, commonly called the Bishops' chapel. 
Both the congregations being Conformist, their discipline 
and form of worship were ordered to conform as much as 
possible to that of the Established Church : the Bishop of 
Norwich being their superintendent. 

The disposition of these strangers appears to have been 
of a singularly pleasant character. ' Profitable and gentle 
strangers,' says Archbishop Parker, ' ought to be welcome 
and not to be grudged at.' A Report, 1 endorsed ' The 
benefittes receaved in Norwich by having the straungers 
there,' says of them : ' They live holy of themselves withoute 
chardge, and doe begge of no man, and doe sustaine all their 
owne poore people.' They were clearly not of the type 
which land on Saturday, and commit burglary on Monday. 
Item. ' They not onelie sette on worke their owne people 
but doe also sette on work oure owne people within the 
cittie as alsoe a grete number of people nere xx u myles aboute 
the cittie, to the grete relief of the porer sorte there.' Imagina- 
tion boggles at the thought of the result on the mind of the 
British citizen, say of Shoreditch, in the year 1575, of a placard 
in a ' straunger's ' window : ' Noe Englysshe neede applye.' 
A second Report shows the alien of that time in a still more 
favourable light : Norwich entertained angels unawares. 
Item. ' They have and dayly doe willinglie lend to sundry 
Englishe for their better mayntenaunce dyvers sums of monie 

i 1575. State Papers. Dom. Eliz., vol. 20. No. 49. 


w'thout taking anie interest or p'fit (at all) for the same, 
but pray and thanke God for His blessinges.' * 

Isaac Gordon and his compeers, strangers of later arrival, 
might well be thankful that this disastrous custom did not 
persist amongst the Norwich aliens ! 

Previous to 1607 the parish clergy in Norwich were de- 
pendent on voluntary offerings. In 1606 an order was made 
by the Privy Council to the Mayor and Justices, that a 
proportionate tax of twenty pence in the pound on the rents 
of houses and shops should be imposed for the maintenance 
of the parish clergy. This tax had already been imposed on 
the strangers by article 4 of their book of orders, in 1571. 
The order calls attention to the forwardness of the strangers 
in respect of their contributions, and the backwardness of 
natural subjects, which backwardness ' we conceive to pro- 
ceed either out of want of religious zeal towards the Gospel, 
or out of their owne corrupt disposition : to factious sectaries, 
and pretended reformacion ' (Blomefield, iii. 362). 

In 1612, Sir Edward Coke, Lord Chief Justice of the 
King's Bench, and other Judges, confirmed this order of 1571, 
and further ordered that the strangers should stand charged 
with the maintenance of their own ministers and poor, in 
respect of their private estate. 

To men who had lived in darkness and the shadow of 
death, and who had seen the Spanish Terror, to pay a double 
tax was no hardship when not only the bare right to live, but 
even prosperity was assured to them. With prosperity, 
however, came the inevitable reaction. Besides, that omni- 
vorous genius of the Anglo-Saxon race was beginning to work, 
which absorbs every alien race within its borders, even its 
conquerors. The strangers were becoming English ; a 
process which was specially rapid and easy in the case of the 

The alien of the twentieth century, who brings little into 
this country beyond an assortment of new diseases, celebrates 
his new found freedom in various ways, not infrequently 
making the early acquaintance of British Justice, through a 
misunderstanding of the term Liberty. The alien of the 
seventeenth century began by frequenting, not the police- 
court, but his parish church. 

As early as 1608, the Bishop of Norwich, as Superintendent 

> State Papers. Dom. Eliz., vol. 127. No. 81. 


and Overlord, was appealed to by the French congregation, 
in the matter of one Peter Truye, of St. Lawrence parish, 
and Nicolas de Corte, of St. Paul's, who had given up attending 
their own church, and contributing to the support of its poor, 
and had betaken themselves to their several parish churches. 
The Bishop was entreated ' to helpe us in bringing home these 
two strayed shepe unto their owne shepe-fold.' l Aided by 
the Mayor and Justices, he seems to have succeeded in heading 
off the truants but others soon followed through the gap 
they made. Black sheep there are in every flock, and the 
difficulties which arose were taken advantage of by those 
who wished to escape from a too exacting taxation. 

In 1612, one Denis L'Hermite, whether a scion of the race 
of the fiery Peter, history does not relate, refused to pay 
his tax of a penny in the pound on his house-rent in St. 
Saviour's parish, to the Rev. Foulke Robartes, and associating 
himself with Joell Desormeaux, before mentioned, and Samuel 
Camby, ' principall men of the French Congregacion who 
being riche in meanes, and refractory in condition, have upon 
some displeasure misconceived against Mr. Peter de Lawne 
their minister, whom we knowe to be a learned, grave and 
discrete preacher, not onely witheld from him their usual 
contribution but have also withdrawne themselves from that 
their congregacion and churche, wherein they had formerly 
borne sev'all offices, and continued members thereof ever 
since their baptisme.' a 

Denis L'Hermite seems to have waged a successful defen- 
sive campaign against the Bishop and civil authorities for 
some years, for we do not hear of him again until 1620, when 
a petition was addressed by the Mayor and Justices to the 
Privy Council, dated 31 January 1620. 

The petition sets forth the old regulation agreed to at 
the coming of the strangers, and states that the parish rate 
had not been paid by L'Hermite since 1606. He had been 
summoned before the Justices by Mr. Robartes, and still 
refusing to pay, the matter was therein referred to the Privy 
Council. With an agility commendable only in the children 
of this world, our passive resister now changes his ground. 
He ' complains ' to the Privy Council, that being a freeman 

1 Baker MSS. Camb. Univ. Lib. 32, pp. 169, 170. 
a State Papers. Dom. Jac. I., cxiii. 144. 


of the City, and one of the Livery of his company, and fre- 
quenting the parish church of St. Saviour's, to which he is 
perfectly ready to pay all church dues, he * ys forced by those 
of the ffrench congregacion ' to resort to their church as 
formerly ' to his infinit vexacion,' and asks for the matter 
to be referred back to the authorities of Norwich. This 
was done, but in 1621, 25 September, the harassed Mayor and 
Justices again implore the aid of the Privy Council. After 
a full hearing, in which the French minister and elders 
had been examined, the case was again decided against 
L'Hermite. The Mayor points out that others were offending 
in the same way, and that if all were allowed to do as they 
liked, the support of the minister and care of the poor would 
fall on those who remained faithful to their own church. 
The petition states that Denis did indeed promise to do his 
duty to both the French church and his own parish, and at their 
request ' did willinglie submitt to resort to the said French 
churche as formerly and beare the said office of Eldership.' l 

This mood, however, soon passed, and our friend, Mr. 
Facing-both-ways, had now conspired with Joell Desormeaux, 
aforesaid, and refused to pay the French church dues ; having 
apparently compounded with his former enemy, the Rev. F. 
Robartes, by a promise to pay his church rate. The ground 
of battle was now shifted, and so far from falling between 
two stools, L'Hermite appears to have balanced himself with 
great success on both. It was now the turn of the French 
minister and the Consistory to attack. Strengthened by 
fresh forces in the shape of Desormeaux and Camby, Denis 
L'Hermite and his friends dared the enemy to do his worst. 
In the ensuing war of words, L'Hermite leaves the brunt to 
be borne by Joell, who appears to have had a gift of repartee 
suited for the occasion. 

An order of the Privy Council, dated October 1621, was 
issued on behalf of the French minister, touching ' Larmett 
and others not submitting to the discipline,' to compel them to 
resort to their church and submit to its discipline, under a bond 
to appear before the Council in case of disobedience. In this 
order, founded on the report of the Bishop of Norwich, L'Her- 
mite is mentioned as being born in England, which seems to 
be incorrect, as a return of strangers for the City of Norwich 

1 State Papers. Dom. Jac. I., 122, 144. 


in 1622 gives ' Dennys Lermite, comer ' (wool comber) as 
born beyond the seas. 

The last we hear of the matter is in a long petition of the 
Mayor and Justices to the Council, April 1623, in which the 
behaviour of Joell is fully set forth : the result of which issued 
in his being bound in 40 to appear before the Privy Council. 

According to the petition he had repeatedly been sum- 
moned before the Justices, and had as often refused to pay 
his ' arrerages ' of 24 6s. for the maintenance of the ministry 
and poore of the Walloon congregation. On 10 March, 1622, 
the Lord Bishop of Norwich being present, Jock was required 
by him to conform to the Walloon church ' his L'pp then 
usinge many gentle persuasions to that purpose,' to which 
he answered that he had received so many wrongs from the 
minister ' that he could not condiscend to his L'pp therein.' 
On being assured by the Bishop that satisfaction should be 
made by the minister, and asked to name them, ' the said 
Joell craved pardon, sayinge hee would name none.' On 
30 March he was again cited, and again refused to make any 
other answer than that he had made at his last appearance : 
' and for payment to the poor hee sayd that upon the minister 
and others of that church shall cease to molest him ' he would 
pay as he was able. Time was then given him till 2 April, 1623, 
when he again declared that when the French church would 
' cease to molest him by conventinge of him before the Lord 
Bishop and the Maior of Norwich hee would pay to the yeare 
as he should be able,' but flatly refused ' to bee of that con- 
gregacion.' In consequence he was ordered to appear before 
the Council on 10 May, 1624. 

The order appears never to have been obeyed, for shortly 
after Joell eluded his pursuers by shuffling off this mortal coil, 
and with it, a considerable load of debt to Denis L'Hermite, 
who had become surety for him for the payment of ' several! 
greate somms of money ' for which said surety he had been 

The difficulties arising out of the two separate churches 
solved themselves automatically by the intermarriage of the 
strangers with the native English ; the children of marriages 
in the parish church being ipso facto declared English, with 
no claim on the foreign churches for any charitable support. 1 

' French Colloquy, Bk. i6d. 


A Bill in Chancery * of the year 1626 affords us a last 
glimpse of Denis L'Hermite. The curtain falls on our worthy 
friend engaged in a struggle with Elizabeth, relict of his 
whilom friend and companion, and her son, who appear to 
have completely got the better of ' your pore orrator, Dyonisse 
Lermite, of the Cittie of Norwich, wool-comb'.' 


1 Chanc. Proc. Car. I., Bills and Answers, 1. 65, 176. 


ROBERT DE LIZOURS, lord of Sprot- 
borough in Yorkshire and son of Fulk 
de Lizours whose name is written in Domes- 
day Book, married Aubreye, widow of Henry 
de Lacy, the lord of Pomfret. Aubreye's 
son Robert died in 1193 as the last of his 
line. With such parentage, a second 
Aubreye, only child of Aubreye and Robert 
de Lizours, was born about 1130 to be the great heiress of 
her countryside. In the twelfth century such ladies did not 
remain long in spinsterhood, and the younger Aubreye was 
wedded to Richard fitz Eustace, the baron of Halton in the 
county palatine of Chester, to whom she bore John the con- 
stable of Chester, who founded a new line of Lacys, who were 
to be earls of Lincoln. After the death of Richard she married 
William the son of Godric, and from this marriage springs the 
house of Fitzwilliam. 

Of Godric nothing is known save that he was Godric and 
therefore an Englishman, for Godric is so bluntly English a 
name that the fine Normans and Frenchmen about King 
Henry Beauclerk fastened the nickname of Godric upon him 
for the sake of his English manners. A father was indeed 
found for him by Thoroton the topographer, who read of 
Godric, son of Chetelbert and lord of Sprotborough in a pipe 
roll of King Stephen's reign ; but the learned Hunter looking 
in the same roll found indeed a Godric son of Chetelbert, but 
naught of his lordship of Sprotborough. So by reason of 
there being many Godrics in England Thoroton takes his 
place with discredited pedigree mongers and William son of 
Godric is left without a grandfather. 

Many guesses concerning this family found themselves on 
their shield of arms, which is lozengy silver and gules. The 
Grimaldi, sovereign princes of Monaco, overlords of the rouge 
and the noir, have long borne the same shield, and their kins- 
man, Mr. Stacey Grimaldi, claimed that our English Fitz- 
williams came from Grimaldi. The lords of Bee Crespin had 


the same blazon, and even the learned Hunter saw a remark- 
able coincidence in the fact that many of these bore the 
sufficiently common name of William. Nevertheless, no one 
has traced a common ancestry for the seigneurs of Bee Crespin 
and the Grimaldi on the ground of the lozenged shield, so 
Fitzwilliam, in spite of his shield, may refuse the cousinshipof 
either house, pointing to Godric their forefather, a rosbif 

Even to our own time this family has been reckoned 
amongst those who claim a descent from beyond the age of 
the Norman Conquest. Hearken to Collinses Peerage, which 
recites their early ancestry with no uncertain note. We 
begin with SIR WILLIAM FITZ GODIRE, cousin to Edward the 
Confessor. His son and heir, Sir William Fitzwilliam, ' being 
ambassador at the court of William, Duke of Normandy, 
attended him in his victorious expedition into England A.D. 
1066 ; and for his bravery at the battle of Hastings on 14 Oc- 
tober (when King Harold lost the crown with his life) the 
Conqueror gave him a scarf from his own arm.' The son of 
this treacherous gallant, another William, is said to have 
wedded Eleanor, daughter and heir of Sir John Elmley of 
Sprotborough and Elmley, and to have had issue a fourth 
William, whose chief distinction is found in the fact that he 
sealed a grant to the Monks of Byland with a seal of his 
arms, and that in 1117, a long time before such toys were 
invented. A fifth William married ' Ella, daughter and co- 
heir of William de Warenne, Earl of Surrey, by Gundreda his 
wife, daughter of King William the Conqueror,' and had 
issue the William with whom we have been content to begin 
our more modest pedigree. For this legendary beginning 
and for each and all of its details, the signatures and seals of 
three Elizabethan kings of arms stand for all proof, William 
Harvey, Clarencieux, testifying that the descent ' is sufficient 
to satisfy any judge.' The judicial value of such official 
certificates of ancestry may be estimated by these attestations 
of a tale as clumsily improbable as this discredited story of five 
Williams, for no one of whom can a jot of evidence be brought 
to witness. King Edward's cousin, who dedicated his son to 
treason from his birth upward by providing him with the 
foreign name of William, is as unknown to the chronicler as 
is that amazing son who, sent on an embassy to an enemy, is 
persuaded to return to his own land as marshal of the invading 


host. The captain's scarf of the Elizabethan period points 
clearly enough to the date when this story was woven. In the 
eyes of the uncritical Elizabethan antiquary, his contemporary 
captains, with their scarves and ostrich plumes, had pranced 
on every battlefield since the flood. The marriage with a 
ghostly Elmley of Sprotborough is thrust into the pedigree 
to account for the Fitzwilliams' possession of that Sprot- 
borough which in truth was brought them by Aubreye de 
Lizours, and the match with a coheir of Warenne is braggart 
falsehood devised for adorning the Fitzwilliam shield with a 
quartering of the chequered coat of the mighty Warennes. 

In 1178 ' William son of Godric rendered account of ten 
marks for his marriage with ' the mother of John the Con- 
stable.' Her vast lands were divided between the issue of her 
two marriages, the Lacy lands to the heirs of her first born and 
the lands of Lizours to William her son by William son of 
Godric. 5 

The house of Fitzwilliam thus begins its career with 
eight knights fees in Yorkshire and with illustrious kinsfolk. 
William son of Godric their housefounder is sometimes called 
William de Clairfait Willelmus de Clarofagio filius Godrici 
and we know him for a follower of King Stephen and a 
founder of the monastery of Hampole. 

The founding of a monastery was a pious work which 
blessed the founder's progeny with a well proven pedigree. 
The charters of Hampole show William Fitzwilliam of Edward 
the Third's day inspecting and confirming the grant of his 
ancestors, he being son of William, son of Thomas, lord of 
Sprotborough, which Thomas son of William, son and heir 
of Aubreye de Lizours, confirmed the grants of his father and 
grandmother, who gave the church of Adwick le Street to 
the monastery. 

When Aubreye de Lizours made her great agreement with 
her grandson Roger the Constable she was doubtless a widow, 
but the date of the death of the first William is unknown. 
Their son William fitz William is he of whom it is written that 

1 By a fine made at Winchester 21 April 5 Ric. I. between Aubreye de Lizoun 
and Roger the Constable her grandson, the lady Aubreye quitclaims to Roger 
the land which was Robert de Lacy's and the said Roger grants that the said 
Aubreye shall hold for life the land which was of Robert de Lizours her father, 
with remainder to William her son. 

1 Pipe roll 24 H. II. 


he sealed with a seal whereon he rides on horseback with the 
lozenged shield of Fitzwilliam upon his arm, a seal which would 
make the arms of Fitzwilliam the most ancient in the land. 
Hugh Fitzwilliam, the Elizabethan historian of his family, 
gave this seal the date of 1117, an error still cherished by the 
peerages and still served up by the newspaper paragraphers 
when Fitzwilliams are marrying or dying. This William is said 
to have been in arms against King John and to have come back 
to the King's obedience in the fifth year of Henry III. 

Thomas Fitzwilliam, his son and heir, is styled grandson 
of Aubreye de Lizours in a fine of 10 Henry III, and in 1253 
had freewarren in his Yorkshire and Nottinghamshire lands. 
This Thomas was a rebel in his father's steps. A quarrel and 
lawsuit of his sons tell us that at the battle of Chesterfield in 
1266 he was prisoner to the King. After this no more of 
Thomas Fitzwilliam. That they who smite with the sword 
perish with the sword was in his days commonplace fact and 
truth. He had married Agnes Bertram, with whom her 
father, Roger Bertram, gave a manor and a rent, and in 1312 
William Fitzwilliam, son of William the son of Thomas and 
Agnes, was, with Darcys, Roos's, and Veres, amongst the 
coheirs of Roger Bertram, brother of Agnes. 

After him comes one William in whom we see that the 
name Fitzwilliam has not yet crystallized to a surname, for 
this William is commonly called William fitz Thomas, under 
which name he pleaded before the commissioners of Edward I. 
that he claimed in his lands of Sprotborough the rights of 
assize which his ancestors had there since the conquest. His 
son was yet another William, the William who was found to be 
a coheir of the Bertrams. Again William begat William, a 
son who rode to Boroughbridge with his lord the earl of 
Lancaster. When the earl died by the axe six knights were 
hanged at Pontefract, and one of these was the young William 
Fitzwilliam. The father lived on at Sprotborough, and five 
years later, with his son John, was declared by a Yorkshire 
jury not guilty of the death of a knight slain feloniously at 
Dringhouses. This John died of the black death in 1349. 

Sir John of Sprotborough was slain about 1385 by Roger 
Spark, a servant of the Aske family, who were allied to the Fitz- 
williams, so that in the story related in his widow's appeal in the 
King's Bench we have the story of a neighbourly affray of York- 
shiremen ; but the record stands alone, for we know little of the 


life of these later Fitzwilliams. They made good marriages and 
sustained their house without meddling with affairs of State. 
One of them died over sea in the King's service at Rouen, and 
they held, as it would seem, by the house of York, but in such 
canny wise that Sprotborough came safely from father to son. 
The last Fitzwilliam of Sprotborough died in 1516, and a 
struggle at law began for his Yorkshire lordships of Sprot- 
borough, Emley, Darrington and Haddlesey, his Nottingham- 
shire and Norfolk manors, which were claimed in vain by 
Fitzwilliams sprung from Ralph, a captain of Sauveterre in 
Aquitaine under the earl of Huntingdon. The Saviles of 
Thornton had Emley and the Copleys Sprotborough, and thus 
the old lands were scattered. But the Fitzwilliams of 
Haddlesey who lost Sprotborough and Emley in the law courts 
remembered the pit from which they were digged, and the 
Aquitaine captain's great grandson, Hugh Fitzwilliam, an 
ambassador's servant in Germany, Italy and France, lived to 
put in a book all that he could collect of his family history 
and evidences. The family lawsuit with Copleys and Saviles 
was still alive in his day, but little good came of it, and the 
family historian's will, proved in 1577, deals for the most part 
with leather-covered chests, caskets, mails, and leather bags, 
which speak of the precious parchments of Fitzwilliam 
descents and alliances. 

This will of Hugh Fitzwilliam makes his cousin, Sir William 
Fitzwilliam of Milton in Northamptonshire, his executor. 

From the main line of Sprotborough many younger lines 
had branched away, Fitzwilliams of the Woodhall, Fitz- 
williams of Mablethorpe in Lincolnshire, Fitzwilliams of 
Wadworth, Aldwark, Kingsley, Clayworth, and many another 
far-scattered house. Two Fitzwilliams of Aldwark, fourth 
cousins of Sprotborough, were slain in the glorious fight of 
Fiodden Field, and their brother William became a King's 
favourite and an earl. This William Fitzwilliam was with 
King Henry VIII from a boy. He was unlearned, with 
none of the Latin which made a second tongue for most of 
those about him, but he was a cunning sportsman, and a 
successful soldier and sailor. In the year 1513, which saw his 
brothers die at Fiodden, he was fighting at sea off Brest and 
took a sore hurt with a crossbow quarrel. He served Wolsey 
as ambassador to France, was vice-admiral of England, captain 
of Guisnes, and a knight of the most noble order of the Garter. 


He forced a confession of adultery from Anne Boleyn's gallant, 
Sir Henry Norris, rode down the Lincolnshire rebels, and 
taught Anne of Cleves to play at the cards whilst waiting for 
a cross channel wind from Calais. He bought the great 
house of Cowdray and was made Earl of Southampton. In 
all things he was the Tudor courtier, a keen and bold man 
who rose with the climbers and over the fallen. He died in 
1542, leader of the van of an English army, and his standard 
went forward with the army, leaving his corpse at Newcastle- 

To his great genealogy of 1565 Hugh Fitzwilliam, styling 
himself as of Sprotborough, first set his name and seal, and 
after him signed William Fitzwilliam of Milton, knight, as 
' eldest brother of the house,' with John Fitzwilliam of 
Milton and Brian Fitzwilliam of Gaines Park in Essex. 
William Fitzwilliam of Lincoln signed next, followed by 
Geryase Fitzwilliam of Bentley, William Fitzwilliam, son and 
heir of John of Kingsley, William Fitzwilliam of Plomtree, 
George of Haddlesey, Thomas, son and heir of Francis of 
Fenton, John, son and heir of Richard of Ringstede, and 
Charles Fitzwilliam of Sandby in Nottinghamshire. So 
widely spread and well seated were the younger lines of the 
house at the time when the main line came to its end. 

