Full text of "Ancient Egypt"

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ANCIENT
EGYPT

^Ad tW E.3.ST"

1914.-1917

CONTENTS,

Part I.

1. To Our Readers.

2. The Jewellery of Riqqeh.

R. Engelbach.

3. Egyptian Nome Ensigns.

Prof. P. E. Newberry.

4. Moon Cult in Sinai.

L. Eckenstein.

5. Three Steles at Graz.

Prof. F. W. Freiherr v. Bissing.

6. Egyptian Beliefs in a Future

Life.
Prof. W. M. Flinders Petrie,

7. The Mysterious Zet.

8. For Reconsideration.

9. Periodicals.

10. Reviews.

11. Notes and News.

12. Egyptian Research Students

Association.

13. The Portraits.

EDITOR PROF. FLINDERS PETRIE, F.R.S., F.B.A.

Yearly, 7/. Post Free.

Quarterly Part, 2s.

MACMILLAN AND CO.,
LONDON AND NEW YORK;

BRITISH SCHOOL OF ARCHAEOLOGY IN EGYPT,
University College, London.

k^fa^

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'(> .

Ancient Egypt. Edited by Prof, Flinders Petrie ;

assisted by Prof. Ernest Gardner and Dr. Alan Gardiner.
Net price of each number from booksellers is 2J.
Subscriptions for the four quarterly parts, prepaid, post free, "js., are received by

Hon. Sec. "Ancient Egypt" (H. Flinders Petrie), University College, Gower

Street, London, VV.C.
In the next numbers, papers will appear by M. B^n^dite, Dr. Capart, Dr. Alan

Gardiner, Dr. Spiegelberg, and others.
Books for review, papers offered for insertion, or news, should be addressed :
Editor of " Ancient Egypt,"

University College, Gower Street, London, W.C.

'a^-r^

JEWELLERY OF THE XI|th aND XVII|th DYNASTIES. RIQQEH.

ANCIENT EGYPT.

TO OUR READERS.

A Journal on Ancient Egypt has long been needed for the five
thousand readers of Egyptian history, and several times in the last
twenty years it has been proposed to supply this want. There has been
hitherto no journal in England or abroad to keep readers acquainted
with the advances and discoveries about the principal civilisation of the
Ancient World. Egypt appears only occasionally in some periodicals
on antiquities in general. The foreign publications on the subject are
largely devoted to the single branch of philology, and are not adapted
to reach a tenth of those who are interested in the ancient life of Egypt.
It seems only fitting, therefore, that the largest society for the study of
that country should perform the duty of presenting to the public a view
of the advance of knowledge.

During recent years there has grown up an increased interest in
the past of man and the course of his changes in life and conditions.
Most educated people now feel that the causes and stages of the
civilisation that the world now has, and the nature of man which has
led him on, is at the very foundation of our view of life, of our present
actions, of our future expectations. Man cannot be understood except
through his own history. This interest in the nature of man is satisfied
most widely in Egypt. The history of that land has more continuity
than can be found elsewhere, and the age of its known past can scarcely
be rivalled in any other country. Prehistoric civilisation is most com-
pletely preserved there ; and our view of it has been more systematically
reduced to order than in any other instance.

When we try to grasp the Prehistoric ages of Europe, it is solely to
Egypt that we can turn for any definite scale of history, with which the
various periods can be connected. The thousands of years before
classical writings can only be gauged by the Egyptian dynasties.

We have, then, to deal with the vital human problem of the nature
of man and his development ; how he has come to be where he is now.
Every intelligent person who looks beyond the day's affairs must feel
that the sight of Egypt, with its eight successive civilisations, is more full
of meaning and of interest than any other panorama of humanity.

2 To Our Readers.

The scope of this Journal of Ancient Egypt is Intended to include
original articles, by English and foreign writers, on discoveries in the
history, the antiquities, and the language ; also systematic presentations
of the state of knowledge on various subjects of general interest.
A special feature will be the summaries of all papers in the foreign
periodicals, sufficient to show in detail the movement of research.
Accounts of excavations will be given, and notices of antiquities that
are brought to light. New books on Egypt will be reviewed and
analysed, so as to show how far they would be useful to our readers.
Objects of importance in various museums will be brought forward ; and
a series of whole-page portraits will be given, two in each number.
Lastly, notes and news will be provided, archaeological and personal,
relating to Egyptian research.

A feature of this Journal will be to make the fullest use of modern
facilities of illustration. Wesley said he did not see why the devil should
have the best tunes, and we do not see why the world and the flesh
should have the best pictures. As many good illustrations as possible
will be provided in the text, and also three whole-page plates in each
part. The coloured plate of jewellery may we hope be a precedent for
each succeeding volume. A head from one of the plates will also be
placed on the cover, as a distinctive mark of each part.

The large growth of public interest in Egypt is seen by the flourishing
Student Associations, which have been started in recent years in many
cities, mostly connected with the British School of Archaeology in Egypt.
This journal will be the regular organ of the various branches of the
Egyptian Research Students' Association ; and it is hoped that it will
also be a common centre for similar bodies in other places.

In no sense is Ancient Egypt a substitute for the regular series
of annual volumes on the Excavations of the British School in Egypt.
Those volumes are essential for presenting the flow of work and discovery
by the School. Here the results from various other lines of excavation
and study will be given as a whole.

The appearance of this journal has been delayed somewhat, owing
to waiting for attempted co-operation with other English enterprise in
Egypt. The needs of separate bodies, however, proved to be so different
that the issue of separate publications could not be avoided. At the
same time we hope to keep our readers informed of all that is done on
the subject, from various sources, English and foreign.

( 3 )

^ THE JEWELLERY OF RIQQEH.

{^Frontispiece^

While working in the Xllth dynasty cemetery of Riqqeh, about four miles north
of Meydum, I found the tomb in which was the jewellery shown in the frontispiece.
Having excavated the shaft, which was a large one, twenty-two feet deep, we came
to the usual bricked-up entrance to the chamber. A small hole had been made in
the upper courses of the bricking by an ancient plunderer. The roof had collapsed
inside the chamber, and on removing the bricks I saw that about twelve tons of the
marl had fallen in. The workmen cleared this away, and when they had arrived
within a couple of feet of the floor of the chamber, I stayed in the tomb till it was
completely cleared.

The original size of the chamber was lOO inches long and 52 inches wide.
The coffin, which had been crushed flat, had been laid in the centre of the chamber.
Over what had been the foot of the coffin, and across it, could be traced the
remains of a skeleton. Over this again were the arm-bones of another body, the
remainder of which lay in a heap about two feet from the chest of the first body.
It seemed as if it had been suddenly crushed while in a standing or crouching
position.

It appears as if the plunderers had removed only a few bricks, so that a man
could crawl inside. One of them entered, opened the coffin, and lifted the body
out, laying it across the coffin, so that he could easily unwind the bandages. A
collar of beads was first found, and passed out to the shaft, where it was left.
Then he reached the jewel, fig. i at the top of the plate, and lifted it. Before
he could take away any more, the roof fell in and crushed both him and the
mummy. The robbers, seeing the fate of their accomplice, abandoned the tomb,
and filled in the shaft to hide their doings. By a singularly lucky chance this
tomb had escaped the attention of later plunderers ; perhaps because they saw that
it had already been attacked.

The objects upon the body were as follows :

Fig. I. Part of a jewel forming the name o{ Kha-kheper-ra, Senusert II, the
beetle being winged and supported by lotus-flowers. The forepart and one foreleg
of the scarab has been broken away, but doubtless it held the disc of the sun,
completing the king's name.

On carefully removing a little more of the dust from the chest, I found the
gold shell, fig. 4. The cartouche of gold wire, which is soldered on to the shell, is
o{ Kha-kau-ra, Senusert III, and has a uraeus on each side of the cartouche.

Below this, again, was the pectoral, fig. 2. This was made by perforating a
gold plate, and soldering on strips of gold in the form of the design. Each of the
cloisons thus formed was filled in with carnelian, lazuli, or turquoise, cut precisely
to the form, and fixed with cement. The back of the plate, shown below, was
chased with details of the figures. It is of similar work to the well-known
jewellery from Dahshur, now in the Cairo Museum, though not quite so elaborate,
and it is probably the work of the same hands. It has been suggested that the
middle sign is the sekhem ; and the jewel was perhaps presented by the king as a

A 2

4 The Jewellery of Riqqeh.

badge of the rank of a noble who carried the sekhem-scft^txz. On either side are
two birds standing on nub-svgns. These birds may possibly be hawks, as Hor nub,
or Horus on Nubti Set, is a well-known combination ; but the birds in this design
are not by any means of the familiar conventional type of falcon. At the top
of the pectoral is a pair of uzat-c^y^s, with the sun between them ; and the design
is bounded on either side by papyri. The piece was sharply bent across by the
fall of the roof, but it has now been flattened by the skill of Mr. Young at Oxford.

The small gold figure of the god Min, fig. 3, was found behind the neck,
having perhaps fallen down when the bandages decayed. With it were a
considerable number of cylindrical and long double-bored beads, which were
grouped in the bead-collars so usual in the Xllth dynasty. Lower down on the
chest were some spherical gilt beads (fig. 5), and some very minute gold beads.
A few of the collar beads, and one of the semi-circular pottery ends of the collar,
were thrown away in the shaft. I had the whole contents of the chamber and
shaft sifted with a fine sieve, and I did all the sifting of the organic matter in the
chamber personally. Nothing further was found except one piece of carnelian
inlay of the eyebrow and a piece of the eye, which had been knocked out of the
pectoral when it was bent by the falling roof.

The whole of this group is in the University Museum, Manchester.

The lower part of the frontispiece shows a group of jewellery from a tomb
of the XVIIIth dynasty. The gold necklace, fig. 6, weighs 477 grains. The
centre-piece is a plaque of which both sides are here shown. It is inscribed
Sesh Bera, "the Scribe Bera," and on the other side Ra-men-klteper Amen-tut, the
prenomen of Tahutmes III, 1 503-1449 B.C. Fig. 7 is a kohl-pot of steatite covered
with dark green glaze ; the form is that of a seated ape holding the pot, the lid
of which is here placed above it. Figs. 8, 9, are four gold rings used for fastening
the hair, weighing from 105 to 1 19 grains each. In this tomb were also a large
bronze mirror and a rough alabaster bowl. The whole of this group is now in the
Royal Scottish Museum, Edinburgh.

At the base is part of a string of carnelian beads, characteristic of the
XVIIIth-XIXth dynasty, found broken up in another tomb.

A fuller account, with a larger plate in colours, will appear in the first of
the annual volumes Riqqeh and Memphis VI.

Reginald Engelbach.

( 5 )

NOTES ON SOME EGYPTIAN NOME ENSIGNS
AND THEIR HISTORICAL SIGNIFICANCE.

It is generally recognized that the nomes of Egypt are the survivals of pre-Menite
States, and there is abundant evidence to prove that many of these States retained
in dynastic times, as nomes, much of their ancient character and liberties. A study
of the nome ensigns ought, therefore, to yield us some information concerning the
various States of Egypt before the founding of the Monarchy by Menes. The
object of this paper is to draw attention to certain compound nome ensigns, and to
suggest their historical signification. The religious significance of the nome signs
has been already dealt with in my paper on Some Prehistoric Egyptian Cults, in the
Liverpool Afinals of Archaeology, Vol. VI, p. ill.

The titulary of the early kings is important in this connection. All the kings
of the 1st dynasty bear Horus names, i.e., the Falcon (Horus) of Hierakonpolis in
Upper Egypt surmounts the palace facade in which their names are written. They
were primarily chieftains of the Falcon Nome, or State, of Upper Egypt. (See
my paper on The Horus-Title of the Kings of Egypt, in the Proceedings of the
Society of Biblical Archaeology, Vol. XXVI (1904), pp. 295-299.)