But of all the many lines of Fitzwilliam but one survives to 
our own day, a house stablished by a merchant of London, 
alderman of Bread Street ward. He flourished under Wolsey, 
whose treasurer and chamberlain he was, and in those days of 
black treachery it is pleasant to know that here at least was 
one who honoured his fallen master and received him at his 
house of Milton in Northamptonshire. 

He was a son of John Fitzwilliam, who is said to have been 
sixth son to Sir John of Sprotborough, who died in 1418, and 
his near kinship is vouched by the will of his kinsman, Hugh 
the genealogist, who made the Milton Fitzwilliams his heirs. 
His grandson and heir was perhaps the greatest man of the 
house. Born in 1526 and christened William, he soon dis- 
tinguished himself amongst the many William Fitzwilliams 
of his family. The first Russell earl of Bedford was his 
kinsman by the mother's side, and he was soon a gentleman of 
the King's chamber. Though a protestant, he held for 
Queen Mary, who honoured him for his loyalty, and for most 
of the last fifty years of his life his work lay in Ireland, where 


he held all posts, from temporary keeper of the great seal to 
lord deputy, which high place he filled three times. He was 
soldier, justice and ruler, and Ireland broke him in health, 
fortune, and reputation. His English lands were at one time 
all but thrown to his Irish creditors, he was spattered with 
charges of cruelty and corruption, and died at last, home again 
at Milton, lame and blind, weary of life. He had a crown 
lease of Fotheringhay when Mary of Scotland came to the 
block, and amongst many harsh gaolers Mary found the old 
Lord Deputy kind and respectful to her misery. She gave 
him a picture of her son James, which picture is still an heir- 
loom amongst his descendants. 

The Lord Deputy's grandson William was created a peer 
of Ireland in 1620, and the third Lord Fitzwilliam of Lifford 
became an Irish earl in 1716, the reward of loyal Whiggery. 
In 1746, the family being steadfast in its politics, the Irish 
earldom had an English earldom and viscountcy added to it. 
The second earl was lord lieutenant of Ireland in 1795, and 
was recalled within three months for avowing his sympathy 
with Catholic emancipation. Four and twenty years later 
the earl's liberal tongue dealt with the massacre of the weavers 
at ' Peterloo ' and cost him his lieutenancy of the West 
Riding. He died the father of the peerage, having been 
seventy-seven years an earl. 

The estate of Milton is now in the hands of a younger son 
of the house, and the Earl Fitzwilliam, who is probably heir 
male of Godric the Englishman, is seated in the county of 
Yorkshire, where the forefathers of his name lived on their 
lands in the twelfth century. 



THE Densill family, from his descent from which the well- 
known Denzell Holies, father of John Holies, Earl of 
Clare, received his name, was for many years of considerable 
importance in the parish of St. Mawgan-in-Pyder, a village 
now perhaps best known as containing the convent of Lan- 
herne, which is situated in the ancient manor-house of the 
Cornish Arundels. 

There are in the British Museum at least two manuscripts 
(Harl. 3,367 and Lansd. 207 F.) which contain transcripts of 
documents in the possession of Gervase Holies, and throw 
much light on the pedigree and possessions of the family. 
With the latter I do not propose to deal ; the former, however, 
is of interest, owing to the fact that the family was connected 
by ties of marriage with many of the most famous names of 

It may be well to begin by giving in extenso the pedigrees 
which I propose to augment from these documents. 

Gilbert, in his History of Cornwall, iii. 147, s. v. Mawgan- 
in-Pyder, gives the following fragment, which I have thrown 
into pedigree form : 




Thomas Densill, Skewish 
temp. Hen. VI. 



John Dcnsill, held 

= dau. and h. of Trenowith Richard 


Trenowith jure uioris, 

of St. Columb Major 

temp. Ed. IV. 


Deniills of Filleigh, 


John Denill, Esq. barrist< 

r-at- = Mary, dau. of Sir 

law, of Lincoln's Inn, Ser 

j.-at- Lucas, of 

law, 1531, dec. Jan. 1535, 

bur. Warwickshire 

in the church of St. Gilt 





Anne mar. 

Alice, mar 

William Hollii, of 

Mr. Reskymer 

Houghton, Notts. 

This is full of inaccuracies. Maclean, on the other hand, 
in his History of Trigg Minor, iii. 385, is mainly correct as far 
as he goes, but the manuscripts already referred to add largely 
to our information. 

He begins with : 

Laurence Denysel, = Dionis 
living 1283 

as the first known of the name, and after a gap, goes on as 
follows : 

John Denysel of D. = Jane Wenlock 

John Denysel of D. = Johanna, dau. and co-h. 
of Ralph Trenowyth 

George Denysel, died = . . 
13 Ed. IV. 

Remfry Denysel, son and = sister and co-h. of 
heir, a minor 13 Ed. IV. I John Skewys 


Denysel, Serj.-at- = Mary, dan. of Sir 
law | Thomas Lacy 



The MS. Harl. 3367 is entitled ' Densellorum de Densell 
Prosapia. Ex archivis Denzelli Holies filii junioris praenobilis 
Dni Johannis Holies militis Baronis de Haughton, et Comitis 
de Clare ' ; while Lansd. 207 F. is vol. vi. of the ' Collectanea 
Gervasii Holies,' and its sub-title is practically the same as 
that of the former MS. with the date 1637. There are, how- 
ever, some differences in the two collections of charters. Thus 
Lansd. begins with an undated gift of lands in Saint Hyde by 
Joan Bozoun, widow, to Peter de Dinesel, to which appear 
as witnesses, among others, Ralph de Arundell and Thomas 
le Arcidiaken. According to the Cole Family, p. 22, there 
was a Sir Thomas Ercedekne, who was sheriff of Cornwall 
7 Edw. I., and a Sir Thomas, who was governor of Tintagel 
in 1329; this latter would seem to be too late; but a 
comparison of all the witnesses would be necessary to fix 
the date. According, however, to Collins, (1756), vi. 116, 
a Sir Ralph Arundel was sheriff of Cornwall in 44 Hen. III. 

Ralph Arundell and others are witnesses to Carta I. Harl. 
(Lansd. c. ii.), wherein Roger de Gliwyon gives up rights to 
Peter de Dinisel. This also is undated. 

In H. c. ii. (L. c. iii.) William Wise makes a gift to his 
daughter Sybilla and William de Dynishille and their heirs, 
' Anno regni regis Edwardi filii regis Henrici tricesimo,' one 
of the witnesses being Stephen de Dynishille. 

H. c. iii. (L. c. iv.) is dated ' A d'ni Mcccxxxviii,' and is 
a gift by John Denysel de Alderstowe to Thomasia his 
daughter and her heirs, presumably on her marriage. 

The next deed in Lansd. (c. 5) is dated 4 Hen. V. It is 
executed by John Denesel, and makes mention of ' Odo 
Trenowyth ' and ' John Trenowyth,' ' my brothers,' ' George, 
my son,' * Joan, my wife,' ' Richard, my brother,' and ' Isabel 
Hamely, my sister,' evidently the wife of ' Harturus Hamely,' 
one of the parties to whom the gift is made. A brief pedigree 
given below sets this Isabella down as a Trenowyth. This 
John Denesel is clearly the one who married Johanna Tren- 

H. c. v. and Lansd. c. vi. are copies of a transaction in 
14 Hen. VI. between Thomas Chauntrell and George Denysel, 
the son of John last named. C. viii. in both collections is a 
conveyance in 17 Hen. VI. by John Trethevan to George 

C. vii. in both collections is an arbitration between ' Nich- 


olas Carminowe and George Denysell, esquiers,' about lands 
in Pellyngarowe, held by John Arundel, esq., and others at^St. 
Columb's, 25 Hen. VI. 

L. c. xi. gives us the date of George Densell's wedding, and 
the name of his wife, it being a gift by him on his marriage, 
4 April, 27 Hen. VI., to ' Johanna, filia senior Johannis Petyt 
de Predannck armigeri postea militis ' ; Sir John Petyt died 
31 Hen. VI. In 30 Hen. VI. (H. c. iv. ; L. c. xiv.) Nicholaus 
Calamee, whose relationship, if any, to the Densills does not 
appear, gives ' unum messagium ' in Tregonyburgh to George 
Densell, Joan his wife, and their heirs, unless they die without 

From H. c. ix. (Lans. c. ix.) we gather that George Densell 
' armiger ' was living 6 Ed. IV. 

L. c. xv. says that ' Johanna uxor Georgii Denzell armiger 
(sic) vixit post maritum suum, sicut apparet ex charta data 
xii die September A undecimo Ed. 4 . 

H. c. vi. (L. c. xix.) is a gift in 14 Ed. IV. by John Ivacocke 
of Penros, to his daughter Joan ; in remainder are mentioned 
successively Re m fry Densell, George Densell, Elizabeth sister 
of Remfry, and wife of John Enys, and Katharine and Thom- 
asia, sisters of Remfry. 

In 4 Hen. VII. we find (H. c. xi, L. c. xii.) Remfry Denisell 
conveying the manor of Denysell to his son John, who at that 
date had no heirs of his body. The Lansd. MS. gives a short 
pedigree by which it appears that Peter, this John's elder 
brother by Katharine Skewys, died without issue. 

In L. c. xxviii. we find the beginning of a long law-suit 
over the manor of Trenowyth, which was not terminated 
until the 2ist year of Hen. VIII. This document is headed 
1 Pleas at Westminster in Michaelmas term between Remfry 
Densel, esquire, and John Tremayle clerk, plaintiffs, and 
Ralph Copleston, defendant, 5 Hen. VII.' This being a 
question of descent, the pedigree is carefully gone into, and as 
the verdict of the court went in favour of the Densells, it will 
not be out of place to give the version which was accepted 
(L. c. xxxi) : 



= Michael Trenewyth = Margareta, filia 

A" 1 6 Ed. III. 

Ricardi Ccrezeaux 
vel Sergeaulz mil. 

Michael T. 
s.p. masculo 



phus de T. = Agnes Johannes 



Johannes = 

= Johanna 
soror et 

Catherina = 
soror et 1 

Georgius = . . . 

Johanna, nl. = Thomas 
et haer. | Tremayle 

Remfridus petens = , 
A 5" Hen. VII. I 

Johannes Tremayle, clericus 
petens A 5 Hen. VII. 



A" 21 Hen. VIII. 

From Harl. c. x. (L. c. x.), and H. c. xii. (L. c. xvii.) we 
gather that Remfry Densell was living in 6 Hen.VII., but dead 
in I Hen. VIII., in which year John styles himself the son and 
heir ; and mentions John Skewys his uncle, Richard Densell 
his brother, and Johanna Densell his sister. 

In H. c.xvi. (L. c. xviii.), dated June i, 7 Henry VIII., 
John Denzell mentions Thomas Lucy, Humphrey Lucy, and 
Mary ' my wife, aunt of the aforesaid Thomas Lucy.' She 
was the daughter of Sir William Lucy, of Charlecote, co. 
Warw., and great-granddaughter of Reginald, Lord Grey of 
Ruthyn. Her pedigree is given in L. c. xxxii. By this entry, 
and the additional evidence of the arms impaled on John Den- 
sell's tomb ' in St. Giles', neare Holborne ' (L. 207 F., fol. 42), 
we are enabled to correct both Gilbert and Maclean. The 
coat is given as 

Quarterly. A crescent surmounted of a mullet in pale (Denzell) ; A 
chevron betw. 3 Mores heades (Wenlocke). Empaled with Semy of crosse 
crosselets 3 Lucies hauriant (Lucy) : the last quartered with divers other coats. 


No tinctures are given. 

We come then to L. c. xxxv., which gives the pedigree as 
follows : 

Petrus dc Denisell = . . 

Laurcntius dc D., mil. = . . . 


us, A 30 Ed. I. = Sibilla, Alia Johanna = Rad'us dc 

' Will'i Wie de Arundel, miles, 

Greyston, mil. A 1196 

I Will'i 
I Greyst 

Hie dcsunt filius, nepos, et forte pronepos Will'i de D. 
quos cartae nostrae non suppeditant. De caeteris sic 

Joh'e D. A" 4 to . = Johanna, s. et h. Rad'i Ric'us A" 4" 

Hen. V. | Trenowyth Hen. V. 

Georgius, arm. 4 Hen. V. Johanna, fit. Johanna 

and 6 Ed. IV. 

Joh'is Petyt de 
Predannek, arm. 
27 Hen. VI. Joh'es Skewys 

Rcmfridus, arm. 4 Hen. VII. = Catherina, lilia Joh'es Skewys s.p. 

I Joh'i Skewys, arm. 

Ric'us D. Petrus Johanna Joh'es = Maria, filia Will'i Lucy 

filius 3'* s.p. I de Charlcot, mil. 

Anne Alice 

Other brothers and sisters can be added from the particu- 
lars already given. 

It appears probable then from these documents that John 
Densill who had a marriageable daughter Thomasia in 1338, 
may have been the son of William Densill and Sybilla Wise, 
who were married in 1301, and was perhaps the husband or 


father-in-law of Jane Wenlock, an heiress, and grandfather of 
John Denzell, who married Joan Trenowyth ; this would 
leave only one generation unaccounted for from 1301 on- 
wards ; or indeed, if we accept the Lansd. MS. version, for 
a considerably longer period. The grandfather of Catherine 
Skewys, wife of Remfry Denysel, married, (according to 
Maclean iii. 385,) Margaret Trevery, whose maternal grand- 
mother was a daughter of John Arundel, of Lanherne, in 
memory of whose family there still remain brasses in the 
church of St. Mawgan. 

The family was apparently wealthy, but its fame was 
merely local till John Densill came to London, and attained 
honour in the legal profession. He left, however, no sons to 
carry on the name, though his daughter's descendants were 
advanced to the now extinct Dukedom of Newcastle. The 
history of the Holies family may be found in Collins' Noble 
Families, and though they were, at the time of the marriage 
with the Densills, owners of Haughton, in Leicestershire, it is 
interesting to note that they were for some generations 
settled at Stoke, near Coventry, some twenty miles from 
Charlecote, where John Densill found a wife ; and diligent 
search might reveal a cause for the descent of the Densill 
property to a family in no way connected with Cornwall in 
the fact that the lawyer's marriage brought him into a close 
connexion with the Midlands. These speculations, however, 
belong rather to the region of romance than of genealogy, 
though the two are and must be inextricably bound up to- 



THE manuscript from which we draw these illustrations 
is a singularly beautiful one, 1 the work, as it would seem, 
of French artists at the end of the mediaeval period. The 
hands of two painters are seen, and one of these painters 
shows a tendency to shorten the long piked toes of boots and 
shoes in anticipation of the broad-toed footgear which marks 
the coming of the renascence in England. As pictures of 
jousting in the tilt-yard, of fighting with axe and spear, these 
doings of the little Jehan of Saintre are of the first value, 
and the few examples of civil dress show costume at what 
many will consider a period as stately as graceful. 


> Cotton MS. Nero D. ix. 





The tall head-gear, which makes such a stately figure in 
this picture, has the sugar-loaf cap of deep grey with a broad 
roll of black above the brows. From the peaks hang thin 
veils of clear lawn. 

The lady upon the seat of estate has about her neck a thick 
collar of gold with a jewel hanging from it. Her long gown, 
which falls in heavy folds over her feet, is of blue wrought with 
gold thread and edged with a deep border of ermine. The 
sleeves are close, with a broad ermine cuff over the hand to 
the knuckles. Her high waist is drawn in with a broad red 
band, from which the blue gown is open to the shoulder in a 
V-shaped opening turned up with ermine, within which is seen 
the black undergown. With less rich ornament the apparel 
of her ladies follows the same fashion. Two have black wimples 
looped up to join the fold of the same black stuff which hangs 
over their brows, and two of them have caught up their 
ample skirts, showing a plain gown below of another colour. 
The lad upon his knee has a short coat gathered into even 
pleats before him, the skirt of a few inches length, the sleeve 
full at the shoulder and closer at the wrist. This sleeve is 
slashed open from shoulder to wrist, and shows the black tagged 
sleeve of an under coat whose high black collar, open in front, 
is seen above the golden hue of the upper garment. His hose 
are crimson, his cap and pointed shoes black. 




No armour is seen upon the horses save only the chafrons 
of steel, the one with a gilded spike, the other with a gilded 
and engrailed ridge having above it a gilded star with a red 
stone. The champions are armed alike, locked up in steel 
harness with no mails showing, but the sides of a short skirt 
of rings. This armour is in many plates. At the loins, at the 
upper arm, at the breast and knee, the plates overlap with 
defence upon defence for each movement of the body. The 
pauldrons on the shoulders are of moderate size : the elbow 
cops large. In these close helms the knights dash at each 
other blind save for a peering glance through the narrow 
sights which show the charging enemy and nothing else. The 
small shield in whose round ' mouth ' the little Jehan couches 
his lance is deeply concave. It bears his arms of gules with a 
bend, silver and. a label gold.. For crest he has a golden ball out 
of which spring a white feather and two red ones. From the 
crown of the helm floats a long white scarf worked in colour 
with red crosses and blue lines. The spurs have long shanks 
and the shoes are not of steel, but seemingly the black leather 
shoes of the civil dress. 




Saintre's jousting armour worn in this picture is remark- 
able for the single plate which covers the right arm, combining 
elbow-cop and vaunt-brace. The crests of the two helms are 
also curiously illustrated. Saintre has a red thistle flower, 
whose golden leaves spread themselves into a short and dagged 
mantle. The knight flung from his saddle bears a crest of 
a golden hart's head with a collar between two red wings, the 
razure of the head flowing in the form of a mantle. 





In this combat on foot the great helms of the jousting are 
laid aside. The close helm of the wounded knight at whom 
Saintre lashes with his pole-axe has beside the slot sight many 
holes to let in air to the face. The other head-pieces are vari- 
eties of the sallet or salade, two of them showing that a strap 
was worn under the chin with these pieces. The two short 
coats of arms, with bearings on front, back and shoulders, give 
a good view of the form of this tabard. 





The chief figure is the little Saintre upon his hackney. 
He is unarmed, and his dress differs little from that in which 
we see him in our first picture. But his short coat of black 
has no under coat, the collar being of a piece with it, and the 
slashed sleeve shows a white shirt. His long boots seem of 
soft black leather turned over the thighs and having long and 
sharp toes. The little page behind him sits upon the knight's 
great horse, a feather between its ears. Note Saintre's 
long arming sword and the short stabbing tuck won by the 
gentleman of whom he takes leave. 






Here Saintre is armed as to the legs only, and we see that 
the hinder parts of the thighs are not covered by his plates, 
whilst the greaves meet round the calf of the leg. His shoes 
are of steel, but slightly pointed at the toe. The close gar- 
ment of the body and arms, slashed at the elbow point, is prob- 
ably that which he would wear next below his harness ; over 
it he has slipped a light sleeveless jacket, loosely hanging and 
open down the front. His small feathered cap is of orange- 
coloured fur or stuff with a high nap. Those meeting him 
have short coats with false sleeves, and under jackets slashed 
at the elbow like the garment of Saintre. 





Loisselench, here fights in a coat bearing sable with a 
silver lion crowned gold. His three feathers of red and 
white give a beautiful character to his helm. The champions 
wear arming swords at their sides and long daggers hanging 
from the belt buckle. The fingers have no protection, as the 
lord of Loisselench is learning to his cost. The tall ser- 
jeant in half armour who is guarding the lists has black hose, 
and a scarlet jacket with a dagged skirt under his harness. 
Another Serjeant is armed with a heavy bill. 





In this great rout of the barbarian host many points are 
to be observed. Those fighting on foot are using sword and 
buckle play, the bucklers small and round with a deep boss. 
In one case the buckler takes a curious fluted form. As in all 
the work of this second painter the toes of boot and shoe are 
but slightly pointed. In the foreground we have a figure whose 
round steel cap has loose cheek-pieces of a square tile shape. 
Saintre and his chief followers charge in helms such as those 
worn by the jousters and their shields are painted with arms. 





The breast and back plates are each in one piece, and show 
the buckle below the neck. All plates of the harness take a 
moderate form, even the elbow cops being small and of no 
pronounced type. 



AT a time when many are willing to believe that every 
field has been tilled and every book written, Mr. Armi- 
tage-Smith gives us the first book of the life and death of John 
of Gaunt, a man who should surely have tempted the bio- 

Save only his brother, the Black Prince, no son of the English 
royal house has left his name so familiar in our ears as did John 
of Gaunt. Yet his defence of Wycliffe is perhaps the only 
one of the deeds of his crowded life which is recalled by popular 
historians, and one cannot doubt that his fame remains by 
reason of Shakespeare having beckoned his shade to a place at 
the back of the stage and that his name is established for ever 
in one ringing line. 

Yet John of Gaunt lived and died a great prince. The 
fourth son of the victorious lord, Edward III., he was born 
one of that famous nursery of princes whose issue tugging for 
the crown lit up England with civil war. In the right of dame 
Blanche, his wife, he was heir to the house of Lancaster, the 
most important of the few cadet houses founded by the old 
royal line of England, and their son Henry sat upon the throne 
and bred the hero of Agincourt. In the right of his second 
wife, John styled himself king of Castile and Leon, and from 
the daughter of this second marriage descended another line 
of kings. Those who have read the enamelled shields which 
mark the ancestry of Charles the Bold on his tomb at Bruges, 
know how widely the blood of John of Gaunt flows in the 
veins of kings oversea. Under him, in peace and war, served 
many great captains and noble Englishmen, Frenchmen and 
Spaniards. Knolles the free-companion, Scrope, Nevill of 
Bolton, Nevill of Raby, Roos of Hamlake took his livery. King 
of Castile and Leon, duke of Lancaster, and duke of Aquitaine, 
earl of Richmond and Derby, of Lincoln, and Leicester, lord 

1 John of Gaunt, by Sydney Armitage-Smith, late Scholar of New College, 
Oxford ; Fellow of University College, London. (Archibald Constable & Co., 
Ltd., 1904.) 



of Beaufort and Nogent, Bergerac and Roche sur Yon, high 
steward of England and constable of Chester the roll of his 
titles reads like a herald's challenge. 

It cannot be said that an insufficient man was clad in all 
these titles. Froissart, who had a trained eye for princes, 
found him sage et imaginatif. Chaucer, who lived under his 
patronage and had by his wife a left-handed kinship with the 
Duke of Lancaster, found him 

so tretable 
Right wonder skilful and resonable, 

and a gentle patron withal, one with a true love of letters. 
Many another knew him for a generous lord and cheerful giver. 
He was a good knight, ready enough to venture his body in the 
field, as he proved at Najera and Limoges, and ever willing 
to hear tales of chivalry, of strong blows given and taken. 
He sat as judge of feats of arms. Sir John Annesley the little 
and Thomas Katrington fought their famous duel before him 
in Westminster yard, 1 and that adventurous Sir Regnault de 
Roye ran his course with Sir John Holand under the warder 
of the duke. Of Lancaster's inner man Mr. Armitage-Smith 
speaks wise words. The men of the middle ages are very far 
from us they are moved with the passions of an earlier time, 
and we may not hastily write down as ruthless and cruel those 
whom their living fellows found gentle and knightly. At 
least he was a loyal soul, loyal to his father, and to his brother, 
the Black Prince, loyal in bitterness of heart to the king, his 

Twice he wedded in his own rank. His third marriage was 
a love match, and may be reckoned to him for an evidence of 
constancy. With Katherine Swynford he had lived for more 
than twenty years in a union as well recognized as that of a 
sultan of the east with a second and acknowledged wife. He 
married her suddenly at Lincoln, himself being in his fifty- 
sixth year and she in her forty-sixth. By her before the mar- 
riage he had three sons and a daughter, the Beaufort bastards ; 
and through these again, he who was never king in aught but 
name and splendour was destined to be the father of kings. 

1 Mr. Armitage-Smith wrongly describes Annesley as husband of the daughter 
and heir of Sir John Chandos, a mistake in which he has many old books to support 


His great granddaughter, Margaret Beaufort, was mother to 
the Tudor line, his granddaughter Joan was married to her 
poet, the king of Scotland, and Cicely Neville, daughter to 
Joan Beaufort, was mother and grandmother to the three 
kings of the house of York. It may not be out of 
place to point out that through these Beauforts the 
line of our ancient kings survives to this day. Although doubly 
bastards, the Somersets, dukes of Beaufort, are probably the 
only house which may claim a clean descent in the male line 
from those fierce Angevins who gave us fourteen of our kings. 

Mr. Armitage-Smith has done his work with care and 
judgment. The book is well documented with maps, geneal- 
ogies and notes, but is nevertheless as readable as history in 
good hands will always be. Errors there are, and some of 
these might have been corrected in a more careful study of 
the proof sheets. 

The illustrations, which, for the most part, are reproduced 
from those chronicle books made in Flanders for Edward IV., 
are not, indeed, by contemporary hands, but they give us 
spirited and beautiful presentations of that life of sieges and 
jousts, of battles and banquets, which John of Gaunt loved 
and which Froissart recorded. His portrait, from a picture 
of the Duke of Beaufort's, lately to be seen at the New Gallery 
in London, we take to be a very curious example of those ances- 
tral pictures painted to the command of many English families 
in the early seventeenth or late sixteenth century. With a 
skill beyond that of his time the artist has striven to recall the 
armour and habiliments of a day two centuries behind him, 
and though no detail may pass the scrutiny of an antiquary, 
the whole effect is creditably accurate. 



THE following notes on the heraldry of the tomb of 
Richard Metford, Bishop of Salisbury from 1396 to 1407, 
are suggested by the curious blazon of a ' Metford coat given 
in the seventh number of this review. A 2 letter to the 
Editor in the next number pointed out that this prelate bore 
a somewhat similar coat, and the mention there made of the 
heraldic ornament of his tomb is here amplified and illus- 
trated by photographs of casts taken for the purpose. 

Though he held many high 3 offices in the Church Richard 
Metford appears to have been 4 a man of little more note than 
such as attaches to the friendship of kings. Too small a mark 
perhaps for the utmost displeasure of my lords appellant he, 
along with many other favourites of Richard of Bordeaux, 
falls under the ban of ' the parliament called the parliament 
that wrought wonders,' and passes a year or more behind the 
bars of Bristol Castle. But in that day when the king shook 
himself free from the guardianship of his uncle Gloucester, 
Metford came to his reward and won both liberty and the fat 
bishopric of Chichester. He was advanced (19 Rich. II.) to 
Salisbury, where he sat for eleven years till his death in 1407 
(8 Hen. IV.). He lies in his cathedral in a place of his own 
choosing in the chapel of St. Margaret on the south side of 
the choir. 

The four shields are in the spandrels of the arched canopy 
that is over his effigy. On the north side, at the west end of 
it, are the bishop's personal arms, and the corresponding 
position at the east end is occupied by the shield of the see of 
Sarum. Metford's coat is here carved and painted as barry 
dancetty of four pieces, gold, sable, gold and azure, the gold 
pieces being in high relief. The original painting is still 
plainly visible. 

1 Ancestor, vii. 213. 

1 Ancestor, viii. 222. 

3 He was Canon of Windsor 1381, Archdeacon of Norwich 1385, Prebendary 
of York 1386, Bishop of Chichester 1390, and translated to Salisbury 1396. 
W. H. Jones, Fasti Ecclesia; Sarisberiensis. 

* Bishop Godwin's Catalogue of Bishops, sub Salisbury. 




The arms of the bishopric have no colouring left, and, as 
will be seen, the figures of the Virgin and Child have been 
deliberately mutilated by some rude Protestant forefather. 
The Virgin is crowned, but neither of the figures seems to 
have had a halo carved about the head. Here, as in all ex- 
amples of these arms, the Virgin carries the Holy Child on 
her right arm. Strangely enough post-reformation practice 
represents her almost invariably as holding a sceptre in her 
left hand. In this shield, done in the days of ' the old faith, 
she holds no sceptre, but a rudely carved object that has some- 
what the appearance of a rose. 

The royal shields on the south side of the canopy refer to 
those kings who were reigning at the dates of Bishop Met- 
ford's consecration and burying. To the east is a very noble 
representation of the arms attributed to Edward the Con- 
fessor, a saint for whom Richard had so great a devotion that 
it was his special vanity to display these arms impaled with 
his own. The vigorous carving and the fine balance and 
proportion of this shield cannot easily be matched. Here 
again traces of the original colouring of blue and gold survive. 

In the western spandrel is France quartering England 
not old France, be it noted, for the use of that had been aban- 
doned by Henry IV. in 1405, two years before Metford died, 
but the familiar quartered shield which was displayed by 
eleven successive sovereigns of this land for close on two hun- 
dred years, till the accession of Scottish James added two new 
quarters to the old shield. Faint traces of red and blue are 
just visible on it. The artist seems to have had difficulty with 
the arrangement of the English leopards, but the French 
lilies are firmly cut, though the form of them no longer has 
that restrained beauty of line which is so marked a character- 
istic of earlier fleurs de Us. 

Not the least remarkable ornament of this fine monument 
is the string of royal badges martlets alternating with 
columbine flowers carved on either side of the arch of the 
canopy. These are again references to the two kings under 
whom Richard Metford sat in the bishop's chair at Sarum. 
The columbine is of course the well-known badge of Henry 
of Lancaster, and though one would have expected to find 

1 The only other pre-reformation examples of these arras now existing in 
the cathedral (on Bishop Audley's chantry) are so much damaged that it is not 
easy to determine what was in the Virgin's left hand in them. 


the more familiar crouching hart to typify the ill-fated 
Richard, it seems clear that the maker of the tomb was so 
greatly in love with the magnificent martlets that he had 
placed in the Confessor's shield that he could not refrain from 
repeating them as Richard's emblem. The words Honor Deo 
ft Gloria, painted on the ribbands which these martlets grasp 
in their claws, probably formed Metford's own motto. 



ONE of those pedigrees from the plea- rolls, for which we 
are indebted to the labours of General Wrottesley, en- 
ables us to explain two entries which might otherwise baffle 
us, and which in turn confirm its statements. 

On the Wilts Assize Roll of 52 Hen. III. is 'a plea of 
" quo warranto " to try the right of Walter de Albini to have 
gallows and other franchises in Wycheford.' 1 Fortunately 
there was no question at issue as to the right to the manor, 
so that there is no reason to doubt the pedigree given by 
Walter. He stated that ' King Henry I. gave the manor of 
Wicheford to Patrick de Chaworth, and Patrick gave it to 
Henry de Albini.' The further descent is thus given : 

Henry de Albini, 
seiied temp. Hen. I. 




Robert who 
enfeot't'ed hit 
younger brother 







Walter, living 

52 Hen. III., 

the defendant 

An entry in the Testa (p. 149) under Wilts is in entire 
harmony with this statement. It shows us Henry, the father 
of Walter, holding Wishford of the heir of Robert de Albini, 
who holds of the heir of Patrick : 

Henricus de Albiniaco tenet in Wichford dim. feodum unius militis de 
Radulfo de Sancto Amando, et ipse de Patricio de Chawurth, et ipe de rege in 

But of greater interest is the entry in the Carta of Payn 

i Genealogist [N.S.], xv. 219. Mr. A. S. Maskelyne, of the Public Record 
Office, who has a special knowledge of Wiltshire feudal history, has most kindly 
sent me a full transcript of the proceedings from Assize Roll, No. 998, m. 
16 dorse. He observes that the case is hardly one of ' quo warranto,' but rather 
of a claim by Walter. 



' de Muntdublel ' (grandson of Patrick ' de Chaurcis ') in 
U66. 1 For we there read : 

Et extra hoc . . . Nigellus de Albeneio ; manerium de xx/. similiter, de 
matrimonio matris suae, unde nullum servitium fecerunt. 

How hard a nut this proved to crack may be seen from 
Sir Henry Barkly's comments in his papers on the Testa de 

Who this Nigel can have been, who stood in the same position towards the 
original Patrick de Chaworth's holding as Walter de Salisbury's son, is a puzzle. 
... It seems, however, by no means improbable that Nigel de Mowbray's wife 
may have been William's sister, and daughter of Earl Patrick, and that he, there- 
fore, is the person alluded to in the Liber Niger by his old surname of Albini. 

But General Wrottesley's pedigree explains the whole 
mystery. For we know from monastic evidence that Robert 
de Albini, son of Henry, who held the barony of Cainhoe, 
Beds, in 1166, had a younger brother Nigel (and a mother 
Cicily). 3 And a charter of Henry I., which Mr. Maskelyne 
has been so good as to send me (from Charter Roll 52 Hen. III. 
m. 8) definitely states what one would have inferred from the 
evidence, namely, that Henry's wife was a daughter of Patrick 
' de Cadurcis.' We thus obtain the full pedigree : 

Henry 4 de Albini = Cicily de Chaurches, 

of Cainhoe, Beds, 
temp. Hen. I. 

who had Wishford, 
Wilts, for her portion 

Robert de Albini Nigel de Albini, enfeoffed in 

of Cainhoe, Beds, Wishford by his brother 

in 1166 Robert. Held it in 1166 

' de matrimonio matris suse.' 


a quo St. Amand 

William de Albini 

Henry de Albini of 
Wishford [Testa, p. 149) 

Walter de Albini of 
Wishford in 52 Hen. HI. 

1 Red Book of the Exchequer, p. 298. 

2 Bristol and Glouc. Arch. Soc. xiv. 16-7. 

3 Dugdale's Baronage, i. 131 ; Chronicon de Abingdon, ii. 101. 

4 It is practically certain, though not absolutely proved, that he was the 
son of Nigel d'Albini who held the Cainhoe barony in 1086. 


The Inq. p.m. on Walter ' de Aubeney ' in I Edw. I. shows 
him as holding the manor of (Great) Wishford and also lands 
in Kent, which prove to be the manor of Sileham Court in 
Rainham. And it carries the pedigree a step further by 
telling us that his heir was his brother Henry, who was of full 
age. And the Close Rolls enable us to finish off Henry's 
career; for, on 2 October 1278, the king's steward was 
ordered ' not to intermeddle further with the lands that be- 
longed to Henry de Albiniaco in cos. Southampton (sic) 1 and 
Wilts, as the king learns by inquisition taken by the steward 
that Henry at his death held nothing of him in those counties, 
by reason whereof the wardship of his lands ought to pertain 
to the king.' * Mr. Maskelyne has been so good as to com- 
municate to me the contents of the Inq. p.m. on Henry for 
Hampshire and for Wiltshire, in which he was returned as 
having held ' Wicford ' of Sir Patrick de ' Chawrcis.' His 
heirs were found to be his sister Claricia and Maurice de 
Bonham, son of the son of his sister Juliana. Mr. Maskelyne 
adds that the presentations to the church show the continued 
division of the name of Great Wishford. 


His Hampshire land (at Hale) was held by an interesting serjeanty of 
Cardunville (cf. Testa, pp. 236, 237). 

> Calendar of Close Rolls, 1272-79, p. 478. 


COUNTY history has suffered in the past from the limit- 
ation of purview inevitable when the historian restricts 
himself to a single county and is compelled to concentrate 
upon it his whole attention. It is likely, therefore, that 
great advantage will result from the new system of simul- 
taneous research adopted by those who are directing the 
Victoria History of the Counties of England. 

As an illustration of this principle I may take a charter 
which affects the history of two counties so far apart as Derby- 
shire and Berkshire. In the county system which the Nor- 
mans found and the feudal system which the Normans formed 
we have, as it were, a cross-division ; the constituents of a 
great fief may lie in several counties, and the history, for in- 
stance, of a Berkshire manor may explain the descent of one 
in Derbyshire, or a Nottinghamshire under-tenant may be 
traced through his Buckinghamshire holding. 

One of the greatest of the Conquest fiefs was that of 
Henry de Ferrers, of which, although the bulk lay in Derby- 
shire, a considerable portion was in Berkshire, where Henry 
had obtained the lands of Godric, the English sheriff. ' Asse- 
done,' one of his Berkshire manors, has hitherto been un- 
identified, and in endeavouring to trace its identity for the 
Victoria History of Berkshire, I was led to consider the charter 
which is the subject of this paper. Turning first to the Testa 
de Nevill, we find William de ' Bakepuz ' holding half a fee of 
Ferrers in ' Kingeston, Cumpton, et Esseden ' (p. 121), or in 
' Kingeston, Asseden, et Cumpton' (p. 126). The first of 
these is Kingston Bagpuze, which preserves to this day the 
name of its lords ; and ' Cumpton ' is Compton in Compton 
Hundred, which is known to have been held by Bachepuz. 
As the ' Assedone ' of Domesday was in Compton Hundred, 
and is the only manor in that Hundred credited to Ferrers by 
Domesday, the most probable inference is that it was in or 
next to Compton and included, in Domesday, the Ferrers 
holding at Compton. Lysons considered that it was in or 
near Ashampstead (adjoining Compton), but the British 



Museum boldly identifies it with Ashridge in East Ilsley (ad- 
joining) in its Index to Charters (p. 25), and, apparently, in its 
Charters in the British Museum (No. 49). Mr. W. H. Steven- 
son points out to me that it occurs as ' Assheden ' in an Inq. 
p.m. of 19 Edw. III., as ' Ashedene'in 1428, when it occurs in 
conjunction with ' Westcomptone ' (Feudal Aids, i. 66), and 
as ' Assheden ' or ' Asshedeyn ' in 1494 (Cal. Inq. p.m. Hen. 
VII. i. 400, 401).' From these forms it follows, as he ob- 
serves, that Domesday's ' Assedon* ' gives the wrong termina- 
tion, and that Ashden, rather than Ashdown, is the name we 
should look for. The fact, however, remains that Ashridge, 
which adjoins Compton on the south-west, is the name 
nearest to Ashden that we can now find. 

But we must now hark back to Add. Charter 21,172, 
which deals with Compton and ' Aissendene,' of which a 
facsimile and annotated transcript will be found in that 
valuable volume, Charters in the British Museum. It must, 
from its description of Henry I., be later than Stephen's 
reign, while the Gresleys' ancestor, who occurs in it as a 
witness, was dead in 1 166. Thus we obtain, for its date- 
limit 1155-1166. 

BRITISH MUSEUM, ADD. CHARTER 21,172. Original, sealed. 

Robertus de Bachep[uz] omnibus hominibus totius Anglic, tarn presentibus 
quam futuris, Francis et Anglis, salutem. Notum sit omnibus vobis me con- 
cessisse et dedisse Johanni, filio meo, pro servitio suo, totam terrain de Co[n]tun 
et de Aissendene, cum omnibus pertinentiis suis, in bosco et in piano, in pratit 
et in pascuis, in aquis et molendinis, in viis et in semitis, tarn libere et tarn quiete 
quam ego melius earn tenui de Comite Roberto tempore Henrici Regis senioris, 
per servitium unius militis de me tenendam et de heredibus meis, ipsc et heredes 
sui. Hanc donationem concessit Robertus filius et heres meus. Testes Hen- 
ricus presbyter, 5 Hugo, clericus de Cubeleia, 3 Robertus de Piro, dapifer, Willel- 
mus filius Nigelli, 1 Galfridus de Bachep[uz], Rogerus Duredent, Radulfus de 

It is omitted from the index in Feudal Aids and left unidentified in the 
Hen. VII. volume. 

This is probably the Henry ' sacerdos,' who attests the prior of Tutbury' 
grant at Mayfield to Orm of Okeover. 

3 Cubley, Derbyshire, a Ferrers manor. 

Held half a fee of Ferrers in 1166. 

< The ancestor of the Gresleys. Held 4 fees of Ferrers in 1 135. 

Geoffrey de ' Bachepiz ' and Ralf de ' Mungumeri ' are found together 
as witnesses to Robert Abbot of Burton's confirmation of Okeover to Ralf, son 
of Orm, circ. 1150 (see Wrottesley's Okeover of Okeover). 


Givelega, 1 Radulfus de Mungumeri,* Radulfus filius Nicholai, Ricardus de 
Normantun 3 et Robertus, filius ejus, Willelmus filius Terri, Robertus de Landa,* 
Robertus de Trussele, 5 Henricus filius Robert! de Lega, 8 Henricus de Barwa, 7 
Aluricus de Broctun, 8 Reginaldus de Boilestun, 9 Wimundus de Bartun, 
Robertus Rufus, Aluredus, Gillebertus filius Cnihtwin, et omnis hallimot de 

' Bartun ' is Barton Bagpuze (alias Barton Blount), which 
the Bachepuz family held of Ferrers. All the place-names 
mentioned in the list of witnesses are situated in a district 
lying in the neighbourhood of Tutbury, where stood the 
Ferrers castle on the border of Derbyshire and Staffordshire. 

The Ferrers carta of 1166 shows us Robert de ' Bakepuz ' 
holding three knight's fees of the Earl of Derby. Of these 
the Berkshire portion, we have seen, lay partly in Kingston 
Bagpuze 10 and partly in Compton and ' Assheden.' Now 
when we refer to Domesday Book, we find that Kingston and 
' Assedone ' were held of Ferrers by Ralf, and the Chronicle 
of Abingdon enables us to say that this Ralf was Ralf de 
' Bachepuiz,' who was succeeded by his sons Henry and 
Robert in turn. 11 Applying this evidence to Derbyshire, we 
find that there also Barton Bagpuze (alias Barton Blount) and 
Alkmonton (in Longford), the two manors which are found 
so far back as we can trace them, held of Ferrers by Bachepuz 
are entered together in Domesday as held of Ferrers by 'Ralf.' 
We are therefore now in a position to say that this was Ralf 

I Yeveley, Derbyshire, a Ferrers manor. 

z Probably the predecessor of Walter de ' Monte Gumeri,' who held 4 fees 
of Ferrers in 1166 ; for he appears as a witness to a Ferrers document assigned 
to 1121-7 (Add. Ch. 27,313). See also note 8 previous page. 

3 Normanton, Derbyshire, a Ferrers manor. 

4 Probably Laund, Staffordshire, to the south of Tutbury. 

5 Held i knight's fee of Ferrers in 1166. Took his name from Trusley, a 
Ferrers manor. 

Probably the son of that Robert son of Ulviet to whom Geoffrey, abbot 
of Burton, granted Leigh, Staffordshire, and who was succeeded there by his 
son Henry (Burton Cartulary, ed. Wrottesley). 

7 Burrow, Derbyshire, a Ferrers manor. The Hospitallers quitclaimed its 
advowson to Robert de Bakepuz (father of John) in 1197 (Feet of Fines ; Pipe 
Roll Society). 

8 Church Broughton, Derbyshire, a Ferrers manor. 

9 Boyleston, Derbyshire, a Ferrers manor. 

10 Of which the family held only a moiety. 

II Vol. ii. pp. 30, 121. 


de Bachepuz. 1 And we can trace Ralfs Norman home, 
namely Bacquepuis, north-west of Evreux, now (like Ferrieres, 
the home of his lord) in the Department of the Eure. 

In his valuable notes to the charter I have dealt with, Mr. 
H. J. Ellis observes that Robert de Bachepus, the younger, 
after his father's death, granted to his brother John -- who, 
like himself, is mentioned in it Barton itself, in Earl William 
(' de Ferrers' ') court at Tutbury (Harl. Ch. 45, F. 23).* 


1 Snelston and Cubley, which are entered together in Domesday as held by 
' Ralf ' of Henry de Ferrers, were afterwards held by the Montgomery family, 
so that their tenant was not Ralf de Bachepuz. The groundless suggestion that 
the Gresleys' ancestor, Nigel, who held of Ferrers, was a different person, viz. 
Nigel de Albini, is based simply on confusion between two under-tenants of the 
same (not uncommon) Christian name. 

Charters in the British Museum, No. 49. 


IN the first number of the Ancestor we reviewed Some 
Feudal Coats of Arms by Mr. Joseph Foster, the compiler 
of peerages. We gave to the reviewing of this work a space 
which many will have held more proportionate to its size than 
to its importance. But seeing that a revived interest in 
armory is being met by an output of pretentious volumes 
which can but lead astray the student of armory, we were 
content to use Mr. Foster's book as a text for the warning of 

A reviewer of Some Feudal Coats of Arms could not attempt 
the correction of the errors of detail which every page re- 
vealed in plenty. We were forced to take broader ground and 
to ask of this unhappy book for the reasons for its existence. 
That a writer so manifestly lacking in the equipment of an 
archaeologist should adventure upon a book which should be 
based upon mediaeval manuscripts and records seemed to us 
a mocking of the public. We discovered and easily demon- 
strated that the thousands of shields of arms which have passed 
through Mr. Foster's hands had taught him nothing of the 
ancient practice of English armory, and we allowed ourselves 
to laugh at the muddled inconsequences of Mr. Foster's in- 
troductions, essays in which a taste for flowery rhetoric 
struggled most unhappily with the difficulties of prose com- 

With it all we protest that our review was an honest one. 
It exaggerated no defects of the work, it made no special plea 
for Mr. Foster's condemnation. We sought but to warn the 
student and the antiquary of a book which could but be a 
stumbling-block, and having done this we had no desire to 
keep Mr. Foster's larger and less critical public from buying 
his picture-books. More than this, we assert that we strove 
to soften the natural harshness of an unfavourable verdict by 
reminding our readers of the useful work which Mr. Foster's 
industry has achieved in other fields. 