In the Ilnd dynasty we find with Per-ab-sen that in place of the Falcon upon
the palace facade there is a 5^/-animal, which certainly indicates that the chieftains

of the ^j5\ nome had gained the supremacy in Egypt, that they had overthrown

the Falcon chieftains and seized the throne. With Khasekhemui the palace name
of the king is surmounted by the 5^^animal on one side, and the Falcon on the

other, which suggests an alliance between the royal families of the -^^ and the

nomes. After Khasekhemui, the 5^^animal is never again found above the

A 3

6 Egyptian Nome Ensigns.

palace name of a king, but the Falcon invariably appears upon it. Another nome
ensign appears over the palace name of Menes' queen, Hotep (see Fig. i): this is
the ensign of the Saite Nome of Lower Egypt, and suggests that Hotep was the
hereditary chieftainess of Sais, the pre-Menite capital of the kings of Lower Egypt.i
By his marriage with this royal lady, Menes united the thrones of Upper and Lower
Egypt.

On the Slate Palette of Narmer (Menes) there is a scene representing the king
smiting the chieftain of the Harpoon kingdom (in the north-western corner of the
Delta), and on the verso of the same palette there is a scene showing Narmer
inspecting the beheaded bodies of his foes. Above this scene is a large boat over
which is a Harpoon with a Falcon standing upon it (Fig. 2). This Harpoon upon a
boat is the ensign of the Harpoon Nome (Fig. 3) and the Falcon standing upon it
indicates, according to the usual Egyptian convention, the conquest of the Harpoon
kingdom by the chieftain of the Falcon clan.

Now among the nome ensigns of Egypt there are several which represent the
Falcon standing on, or by, the distinguishing sign of a nome. For example, the
ensign of the Western or Libyan Nome is W. This is a compound ensign and

records the conquest of the ft clan by the Falcon chieftains. When this conquest
took place we do not know, but it was probably some time just before the
establishment of the Monarchy, when the Falcon army were pushing their way up
to the Mediterranean. Another nome ensign surmounted by a Falcon is that of

the Oryx nome ^^r* . This ensign with the Falcon upon the back of the Oryx

only occurs in late inscriptions. The Oryx was one of the Setian animals and it
was perhaps during the wars of the " Followers of Horus " (i.e., the Falcon people)
with the Set clan, towards the end of the Hnd dynasty, that this conquest took

place. To the east of the Oryx Nome there was a small district with [^ m.
for its ensign {Bent Hasan, I, PI. XXV, 1. 35). Here, perhaps, was a small colony
of the v^^ clan (see next page) from the Delta, which had been vanquished by the
Falcon people.

To the south of Middle Egypt there were two large nomes having for their

ensigns ^J^ and ^^ respectively. Here in prehistoric times was probably a

great v^^ " Cerastes "-worshipping clan, which was vanquished by an expedition

from the ^ V Herakleopolitan and ^^Xoite people, the former taking possession

of the land on the western bank, the latter, the land on the eastern bank. In
historic times there are several indications of the close relationship between the

Hei;akleopolitans and the people of the ^z^ nome.^

' The names of certain of these pre-Menite kings are found in the top register of the Palermo
Stone. The determinative used in writing their names is the king wearing the Neith crown ,

' That the chieftains of Siut were the powerful adherents of the Herakleopolitan kings is well
known, but there is a significant passage in the inscription of Kheti II (Griffith, Siut and
Der Rifeh, PI. XV, 1. 2) dealing with the canal of his district, in which he says that he " brought a

Egyptian Nome Ensigns. 7

Turning now to the Delta nomes we find a remarkable group of compound
ensigns, in which, behind the distinguishing sign of the nome, there is a figure of a
Bull. In the Old Kingdom there were four of these ensigns, and later a fifth
appears. These are :

(i)^^. (2) C^ ^ , var. "^ '^ . (3) ^'5?5l. {^)V^. (5)0^.

(i) A late variant of the first is 1^^, and the name of the capital of the nome

for which the ensign stood was j s==3 11 q Tb-ntr, the Greek Sebennytos, the
Arabic Samanild. Tb-ntr means the " Divine Calf," and this was the sacred animal
of the ^'^WJ nome.

(2) The second ensign has been understood to mean the nome of the " Wild
Bull," the Bull of the f^-^^ or desert (GRIFFITH in Ptah-hetep II, p. 27). On the

analogy of p^ ^'^ we ought, I believe, to take the C^^ or f^/^^ as being the cult
object of the people of the nome. The sacred name of its capital was -^-^
(var. >-^ ), and as we know that there was an important ^^ (var. ^^ ) cult,i

the C=l (or fv"wi ) in this ensign clearly stands for the ^^ (or ^^) cult.

(3) The third ensign is usually spoken of as that of the " Black Bull "
(Griffith in Ptah-hetep II, p. 27). The name of its capital, however, is sometimes

written ^^- which on the analogy of (l) and (2) suggests that there was a cult of
the i^ . What was this ^a cult ? The reading of the sign gives us

or Ij ^3:^ ^^. which is a well-known name for the shield. In the Pyramid Texts '
we actually find ^^ = jl, i.e., it is a word -sign for the slender parrying shield which
is figured in early inscriptions in the compound nome-ensign M^. This compound

nome ensign consists of two originally separate cults (i) the M -shield (^ikni) and
(2) the crossed arrows f^ (nt). For an Egyptian shield cult we have the

authority of Aristides, who mentions that there was a district in Egypt sacred to
Athena (Neith) where shields were dedicated, but he unfortunately does not give
us the name of the place. Now Neith had a temple in ^ '>^ , and as we have seen

, it seems probable that v-~- is the district to which Aristides alludes ;

gift for this city {i.e., Siut), in which there were no families of the Northland, nor people of Middle
Egypt." Breasted, commenting on this passage {Ancient Records, I, 407, note b) says: "The
remarkable statement perhaps means that no forced labor was employed on the canal, from any
part of Egypt composing the Herakleopolitan kingdom, viz., the Northland (Delta) and Middle

Egypt." It means, I think, that the colonists from the J^- nome (in the Delta), or from the V_

nome (in Middle Egypt), who resided in the nome were exempted from all forced labour on
the canals.

On this cult see my paper in the Liverpool Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology, Vol. I,
pp. 24 et seqq.

' Ed. Sethe, 252, 431. Compare also jj "^=1 (227) for i^ ^ "^s* .

A 4

8 Egyptian Nome Ensigns.

that it was, in fact, the seat of an early shield cult. Thus, I take it, in the
nome ensign i^ "^SSi the iia is a word-sign for the cult-object of the nome.

(4) Regarding the geographical position of the ^j^ (Fig. 4) nome we have

no evidence ; but that it was in the Delta, and somewhere in the neighbourhood
of the other " Bull " nomes, is probable. The cult-object here is clearly a sickle.

(5) The fifth ensign, which first appears in the New Kingdom, has a Q-sign in

front of the Bull, and the name of this noma's capital was R I j ^ Hsb-t, which is

one of the readings of the Q-sign. This would lead one to suppose that there had
been, at some time, a cult of the Q. Whatever this Q represents does not concern
us here, but the interesting fact is that the sign serves to differentiate the nome
ensign O ^ from the other ensigns of this " Bull " group.

Now in the " Bull " ensigns that we have been studying it is to be observed
that the Bull stands behind, and is moreover figured on a much larger scale than
the distinguishing cult-sign. The Bull was, we know, a very important cult-animal
of the Central Delta, and indeed the Central Delta district is sometimes represented
by the Bull upon a perch without any distinguishing sign before it. This last
fact, and the occurence of the Bull upon the five ensigns mentioned above, suggests
that a Bull-worshipping clan had become supreme in the Central Delta in pre-
Menite times. On several of the archaic Slate Palettes the king is actually
figured in the likeness of a Bull, and from the IVth dynasty onwards he is often
called the ^ " the Strong Bull." In these Delta " Bull " names we have, I
believe, evidence of a pre-Menite " Bull " kingdom.

Before concluding these brief notes on the nome ensigns I may bring forward
one more fact that is of interest concerning them. A certain number of the
ensigns are surmounted by the ostrich feather ; this feather appears not to be a sign
of conquest but an indication of race. It was the characteristic symbol of Libyan
tribes, and whenever it appears above an ensign it indicates a colony of Libyan
people ; in other words, the ensign that it surmounts was originally a Libyan cult.

^ Percy E. Newberry.

Note. In connection with the preceding paper it may be observed that of
the Bull nomes discussed here VI, X, XI, XII, the evidence of the historical
development is that X, Athribis, Ka kern, is the original centre. It was the only
one of these which had the festival of the Corn-Osiris {Historical Studies, VIII).
Nomes VI, Xois, Ka-khas, and XII, Sebcnnytus, Ka-theb, appear next, just before
the order of the nomes was finally arranged in river lines. Lastly came XI,
Pharbaithos, Ka-heseb, a region where Set was still the deity in historic times.

These four nomes occupy the middle Delta, and with them must be grouped
by its position IX, Busiris, which had one of the greater relics of Osiris, and so
preceded VI, XI, and XII, in its growth. That Osiris could be looked on as
a bull is shown by Osiris of Sheten Pharbaithos being called "the bull"
(De Rouge, Geog. Basse Eg., 70).

As to the ostrich feather, though a Libyan sign, it also seems to be a divine
sign in early times, appearing in the 1st dynasty on the backs of animals that
were worshipped. Perhaps it owes this meaning to its being the shed-shed, the
vehicle of the soul mounting to heaven.

F. P,

( 9 )

MOON-CUL-^IN SINAI ON THE EGYPTIAN MONUMENTS.

The monuments found in Sinai contain information which points to the existence
of moon-worship in the Peninsula at a remote period in history. These records
consist of rocl< tablets which were engraved by the Pharaohs from the 1st to the
XlXth dynasty, over the mines which they worked at Wady Maghara, and of
remains of various kinds discovered in the temple ruins of the neighbouring
Sarbut el-Khadem or Serabit. The Egyptians went to Sinai primarily for the
purpose of securing copper and turquoise, which are found in a ferruginous layer
that appears in the mountainous district of the western part of the Peninsula.

The mines at Serabit lie in the vicinity of two adjacent caves facing an
extensive site of burning, which has the peculiarities of the high-places of which we
hear so much in the Bible. These caves formed a sanctuary which, judging from
what is known of ancient sanctuaries in Arabia generally, was at once a shrine and
a store-house, presumably in the possession of a priesthood or clan, who, in return
for offerings brought to the shrine, gave either turquoise itself, or the permission to
mine it in the surrounding district. The sanctuary, like other sanctuaries in
Arabia, was under the patronage of a female divinity, the representative of nature-
worship, and one of the numerous forms of Ishthar. In the Xllth dynasty, when
the Egyptians gained a permanent foothold at Serabit, they identified this divinity
as their own goddess Hat-hor. The figure of Hat-hor appears again and again on
the wall-decorations of the temple buildings ; her head surmounts the columns of a
chamber in front of the cave, and in the inscriptions she is called, at first, " mistress
of the turquoise country "; and later, simply " mistress of turquoise."

There are many Hathors in Egypt, but the form that is shown in Sinai is
Hathor with a headdress of cow's horns which enclose the orb of the full moon.
The form is familiar in Egypt also, and the association of Hathor with the
moon-cult at home was apparently the
reason why she was chosen as the
Egyptian representative of the female
divinity of Serabit in Sinai.

Hathor appears on the monuments
of Serabit from the Xllth dynasty
onwards. In one instance we find her
represented also at Wady Maghara.
The Egyptian monuments at Wady
Maghara consist of tablets that were
carved on the living rock above the

mines, in order to commemorate the hold which the Pharaohs here gained over
the country. The tablet on which Hathor is seen is of Amen-em-hat III (XII, 6)
and is throughout of a peaceful character. The king is represented facing the
ibis-headed figure of Thoth, who holds out to him a staff on which are the ankh
and the dad, signs of life and stability, and Hathor stands behind Thoth.