Our courtesy was met by Mr. Foster in characteristic 
fashion. Had he desired to counter any or all of the points 
which we had made against Some Feiidal Coats of Arms, our 
pages would have been open to him. He chose the safer course 
of tossing amongst a puzzled public bundles of circulars and 
leaflets of incoherent abuse of the Ancestor and its editor. 
The Society of Antiquaries shared our punishment, Mr. 
Joseph Foster having possibly a grudge against a Society 
which has not admitted Mr. Joseph Foster to its fellowship. 

We sent no leaflet in reply to Mr. Joseph Foster's leaflets. 
The Society of Antiquaries hired not a single sandwich-man 
to justify itself against the public shame to which Mr. Joseph 
Foster had brought it. Years have passed and Mr. Foster's 
sores have had time to heal, but it would seem that our 
exposure of him still rankles. 

In the fulness of time Mr. Foster's batteries open upon us 
again. His later works boasted that he had ' no patron,' a 
curious boast at a time when so few of us enjoy that eighteenth 
century advantage. But it would seem that Mr. Foster has 
found a patron at last under whose auspices large and ex- 
pensive heraldry books are again being issued by Mr. Foster 
under the title of the ' De Walden Library.' We know no- 
thing of the views of Lord Howard de Walden, but we are 
unwilling to believe that it is with his full knowledge and con- 
sent, as well as at his cost, that Mr. Foster is allowed to 
use the ' De Walden Library ' for continuing with his old in- 
coherence and with more than his usual virulence the frantic 
attacks begun in his circulars. 

With the first of these works we have little to do. The 
book of fifteenth century arms which has appeared in the 
Ancestor is reprinted. We had with some reason assigned this 
first collection to a period in the later half of the fifteenth 
century, as had, indeed, Mr. Foster in Some Feudal Coats of 
Arms; but the Ancestor must be assailed at all points, and 
Mr. Foster now feels bound to carry it to the age of Eliza- 
beth. A second collection of arms in his volume is a 
later and a finer one from a manuscript illuminated in 
colours. In every detail of handwriting and drawing this 
document speaks of the period of Henry VIII., whose 
nobles, prelates and gentlemen have their arms blazoned 
here. Nevertheless Mr. Foster dates the book in all confi- 
dence as ' a late Tudor book ' and his reason for such an 


ascription is happily discoverable. One of the last shields is 
that of a clerk, a churchman of high rank, as we may see by 
his hat with its rows of tassels. The name beside it is that of 
Master Dallbe. Mr. Foster's archaeological method can be 
beautifully illustrated by his deductions from this name. 
The D ictionary of National Biography, which is not difficult 
to consult, yields Mr. Foster a Dalby who is a priest and dies 
in 1589. Therefore the book of arms is Elizabethan, late 
Elizabethan, and no more need be said. But this poor Dalby 
of the Dictionary is an unfortunate young Englishman or- 
dained at Douay about the Armada year and sent as a dis- 
guised missioner in 1589 to England, where he is at once 
detected and hanged upon a gallows. Mr. Foster learns very 
slowly and utterly refuses to learn from us ; but we would ask 
him what the probabilities may be that this poor Dalby from 
Douay, here but for a few months as a hunted seminary 
priest, and caught and hung as pitilessly as a mole is nailed 
to a barn door, should have his arms emblazoned as those of 
a high dignitary of the church amongst the shields of Henry's 
peers and knights. A pupil of a week's standing from Mr. 
Hubert Hall's record classes could have assured Mr. Foster at 
sight of the manuscript that here was no Elizabethan docu- 
ment. Its true date is manifest, and we turn at once to 
records of the early part of the reign of Henry VIII., sure that 
we shall not have far to seek for the true Master Dalby. We 
find him at once in the archdeacon of Richmond and king's 
chaplain who died in the earlier part of the king's reign. Hat 
and tassels and high place are at once explained, and Mr. 
Foster's opinion of the manuscript goes down the wind. 

A third volume follows in the track of the Ancestor. In 
this large book the seals of the barons' letter to the Pope, 
illustrated by us last year, are republished by Mr. Foster with 
a commentary spiced with more abuse of the Ancestor and its 
editor. Given the rudiments of literary skill, Mr. Foster 
would make a doughty opponent for a German savant. 

In this volume we find our reason for replying for the first 
time to Mr. Foster. Its composition is most evidently his 
own work, for his curious style betrays him. ' The enig- 
matical seal of Bryan Fitz Alan, not inaptly described as a 
chimera of four masks, should delight the monogram man ' ! 
is a sentence which could only have come from the author of 
Some Feudal Coats of Arms. But here Mr. Foster has a 


collaborator. Everywhere we find the ' unique and valuable 
assistance of Dr. Walter de Gray Birch ' unctuously acknow- 
ledged ; and as Dr. Birch has chosen to allow his name to 
back Mr. Foster's controversies we cannot but accept his 

We may take it that it is with the approval of Dr. Birch 
that Mr. Foster charges the Ancestor with plagiarizing its 
account of the Barons' seals from Dr. Birch's Catalogue of the 
Seals in the Department of Manuscripts in the British Museum. 
To meet this charge we are reluctantly compelled to deal 
with Dr. Birch and his catalogue. 

Mr. Foster or his collaborator having searched and 
searched again for error in our account of these famous seals, 
we are relieved to learn that the eagerness of ill-will has dis- 
covered only two errors in our account which call for ex- 
planation. We were abroad whilst our article was being 
written, and the seals were described by us from prints from 
our illustration blocks. One of these being defective, an 
officer of the public record office most kindly undertook to 
examine for us the inscription upon the seal of Robert de 
Tony. He read this as CHEVALER-AL-MIRE, but as this 
appeared to us an unlikely version, we printed the last word 
in brackets with a note of interrogation. The inscription has 
since been read as CHEVALER-AL-CING Robert being the 
Knight of the Swan. In view of our caution we cannot be 
accused of error, and our failure in the circumstances may 
be excused, but Mr. Foster is thus upon us in characteristic 
fashion : 

The legend of De Tony, however, proves to be quite irresistible, for it 
affords the Ancestor one of those opportunities which it so much loves, to dis- 
play its unique knowledge of French, ' floundering French ' (Ancestor, ix. 172); 
hence no other than a ' Mire 'ish substitute for the Gallic of ' Knight of the 
Swan ' is querulously evolved. Surely the lust of plagiarism has here o'crleaped 
itself ! 

Transcribing this poor stuff in cold blood we feel that 
apology is due to our readers for reprinting its clumsy periods. 
We must, it seems, justify our knowledge of French against 
a writer whose acquaintance with English is so slight that he 
employs the adverb 'querulously' in describing a phrase 
which we had printed with a query \ 

The charge of plagiarism is again brought up and prove< 


to Mr. Foster's satisfaction by the case of the seal of Robert 
Hastang, or Robert de Hastangs as Mr. Foster sometimes calls 
him, evidently believing that Hastang is much the same name 
as Hastings, and that a ' de ' is a meaningless particle which 
may be employed when desired ' for more grace.' 

Here again we saved ourselves in time from grave error. 
Our photographs of the seals were taken for the most part 
from a fine series of casts made many years ago when those 
attached to the letter may be presumed to have been more 
perfect. These casts are now in the possession of the Society 
of Antiquaries. A certain seal is ascribed in the accompanying 
list to Nicholas of Segrave. Dr. Birch in his catalogue makes 
the same ascription. We ourselves, however, noted that this 
seal bore the arms of Hastang, and recorded our opinion that 
if Segrave sealed with this he must have availed himself of 
Hastang's counterseal. As a matter of fact we touched the 
truth, for this seal is indeed, as we described it, the counter- 
seal of Hastang's greater seal, from which it had gone astray 
in the collection of casts both at Burlington House and at 
Bloomsbury. This, Mr. Foster exclaims triumphant, is 
proof enough of plagiarism ; the Segrave error showing that 
Dr. 1 Birch's catalogue has been the Ancestor's mainstay. Harking 
back to the Tony seal he writes : 

This is one of the four Barons' seals unnoticed in the British Museum 
Catalogue, a catalogue on which the Editor of the Ancestor has hitherto relied 
absolutely ; this may be safely inferred not only by the general avoidance of 
error, but by the great care he takes in naming the few slips of the Catalogue, as 
his meed of gratitude. 

It is forced upon us, therefore, to explain to Dr. Birch the 
reasons which make the six volumes of his important work 
unavailable for any but the most courageous plagiarist. 

Dr. Birch is a scholar whose labours in many antiquarian 
fields are familiar to archaeologists. We are content to leave 
the trustworthiness of the mass of his work to those qualified 
to judge it. The verdict of his late colleagues at the British 
Museum and of the officers of the Public Record office would 
have more value than our own. With his catalogue of seals 
alone we are concerned. 

His descriptions of these few seals attached to the barons' 
letter may be examined before we decide that Dr. Birch can 
be taken for an author from whom details may be safely 


cribbed. To our surprise we find that even Mr. Foster is in 
several cases prepared to support the readings of the Ancestor 
article, albeit in others he falls with his favourite authority. 

Leaving lesser errors, each of which nevertheless destroys 
the value of an entry in the Birch Catalogue, we select for 
comment those grosser faults which would lead the unwary 
follower of Dr. Birch's lantern into man-traps of misappre- 

The Hastang seal may well be our first example, for here 
Mr. Foster, hesitating between the Catalogue and the An- 
cestor, loyally follows the former to his own dismay. 

The arms of Hastang are as well known to every student 
of ancient armory as the English leopards or the three chever- 
ons of Clare. The shield has a chief with a lion with a forked 
tail rampant over all. An unhappy pilferer from the 
Catalogue would find himself describing the seal wrongly 
attributed to Nicholas of Segrave after this fashion : 

A shield of arms : a lion rampant, debruised by a barrulet. Perhaps for 
SEGRAVE, a lion rampant. 

Our cribber would have here three remarkable errors to put 
in his poke. The lion upon the seal has clearly the forked tail, 
and a lion with a forked tail was at that time and after a thing 
apart from the lion rampant furnished with but a single tail. 
The arms of Segrave also are of common knowledge : they too 
have no plain ' lion rampant,' but show the royal beast with 
a crown upon his head. Last of all we have the amazing 
blazon of ' debruised by a barrulet.' Describing the greater 
seal of Hastang, Dr. Birch has again ' over all a barrulet,' and 
adds : 

The arms are sometimes described as a chief, over all a lion rampant, but the 
$eal shows clearly that the chief is an error for the barrulet. 

The root of the matter lies in the fact that the engraver 
of the Hastang seal, which is somewhat coarsely cut, has 
allowed the line of the chief to flow into the shoulder of the 
lion, which should be above it, an easily understood error of 
the graving tool. But the Hastang arms were never in any 
doubt. The ancient rolls of arms, other Hastang seals, Has- 
tang monuments, all assure us of the true blazon. Why 
should all these be set aside ? More than this, we perceive 
that although Dr. Birch has handled at his work in the Mu- 


seum very many thousand seals and casts of seals, yet his 
knowledge of the customs of the old English armorists is still of 
the most vague. English armory knows no such charge as the 
single ' barrulet,' and a lion ' debruised by a barrulet ' is a 
bearing which would be at once questioned by any competent 

It is difficult to carry the point into the view of those who 
have little or no acquaintance with armory, but an illustration 
may be serviceable. English sixpences have long borne the 
sovereign's head on the obverse. The Victorian sixpence, as 
an idle person in the eighties discovered joyfully, shows in 
much worn examples the suggestion of the outline of an 
elephant where the back of the head should be. Let us 
imagine a future Dr. Birch, compiling in a future century a 
catalogue of the nation's coins. If in examining a worn six- 
pence of the Victorian age he shall find the ' elephant,' the 
extreme improbability of such a device will not save the cata- 
logue from reading thus : 

The figure on the obverse is sometimes described as a Queen's head, but this 
example shows clearly that the head is an error for an elephant. 

Leaving the Hastang lion ramping uneasily under its 
' barrulet,' our purloiner might secure a somewhat similar ex- 
ample in copying Dr. Birch's account of the seal of Roger de 
Huntingfeld. Here the arms are a fesse with three roundels 
thereon, again a shield well known to all students. But Dr. 
Birch detects some scratches in the field alongside of the fesse. 
At once the evidences of other seals, of the rolls of arms and 
of the common knowledge of antiquaries is put aside, and 
Roger is given a ' cotise ' on either side of his fesse. But a 
fesse between cotises is so rare in England that we can call to 
mind no example of such a bearing in the middle ages. The 
old book of arms printed in the Ancestor had one shield so 
charged, but in manifest error for a fesse between gemels. 

Even those whose study of armory has stayed at an hour 
spent with a popular handbook are aware that a sharp dis- 
tinction is drawn between the lion who shows the side of his 
head only and the ' lion gardant ' or leopard, as old custom 
styled the beast who shows his full face. But the armorial 
equipment of Dr. Birch and his fellow-worker does not seem 
to have reached this elementary stage. In Dr. Birch's 


catalogue many examples show us that to him the position 
of a lion's head is a detail hardly worth recording, and Mr. 
Foster is with him. The beast in the seal of John of Lancaster 
looks with full face, although the Catalogue, followed by Mr. 
Foster, describes it as -passant only. But for Fulk Lestrange, 
who bears on his seal his well-known arms of two lions 
passant, ' lions passant guardant ' are found in the Catalogue, 
and again Mr. Foster cribs to his undoing, giving the neces- 
sary flavour of originality by spelling lion with a ' y ' after 
the familiar manner of Ye Olde Englysche Fancye Fayre. 

In each of these examples the plagiarist from Dr. Birch's 
catalogue would fall into error from which a very modest know- 
ledge of ancient armory could have saved him, a knowledge, 
let us say, far below that which might have been looked for 
in the expert who at the public charges was to compile six 
volumes of a most important work of reference. 

But even within the narrow limits of these few seals of 
the barons the Catalogue takes us to still more curious fan- 
tasies of error. In face of these later discoveries we can no 
longer sustain the suggestion of a possible plagiarist who 
should plagiarize wholesale from the Catalogue. There are 
limits even to Mr. Foster's loyalty. 

Let us remember that the arms upon these hundred seals 
were the arms of the chief lords of our land, arms as well 
known to the antiquary as the Irish harp or the lilies of France. 
Nowhere would there be less excuse for blundering. Prob- 
ably no single ' handbook of heraldry ' for beginners is with- 
out a cut of the shield of Eyncourt billety with a dance or 
' fesse dancetty ' as the handbook prefers it. We have this 
shield plain to see on the seal of Edmund de Eyncourt of 
Thurgarton, yet thus will Dr. Birch stumble through his 
description of it ' from a good impression ' : 

A shield of arms : billettee of six pieces, three, two, and one, on a chief A 
fess dancettee, and label of four points for DEYNCOURT. 

As his description of this seal, a seal used in 1301, and 
even at that date an old-fashioned example, is drawn from a 
cast and not from the seal of a deed, Dr. Birch is not hindered 
from making the happy guess that it belongs to the fifteenth 

The very simple shield of Fauconberg, a fesse with three 


pales in the chief, becomes to Dr. Birch ' in chief a label of 
three points, inverted ' [sic], another description from which 
the least familiarity with his subject might have saved our 

Keeping strictly to our rule of leaving Dr. Birch's lesser 
errors uncorrected, for our case against him bases itself upon 
none of those mistakes in detail which fall so readily from a 
busy pen, we may save for the last his truly remarkable de- 
scription of the arms of Grey as ' barry of one,'' a puzzle for the 
curious which we will engage ourselves to match from the 
Catalogue with a description of the shield of John Huse of 
Charlcombe : 

A shield of arms : per fess, and ermine, over all barry of eight within a 
bordure charged with some uncertain bearings. 

We have held this amazing blazon this way and that, and can 
make nothing of it. It would seem that armorial bearings lie 
in layers on this shield of Hussey, one layer being dimly seen 
below another. 

This last seal is not amongst those of the barons of 1301, 
and we are unwilling to go deeper to-day into the jungle of 
the Catalogue, were it not that an instance offers itself in 
which even he who runs may discern the critical value of 
Dr. Birch's work. So extraordinary an example of untrust- 
worthiness have we here, that we feel it necessary to assure 
our readers that we quote literatim. The example is con- 
tained in these two entries, which we print in full detail. 

John Browe of Lyfleld [eo. Northt.] Esq. [A.D. 1462] 

A shield of arms, couche : on a chevron three roses, BROWE. Crest on a 
helmet, mantling, and wreath, a goat's head and neck, Supporters, two apes. 
In background on each side a cinquefoil flower on a wavy branch of foliage. 

&' jofjan . brofoe 

Robert Browe [A.D. 1409] 

A shield of arms, couche : on a chevron three roses, BROWE. Crest on a 
helmet, short mantling and wreath, a rabbit's head and neck. Supporters, 
two wild men. The background replenished with sprigs of foliage and on each 
side a cinquefoil or rose of the arms. 

&' robttti . brnto 

Will it be believed by those unfamiliar with Dr. Birch's 
work that these two descriptions, these seals of 1409 and 1462, 


these crests of goat's head and rabbit's head (the real crest is 
apparently a ram's head), these supporters here of apes and 
there of wild men, these inscriptions for John here and for 
Robert there are taken, the one from an impression in wax, 
the other from a fine plaster cast of the same seal ? 

Our readers will hardly ask further demonstration of the 
reasons which would keep us, were our own poor abilities 
failing, from the sin of plagiarism from the Catalogue of Seals 
in the Department of Manuscripts in the British Museum. 
Before we leave the subject of plagiarism let us permit our- 
selves to grieve Mr. Foster, whose conscience is tender upon 
this point, with a single question. Mr. Foster is welcome to 
amend, as far as his discernment will allow him, the blazons 
of the Catalogue from the blazons in the Ancestor, where they 
are in print for the public service. But how comes it that so 
nice a mind should use, without acknowledgment of its source, 
the remarkable discovery concerning the sealing of the barons' 
letter which Sir Henry Maxwell-Lyte, the Deputy Keeper 
of the Records, contributed to the Ancestor's account of the 
letter ? Mr. Foster, whom we can scarce credit with any 
familiarity with medieval records, may indeed assure us that 
quaint coincidence brought him to an independent discovery 
of the ancient document which threw fresh light upon our 
knowledge of the history of the letter. Mr. Foster is at 
liberty to make such an excuse, and Dr. Birch owes him 
enough gratitude to believe him. 

With this we may allow Mr. Foster once more to point his 
moral. Let him speak of 

The British Museum catalogue, a catalogue on which the Editor of the 
Ancestor has hitherto relied absolutely ; this may be safely inferred not only by 
the general avoidance of error, but by the great care he takes in naming the 
few slips of the catalogue, as his meed of gratitude. 

Mr. Foster, it will be observed, is so incautious as to let 
slip a testimonial to the Ancestor. It ' generally avoids error.' 
With that testimonial before us, beside our notes of a few 
characteristic ' slips of the catalogue,' we may, with an easy 
mind, leave Mr. Foster to scream ' plagiarism ' with ' the 
unique and valuable assistance of Dr. de Gray Birch.' 

O. B. 


ONE may often derive at the same time amusement and 
useful warning from the fate of antiquaries who follow 
one another in repeating a statement without question and 
then endeavour to explain a fact which is merely a blunder. 

For students of heraldry or of the English baronage ' the 
barons' letter to the Pope ' has always had a great interest. 
Both the document itself and its appendant seals were copied 
by Charles, Lancaster Herald, in the seventeenth century, 
and they have quite recently been the subject of special study. 
In 1820 there was published, as an Appendix to the First 
Report (1819) on the Dignity of a Peer, a collection of records 
which included the text of the Barons' letter (A.D. 1301) with 
the marginal note, ' In domo capitulari WestmV (pp. 125-7). 
In it is found the name of 

. Willelmus Paynel dominus de Fracyngton.i 

But at its foot was printed part of ' Dugdale's lengthened 
transcript ' of the document, in which the above name 
occurred as 

Willelmus Paynel (de Tracington), 

and this is how the trouble began. 

In 1825 the Lords' Committee brought out their fourth 
report, and to this they appended a special dissertation on 
the Barons' letter to the Pope (pp. 325-341), in which they 
begin by referring to their former text as ' a supposed Trans- 
cript . . . ' supposed to have been an exact copy ' which 
' has been found in some particulars imperfect, and in others 
incorrect.' They accordingly caused copies to be made, 
28 June, 1825, of both exemplars of the letter by the Keeper 
of the Records himself (pp. 347-350). In these the name 
appeared in the exemplar now known as A thus : 

Willelmus Paynell Dominus de Tracington, 

while in its damaged fellow now known as B it is : 

Willelmus Paynell Dominus de . . . yngton. 

1 This form may possibly be derived from Charles' reading, substituting 
a ' F ' for his (correct) ' T.' 



The good Sir Harris Nicolas, who was great on the subject 
of this letter, 1 produced Fracyngton as the name of the place,* 
but his successor Courthope, who struck out all that Nicolas 
had said about the letter, was careful to give the name as 

To them enters G. E. C., who in his Complete Peerage 
treats them with his wonted impartiality. He gives his readers 
both their versions (though altering that of Nicolas to 
' Fracynton ') and is careful to add that ' No manor of 
" Tracington " or " Fracynton " is mentioned by Dugdale 
among his possessions at his death ' (vi. 192). He also tells 
the story of William's first wife ' Margaret, formerly wife of 
John de Camoys, dau. and h. of William de Gatesden, which 
lady was handed over to him by written document in the life- 
time of her said husband.' 

And now once more the ' Letter ' came before the House 
of Lords. For the Fauconberg case there was made a fresh 
certified copy evidently from the A copy by an Assistant- 
Keeper of the Records 14 June, 1900, in which the name 
appeared as 

Willelmus Paynell dominus de Tracinton. 3 

This was nearer to the true reading than any attempt yet 

When the Editor of this Review came to deal with the 
Letter, it was with its seals that he was primarily concerned. 
But he gave our baron's name as 

William Paynel, lord of ' Fracynton,' * 

and explained that he died seised of manors in Wiltshire and 
Sussex, ' amongst which no manor of the name of Fracington 
or Fracynton is found.' 