This introduction of Thoth likewise bears on the moon-cult of the Peninsula,
for the Egyptian god Thoth was originally a lunar divinity. His chief shrine

5. Amenemhat III, Thoth and Hat-hor. Maghareb.
(Researches in Sinai, Fig. 55.)

Moon-Cult in Sinai.

during historical times was at Hermopolis in Lower Egypt, where he was repre-
sented as ibis-headed. But he was also represented under the form of a baboon,
or a baboon was associated with him.

The tablet of Amen-em-hat III seems to indicate that Thoth, in this capacity
of a lunar divinity and as the representative of the moon-worshippers of the
Peninsula generally, was well disposed towards the Pharaoh of Egypt ; Hathor,
mistress of the turquoise, was in attendance on Thoth as the representative of
the neighbouring district of Serabit.

This interpretation of the scene is confirmed by earlier monuments. A rock-
tablet of Ra-en-user (V, 6) at Wady Maghara, which is much broken, shows the
figure of Thoth, who probably faced the king. On the other part of the tablet
the king is seen smiting the enemy, who crouches before him, and a large libation
vase, supported on three ankhs, emblems of life, is accompanied by words to the
effect that "the lord of foreign lands gave coolness." Here Thoth, the lunar
divinity, also appears in friendly relation with the king ; the king smites the
enemy, and by doing so gains the approval of the lord of foreign lands.

6. " Khnumu-khufu, the Great God smiting the Anu" before Thoth.
Wady Maghareh. (Palestine Exploration Fund.)

Again the tablet at Wady Maghara, of King Khufu (IV, 2) the great pyramid-
builder (now unfortunately destroyed), represented the king smiting the enemy,
and doing so actually before the ibis-headed figure of Thoth (Fig. 6). The king
here again is acting in agreement with the lunar divinity, whom he is honouring
by smiting his foes.

Other finds point in the same direction, confirming the belief that the
Egyptians looked upon the inhabitants of Sinai as moon-worshippers.

Moon- Cult in Sinai.

Thus, the figure of a baboon, the animal or incarnation of Thoth, was
discovered at Serabit during the excavations of 1905- 1906. The figure is of
sandstone, worked in a rude style, and was found in the holy cave itself. This
figure is now in Oxford. Another figure of a baboon, life-size, and worked in
limestone with an. inscription around its base, came out of one of the store-
chambers that adjoined the cave. If I mistake not, it was of the Middle Kingdom.
These baboons, emblems of the lunar divinity in Egypt, were presumably
considered for this reason suitable offerings to the sacred shrine of a people who
were themselves moon-worshippers.

The rude figure of the baboon that was found at Serabit is similar in character
and workmanship to figures of baboons that were found at the primitive shrines
of Abydos and Hierakonpolis in Upper Egypt. The baboon was here, perhaps,
originally the holy animal, the cult of which was overlaid in predynastic times by
the cult of the god Osiris. Many figures of baboons, over sixty in one instance,
were found in the earliest levels of the temple at Abydos, that were excavated in
the winter of 1903- 1904. Their position showed that they had been discarded at
an early period of history-. The likeness in character of the baboon found in Sinai
to the baboons found in the early levels at Abydos and Hierakonpolis suggested
that the emblem of the baboon was carried to Sinai at an early period in history.

; le Baboon. 8. Glazed Baboon.

Serabit. (A'. Sin., 127.) Hierakonpolis. (Univ. Coll. L.)

9. Glazed Baboon.
Abydos. (Univ. Coll. L.]

The Egyptians from the earliest times approached the shrine at Serabit in
the character of quasi-worshippers, and judging from the remains and offerings
that were found in the caves themselves, and in the adjoining row of store-
chambers, their relations with the centre were throughout of a friendly character.
For here already King Sneferu (III, 9) deposited as a gift the figure of a hawk,
his favourite emblem, found likewise in his funeral temple in Egypt, the inscription
and workmanship of which show it to be a contemporary monument.

Sneferu (111,9) who thus figured as a quasi-worshipper at Serabit, appears
as a smiter of the enemy at Wady Maghara. On his rock-tablet he is seen as
a smiter, wearing a headdress that consists of a double plume that rises from
a pair of horns. The double plume is well known, but such horns are foreign to
Egypt. Again these horns point in the direction of moon-worship, for they recall

12 Moon- Cult in Sinai.

the lunar horns that are worn by the moon-god and his devotees on ancient
Babylonian seal-cylinders.

On the scene of smiting, as we see it represented at Wady Maghara, the
Pharaoh wields his mace over the enemy whom he holds by his top-knot, together
with a spear and a curved object which he seems to have taken from him. The
curved object is probably a boomerang, or throw-stick ; the man is of Semitic
type, not unlike the better Bedawy of to-day. The earliest tablets at Wady
Maghara contain little wording beyond the titles of the king. But Snefcru

~77'*'^^HH^HH|

''^^H

';.ii

lo. " S.NEFERU, the Great God, ravaging the Lands," before his ka Neb-maot.
(Researches in Sinai, Fig. 50.)

(111,6) who wears the lunar horns is called "great god smiting countries," or
barbarians ; King Khufu (IV, 9) who slays the enemy before Thoth is called
a "smiter of the Anu," Sahura (V, 2), and later kings of the Vth and Vlth
dynasties are described as smiting the Mentu. The Anu are mentioned on the
Palermo Stone in connection with a king whose name is broken away, but who
is pro.bably Den-Setui, fifth king of the 1st dynasty, as he is known to have made
expeditions into Sinai. The Mentu was the ordinary word that was applied by
the Egyptians to the Asiatics. As the Pharaohs were acting in concert with
moon-worshippers in Sinai in attacking the Anu and the Mentu, we are left to
infer that these were not moon -worshippers themselves.

The Egyptians went to Sinai in order to secure turquoise and copper.
Turquoise has been found in Egypt in Neolithic graves ; for copper there would

Moon-Cult in Sinai. 13

be an increasing demand on all sides from the close of the Neolithic age. The
Egyptians were always on friendly terms with Serabit, the centre of the turquoise
district. It was at Maghara, between the 1st and the Vth dynasty, that they
came into conflict with the invading Semites who disputed with them the possession
of the mines.

The association of Sinai with moon-worship is in keeping with what is known
from Semitic sources.

The Moon-god in early Babylonia was known under various names and
epithets. As Ea, or Ya, he was looked upon as the oldest Semitic god of Babylonia,
to which his coming brought the artificial culture of the date-palm, probably by
way of the Persian Gulf Ea, like Thoth, is esteemed the source of wisdom and
culture, and Eabani, his devotee, was represented wearing lunar horns similar to
those that are worn by Sneferu. A later name of the Moon-god among the
Semites was Sin. As Sin, the name forms part of the name of Naram-Sin, king of
Agade, whose date is about 3750 B.C., and whose actions, as we learn from his
Annals, were considered in the light of lunar influence. The Moon-god, as Sin,
had a sanctuary at Ur of the Chaldees, the starting place of Terah and Abraham,
and a sanctuary at Haran, in Northern Syria, the place to which they migrated ;
and the name Sinai itself is connected by scholars with Sin. The name appears in
three forms in the Bible in the list of the stations of Exodus, which stand in
Chapter 33 of the Book of Numbers, which is apportioned by the higher critics to
the Elohist, the earlier source of the Hexateuch. There is named the wilderness
of Sin, the desert of Sinai, and the wilderness of Zin places that lie in different
parts of the Peninsula which point to a general association of the country with
moon-worship.

The list of the stations of Exodus has the appearance of a contemporary
record. It establishes the association of moon-worship with the Peninsula about
1300 B.C. The Egyptian monuments, as we have seen, carry this association several
thousand years further back in history.

LiNA ECKENSTEIN.

( 14 )

THREE STELAE AT GRAZ.

As far as I was able to ascertain the Egyptian monuments at Graz have never
been studied. Years ago Prof. Strzygowski sent me photographs of the three
stelae which I am publishing here. The most remarkable one is Fig. ii, showing
King Sebekemsaf presenting wine or some other liquid, to the god Ptah-Sokaris,
of whom the king is beloved. Unfortunately, we cannot make out which of the
Sebekemsaf kings of the Xlllth dynasty is the king here mentioned. The style
of the monument (H. 042 m., B. 022 m.) shows the somewhat rude art of the
late Middle Kingdom. Limestone, from Thebes.

u. Sebekemsaf offering to PtahSeker who
gives him life.

12. Mertitha making a drink-offering to HoraSkhuti,
Great God, Lord of Heaven.

Fig. 12 is a small limestone stela which is of the rough work usually found
in th-e late New Empire. The dead, the son of Nesqa'min, Merti-r-za' is praying
before Horus. For the names compare LlEBLEiN, Dictionnaire, 2414 and 241 1,
2346. The style of the relief, bad as it is, hardly allows us to put the monument

later than 700 B.C.; in this case the writing ^^^ 100 i?|^ ^ for ^"^^ <=> r?^ ,

<2>- "" lijia/ jy <E>- itJiSr

is interesting as one of the oldest examples of the use of the Ptolemaic system of
writing in private names. No traces of colour. H. 0205 m., B. 0-125 m.

Three Stelae at Graz.

Perhaps the finest piece of the three, from an artistic point of view, is the
portion of a limestone stela, Fig. 1 3, H. 0-33 m., B. 028 m. In the upper register one
named MiNEPTAH-NFU-'EA' (Merneptah-nefu-oa) prays to Osiris Chenthamenthes
Onnofris (Khentamenti Un-nefer). Below, a priest with a leopard's skin round
his shoulders burns incense to Osiris. The elegant, though not very delicate
work, points to the 3CIXth or XXth dynasty. The reading of the names is not
certain, and I have no hand copy of this monument.

Fr. W. von Bissing.

13. Merneptah-nefu-oa adoring Osiris Khentamenti Un-neler.

( i6 )

EGYPTIAN BELIEFS IN A FUTURE LIFE.
{The Drew Lecture, November, 191 3.)

The remote view which we gain in the literature and customs of Egypt is the
longest vista into the growth of mind and ideas that is open to us. In no other
land are there such full written materials, such abundant details of funeral ritual, and
so complete an historical record to fix the relation of all the developments that are
found. Egypt is, therefore, the most favourable ground for studying the growth of
beliefs regarding the nature and the future of the soul.

The beliefs about the soul are closely bound up with the theology. The functions
of the gods of different races which entered the land, naturally determined the
relations of the soul to the gods in the future. Hence it is necessary to notice the
main changes in religious beliefs, and to refer to the principal gods of each cycle ;
but our subject will be simplified by avoiding the theology where it is not essential
to the views regarding the soul.

In order to realise the historical setting of the growth of belief, we must first
briefly state the periods of thought which we have to regard in this question,
beginning with what is best known. In the (i) Christian Age there survived many
reflections of the older faiths, especially on points not decided by Apostolic teaching.
The (2) Alexandrian age was greatly pervaded by Syrian, Persian, and Indian
thought, as seen in Philo, the Book of Wisdom, and the Hermetic books. The
rise of this was doubtless influenced by the sense of personality and ethical right,
in the sixth to the eighth centuries B.C., seen in Ezekiel, Hesiod, and Piankhy the
Ethiopian. In (3) the Age of the conquest of Syria by the Thothmides and
Ramessides, i2CX)-i6oo B.C. (which we might call the E.xodus Age), no doubt
Oriental influences were at work, mainly .seen in the bursts of solar monotheism
which soon disappeared. The so-called Book of the Dead was the popular
guide to the future world in this age. (4) The previous great civilisation of the
Xth to XVIth dynasties shows a growth of personal enquiry, some agnosticism,
and the development of the belief in the Osirian Judgment of the Dead. This
period is put at about 2000 to ifioo B.C., by the uniform and consistent statements
of the Egyptians. Before this was (5) the Pyramid Period, dfioo to 5000 B.C.,
from which we have the long Pyramid Texts, the earliest compilation known, mostly
from much more ancient sources. Of the earlier stages we can broadly distinguish
three ; these are (6) the Heliopolitan eastern sun-worshippers, 5000-7000 B.C. ;
(7) the western Osiris-worshippers, of 7000-8000 B.C. ; and the (8) primitive
animal-worshippers, perhaps Palaeolithic, before 8000 B.C.