At length, in the fulness of time, there has arisen Mr. 
Joseph Foster with a stately volume on the Barons' letter, of 
which it is doubtless intended to form the definitive edition.* 
He is careful to give us the name we are discussing in the form 
DOMINUS DE FRACYNGTON, and he solves its identity at once ; 
it is ' Fracington, co. Sussex.' From a writer who spells 
heraldic lions as if they were a popular cafe, one would hardly 

1 Synopsis (1825), pp. 761-809. 4 Ancestor, Jan. 1904, p. 104. 

Ibid. p. 770. ' De Walden Library, vol. i. 

3 Minutes of Evidence, p. 18. 


expect even this concession to a merely modern spelling. 
But spell it as we may, there remains the difficulty that there 
is no such name in Sussex. 

Let us try to discover what and where this baffling place 
really was. William, as Mr. Foster observes, ' held land in 
the rape of Chichester.' He also, as G. E. C. and those who 
have followed him are aware, married a Gatesden heiress. 
Now, in the days of Henry III., a certain John de Gatesden 
was busy acquiring lands, among which, as we learn by a 
charter of 1242, he had ' of the gift of Agatha de Sancto 
Giorgio all her land in Tradint and Dudeling.' ' The former 
is left derelict in the Index to the official calendar, where 
' Tradint ' moans for recognition. It is, however, the place 
of which we are in search ; it only needs a little ' tone.' 

' Tradintone ' or ' Tratintone ' were the regular medi- 
eval forms of Trotton, co. Sussex, which lies (between Mid- 
hurst and Petersfield) in the rape of Chichester. In 33 
Hen. III. we have a fine between John de Gatesden and Sibil 
de Gundevill ' de manerio de Tradinton,' which John has of 
the gift of Agatha de Sancto Georgio, mother of Sibil, and 
' Dudeling ' (Didling) is named as appurtenant to Trotton.* 
In a somewhat later fine (A.D. 1288) it is ' Tradyntona.' 3 It 
then became Tratton, and so Trotton. It is known to have 
been held by the Camoys family, one of whom, as we have 
seen, was the first husband of the Gatesden heiress. 

That Mr. Foster's ' Fracington ' should prove to be really 
Trotton may seem at first sight strange, but the place is now 
identified beyond the possibility of doubt. As for the reading 
of the A text, in which alone the name is complete,' we have 
only to substitute ' Tratinton ' for ' Tracinton ' to obtain 
what I hold is the right version, and those who are familiar 
with the writing of the time must be well aware that ' c ' and 
' t ' are, practically, often indistinguishable unless one has 
knowledge of the name to guide one. 


1 Calendar of Charter Rolls, i. 266. 
* Sussex Fines, p. 122. 

3 Add. MS. 20,404. 

4 An excellent facsimile of this text, in which for those who can read 
medieval script the name is clear, will be found in Mr. Foster's volume. 


FEW surnames are more familiar or enjoy a wider popu- 
larity among ' the commonalty of this realm ' than that 
of the famous Beresfords, sportsmen and fighting-men. 
Although they have long ranked among the greatest of Irish 
houses, they are not of those conquistadores who became, as 
the saying went, Hibernis Hiberniores ; indeed, their connec- 
tion with Ireland dates only from some three centuries back, 
when a fortunate cadet of a Derbyshire house became manager 
of the ' Society of the new plantation in Ulster.' It is with 
the origin of this Derbyshire house that I desire briefly to 

To the indefatigable labours, among records, of General 
Wrottesley we are, as so often, indebted for the facts of 
which we are in search. The long array of volumes published 
by the Salt Society enable us to trace, by record evidence, 
the ancestors of the house of Beresford in their original home 
from which their name was derived. This was a small estate 
in the Staffordshire parish of Alstonfield, but on the very 
border of Derbyshire, which is represented to-day by ' Beres- 
ford Hall.' This estate appears to have been hela by forester- 
service in Malbanc forest, for in 1411 we find the Beresford of 
that day describing it as ' all his estate in Alstonfield, with the 
office of one of the foresters of Malbanc forest, and housebote, 
heighbote, and common of pasture for thirteen cows and a 
bull, thirteen mares and a horse, thirteen swine and a boar.' * 
Tenure by such a service was compatible with a certain social 
position, and the family can be traced back on the rolls at 
' Beveresforde ' or ' Beversford,' as it was then named, to the 
days of Edward I., when John ' de Beveresfort in Verselowe ' 
(Warslow) is found as a juror for Totmonslow Hundred in 
or about 1275." Either contemporaneous or just previous 

1 General Wrottesley informs me that so late as 5 James I. Edward Beresford 
of Beresford, Esq., levied a fine of the manor, including ' the two offices of 
forester of the forest of Malbon, co. Stafford.' 

1 Collections for a History of Staffordshire, v. (l), p. 117. 


was a Hugh de ' Beveresford ' who witnessed a Rydeware 
charter in 1274,* and two Okeover charters possibly a little 
earlier. 2 The earliest member of the family yet discovered 
is, in General Wrottesley's opinion, the John ' de Beveresford ' 
who attests an Okeover document 3 not later than 1241. 
Most families would be well satisfied if they could trace their 
ancestors so far back as this. 

It has been attempted, however, to carry back the pedi- 
gree, at a bound, for several generations by alleging the ex- 
istence of ' a deed dated 4 October, 1087, i Will. II.,' which 
mentions John de Beresford as seised of Beresford, and 
which still figures in the pedigree-books at the head of the 
family history. Time after time I have postponed the 
writing of these notes in the hope that the text of this elusive 
deed might yet be discovered somewhere ; but always in 
vain. The fullest mention of it that I can find is contained 
in ' an historical account of the Beresford family ' by Major 
C. E. De La Poer Beresford, to which I shall have occasion to 
refer below. In it he thus confidently writes : 

But to come to the clear light of day, it seems incontestable that by a deed 
dated October 4, 1087 (l William II.) John or (sic) Jehan de Hereford or (sic) 
Beresford, was seized of this manor in East Staffordshire. This is the earliest 
deed of which I have heard. Blore quotes it in 1794, and is satisfied of its ex- 
istence. Bassano states that he saw the deed, and Degge mentions it. Blore 
affirms that in it Christopher de Bereford appears as a witness to John de Bere- 
ford or (sic) Beresford. 4 

Itjfis fdistracting to find that for all this not a single refer- 
ence is given by the author. Moreover we are left in doubt 
as to whether this all-important deed has ' Jehan ' or ' Jo- 
hannes,' has ' Beresford ' or ' Bereford.' 

General Wrottesley has most kindly exerted himself to 
have a special search made among Blore's MSS. at Stafford 
and in every likely quarter ; but still the deed eludes us. 
Indeed, General Wrottesley goes so far as to write to me : 
4 I think you will agree with me . . . that there is no deed 
of A.D. 1087 relating to the Beresfords.' He points out that 
the place-name in Alstonsfield did not assume the form 

1 The Rydeware Chartulary, Ed. Wrottesley, p. 275. 

* Wrottesley's Okeovers of Okeover, pp. 141, 147. 
Ibid. p. 155. 

* Genealogical Magazine, i. 619-620. 


' Beresford ' till a much later period, 1 and, on my part, I may 
point out that a deed of so early a date would be, in any case, 
unspeakably rare and would certainly not be thus dated. 
Either a very much later deed has had its date misread, or 
which I think quite possible the document is merely the 
invention of some pedigree-maker.* 

The Rev. William Beresford, Vicar of St. Luke's, Leek, 
who has devoted much attention to the history of the family, 
has succeeded in tracing back the mention of this lost deed 
to a pedigree which was drawn up for the family in 1621 and 
which is still in existence. But all that is there found, under 
the alleged date, is : ' Johannes Beresford fuit seisitus de 
manerio de Beresford. Christopher Beresford was a witness.' 
Christopher, I may observe, is not a name that is found at that 
early period.' 

It appears that among the records of the see of Ely there is 
a pedigree of the Beresfords drawn up for the then bishop in 
1692, ' by y e care and industry of Francis Sandford, Esq., late 
Lancaster Herald, and his successor Gregory King, Esq., by 
the present Lancaster Herald and Registrar of the College of 
Arms.' * This pedigree traces up the family to a Hugh living 
in 1249-1250, accepts the evidence of the alleged deed of 
1087, and then bridges the gulf of 167 years by interpolating 
three generations, Hugh, Aden, and John, for whose existence 
no evidence whatever is vouchsafed. 

Major Beresford's ' historical account ' was written at the 
invitation of the editor of a popular genealogical monthly, 
and the writer modestly wishes that the task ' had fallen into 
better hands.' We learn at the outset that 

1 It seems not to be found till after 1300. 

1 It may be only a coincidence, but 1087 is, as a matter of fact, the year 
after Domesday, and is therefore the earliest date compatible with the utter 
silence of that record as to the family and the place. 

3 Major Beresford even speaks [p. 622] of ' the deed seen by Bassano, in 
which Christopher, sen. (who probably had a son or a cousin Christopher, ;'.) 
appears as witness.' Mr. W. H. Stevenson, as a specialist on names, kindly 
writes, in reply to my inquiry : ' According to my experience Christopher does 
not become at all common until the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, and it is 
by no means common then. The name occurs sporadically both as a Christian 
and a surname in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. It does not appear 
to have been at all an aristocratic name at that period.' 
* Ex. inform. Rev. William Beresford. 


The name of de Beresford or (sic) de Hereford, cannot be found in the Roll 
of Battle Abbey, but in Domesday Book the manor of Barford, in Warwick- 
shire, is entered as Bereford. 1 

Precisely. And it is just because the medieval ' Bereford ' 
is represented to-day by Barford, and not by Beresford, that 
the whole fabric of pedigree and arms which the writer pro- 
ceeds to construct comes toppling to the ground. 

The strange thing is that Major Beresford then turns to 
the right stammhaus : 

But Beresford, Beversford, or (sic) Bereford, is a small manor in the parish 
of Alstonfield, on the Staffordshire moors close to Derbyshire. 1 

It will, at least, be obvious to all that the family cannot have 
derived its name from two different places, Beresford in 
North-East Staffordshire and Barford in Warwickshire ; they 
must select one or the other. Major Beresford, however, 
sees no such difficulty, and as his conclusion raises a question 
of interest to genealogists, I need not apologise for quoting it. 

So far, then, we have located the Beresfords and Berefords in Derbyshire 
or Staffordshire, and Warwickshire. Are they distinct and different families, 
or one family ? I incline to the belief that they are one and the same family. 
Readers of the Genealogical Magazine know what the general public seems not 
to understand, i.e. that the spelling of family names in times past varied much, 
according to the fancy of the scribe or mason who marked it on vellum or 
stone. If the spelling commenced with the right letter, and phonetically 
rendered the sound of the words, it was sufficient. We are now more exact, 
and cling sometimes rather to the shadow than the substance in declaring that 
branches of the same original stock, whose names are not spelt in exactly the 
same manner, belong to different families. 3 

Readers of the Ancestor, at any rate, may be trusted to under- 
stand that Barfords of Barford and Beresfords of Beresford 
would have no more in common than had Macedon and 
Monmouth. An excellent instance in point is found in the 
case of two medieval families in a district not very remote 
from Beresford itself. The Gresleys of Gresley in Derby- 
shire and the Greasleys of Greasley in Nottinghamshire might 
easily be and actually have been confused, although they were 
wholly distinct. Even as I write^ there is brought to my 

1 Genealogical Magazine, i. 619. 
1 Ibid. Ibid. p. 620. 


notice a still more striking example from another part of 
England. The Rev. W. O. Massingberd observes of Lincoln- 
shire, that 

It is clear from the Cathedral Charters and the Testa de Nevilt that there 
were three distinct families, taking their names respectively from Bilsby, Beesby, 
and Beelsby. How easy it is to confuse them may be seen from the Visitation 
Pedigree of Thimbleby in 1 562, where Thomas Thimbleby is said to have married 
the heiress of Sir William Billesby of Billesby, whereas it is clear from records 
that the property Richard Thimbleby acquired was in Beelsby and had belonged 
to Sir Thomas Belesby, knight. 

Major Beresford would have more excuse in such a case as this 
for erroneously supposing the families to be ' one and the 

Although, perhaps, to readers of the Genealogical Magazine 
the names ' Hereford ' and ' Beresford ' may seem in- 
distinguishable, this can only be due to ignorance of phonetic 
values. For while one is a name of two syllables, the other is 
a name of three. In Domesday the place-name ' Hereford ' 
is found in several counties, and the fact that it always repre- 
sents a place called Barford shows that we must pronounce it 
as a disyllabic, Bere-ford. That, as in the instances I gave 
above, the two names might at times be confused, does not 
in any way affect the fact that Bar-ford and Ber-es-ford are 
quite distinct, as were also their early forms ' Hereford ' and 
' Beveresford.' Yet it is by assuming their identity at the 
outset in the phrase ' Beresford or (sic) Bereford ' that the 
writer lays the foundation on which his history is to rest. 1 

For it is by annexing knightly members of one or more 
houses of Barford that he adds dignity and colour to the story 
of his own house. It is thus that we 'meet with Edmund 
Beresford (sic), knight and cleric (!) ' in 1327-8, although on 
the rolls this considerable landowner proves to be Edmund ' de 
Bereford.' He ' used as seal ' the heraldry is that of the 
Genealogical Magazine ' Crusule fiche and three floure de 
lices, colour sable, field argent ' ! Strange to say, ' his son, 
Sir Baldwin de Bereford (sic) adopted as his device a black 
bear, which was emblazoned (sic) on his banner at Crecy A.D. 
1346.' Alas, we have no reference for the fact, nor is Sir 
Baldwin to be found within the covers of General Wrottesley's 

1 I understand that the antiquary Blore, who wrote a history of the family 
in 1794, distinctly rejects any connection between ' Beresford ' and ' Bereford.' 



Crecy and Calais. This is possibly accounted for by the fact 
that he held a special staff appointment ; for ' he was said,' 
we learn, ' to have been A.D.C. to the Black Prince.' For 
this statement, at least, there is authority ; it is Mr. Bird 
should be interested to know ' family tradition.' Then 
there is Sir William, the chief justice, and woe is me Sir 
Simon. It was cynically observed by Professor Freeman that 
people did not mind what their ancestor had done, so long as 
he did something or other a long time ago. Not so Major 
Beresford. ' Simon de Bereford,' we read, ' I must mention, 
though I might perhaps be excused if I passed him over in 
silence.' l For Sir Simon, it seems, had a hand in the death 
of Edward II. Let us wipe this blot from the scutcheon and 
hasten to assure the writer that Sir Simon had no more to do 
with the house of Beresford than I have. 

Let us now turn to the amazing fruit that this strange 
confusion between different families of two distinct names 
bears at the present day in the arms of the Irish house. 

It is recognized that the coat borne by the Beresfords of 
Beresford was the ' canting ' one of a sable bear (collared and 
chained) on an argent field. Obviously this coat can only 
have been adopted after the place-name had assumed its later 
form of ' Beresford ' ; and, as a matter of fact, when discussing 
the arms, Major Beresford cannot produce any clear evidence 
of its use earlier than its occurrence on the monument to 
Thomas Beresford (a second son of the house), who died in 
1473, in Fenny Bentley Church, Derbyshire. The Stafford- 
shire Visitation of 1583 records the coat as three bears instead 
of one, but according to Major Beresford's ' historical ac- 
count ' the senior branch of the Beresfords, i.e. those who 
remain in England, use as arms, Arg. a bear ' sa. collared 
chained and muzzled or.' a So far, so good. 

But, proceeds the writer, ' the Irish Beresfords, who 
descend from the same ancestor, bear the shield argent seme 
of cross-crosslets sable, three fleurs-de-lis, two and one, of the 
second, the whole within a bordure engrailed, also of the second.'' 3 
Now the history of this coat, both with and without a ' bor- 

1 Genealogical Magazine, i. 620. 

2 Ibid. '1.621. 

3 Ibid. The italics are mine. The engraving in the margin of the above 
shows no bordure. 


dure,' is perfectly well known ; it duly appears on the rolls 
of arms as that of knightly bearers, whom the Beresfords, as 
we have seen, would like to connect with their house, but who 
had nothing to do with it and were of higher position in the 
medieval world. In other words it was that of men who 
derived their name, not from Beresford but from Barford 
(' Bereford '). Entered in slightly differenced forms, as was 
common on the rolls of arms, it is assigned, without a ' bor- 
dure,' to Sir William de Bereford on the Parliamentary Roll, 
and with a ' bordure ' to Sir Simon de Bereford on the 
Boroughbridge Roll. 1 The cumbrous blazon of Lord Water- 
ford's coat given above is that variety of the ' Bereford ' coat 
borne by Sir Simon with the microscopic distinction that the 
engrailed ' bordure ' is gules instead of sable. 

Let me drive home the facts, facts ' plain as a pikestaff.' 
Here are two coats, different as coats can be ; one belonged 
to Beresford of Beresford ; the other, in its various differenced 
forms, was borne by men in other counties, of different family, 
and of distinct name. And yet the Irish Beresfords, discard- 
ing their own coat, coolly adopted one which, if heraldry has 
any meaning, implies, and is meant to imply, that they are 
descended from knightly Barfords, with whom they had 
absolutely nothing to do." 

But I have to invite particular attention to Major Beres- 
ford's comments on the facts : 

Beresford of Beresford apparently first used the bear, whilst Bereford of 
Barford or Bereford used the fleurs-de-lis. I believe that at this moment there 
is a dispute in the Heralds' Office as to which is the correct cognisance of the 
family. Whether the Beresfords elect to use the muzzled bear sable or the 
fleurs-de-lis between the cross-crosslets ; their right to bear either has been 
established at visitations over and over again. This is worth noting in these days 
of fancy pedigrees and coats of arms, either borne without authority of the sovereign, 
the fountain of honour, or impudently assumed by non-armigerous families.* 

The hand that penned these lines may be that of Major 
Beresford, but the voice is it not that of ' the prophet,' * 

i I am indebted to the editor for this information. 

> The adoption of this coat is no recent matter, but its baselessness was 
recognized long ago. It appears to me that the English Heralds' pedigree 
of 1692 is quite guiltless of introducing these knightly ' Berefords ' into 
the family. 

3 Genealogical Magazine, i. 621 

< Ancestor, No. 6, pp. 155-7. 


the inventor, and ' onlie begetter ' of ' the genuinely armi- 
gerous person ' ? For here we have his own gospel preached 
in a paper written by his own invitation. 1 

' Those,' says an ancient proverb, ' who live in glass houses 
should not throw stones.' When Major Beresford goes out 
of his way to denounce arms ' impudently assumed,' the 
thought cannot but occur to us that, coming from a member 
of his house, the words are curiously unhappy. And as to his 
' fancy pedigrees,' the less said of them the better. 

This is, however, no personal question ; it is a principle 
that is at stake. Sandwiched with Major Beresford's chapters, 
we find successive instalments on ' the right to bear arms ' ; a 
but, curiously enough, neither in these nor in other similar 
hortatory epistles do we find any mention of ' the right to 
pirate arms.' The verb, I hasten to add, has Mr. Phillimore's 
sanction. As he justly observes : 

Having regard to the nature of arms and their object, that of providing a 
distinctive symbol or family mark or emblem, it can only be regarded as a scandal 
that they should be openly pirated by persons having no better title to them 
than a similarity of surname. 3 

With this view the Ancestor finds itself wholly in agreement. 
But then what are we to say to Beresford annexing the arms 
of Barford ? What of Gerard similarly discarding its own 
honourable coat to usurp that of Fitz Gerald ? 4 What of 
the Stewarts of Ely pirating the arms of the royal Stuarts ? 
Do these notorious cases stir Mr. Phillimore's indignation ? 
Well, that is perhaps a question that he would rather not 
answer. For he would have to tell us that the coats which 
his principles compel him to denounce are 'from a legal 
aspect ' those which he is bound to approve. As Major 
Beresford assures us under the auspices of ' the prophet ' 
himself, his is borne by heralds' sanction ; there is nothing 
left for Mr. Phillimore but ' do poojah ' at the shrine. 

I would ask permission to repeat what I have already 
said : 

1 Genealogical Magazine, i. 619 ; ii. 124-5. 

2 Genealogical Magazine, vols. i., ii. 

3 Heralds' College and Coats of Arms regarded from a legal aspect, second 
edition, revised, cited in Ancestor, No. 6, p. 168. 

* See Ancestor, No. 7, pp. 22-4. 


The line taken by the Ancestor, in the matter of armorial bearings, has been 
definite and frank throughout. We are in cordial agreement with those who 
denounce the pirating of arms, that is the annexing of a family's coat by another 
family of the same name, but wholly unconnected. But we deny that thi 
admitted wrong is at once turned into right when the annexed coat it borne 
with the sanction of the Heralds' College, or when the offender is allowed to 
retain his usurped coat in what he can represent as a merely differenced form. 
To Mr. Phillimore and his fellows the sanction of the college is the only point 
worth considering ; to us it makes no difference ; it cannot turn wrong into 

As we began, so we end. To a public confused by talk 
of ' bogus ' or ' illegal ' arms we are determined to make the 
real issue clear. When a man usurps the arms belonging to 
another family, he implies, if heraldry has any meaning, that 
he is a member of that family when he is not. He has, to use 
Mr. Phillimore's phrase, ' pirated ' the arms. The man, on the 
other hand, who does but use arms which are not registered at 
the college, but which do not belong to any other family, 
is guilty of no piracy ; the utmost that he can be said to assert 
is that his social position entitles him to have arms. And if 
his position is such that the heralds would at once confirm 
that assertion, should he apply for a grant, no man can charge 
him with pretending to be other than he is, or assuming a 
position which he does not hold. 

And when it is perceived that ' the prophet ' and his 
friends treat these two classes as equally guilty in their sight, 
the intelligent public will apprize their attack at its right 
value and may draw its own conclusions as to what their 
grievance is. 


1 Ancestor, No. 7, p. 22. These remarks, of course, apply not merely to 
the English College, but to any other official sanction of arms. 


Under this beading the Ancestor will call the attention of press 
and public to much curious lore concerning genealogy, heraldry 
and the like with which our magazines, our reviews and news- 
papers from time to time delight us. It is a sign of awaken- 
ing interest in such matters that the subjects with which the 
Ancestor sets itself to deal are becoming less and less the sealed 
garden of a few workers. But upon what strange food the 
growing appetite for popular archaeology must feed will be 
shown in the columns before us. Our press, the best-informed 
and the most widely sympathetic in the world, which watches 
its record of science, art and literature with a jealous eye, still 
permits itself, in this little corner of things, to be victimized by 
the most recklessly furnished information, and it would seem 
that no story is too wildly improbable to find the widest cur~ 
rency. It is no criticism for attacking s sake that we shall 
offer, and we have but to beg the distinguished journals from 
which we shall draw our texts for comment to take in good 
part what is offered in good faith and good humour. 