It may seem surprising to refer to any religion in Palaeolithic times. Yet the
precision of the funeral ritual extends back to the earliest Neolithic graves that
we know in Egypt, and offerings accompany burials in Europe back to the age
of the Cave men. The sun-worship, which is dominant in the Pyramid Texts,
cannot be due to the Vth dynasty in which Heliopolis was prominent, but must
belong to the much earlier rule there of the Delta kings. This is shown by the
general tone of the civilisation which underlies the religious texts. To take one
instance: the dead king is often stated to depend on reed floats to cross the
waters of death, while boats and ships had been familiarly used throughout the

Egyptian Beliefs in a Future Life. 17

second Prehistoric Age, 5000 to 7000 B.C. Had the magic texts originated later
than that, boats would have been pre-supposed in all cases, and the more primitive
floats would not have appeared. Thus the sun-worship ideas (6) must be put
as early as we have stated, and before those lie certainly two earlier strata of belief.
We have now stated the general position historically.

The actual sources of information are (a) the wide-spread funerary customs,
as recorded from many excavations ; (b) the Pyramid Texts, edited by Dr. Sethe,
translated into French by Sir Gaston Maspero, and discussed in English by
Prof Breasted, in his Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt,
(referred to as Br.) ; (c) the Coffin Texts published by Lacau, but not yet
translated ; (d) the Book of the Dead, best translated by Renouf

The earliest stratum of ideas that we can distinguish before the rise of the
cult of Osiris, or the sun-worship, is doubtless an accumulation of several earlier
stages : the history of those is beyond recall. Whether we shall ever be able
to distinguish these primitive strata by any contemporary facts is very doubtful ;
but possibly the finding of some cemetery earlier than any yet known, or of some
group of neighbouring tribes, may show the dividing lines of the periods.

The animal-worship, and the most primitive deities reputed to be the parents
of the gods, are the earliest ideas which we can distinguish. Animism appears in
the spirit of the tree which guards the cemetery, and is the Tree-goddess shown in
later pictures as giving food and drink to the dead. Certainly the dead were
.supposed to have a continued existence, as food offerings are found in the very
earliest graves. A remarkable idea, described later, is that dead persons head
downward were malignant, and were enemies of the good dead who stood upright.
This very crude idea was probably derived from the symbolism expressed in a
prehistoric painting, where a defeated enemy is portrayed head downward. It
seems that this must have originated in the earliest days of savagery, and be part
of the most primitive thought about the future life.

The earliest deities that we can trace are the feminine heaven. Nut, and the
masculine earth, Geb. It may seem strange that the Nile and the Sun, the present
essentials of Egyptian life, were not the first objects of worship. But the order of
.selection agrees with the conditions of the country at that remote age. It is
probable that rainfall continued, and hunting, not agriculture, was the task of man,
until the beginning of the prehistoric Osirian civilisation. The hymn to Nut
preserved in the Pyramid Texts is regarded as the oldest fragment of the ritual
{Br. 95, 148). It traces the birth of the sky from Shu and Tefnut, space and fluid
(aether and chaos), mere abstractions which were never worshipped. The purpose
of the hymn is to beseech Nut to give benefits to the deceased (), who is thus
supposed to have gone to the sky. " Geb (the Earth-god) is come to thee, O Nut,
and thou art become strong. Thou didst rule in the body of thy mother
Tefnut (chaos) when thou wast not yet born ; give (n) life and strength that he
may not die.

"Take rule in thy heart and come forth from the body of thy mother (chaos) in
thy name of Nut (sky). Strong one, daughter who is ruler of her mother, and who
arises as queen of the Delta ; protect this () who is in thy body that he die not.

" O Great One who is produced in heaven and there rules, thou hast come,
thou hast filled all places with thy excellence, the whole land is under thee, and
thou hast taken it, thou hast embraced the earth for thee, and all things are in
thy arms ; grant this () to be like an indestructible star within thee.

1 8 Egyptian Beliefs in a Future Life.

" Thou art not separated from Geb in thy name of Heaven, and thou protectest
the whole land in all places.

" O Thou who stretchest thyself above the earth, above thy father Shu (space,
or aether, which separated heaven from earth), and who rulest over him, because
he loves thee and puts himself and all things under thee ; seeing that thou hast
taken each god unto thee with his boat in order that they wander not from thee
like stars, let not () wander from thee in thy name of Guardian."

Here the heaven. Nut, is appealed to (i) by her vitality, to give life to
the dead ; (2) by her ruling powers, to protect the dead ; (3) by her control
of all things, to give a place to the dead like an indestructible star, that is,
one of the circumpolar stars that never set ; (4) by her guidance of the gods
who sail in their boats across the sky, to guard the dead likewise from wandering
away.

From this we gain the first view of the position of the dead. They were
immortal ; they went to the sky, not to the Earth-god, Geb ; they were not to
suffer extinction and re-birth, but to be always above the earth like the northern
stars. All this belongs to an earlier stage than the Osiris-worship : to a stage
from which Osiris raised man by teaching agriculture and giving laws, according
to the Egyptian tradition. It is the stage of a savage life of hunters, before the rise
of the prehistoric civilisation, the stage when a dead enemy, turned head down-
ward, became a malicious spirit. Yet the essential ideas of spirit, of immortality,
of a life in the sky, are all dominant.

This future life needed to be sustained, and various provisions for its benefit
were placed in the grave. We have not yet found any graves dating back before
the Osirian Age, but there can be no doubt that the custom of placing food and
weapons in the grave belongs to at least as early a stage as the conception of the
dead going to the Sky-goddess.