WHILE this, the last volume of the Ancestor, is a-making 
we may look round us and learn in the daily journals 
how little harm our gentle remonstrances have inflicted upon 
the English family legend. There are those who would per- 
suade us that we have dealt harshly with this tender growth, 
but as we see it still in leaf and bud we know that we have 
no cause for remorse. The Saxon forefather drains the mead- 
horn undisturbed by our libels. The Norman ancestor re- 
mains behind his kite shield and hauberk unwounded by our 
darts. We are tempted to believe that some premonition of 
the Ancestor's coming end has stirred amongst these venerable 
shadows, for the old legends are marching forth fearless and 


Folk-lore and genealogy take hands and dance in this 
letter to the editor of a London morning newspaper. We 
reprint it in full, as it deserves. 



SIR, In your paper the other day you mentioned with regard to tome 
children who got lost in a wood that it was very like the ' nursery tale ' of 
' The Babes in the Wood.' 

It may interest you to know that the story of ' The Babes in the Wood ' it 
not fable, but fact. The two children were De Greys, who were purposely 
taken into the wood and lost by an uncle who aspired to the Walsingham title. 

The house where the uncle lived (an old Elizabethan farmhouse) is in the 
village of Griston, in Norfolk. The land all round is prettily wooded with 
numbers of small woods, the largest being known as ' Wayland Wood,' once 
called ' Wailing Wood,' and said to be the portion where the babes were lost. 
The position of the woods round shows that it was at one time a vast forest. 


The vast forest of Griston may indeed have disappeared, 
but the Walsingham family tree is left standing. From a 
study of it in the nearest peerage we can with all but certainty 
put our hand upon that wicked uncle. The peerage of Wal- 
singham was created in 1780, the first lord being Lord Chief 
Justice of the Common Pleas. The first and only uncle in 
the pedigree who could have ' aspired to the Walsingham 
title ' was in holy orders. He was Archdeacon of Surrey and 
Prebendary of Winchester. His treachery, as we know, was 
successful, and he died as Lord Walsingham in 1839. T^e 
fate of the little nephew is concealed by a statement that he 
died in his father's lifetime, and the peerage editors, like the 
robins, have hidden the little niece in their leaves. Hitherto 
we have believed the story of the babes in the wood to be an 
old, old, very old tale. It is disturbing to learn from Pillager, 
the authority on the spot, that it is a painfully modern scandal 
and a Serious Charge against a Clergyman. 


Where a paragraph may glance aside an article steeled 
with record and reference should surely wound. Gerard of 
Bryn we made the text of an article in our seventh volume. 
This month we read that ' Gerald of Bryn can claim descent 
from a common ancestor of the Dukes of Leinster in Ireland.' 
We cannot deny this, for Lord Gerard claims such a descent 
in every peerage by using the arms which belong of right to 
the Duke of Leinster, but we have nevertheless demonstrated 
that this claim bases itself upon a certain resemblance of sur- 
name and that its assertion cannot be traced further than 
those legend-begetting times of the Tudors. 



A paragraph tells us that the Earl of Roden, ' who has just 
entered upon his sixty-third year, can claim a lineage which 
was of quite respectable antiquity in the reign of King John. 
There was indeed a Jocelyn in the Conqueror's train, and 
doubtless the family is the same.' 

With apologies to our paragrapher a doubt may be for- 
given. Jocelyn is a surname founded upon a personal name. 
There were once Jocelyns as there are now Toms and Jacks. 
Let us admit that there was ' a Jocelyn in the Conqueror's 
train,' although the fact derives itself in all probability from 
the precious ' roll of Battle Abbey,' a document compiled far 
on our side of the reign of King John. Let us remember also 
that we have even better authority for saying that the Con- 
queror's own name was William. One hundred and twenty- 
three years afterwards we are given one who is a Jocelyn by 
surname, he or his fathers having taken that name from an 
ancestor who bore it as a personal name. If we are to allow 
that in this case King John's Jocelyn is ' doubtless ' of the 
same family as King William's Jocelyn, we shall find ourselves 
obliged to admit that any Williamson or Fitzwilliam found 
living under King John is ' doubtless ' of the same family as 
the Conqueror. Such reasoning, although foolishness in the 
ears of Jocelyns and journalists, may be found by others 
reasonable enough. 


In each and every field our advice has fallen upon barren 
places. In an article concerning the Antiquary and the 
Novelist we besought the Novelist to keep the crests of his 
knights upon the helms to which they belong. Yet Mr. 
Rider Haggard's knights will not be guided by us and allow 
their author to equip them for holy land in a fashion which 
must have exposed them to needless mockery from their cru- 
sading companions. In The Brethren we read that the two 
twin knights, Sir Godwin D'Arcy and Sir Wulf D'Arcy their 
pleasantly improbable names, believed themselves to be 
shunned of their Christian fellows by reason of a suspicion 
that they were spies of the Saracen. The knights are dust, 
their good swords rust, but they cannot have reached their 
last edition, and therefore we hasten to clear up the mystery 


of the ill reception of these two amiable young men by the 
hosts of the cross. The army even to this day resents eccen- 
tricity in costume, and when we have said that Sir Godwin 
and Sir Wulf were in the habit of charging upon the Paynim 
hordes, with ' their shields blazoned with the Death's head 
D'Arcy crest, 1 the difficulty explains itself. To be ' im- 
properly dressed ' is still a military misdemeanour, and it is 
possible that we do not know the full measure of their offence. 
Young men who wore the crest, the ornament of the helm, 
affixed to their shields, may well have carried originality to 
the point of wearing their spurred boots upon their hands or 
of twisting their sword-belts into turbans. 


The activities of Lord Heneage carry the Heneage family 
legend again and again into the newspapers. With each 
appearance it gathers bulk, and at its present rate of growth 
it cannot be long before we greet our father Adam as the first 
of the Heneages and discover traces of Eden garden in the 
family estate of Hainton in Lincolnshire. We hurry three 
precious paragraphs into such immortality as the twelfth 
volume of the Ancestor will give. 

The fishermen of Grimsby could not have a more appropriate spokesman 
than Lord Heneage, who is not only High Steward of the great fishing port, but 
has'a family connection with the town which goes back for nearly four cen- 

Perhaps the most surprising thing about him is the fact that he i- the first 
peer of his line. He should at least have been the twentieth, for the Heneages 
were an old family when the Conqueror first braved the terrors of the Channel 
passage. There were certainly Heneages at Hainton in the time of King Edwy, 
and they doubtless took part in the revolt which brought Edgar to the throne, 
and it is not impossible that some of them were in the train of Wulfhere, King 
of Mercia. 

In comparatively modern times Sir Rupert de Heneage was witness to a grant 
of land to the monks of Brucria in the reign of William Rufus ; and in Henry 
the Eighth's day a Heneage was private secretary to Cardinal VVolsey. He 
must have very narrowly escaped a peerage, which, failing him, certainly should 
have gone to his nephew, Sir George Heneage, M.P. for Grimsby in 1553, Vice- 
Admiral of Lincoln, commander of the forces which suppressed the Irish rebels 
in Queen Elizabeth's time, and attached to the household of Edward the Sixth 
and Mary, as well as to that of the Virgin Queen. 

The Heneage family, as we have before recorded, can prob- 
ably be traced with certainty to the fourteenth century. 


The legend that would make them an old family at the Con- 
quest is the thinnest web of genealogical fancy. A Sir Rupert 
[sic] de Heneage of the time of William Rufus announces by 
his very name that his existence is but a pleasant fancy of an 
inexpert pedigree-maker. That there were Heneages at 
Hainton under Edward III. is in itself no overwhelming proof 
that there were also Heneages at Hainton under King Edwy 
in the tenth century, and Heneages following Wulfhere, son 
of Penda, in the seventh. If such legends were brought 
within more familiar periods their improbability would declare 
itself to all men. Mr. Smith is seated in Berkeley Square, 
where his father was before him. By the Heneage, or Lincoln- 
shire, method, we should be justified in paragraphing him as the 
descendant of Smiths who looked from their Berkeley Square 
windows at the coming of the first Tudor King to London, 
adding colour to our narrative by sketching in with a light 
hand Smiths who ' doubtless ' caught up a two-handed sword 
from the hat-rack and hurried after King John to Runne- 
mede, or Smiths who ' not impossibly ' marched stoutly away 
down Bolton Street, red cross on shoulder, towards the holy 
land. Absurd as this second legend might seem to us, it would 
have the advantage of the Heneage legend in probability, 
for in exceptional cases it is possible for the genealogists 
to trace a modern house to the thirteenth century, whereas 
by reason of absence of all material we cannot hope to prolong 
a fourteenth century ancestor to the seventh. There are 
Smiths to-day and there were Smiths who bore that surname 
under Edward III., but Heneages with a surname of Heneage 
under Edwy or Wulfhere are impossible to any one having a 
knowledge of names and their history in England. 


That the genealogical paragraph is arousing the interest 
and drawing the comments of the antiquary is seen by this 
note from an evening journal : 

In amplification of a reference in this column on Saturday to the fact that 
the family of Sir Thomas Dyke-Acland has been settled for several centuries in 
Devon, a correspondent points out that the family was an old one in that county 
in the reign of Henry the Second, when Hugh de Acalen found occasion to obtain 
information of certain grants dating to the eleventh century. 


We can add to this from our own researches. An ancient 
chronicle book Parvuli Arthuri Historia Anglicana\m 
revealed to us that Henry II. lived and died in this eleventh 
century, so that the deeds for whose confirmation the cau- 
tious Hugh de Acalen ' found occasion ' may be safely assigned 
to no later date. 


The following paragraph is an instalment of the new 
information which is making Anglo-Saxons of all our old 
families. It may be well allowed that Sir Percival Radcliffe 
is a Pickford ' as well as ' a Radcliffe, seeing that he is Pickford 
by descent, his only connexion with the Radcliffes being 
through a great-great-grandmother. 

Sir Percival Radcliffe comes of the old MacclcsfielJ family of Pickford, as 
well as of the Saxon Raddyffes of Radclyffe Tower, in Lancashire, of which 
county William de Radclyffe was sheriff in 1 194. His great-grandson Richard 
was seneschal and minister of the forests of Blackburnshire in the days of Edward 
the First, and received from that Sovereign a charter of ' free warren and free 
chace ' in the Radclyffe lands. 

The Radcliffes were truly amongst the most ancient Lan- 
cashire families, but genealogists have failed to carry their 
descent beyond that reign of Henry II. which for reasons well 
known to the antiquary must in most cases mark a limit for 
the keenest pedigree-maker. No one of the earlier Radcliffes 
having even a personal name with an ' Anglo-Saxon ' flavour, 
the evidence for Saxon blood of the house must surely rest 
upon some eleventh or twelfth century edition of the Landed 
Gentry which has escaped the bibliographers. 


We greet with enthusiasm the re-appearance of a Saxon 
hero of the stubborn sort. With the obstinacy which served 
him well in Dover tower, Bertram Ashburnham, surely the 
least probably named of his breed, still keeps the top place of 
the Ashburnham genealogy as stoutly as he kept the castle, 
and with even more success. 

Lord Ashburnham, who is putting another year to his credit, comes from 
a long way back, but he is, I fancy, only the second baptismal Bertram of his 
family since the Bertram Ashburnham, Governor of Dover Castle, who nude 


so stout a defence of that fortress against the Conqueror, and was beheaded, in 
consequence, by the appreciative Norman. The regulation fore-name of the 
Ashburnhams, through the centuries, has been John. A John, in fact, is heir 
to the title now. 

Embittered by Bertram's defence, the Conqueror was 
revenged upon him and his line after a fashion familiar to 
those who have studied the history of our Saxon-descended 
nobility. That the champion of Dover should lose his head, 
was but to be looked for ; a stately walk to a scaffold, a weep- 
ing chaplain, a sympathetic crowd, and Bertram might die 
happy in having embellished the pedigree after the most 
esteemed fashion. But the Conqueror's revenge did not end 
with the fall of the axe. The very name of Bertram has been 
expunged from all records, doubtless by the direction of the 
invader, and ' men's opinions and his living blood,' the news- 
paper paragraph and a striking portrait in Guillim's Display 
of Heraldrie, alone testify to the existence of this amiable 
patriot. The effects of the Conqueror's malice have been 
far-reaching. Doubt has been engendered, and to-day there 
are some so hardy as to assert that Lord Ashburnham is not 
' the second baptismal Bertram of his family,' but the first. 


In another page of this present Ancestor we have an account 
of the true origin of the ancient English family of Fitzwilliam. 
We have there spoken somewhat of the legends surrounding 
their beginning, and these paragraphs, samples of many, may 
be collated with our own article. 

The Fitzwilliams date so far back that their record is lost ; but Sir William, 
a knight of the Conqueror's day, married, it is recorded, the daughter of Sir 
John Elmley, and so acquired the lordships of Elmley and Sprotburgh, and his 
son, another Sir William, made a grant of land in 1117 to the monks of Piland. 

There was a still later Sir William who married the daughter of Hameline 
Plantagenet, Earl of Surrey. 


For nine centuries the Fitzwilliams have been prominent figures in the history 
of England, and have always been famous for that sturdy independence of 
character which prompted William Fitzwilliam, Sheriff of London, to give a 
cordial welcome to Cardinal Wolsey, his early friend, in the hour of his disgrace. 
For thii daring act he was summoned to the Royal presence, and King Henry 
looked so menacingly at him that the Sheriff made up his mind that he would 
lose his head. 


Surely in the first sentence of these notes we have the 
strangest evidence for antiquity of race. For not the Fitz- 
williams only, but the house of Smith, the Joneses, the Browns, 
and eke the Robinsons are here in the same galley with Colonna 
and Bourbon and with the Foundling Hospital, for all can 
boast with equal truth that their record at this or that date 
becomes lost. 

The fact that the sturdy independence of the Fitzwilliams 
was already apparent in the year 1000 A.D. will be noted 
with interest. As no record exists to vouch for this, we can 
have no doubt that we have it upon what a late writer de- 
scribes as ' the surer ground of legend.' 


The baby which was born yesterday to the Duke and Duchess of Westmin- 
ster will some day find himself one of the richest men in England. But if he is 
like the Grosvenors who have preceded him he will care lea for his wealth than for 
his lineage, which goes back in Normandy a century and a half earlier than the 
Conquest, in which one Gilbert le Grosvenor assisted the first William. The 
blood of the great Hugh Lupus, Duke of Chester, flows in his veins, and he has 
a long line of knightly ancestors famous in war, famous as counsellor* of State, 
famous as mighty huntsmen. 

If the Grosvenor baby attaches any value to this para- 
graph he may be forgiven the sin of family pride, which such 
a lineage may surely excuse. But we warn him against 
accepting it before he has had the first volume of the Ancestor 
sent up to him in the nursery. He will there learn that the 
Grosvenor pedigree cannot be carried with safety beyond the 
thirteenth century. Historians too will tell him that the line 
of Hugh of Chester, who was never a duke, ended with a son, 
and philologists will add the assurance that the surname of 
Grosvenor indicates descent not so much from a mighty 
huntsman as from a fat one. 


AS there seems to be still entertained a doubt whether 
this ancient house is of Breton or of Danish extraction, 
I should be glad to clear away the confusion which exists at 
present on its origin. 

A very detailed pedigree, with record references, is given 
in Playfair's vast Baronetage (1811), i. 171-189, as ' corrected ' 
from Blomefield's History of Norfolk, its main source. 

In his introductory remarks Playfair began by stating that 
' the name of Jernegan appears to be of Celtic or British 
derivation, and occurs as such in Lobineau's Annals of French 
Britanny.' But he adds that Weever ' supposes it to be of 
Danish extraction,' and quotes from him, out of a pedigree of 
the Jerninghams ' by a judicious gentleman ' an absurd story 
that Canute brought a certain ' Jernengham ' with him from 
Denmark and gave him ' certaine manners in Norfolk.' This 
' Jernengham,' I need scarcely say, is as apocryphal a person 
as his contemporary, Randle lord of Trafford ' temp. Canute.' 

But the detailed pedigree given by Playfair appears 
plausible enough, and begins only with : 

Jernegan or Jerningham, who was settled at Horham Jernegan in Suffolk 
in the reigns of King Stephen and Henry II. and is mentioned in the Castle 
Acre Register (fol. 63)3), as a witness to a deed by which Bryan son of Scotland 
confirmed the church of Melsombi to the monks of Castle Acre. He died 
about the year 1182, leaving by Sybilla, his widow, who, in 1183, paid one 
hundred pounds of her gift into the exchequer (Rot. Pi-p. 30 Hen. II.), a son, 
who was called 

Sir Hugh, or (sic) Hubert Fitz- Jernegan, of Horham Jernegan, knight, who 
gave a large sum of money to King Henry II. (Mag. Rot. 29 Hen. II) and paid 
it into the exchequer shortly after his father's death, in 1 182. 

When we find a pedigree styling a man ' Hugh or Hubert,' 
we may generally conclude that there is something wrong, 
and we should look up the references. The case of the Jer- 
ninghams is no exception ; their true ancestor, ' Hubertus 
Gernagan,' is returned as holding a knight's fee of the Honour 
of Eye in 1166,' and Horham Jernegan is 'found in Domesday 
held of that great Suffolk Honour. The Calendar of Suffolk 
fines, for which we are indebted to Mr. Walter Rye, enables 

1 Liber Rubeus, p. 411 



us to trace a Hubert ' Jarnegan' at Radlingfield (next Horham) 
in 3 Hen. III. (1218-9), Hubert 'Jarnegan' at Stonham (Jer- 
negan) in 7 Hen. III. (1222-3) and later members of the 
house. Further, an important plea of 25 Hen. III. (1240) 
cited in the pedigree shows us Margaret, widow of Hubert 
Jernegan, suing Hugh her son for lands in Stonham Jernegan. 
It is in the records of the Honour of Eye that would have to be 
sought the history of the family, which, from its first appear- 
ance in the twelfth century, has had East Anglia for its home. 

Unfortunately, however, the pedigree-maker has de- 
veloped its early genealogy by interweaving with it that of a 
totally distinct family, which held of the Honour of Rich- 
mond alias the Honour of Britanny under its Breton counts. 
Of this family, which appears to have held at Hunmanby and 
elsewhere in Yorkshire, a chart pedigree of six generations is 
given in Gale's Honour of Richmond, beginning with ' Ger- 
negan ' and ending with that Avice, whom, as daughter of 
Hugh Fitz Jernegan, John Marmion paid a large sum for 
leave to marry in 16 John. Hugh Fitz Jernagan is returned 
as holding 2i or 3$ fees of the Honour of Richmond in John's 
reign. 1 This Yorkshire Hugh and the Suffolk Hubert have 
been rolled together in the above pedigree. It was clearly 
to the Yorkshire house that belonged the ' Jernegan ' who 
witnessed Bryan Fitz Scolland's deed, for Bryan was one of 
the great Breton tenants of the Honour of Richmond. 

But, although we have thus in ' Jerningham ' a most in- 
teresting, if corrupt, survival of an old Breton name, we 
cannot identify the ancestor of the Suffolk family among the 
tenants of Robert Malet, the Domesday lord of the Honour 
of Eye. 


1 Liber Rubeut, 163, 587. 



As a possessor of all past, and subscriber to all future volumes 
of the Ancestor, I trust you will forgive my trespassing on your 
space and kindness, in the hope that some of your many readers 
might throw a light on connecting my family history at a 
point where, through a change of name, all proved trace is lost 
to me. 

Here is an extract from the life of my great-uncle, the 
Rev. Henry Duncan, D.D.,of Ruthwell [W. Oliphant & Sons, 
Edinburgh, 1848]. The first chapter opens as follows : 

' During the dark periods of Border warfare, the family 
of Charteris of Amisfield, in Dumfriesshire, held a high place 
among the lesser barons of Scotland ; the head of that house 
having generally sustained the honourable office of Warden 
of the Western Marshes. A cadet of the family had exposed 
himself to danger during the troubles attending those rude 
times, and had been forced by the pressure of circumstances 
to seek safety in a change of name and a distant flight. The 
place of his refuge was sufficiently remote, being no other than 
the Orkney Islands ; and the name he assumed was that since 
borne by the male line of his descendants, of whom the sub- 
ject of this memoir was one. 

' The first of the family who returned to the mainland 
was the son of a clergyman, who had been settled in one of these 
islands shortly after the Revolution of 1688, and spent the 
most of his life, between the beginning and middle of last 
century, as a merchant in Aberdeen. His son and grandson, 
both bearing the Christian name of George, were successively 
ministers of the parish of Lochrutton, in the stewarty of 
Kirkcudbright, near Dumfries.' 

Note. Charteris of Amisfield were, I believe, an East 
Lothian family, and not related to the Dumfriesshire family 
of that name. This appears to be an error. 

Now the family tree from the aforesaid merchant of 


Aberdeen (being the first of the family who returned to the 
mainland), I quote below : 

Alexander ---. Christian 
Duncan, I Liddell 
merchant, 1 
Aberdeen I 

George Duncan, = Ann Hair (maiden name), 

born z; Sept. 1692, 
died 17 July 1765 

widow of Robt. Boyd, writer, 
Dumfries, 16 Oct. 1730. 
She died z Dec. 1741 

George Duncan, - Anne McMurdo 

born 15 Dec. 1738, 
died 17 March 1807. 

(dau. of William McMurdo, 
merchant, Dumfriei), 
4 Jne 1770 

William McMurdo = Marianne Henry 

Duncan, born z8 I Tobin, z; Oct. Duncan, D.D. 
Nov. I77Z, died in I 1797 bora 8 Oct. 1774, 

i8jz died 14 Feb. 1846. 

William Rathbone Duncan = Jeuie Hignett 

William MacDougall Duncan = Dorothy Fitch Kemp 

I have no dates of Alexander Duncan's birth, death, and 

Should any of your readers be so kind as to give me any 
information that would enable me to connect the aforesaid 
Alexander with the legend of the Charteris descent, I should 
esteem it a great kindness and favour. 

Thanking you in anticipation of your courtesy, should you 
see fit to publish my letter in your excellent quarterly, 
I am, dear Sir, 

Yours faithfully, 

1 8 October 1904. 



As I observe that the Ancestor is open to correspondence 
on heraldic questions, I venture to enclose a cutting from a 
local newspaper which professes to state the origin of what is 
called ' the ancient Hamilton crest ' : 


The Duke of Abercorn, who presided at the noisy Chartered Company's 
meeting the other day, has on his armorial bearings the ancient crest of the 
Hamilton family an oak tree, the trunk of which is penetrated by a frame- 
saw ; on the blade of the implement is inscribed the word ' Through.' The 
origin of this, says a London evening paper, is interesting. At the court of 
Edward II., William de Hamilton, a son of the Earl of Leicester, chanced to 
speak in favour of Robert Bruce. This was resented by a courtier, John de 
Spenser. A duel with De Hamilton was the consequence, when De Spenser 
was killed. The former, attended by a manservant, rode off to Scotland, chased 
by the Royal retainers. 

When hotly pursued De Hamilton and his attendant changed clothes with 
two woodmen, and were engaged in sawing an oak trunk asunder when Edward's 
unsuspicious men passed. At the moment De Hamilton sang out in a matter- 
of-fact fashion the woodman's exclamation, ' Through ! ' meaning that the 
sawing operation was finished. De Hamilton, the ancestor of the Dukes of 
Abercorn and Hamilton, reached Scotland safely, and was welcomed by Bruce. 
He selected the oak tree and saw crest, with the motto ' Through,' as a heraldic 
emblem of his narrow escape. 

The story of this ' crest ' is, of itself, very interesting ; 
but my purpose is only to propound the following few ques- 
tions which appear to hang upon it, and which you may be 
able to solve for the satisfaction of students of heraldry. 

1. Had the Hamiltons, in Edward II. 's reign, no family 
crest of their own ? It would appear not. 

2. Having adopted one, consisting of an oak tree and 
frame-saw, and having at the time no ducal coronet in which 
to grow a sapling, are we to suppose that they made a mound 
within the wreath of the helmet, and stuck an oak branch in 
this with a miniature saw attached ; or how otherwise, at that 
period of the fourteenth century, would the family give value 
to the newly-adopted device for the adornment of their head- 
gear ? 

3. How comes it that members of most families named 
Hamilton, and not the Dukes only, wear this timber-tree 
crest in conjunction with a ducal coronet ? When was this 
enrichment of it invented, and on what grounds ? 

In my own family, lacking, like many others, a traditional 
crest, but suffering from the imposition on a younger son in 
the seventeenth century of a laurel tree and shield in place of 
one (which ' crest ' has since been attributed to the head), 
there is fortunately an easy way of accounting for the device, 
though not for its ponderous nature. It is only a near copy 
of the family shield of arms, which seal engravers and others 
were in the habit of representing as hanging on a laurel tree, 


the charge on the shield being deleted by the Herald copyist. 
Ought there not to be one name for a real crest or 
cimifr, and another for an over-shield device incapable of 
being worn ? 

I am, Sir, 

Your obedient servant, 


17 October 1904. 

[The story of the Hamilton crest is nothing more than one of those family 
legends which the well-advised antiquary will neglect. The value of this one 
may be judged by the fact that William de Hamilton, if a son of an earl of 
Leicester, must have been either a son of Simon de Montfort, in which case his 
years should have calmed his hot blood, or a son of the royal house of England, 
Simon's earldom having been given to Edmund Crouchback. Sir Lambton 
Loraine's questions are easily answered. ' Family crests ' were rare matters 
under Edward II., and many good houses have even to this day never acquired 
a crest. In the criticism of the crest we cannot share. Both the Hamilton and 
the Loraine crests have nothing in them which would offer the least difficulty 
to the mediaeval modeller of crests, for ancient crests were often towering 
structures. The ' ducal coronet ' is a stumbling-block to Sir Lambton 
Lorraine only by reason of the epithet ducal, a post-mediaeval adjective in 
such a case. These helm crowns have no exact relation to the rank of the 
wearer coronets indicating a definite rank in the peerage being unknown until 
a comparatively modern time. ED.] 


CAN any reader give me the name of the wife of Odard of 
Gamelsby and Glassaneby ? There is also a difficulty as to 
his daughters ; in one document he is said to have had two 
daughters, Christian and Eve, widow of Robert Avenel. 
From documents in Bains' Calendar (vol. i. pp. 105, 294, 
409) the pedigree may be given thus : 


Chriitian = William de Irebj Eve = Robert A*eoel 

11. in. 

Tho. dc Lajcellei= Christian = Sir Adam de Getmuth = Robert de Brui 'The Competitor.' 


But at p. 433 of the same Calendar Eve, the widow of 
Robert Avenel, is described as sister of Christian, the widow 
of Thomas de Lascelles. Surely this is a mistake ? Eve, 
widow of Avenel, conveyed her moiety to Ralf de Levington. 

D. M. R. 



If you will be so kind as to publish this letter among those 
' To the Editor,' some other reader may help me in the matter 
that follows. Arthur Garforth, afterwards spelt Garforde, 
was the fifth son of William .Garforth, of Steeton, Yorks. He 
was born in 1596, and in 1628 he married Letitia, daughter of 
Robert Castell, of Glatton, Hunts. He afterwards appeared 
in some Chancery proceedings wherein he endeavours to ob- 
tain payments of his wife's dowry from her brothers. These 
proceedings last until 1641, during which time he appears to 
have been living in Huntingdonshire. In 1633 his signature 
occurs as a Commissioner to inquire into certain charities at 
and about Peterborough. After 1641 I fail to discover any 
trace of him, but, I may add, there is reason to surmise he was 
the father of one Francis Garford, who with his wife Grace 
lived at Corby, Lines., 1660-65. I should be greatly be- 
holden by any further information respecting this Arthur 

Yours faithfully, 




In an article entitled ' The Giffards,' contributed by Mr. 
John Parker to the Records of Buckinghamshire [vol. vii. No 6, 
p. 478], the writer quotes a statement from Segar's Baron- 
agium to the effect that Walter Giffard, son of the elder 
Walter Giffard, was ' Earl of Bucks and Pembroke dono conqu.'' 

That there were three generations of Walter Giffards, the 


second and third Walter being certainly Earls of Buckingham, 
appears now to be quite clear, and Freeman's curious blunder 
in confusing the first Walter Gifford with the second Walter 
Giffard has been pointed out by Mr. Round [Feudal England, 
pp. 385, 386] and by other writers. The first Walter Giffard, 
son of Osbern de Bolbec and Avelina, probably died soon after 
the Conquest. 

The second Walter Giffard died 1102-3, an< ^ tne tn ' r ^ 
Walter Giffard was dead in 1 165. 

The object of my present query is threefold. 

1. Is there any authority for the statement that the Earl- 
dom of Pembroke was ever in the Giffard family ? It is a 
noteworthy fact that Gilbert, the grandson of Richard Fitz 
Gilbert and Rohese Giffard, was Earl of Pembroke [Round's 
Feudal England, ped. p. 472]. 

2. Were the office of Marshal to the King and the Earl- 
dom of Pembroke held by the Mareschall family by reason of 
their descent from the Giffard family ? 

Dugdale (Baronage, p. 599) implies that the office of 
Marshal was in this [Mareschall] family in Henry I.'s reign, but 
in certain proceedings between John le Mareschall and the 
Abbot of York [see Wrottesley's Giffards, p. 6, citing Coram 
Rege, Mich. 4-5, Ed. i. m. 49] Walter Giffard, the third of 
that name and last Earl of Buckingham, is styled ' Marshal of 

3. Is it clear, after all that has been said [see Stubbs, 
Const. Hist. vol. i. 361, note 2], that it was not the first Walter 
Giffard who was created Earl of Buckingham ? Ordericus 
Vitalis implies that it was the first Walter Giffard who held 
that honour [lib. iv. c. 7], and General Wrottesley has pointed 
out [ The Giffards, p. 5] that the son of an earl was never given 
the title of earl in ancient documents before his investiture, 
and that, therefore, an appreciable interval of time often 
elapsed between the death of an Earl and the investiture of 
his successor. It is conceivable, therefore, that Walter 
Giffard II., the Domesday Commissioner, received in- 
vestiture from William Rufus, because William the Con- 
queror was in Normandy and Walter Giffard II. was busy 
in England at the time when Walter Giffard I. died : more- 
over, Hemingus, the monk of Worcester, a contemporary 
writer, styles Walter Giffard, the commissioner [i.e. no doubt 
Walter Giffard II.], ' comes Walterus 


Moreover, the fact that Walter Giffard was not styled 
Earl does not appear to prove that he was not entitled to that 

For if Freeman is correct [see Reign of William Rufus, 
vol. i. p. 137 and Appendix F] in supposing that this Earl 
Walter, whose name occurs in the list appended to the grant 
of the office of Abbot of Bath to Bishop John in 1091, was 
identical with Walter Giffard, it is clear that the latter must 
have been an Earl several years later at the siege of Le Mans, 
although Gaimar, in singling out Walter Giffard with some 
others for special praise, omits to describe him as such. 

Again, why should Richard de Clare have claimed to be 
Earl of Buckingham by descent from Rohese Giffard [who 
certainly was daughter of the first Walter Giffard, see Round's 
Feudal England, pp. 469, 470] unless the first Walter Giffard 
was the first Earl ? 

H. F. G. 



Among the list of donors to the Abbey of Buckland in 
Devon in the eighth year of Edward I. Dugdale (Monasticon 
Anglicanum) mentions the following : Hugh Peverell, William 
de Bikelle, Thomas de Pyn, Warin de Setthevill, Reynold de 
Perrariis, knights, John de Vautort, Richard Mowy, Ralph 
de Lenham, Stephen de Stoyll, Baldwin le Bastard, Humphrey 
de Donesterre, and others. 

I should be very grateful for any genealogical informa- 
tion concerning my namesake. 

Faithfully yours, 

DAY ENTRY, 29 October 1904. 



My attention has been drawn to an article in No. 10 'of 
the Ancestor on the Pett family. This I have only glanced 
at, but I see you suppose one Ann Pett may have become the 


wife of William Acworth. Such was not the case. The 
' sister ' of Pett, who sought to visit him in the Tower, was, 
without any doubt I think, his sister-in-law, and in the event 
of your wishing to make the correction the following are the 
facts : 

Pett and Acworth twice married sisters. Fine Roll 
13 Charles I., Part 2, No. 22 shows that Pett had married 
Catherine, daughter of Thomas Coll, and that Acworth had 
married her sister Avice (their respective first wives). Ac- 
worth married secondly, about 1644, Elizabeth Munday, 
widow of William Munday and daughter of Peter Bradshaw. 
This Munday was ' a souldier of fortune and had no estate,' as 
is shown by a subseqent law case. Pett married secondly 
Mary Smith, daughter of William Smith, of East Greenwich, 
and, his second wife having died in 1646, Acworth married as 
his third wife her sister Elizabeth. These were the wives 
' vyed ' by Acworth and Pett, as stated in Pepys' Diary. 
Mary Pett (spelt Pitt in the Register) was a legatee of Jane 
Duppa, widow of Bishop Duppa, in 1664 P.C.C. 139 Hyde 
but was dead in 1665, and whatever the object was of the 
intended visit, this will explain why her sister Elizabeth Ac- 
worth had to ask for an order to see him. Elizabeth Acworth 
married again twice after her first husband's death, firstly to 
Robert Tobey, of Stourbridge, and secondly to Capel Han- 
bury. Her will is in P.C.C. (l Lane.), and in it she mentions 
her ' loving kinswoman Elizabeth Pett,' and her grandson- 
in-law, Jacob Acworth afterwards knighted and for many 
years Commissioner of the Navy, and whose portrait, taken 
when a boy, is now in the possession of the gallant and 
aged Admiral Sir Erasmus Ommanney, K.C.B., F.R.S., 
etc., the last survivor of the bloody battle of Navarino, and 
the discoverer of the remains of the Franklin expedition. 

Yours faithfully, 




May I draw your readers' attention to a Charter cited by 
Mr. Round in his article, ' The Origin of the Comyns ' in 
No. X. of the Ancestor ? The Charter as printed in Hodgson's 
Northumberland ends thus : ' Apud Castrum puellarum iiij' 
die Octobris anno regni mei xij. In cujus rei testimonium 
huic carte magnum sigillum meum apponere feci dicto die et 

Now, firstly, the concluding sentence could be paralleled 
from Scottish royal Charters of the fourteenth century, but 
hardly from those of the twelfth. Secondly, the King of 
Scotland in 1177 usually ended his Charters with the place of 
granting only ; the addition of the month and day of granting 
came in gradually between 1195 and 1199, and that of the 
regnal year did not establish itself till 1222. Thirdly, the 
first witness, ' Eugen,' Bishop of Glasgow, can only be Bishop 
Engelram, who died in 1174, so could not have witnessed a 
Charter in 1177. 

These considerations throw some doubt upon the genuine- 
ness of the Charter, which is printed not from a late transcript 
with improvements by the transcriber, but from the original, 
authenticated by its ' seal of green wax very much decayed.' 
It might be added that the phraseology is in parts unusual, 
and that King William's later Charter (circa 1200) in the same 
collection, which contains no suspicious elements, has no less 
than seven witnesses (out of nine) the same as those whose 
names are appended to the 1177 Charter a considerable 
stretch of the long arm of coincidence. 

On the other hand, the later Charter refers to an earlier 
one ; and, as Canon Greenwell pointed out to me, there is no 
apparent motive for forgery. Perhaps these remarks may 
meet the eye of some one who is in a position to settle the 
matter by inspection of the original. If ' anno regni mei xii ' 
should prove to be a misprint for vii, the only fatal objection 
would disappear. 

The Charter does not appear to be vital to Mr. Round's 
argument, which will be received with the respect due to his 
learning, abilities and experience. In the phrase ' quam . . . 
Ranulfus films Huctredi concessit predicto Reginaldo cum 
filia sua,' does he understand ' filia sua ' to mean Huctred's 
daughter ? His suggestion that Reginald was Richard Cu- 


min's brother-in-law seems to imply it. As a friend has ob- 
served to me, the words may bear that meaning, but an ordinary 
reader would not have so understood them. In conclusion, 
one remark. We are all fallible Mr. Round himself in this 
article is responsible for an Alexander King of Scots in 1 177 
does he well to tomahawk a fellow-mortal for writing Augus- 
tine Friars instead of Augustine Canons ? For this particular 
slip I am not responsible, but to have made none such is to 
have written nothing. 

J. M. T. 

[Until the original charter can be examined it would be 
difficult to settle the question of its authenticity or of the 
accuracy of Hodgson's transcript. 

My phrase ' brother-in-law to Reginald the grantee ' 
(p. 106) should, of course, run, ' brother-in-law to Ranulf the 
grantor,' as the context shows. 

By another slip I have written 'Alexander' instead of 
' William ' for the King of the earlier charter. 

I venture, however, to suggest that a distinction may 
fairly be made between a lapsus calami and a blunder which, 
as I pointed out, is made with strange persistence (p. 1 16), 
and which no less an authority than Mr. St. John Hope told 
me I had not stigmatized too strongly. The odd thing is 
that J. M. T. (whose courtesy I gladly acknowledge) himself 
clings to half of it ; for, since Augustine is a Christian name, 
we might as well write of ' Benedict ' monk as of ' Augus- 
tine' canons. J.H.R.] 



FORTUNATE in its possession of a great and valuable 
collection of records, the ancient borough of Colchester 
is also, it would seem, fortunate in having a Corporation en- 
lightened enough to care for their proper custody and to 
undertake their publication. As a first instalment they have 
issued a volume of translations of the charters granted to 
Colchester by Richard I. and succeeding sovereigns, the 
latest being that of George III. in 1818. It is under the ear- 
liest of these charters that the borough still enjoys its valuable 
rights of fishery in the ' Colne,' the home of the famous 
' Colchester natives ' ; but to the readers of the Ancestor the 
chief interest, perhaps, of the book will be found in the full 
lists of members of the Corporation at various periods em- 
bodied in the charters and letters patent. These illustrate 
a striking feature of English borough life, the short persistence 
of burgess families, and the constant replacing of one group 
of surnames by another. An introduction by Mr. Gurney 
Benham who has himself done good work among the re- 
cords and an Index rerum add to the usefulness of the 


In reply to a pamphlet by Mr. W. P. W. Phillimore on the 
legal aspect of bearing arms, we quoted, as an instance of 
armorial wrong-doing which would be familiar to our anta- 
gonist, the grants made to two Phillimore families of arms 
based upon the shield of the Filmers, baronets in Kent. Mr. 
Phillimore has since convinced us that only one family of 
Phillimore enjoyed such a doubtful honour, and in the in- 
terests of truth we here withdraw the half of our assertion. 
Our point remains safe, as the single example of wrongly 
assigned arms will serve our case. Another explanation may 
follow as a rider. Mr. Phillimore points out that he is not 


one of those Phillimores to whom this grant was made. Lest 
the passage in our article should carry the suspicion that Mr. 
Phillimore was himself amongst the offenders against our 
theory of the first use of arms, we desire to record our pro- 
test against any such unjust reading of the phrase. 


The Ancestor itself has more than once paid tribute to 
its own budget of errors. Volume x. yielded perhaps the most 
symmetrical example of those mistakes which the conscien- 
tious editor will recall with shuddering. Amongst the Deeds 
relating to the family of Wydmerpol is a grant by John, called 
Brag, to Nicholas of Wydmerpol and his wife of a messuage 
in Wydmerpol, for which grant, as we have noted at the foot, 
the said Nicholas had given a messuage and lands. In reading 
through the proof of our abstract of this deed we made a 
pencil note of a proposed addition, that the grant of Nicholas 
was in escambio, that is to say, in exchange. Alas, the proof 
hurried with others to the press, and the two Latin words were 
wrought in the revised proof into a form convincing to the 
eye, the messuage and lands of Nicholas appearing as ' in 
Escambury.' Keen topographers amongst our readers were 
not long in advising us of this hamlet which we had created, 
and gazetteers were produced to our confounding. Amongst 
others one whom we have criticised became our critic and 
was able with some legitimate delight to point his finger at 
our mishap. But our critic is no tactician. Smarting, as we 
may suspect, from our overthrow of a certain unfortunate 
pamphlet he must follow the shame of ' Escambury ' with 
a list of such of our errors as in his opinion may be considered 
' howlers ' his own phrase. We survey the list with 
trembling anticipation, for the critic, although a reckless 
partisan of certain curious beliefs, is nevertheless an antiquary 
and an expert. But when we find only five errors in his 
list, which we may take it is as complete as his care can 
make it, we grow contemptuous of his bag of mistakes. 
We feel that we could have found more had we helped 
him in the search. And ' howler ' is surely a word which 
might be set aside for graver faults than these. We have, at 
p. 21 of volume xi., called the first Earl of Rochester the 
fourth earl, an error of the pen which could in this case mis- 


lead no one. We have given a wrong number to a Command- 
ment, for which we make apology to the whole decalogue ; 
and we have wronged our contributor Mr. Sanborn in making 
his initials V. S. in place of V. C. The fourth and fifth errors 
we will allow our critic to carry home again ; they are 
none of ours. 'What does anuse mean ? ' he asks (xi. 151). 
We have our answer ready. ' Anuse ' is his own misreading 
of ' anufe,' and ' anufe ' is the manner in which Rachel, 
Countess of Westmorland, was wont to disguise the word 
' enough.' The last of our ' howlers ' is that we have used 
the word ' picaresque,' an adjective which our chastiser, 
who doubtless takes it for a misspelling of picturesque, 
does not understand. Here the meekest might make a 
stand and protest. To be charged with ' howling ' error 
because our vocabulary has a broad choice of words seems to 
us unjust indeed. 


The Chetham Society goes on its useful way with a cer- 
tain severity. These last volumes, however welcome to the 
Lancashire antiquary, cannot be accused of pandering to the 
desires of the general reader. 

Newton was one of the nine and twenty ancient chapelries 
which are now grimy members of North and South Man- 
chester. The church of Newton is Gothic of the most debased 
sort, begun in 1815, with cast iron pillars and stucco mouldings. 
No ancient monuments remain. Byrons and Traffords were 
landowners in the middle ages. A branch of the Chetham 
family lived here in the seventeenth century, and the Berons 
of Newton may have been Byrons who had fallen in the world, 
but for the most part Newton has no illustrious names. The 
name of Jonathan Wild arrests us amongst the register en- 
tries, but this Newton Jonathan does not seem to have been 
Jonathan Wild the Great. Sir Elkanah Armitage, mayor of 
Manchester in the Chartist days, was a Newton man by birth. 
He was descended from Godfrey Armitage, a nonconformist 

1 A history of Newton Chapelry in the ancient parish of Manchester, in- 
cluding sketches of the townships of Newton with Kirkmanshulme, Failsworth 
and Bradford, but exclusive of the townships of Droylsden and Moston, together 
with notices of local families and persons, by H. T. Crof ton. Vol. i. and vol. ii. 
part i. 1904. Printed for the Chetham Society. 


living in 1670, who by tradition was of kin to the Kirklees 
family, and Mr. Crofton's archaeology suffers for the state- 
ment that the Armytages of Kirklees ' trace their lineage from 
John Armitage, who was standard-bearer to King Stephen ' ! 
The early history of Newton in the middle ages can 
hardly be said to be illustrated by the quotations from the 
late Mr. Higson's researches. For a specimen of these we 
may cite : 

The Annual Wake was regulated by the l8th of August which was anciently 
the day for rushbearing, and the Wake was on the Sunday following. August 
I5th is the Feast of the Assumption of St. Mary the Virgin. Mr. Higson there- 
fore conjectures that Newton Chapel (if it existed before the Reformation) may, 
like the Collegiate Church, have been dedicated to The Virgin, and the dedi- 
cation may have been changed in protestant days to the lew schismatic l/iVl 
' All Saints.' 

Before figuring as the output of an ancient and learned 
society this poor stuff might surely have suffered some more 
judicious editing than Mr. Crofton has afforded. 

The early registers of Newton are here very fully ab- 
stracted, and entries of Newton folk have been drawn from 
the registers of Manchester. The topography of houses and 
small estates in Newton is the small beer of topography, but 
the genealogist will be grateful for it, and for this the copies 
of several rolls of the Newton manor give the best material. 


We have received from General Wrottesley a copy of his 
history of the Okeovers of Okeover. Any genealogical work 
by the hand of General Wrottesley is welcome to the anti- 
quary, but the history of a Staffordshire family, and that one 
of the most ancient, has a peculiar value when we consider the 
laborious research which he has so long followed in the records 
of his native county. 

With the Okeovers the Ancestor has already dealt in one of 
the series of articles now appearing upon our oldest families, 
an article which we were enabled to base upon the researches 
of General Wrottesley. Orm had Okeover by the feoffment 

1 A History of the Family of Okeover, eo. Stafford, by Major-General the 
Hon. Geo. Wrottesley. Reprinted from vol. vii.. New Series, of Staffordibirt 
Collections. London : Harrison & Sons, 1904. 


of Neel, the Abbot of Burton, and General Wrottesley shows 
that this remote ancestor is found before the year 1089 and 
after the year 1138. He founded a knightly family from 
which descends Haughton Charles Okeover, the twenty- 
fifth of his line, lord of that Okeover which his forefather 
Orm had of the abbot, and held by the service of following 
the abbot with his men and horses to guard him when he rode 

The labours of General Wrottesley enable him to illus- 
trate the early history of this family with remarkable fulness 
from plea rolls and the like. As an appendix we have copies 
of the Okeover deeds, those now at Okeover beginning with 
the grant from Robert, Abbot of Burton, to Ralph the son of 
Orm, the housefather made about 1150, whereby Okeover 
was confirmed to the said Ralph. Added to these are copies 
of deeds from a parchment roll dealing with the Swinscoe 
lands sold under Edward II. to the Abbot of Rochester. A 
note scribbled at the foot of this roll says much in a few words 
to explain the jealous secrecy with which, even in our own 
day, the family muniment chest is sometimes warded. It 
runs thus : 

' These writings without a verrie right understanding of the 
case may be verrie disadvantageous to the familie if they should 
fall into some evil hands. 


We may invite the attention of the Standing Council of 
the Baronetage to the strange case of Sir James Kenneth 
Douglas Mackenzie, to whom a leading evening newspaper 
has assigned two baronetcies, only to be corrected by a won- 
derful correspondent who points out the ' remarkable circum- 
stance ' that ' he is not only too amiable baronets rolled into 
one, but four ' ! The two baronetcies assigned him were 
those of Scatwell and Tarbat, the facts as to which appear to be 
as follows. His right to the Scatwell title (1703) is recognized 
at the Lyon Office, though according to Foster's Baronetage 
' of this creation there seems to be no evidence.' The Tarbat 
(1628) title, however, according to the newspaper, remains 
' in abeyance, as Sir Kenneth has never sought to substan- 
tiate ' his right to ' it before Lyon King of Arms ; but there 
is little doubt of his right to it.' 


We gladly avail ourselves of the labours of G. E. C. for 
the purpose of testing this statement, only to discover from 
his Complete Baronetage that the Tarbat baronetcy was ' for- 
feited ' in 1763 on passing to an attainted man, and that no 
reversal of the attainder ' has,' apparently, ever taken place.' 
It would seem, therefore, that the newspaper scribe had been 
actually too generous, and that we need not pursue the further 
baronetcies described as ' of Royston ' and ' of Grandvale.' 

Nevertheless the confident corrector assured the scribe 
that Tarbat and the other two baronetcies ' are undoubtedly 
his by right, and Lyon King-at-Arms would confirm them 
were the necessary steps to be taken.' It is not for us to say 
that he would not, in view of our recent critical analysis of 
Lyon's pedigrees of Comyn and Valognes, which prove that 
he holds peculiar views on genealogical evidence. But we 
should greatly like to know by what right Lyon or any other 
King-of-Arms is entitled to adjudicate on claims to baronet- 
cies, or to ' confirm ' the dignity to any one. It is understood 
that the baronets have a well-recognized grievance in the 
absence of any tribunal before which claims can be deter- 
mined, and we should like to hear what their Standing Council 
has to say on the subject. 


Our contributor, Mr. H. Farnham Burke, Somerset Herald, 
has kindly placed at our disposal the result of a long series of 
investigations which have enabled him to make to overturn 
the accepted theory of the origin of the Cartwrights of Marn- 
ham, which was dealt with in our sketch of that family. The 
Cartwrights of Normanton, from whom the Marnham Cart- 
wrights sprung, were in the older pedigrees derived in a senior 
line from Hugh Cartwright, ancestor of Cartwright of Ossing- 
ton. We have ourselves given reasons for detaching from 
this pedigree the Cartwrights of Aynho, and now Mr. Burke 
comes to make a separate house of the Marnham family. His 
carefully constructed pedigree derives them from an Alexander 
Cartwright of Whitehouse in Ordsall in Nottinghamshire, 
who died early in the year 1552, leaving five sons, of whom 
Gregory Cartwright of Whitehouse, whose son George was 
the first of the Normanton Cartwrights. William Cartwright, 
son of this George, married Christian, daughter of Hugh Cart- 


wright of Ossington, by Mary Cartwright, daughter of the 
Cartwrights of Edingley, a family probably of kin to that of 
Ossington. This tangled skein of Cartwrights of this family 
and of that, four pedigrees in all, has at last been wound into 
order by Mr. Burke. A work that results in the discovery of 
the true ancestry of so remarkable a man as Dr. Edmund 
Cartwright is a service to genealogy which deserves public 
notice. At a future time we hope to be allowed to publish 
the whole genealogy with its proofs and annotations. 


Mr. A. van de Put, whose name is familiar to readers 
of the Ancestor, has completed a remarkable study of that 
strangely beautiful lustre ware, the product of an Oriental art 
flourishing in a Spanish environment. The many examples 
illustrated by him may be recommended to our readers as 
examples of armorial decoration applied to pottery. In a 
pattern of dots and stalks, of vine leaves or tendrils of bryony, 
the shield of arms asserts itself as the most interesting and the 
most effective motive of ornament. Many instances are 
afforded of the curious customs of the Aragonese armorists, 
and a genealogical tree of the later Kings of Aragon, with the 
princes allied to them, is annotated to show us to what a degree 
this house was patron to the lustre ware. 


An index to volumes ix.-xii. of the Ancestor is now being 
prepared by our contributor, the Rev. E. E. Dorling, who has 
again accepted this toilsome but most useful task. It will be 
forwarded when ready to all readers of the Ancestor who, 
possessing these four volumes, will ask for it by a postcard ad- 
dressed to the publishers of the Ancestor at 16 James Street, 
Hay market, S.W. 

1 '' Hispano-Moresque Ware of the fifteenth century," a contribution to its 
history and chronology based upon armorial specimens, by A. van de Put. Lon- 
don. The Art Workers' Quarterly, 12 Clifford's Inn, E.G. Chapman & Hall, 
Ltd., ii Henrietta Street, W.C., agents, 1904. 

Butler & Tanner, The Selwood Printing Works, Frome, and London. 


A Quarterly Illustrated Review of County 

and Family History, Heraldry 

and Antiquities. 

Suffr- Royal 8w. Bound in boards, paf*r label. f'rife fy. net. Quarterly. 

Some Press Opinions of the ' Ancestor .- 

' I ii -signc -d to fill a want which has long been felt, and the names of tin- 
((iiitiil)iitnrs guarantee the accuracy and importance of its contents, lip- 
price is by no means too high for a quarterly bound in cloth like an ordinary 
.end profusely illustrated with portraits and representations <>f an 

Ids." Times. 

' We are tempted to believe that the' herald and the genealogist are at last 
to have a satisfactory periodical of their own. . . . Its exterior, its print, paper 
and illustrations are all good, and the contents are attractive . . . sotiinl .in i 
well-chosen.' Monthly Review. 

' The store of 'original matter published in this .pi.irti-rly is of the greatest 
value to county or local historians, and to those interested in genealogical or 
heraldic research is very considerable.' Athtnaum. 

' . . . a quarterly that has from the beginning been valuable and interest- 
ing. . . . The review ... is a vast storehouse of county and family history, 
heraldry and antiquities, luxuriously printed and illustrated and a great jxiiiit 
substantially bound.' Literary World. 

' . . . The ANCESTOR . . . although only professing on its title page to be 
a periodical ' review of county and family history, heraldry, and antiquities, 
has the substantial form and appearance o'f a library volume, and its contents 
correspond with its aspect. It is full of matter of solid and permanent interest 
to genealogists, heralds, and antiquaries.' Scotsman. 

' . . . Our wonder grows that the Publishers of the ANCESTOR can continue 
to give such lordly value in return for the inconsequential douceur of five shillings. 
\\Vn- one of these quarterly numbers issued as a book it could not be sold pro- 
fitably for less than a guinea.' Yorkshire Post. 

' This quarterly review . . . seems to gain strength with each succeeding 
volume. It is certainly a surprising publication to be sold at such a low price, 
not only for the interest of its contents but for the excellence of its print and 
paper, and also of the numerous illustrations and reproductions which occur 
so hequently in the course of its nearly three hundred pages. . . . For varied 
antiquarian interest the ANCESTOR would be hard to beat. It appeals perhaps 
in tin- main to the expert, but any one with an ordinary share of that insatiable 
curiosity over the past, which most of us possess in some measure, will tin. I 
plenty in it to interest and entertain.' Speaker. 

' . . . Every student of our history and antiquities will welcome this care- 
fully edited and well produced review.' Academy. 

' . . . Too high praise cannot be bestowed on the care, the painstaking 
labour and the accuracy of statement, after the most involved research, dis- 
played in the production of any one paper in these volumes.' Punch. 

' ... It is hardly too much to say that by its active support of all that 
is true and valuable, as well as by its ridicule of what is neither, the ANCESTOR 
has given new life to the study of Heraldry in England.' Daily Chronicle. 

' . . . maintained the high standard reached by its predecessors. Its 
articles are ... solid yet readable ; the pictorial illustrations are at once varied 
and well executed. Much attention is paid to family history . . . The ANCESTOR 
is particularly rich in portraits, all of them admirably reproduced.' Globe. 

1 ... It is with regret that one lays down each successive issue of the 
ANCESTOR ; and were it not that life is already too short, one would wish the 
current quarter to mend its pace so that the next number might the more 
speedily come to hand. . . . 'United Service Magazine. 
NOTE. A certain number of complete sets of back numbers of ' The 
Ancestor,' may be obtained through the leading Booksellers or 
from the Publishers, Archibald Constable & Co., Ltd. 
Price 55. net each. 

The Hereford Family of Plymouth, by A. F. Herford. A Genealogist's Kalendar. 
A Tale of Bristol City, by Bower Marsh. The Will of Robert Devereux, Earl 
of Essex, by Lothrop Withington. English Costume of the Early Fourteenth 
Century. The Court of Claims, by W. Paley Baildon. North Meols. A Dic- 
tionary of Cambridge Men. History and Family History. Patent Rolls} of 
Henry IV. Our Oldest Families : VIII, The Langtons ; IX, The Wrottesleys. 
What is Believed. A Fifteenth Century Roll of Arms. On Some Forgotten 
Swynnertons of the Fourteenth Century, by Rev. Chas. Swynnerton. A Charter 
of Gospatrick, by the Rev. F. W. Ragi>. The Barons' Letter to the Pope, by 
/. Horace Round, Sir H. Maxwell Lyte, K.C.B., W. H. St. John Hope and the 
Editor. Letters to the Editor. Editorial Notes. 

Volume VIII. January, 1904. 

The Angelo Family, by the Rev. Chas. Swynnerton. Our Oldest Families : 
X, The Berkeleys, by the Editor. Humphrey Chetham, by W. H. B. Bird. 
The Barons' Letter to the Pope : III, The Seals, by the Editor. The Vandeput 
Family, by N. E. T. Bosanquet. St. George and the Dragon. Heralds' College 
and Prescription, by W. Paley Baildon, F.S.A. Early Fourteenth Century 
Costume, by the Editor. Cases from the Early Chancery Proceedings, by Exul. 
Notes on Two Nevill Shields at Salisbury, by the Rev. E. E. Darling. What 
is Believed. A Montagu Shield at Hazelbury Bryan, by the Rev. E. E. Darling. 
Letters to the Editor. Editorial Notes. 

Volume IX. April, 1904. 

Some Account of the Sheridan Family, by Wilfred Sheridan. Family His- 
tory from Private Manuscripts, by /. Horace Round. Blohin : His Descendants 
and Lands, by the Rev. Thomas Taylor. A Salisbury Fifteenth Century Death 
Register, by A. R. Maiden. A Genealogist's Kalendar. Notes on the Tiles at 
Tewkesbury Abbey, by Hal. Hall. The Trafford Legend, by W. H. B. Bird. 
Georgics. The Cocks of the North. Skoal to the Norseman, by the Editor. 
Fifteenth Century Costume, by the Editor. The Attwoods and their Bard. 
The Cumins of Snitterfield, by /. Horace Round. What is Believed. A Fifteenth 
Century Roll of Arms. Our Oldest Families : XI, The Ogles, by the Editor. 
The Westbury Cup, by Sir J. C. Robinson. 'Sir Francis Barnham, by T. Barrett 
Lennard. Notes from the Netherlands, by H. G. A. Obreen. Heralds' College 
and Prescription, IV, by W. Paley Bnildon.The Curwens of Workington. 
The Fortunes of a MidlandfHouse, by W. P.TW, Phillimore. Letters to the 
Editor. Editorial Notes. 

Volume X. July, 1904. 

The Cartwrights. Four Ancient Wills, by G. H. Marguerite of Valois, by 
Chas. E. Lart. The Clinton Family, by Exsul. Heralds' College and Pre- 
scription, by W. Paley Baildon, F.S.A. An Ancient Scottish Settlement in 
Hesse, by 5. H. Scott. The Trafford Legend, by J. Horace Round. Seals and 
Arms, by W. H. B. Bird. Friar Brackley's Book of Arms. The Wandesfordes 
of Kirlington. The Origin of the Comyns, by /. Horace Round. Fifteenth 
Century Costume, by the Editor. Our Oldest Families : XII, The Gresleys, 
by the Editor. What is Believed. Old Chelsea. The Builders of the Navy : 
A Genealogy of the Family of Pett, by H, Farnham Burke, C.V.O. (Somerset 
Herald) and the Editor. The Freke Pedigree. Deeds relating to the Family 
of Wydmerpol of Wydmerpol in Nottinghamshire. Letters to the Editor. 
Editorial Notes. 

Volume XI. October, 1904. 

The Wild Wilmots, by 0. B. An Official Account of the Battle of Agincourt, 
hy A. R. Maiden. The Pedigree of Freke, by H. B. Our Oldest Families: 
XIII, The Bassets, by O. B. A Possible Samborne Ancestry, by V. S. Sanborn. 
George Digby, Earl of Bristol, by H. M. Digby. Shields from Clifton Reynes, 
by Thomas Shepard. The Delafields and the Empire, by Oswald Barrun. 
Comyn and Valoignes, by /. Horace Round. Letters of the Fanes and Incledons, 
by /.. C. Webber-Indedon. A Great Marriage Settlement, by /. Horace Round. 
A Royal Pedigree and a Picture of the Black Prince. Genealogist's Kalendar 
of Chancery Proceedings. What is Believed. Thomas Wall's Book of Crests. 
Cases from the Early Chancery Proceedings, Exul. Letters to the Editor. 
Editorial Notes. 







Number of 
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Price in 


Number of 

Price ia 







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Middlesex . 



Bucks . 



Monmouth . 









Chester . 



















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Oxford . 



Devon . 






























Hants . 

























Kent . 












1 .rkester 



York . 



There is also a pedigree volume, profusely illustrated, for each county, 
price ^ 5 s - net - 


Payment may be made on receipt of each volume as delivered, or 
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complete set is 240) as preferred. Orders will be entered by any 
bookseller in town or country. 

The volumes are bound in stout cloth gilt. They may, however, 
be obtained very handsomely bound in half morocco, price 1 us. 6d. 
extra per volume. 

Published by ARCHIBALD CONSTABLE & CO., LTD., 16 James 
Street, Haymarket, London, S.W., of whom full particulars and a detailed 
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The following is a list of the original general advisory council : 


Ihe Zoological Society. dent of the Society of Antiquaries. 


Chancellor of the University of Cambridge f Modern History, Cambridge. 

His GRACE THE DUKE OF RUTLAND, K.G. ^ Ro'afsociJl"* *' L ' STER ' P ' esi<i "" "' "" 


His GRACE THE DUKE OF ARGYLL K T ETC., Corpus Professor of Jurisprudence. 

" <' 



THE RT. HON. THE EARL OF COVENTRY, President F.S.A., President o/ Hie Royal Geographical 

of the Royal Agricultural Society. Society. 



F.S.A., ETC., Keeper of the Public Records. the Ordnance Survey. 

f'ni Sin T FieniTuiDcmj v r T* PROF. E. RAY LANKESTER, M.A., F.R.S., ETC., 

Director of the Natural History Museum. South 
SIR Jos. HOOKER; G.C.S.I., M.D., D.C.L., F.R.S., Kensington. 

ETC - REGINALD L. POOLE, ESQ., M.A., University 
SIR ARCHIBALD GEIKIE, LL.D., F.R.S., ETC. Lecturer in Diplomatic, Oxford. 


Rtnus Professor of Modern History, Oxford. 

LIONEL CUST, ESQ., M.A., F.S.A., ETC., Director of j HORACE ROUND, ESQ., M.A. 

the National Portrait Gallery. WALTER RYE, ESQ. 

ALBERT C. L. G. GI-NTHER, M.A., M.D., PH.D., W. H. ST. JOHN HOPE, ESQ., M.A., Assistant 

F.R.S., President of the Linnean Society. Secretary of the Society of Antiquaries. 

The Council originally included the late Dr. Mandell Creighton, Bishop of 
London, and the late Dr. Wm. Stubbs, Bishop of Oxford. 

Some press opinions of published volumes : 

' The first volume of the Victoria History of Hampshire is as handsome a hook 
as we have lately seen. The print, paper, plates and general style leave nothing 
to be desired.' Athcntsum. 

' In reviewing such a monumental and varied work as this it is impossible 
even to give a complete list of the contributors. But we may safely say that the 
names all carry weight for local or general knowledge, and that the work done 
is even better than might be expected. The book is beautifully printed, on 
good yet light paper. It is also handsomely bound. No finer addition could 
be made to a country house library ; it is, in fact, a library itself.' The Spec- 

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are the best practical authorities of the day, not too big or too busy for the part 
and not likely'to give their names'and nothing more'to the scheme. The promise 
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' Not only are the illustrations of this volume thoroughly good and numerous, 
but the maps are uncommon and exceptionally useful.' The Guardian. 

Published by A. CONSTABLE & CO., Ltd., 16 James Street, 
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By SIDNEY LEE, I.itt.I)., 

Author ,,i \ Life of William Shakes,,, 

Lted with I>,,rtraus. Demy 8vo, 75. 6rf. net. 




EDMf.Vh SH . 



li'v b a?e l bv : ?o < m e ^. k i, E!!22* ""** am. md faaUu 

"'"-'l "'"'I. bat. HKRroRD,mMaiicA^Gii,5toSi. >^ :* i frequent evidence ol 

' An admir.,1,1, vnopsis of this radiant epoch of English hi.tory.--A/orw,, Poa 

The fine pen portraits which fwr !.-.,. *.^n. 

f before us.' / 

ftffissfflastffj&isKa ""."tanuop.ric.,.^^^. 

iv triers who wi h wniing cannot but recommend it hiirhJv t< 


Edited and Arranged by W. H. BUTTON, B.D. 

Illustrated. Demy 8vo, 171. 6d. net. 

part to the editor, but Mr. Hutton p.ay 


By H. BELLOC, Author of 'The Patii to Rome/ 

With numerous Photogravures and other Illustrations by WILLIAM HYDK 

Maps and Plans. 314. 6d. net. 
' ' A treasure of almost indescribable delight to the lover of books Printni oitl, 

a which the Constables of Edinburgh conunSd ; 'illu, t^ b" Mr 
wh,, ,w.,vs m uagc. to wrest an unexpected charm from the m.*t ciose-hid .ta^f o 


. arm rom te m.*t ciose-hid .taf o . 

Mr. Hilaire Belloc, for once on his best behaviour in the matter of slv " ?!".?' 

d ' 



With Portraits and Maps. Demy 8vo, iSs. net. 
'.The il.'ptli oj iv,,..!!-, h displayed in this first work by a vouns writer is sc,ii. 
than the skill with wUca H, ,,. It. ,,f that research have been applied. Tlie reference, 
the history of " John of Gaunt " and his times l>\ 
We find bereequsdly bold and itrlldng view, ol Hi- ;-,,-.,t Duke's domestic relatums and his inflnm 
the aviHiation ,,| his age. The appendices supply much curious informatioa and the ind. 
special commendation. I ) book is sumptuously produced, and the illustration, are riniSarlvT 
1'ii.ite. On the whole, it is not, perhaps, too much to say that . . . no more important wori 
totOT] nu appeared duriu K recent years.' Atkaucum. 

\. CX)NSTABLE & CO., Ltd., 16 James Street, Haymarket, S.W. 


The Stall Plates of the Knights of 
the Order of the Garter i 348-1485 

Consisting of a Series of 91 Full-sized Coloured Facsimiles 
with Descriptive Notes and Historical Introductions by 

W. H. ST. JOHN HOPE, M.A., F.S.A. 

Dedicated by gracious privilege during her lifetime to HER 

The edition is strictly limited and. only 500 copies of the work 
have been printed. 

The object of the work is to illustrate the whole of the 
earlier Stall Plates, being the remaining memorials of the four- 
teenth and fifteenth century of Knights elected under the 
Plantagenet Sovereigns from Edward the Third, Founder of 
the Order, to Richard the Third, inclusive, together with three 
palimpsest plates and one of later date. 

The Stall Plates are represented full-size and in colours on 
Japan vellum, in exact facsimile of the originals, in the highest 
style of chromolithography, from photographs of the plates 

Each plate is accompanied by descriptive and explanatory 
notes, and the original and general characteristics of the Stall 
Plates are fully dealt with in an historical introduction. 

There are also included numerous seals of the Knights, repro- 
duced by photography from casts specially taken for this work. 

The work may be obtained bound in half leather, gilt, 
price 6 net ; or the plates and sheets loose in a portfolio, 
5 icxs. net ; or without binding or portfolio, 5 net. 

j4THENjUM : ' It is pleasant to welcome the first part of a long 
promised and most important heraldic work, and to find nothing to say of it 
which is not commendatory. The present part contains ten coloured facsimiles 
out of the ninety plates which the work will include when completed. They 
reflect the greatest credit on all concerned in their production." 

MORNING POST : ' There is a fine field for antiquarian research in the 
splendid collection of heraldic plates attached to the stalls in the choir of St. 
George's Chapel, Windsor Castle, and it will be a matter of satisfaction to all 
who are interested in old memorials that Mr. W. H. St. John Hope has given 
close examination to these ancient insignia and now presents the results of his 
investigations, with many reproductions.' 



CS The Ancestor 



no; 12