To this pre-Osirian Age must also be assigned the cannibalistic idea of eating
the gods to acquire their qualities. Such an idea cannot have arisen when only
a few mighty anthropomorphic deities were recognised ; it belongs to the half-
animistic age, when a multitude of spirits peopled the future life, and might be
caught like cattle. The dead " is one who eats men and lives on gods " ; various
of his ministers lasso the gods, and stab them, take out their entrails, cut them
up, and cook them. The dead " is he who eats their charms, and devours their
souls ; their great ones are for his morning portion, their middle ones are for his
evening portion, their little ones are for his night portion, their old men and their
old women are for his oven. It is the Great-Ones-North-of-the-Sky who set for
him the fire to the kettles containing them, with the legs of their oldest ones as
fuel"(5r. 128). It would be impossible to put in the Osirian Period the orgies
from which this feast is described ; they obviously belong to the ages before Osiris
is said to have civilised the Egyptians.

Connected with this is also the ritual of dismemberment of the dead. The
allusions to this are frequent, even in the comparatively late compilation of the
Book of the Dead. There is no reason to doubt their literal detail when we find
many instances of this unfleshing of the dead continuing through the Prehistoric
Age, and even into the Pyramid Period. The reason asserted for this custom was
the purifying of the dead from all his evil. The reconstruction of the body is
often mentioned, and the returning of the head to it.

We have now noticed the main ideas which appear to belong to the earliest
age that we can trace ; they doubtless are really of varying strata and sources, beyond

Egyptian Beliefs in a Future Life,

our present analysis, but at least we may say that they precede the Osiris- and the
Solar-worship, and are probably earlier than the prehistoric civilisation.

14. Nut, the starry goddess of heaven, overarching Geb, the earth, covered with reeds. She is supported
by Shu (space) ; over her back rises and sets the boat of Ra. (Lanz., D.M., CLV.)

When we view the Osiris cycle of gods, belonging to the first prehistoric
civilisation, the earliest of them appears to be Set, in later times driven out, cursed,
and extirpated, yet strangely coming up again in the name of one of the greatest
kings, Sety. The oldest myth about him is that he is in charge of the ladder by
which the dead ascend to the sky {Br. 153). This idea of the ladder must belong
to the age before the antagonism of the tribes of Set- and of Osiris-worshippers,
which caused Set to be proscribed ; and also before the rivalry of the Set and Horus
tribes. To the dawn of the Osirian Period must belong, then, the belief in some aid

of steps or ladders to get up to Nut,
the heaven, where the dead were to
dwell. This idea long survived, as in
the XXIInd Chapter of the Book of the
Dead we read of Osiris " who is at the
head of the staircase," and in Chapter
CXLIX the dead says : " I raise my
ladder up to the sky to see the gods,"
with a vignette of a flight of stairs.
Amulets of stairs are found as late as
the Greek Period.

The Osiris-worshippers always re-
garded the west as sacred and blessed,
and probably, therefore, it was the home-
land whence the Osiris tribes came into Egypt. The dead are laid facing the west,
according to the custom of looking to the home-land familiar among other races.

We reach at this point the beginning of the continuous civilisation of Egypt
which can be traced every generation onward in unbroken order. The constant

B 2

15. The stairway up to heaven guarded by Sekhmet.
Papyrus of Asar-auf-ankh. (Leps., Todl., LXXII.)

Egyptian Beliefs in a Future Life.

position of the dead in the graves, head to south, on left side, facing west, and the
constant position in which the principal kinds of offering jars are placed, all show
that a definite ritual of burial existed, and fixed views regarding the future.

l6. Contracted burial of the age o( Mbna with offering jars. (Grave 1870, Tarkhan.)

. The great feature of the Osiris mythology was his resuscitation after death. In
the Pyramid Texts we read : " Though thou departest, thou comest again ; though
thou sleepest, thou wakest again ; though thou diest, thou livest again." I sis and
Nebhat are " thy two great and mighty sisters, who have put together thy flesh, who
have fastened together thy limbs, who have made thy two eyes to shine again in thy
head" {Br. 32). Hence, as the king and the dead were identified with Osiris, they
shared in the same revival. The same process of reconstitution was needful for all
the dead as for Osiris, probably descending from the custom of unfleshing and

Egyptian Beliefs in a Future Life. 2i

cleansing the bones. As Breasted sums up : " We may summarise it all in the
statement that after the resuscitation of the body there was a mental restoration, or
a reconstitution of the faculties, one by one, attained especially by the process of
making the deceased a ' soul,' in which capacity he again existed as a person,
possessing all the pd^vers that would enable him to subsist and survive in the life
hereafter."

17. HoRUs and Ibis resuscitating ihe mummy of Osiris Unneker. Abydos.

The development of the Osirian Kingdom of the Dead, and all its consequences,
begins to appear in the Osirian revival after the Pyramid Texts, and so does not
come into our view of the dead in the jirehistoric time.

The next change was an invasion from the East which brought in many new
elements of the second Prehistoric Age. The material culture changed considerably,
the influences are proto-Semitic or Eastern, rather than Western as before. The
sun worship of the god Ra became dominant, and probably centred at Heliopolis.
Osiris had to give way ; " Ra-Atum (Ra of the East) does not give thee to Osiris.
Osiris numbers not thy heart, he gains not power over thy heart. Ra-Atum gives
thee not to Horus. He numbers not thy heart, he gains not power over thy heart.
Osiris ! thou hast not gained power over him ; thy son (Horus) has not gained
power over him." Osiris was even arraigned and judged by Ra in the Great Hall
of Justice at Heliopolis.

The East was the sacred region of these people from the East. The dead had
to go eastwards to join the Sun-god, and they were warned from going westward.
On the eastern border of the land lay the Lily-lake over which the dead must pass.
Sometimes he is said to be ferried in a boat, and the boatman has to be bribed or
cheated into taking him over ; sometimes he has to paddle over on two floats of
reeds, or even to swim, an idea older than the shipbuilding time of the second
Prehistoric Age.

Amulets became common in this time, showing that magic was a prominent
idea ; and the dead possessed of amulets could thus compel the powers in the future
to help him, and be preserved from evil. The idea of the necessity of purification
before being fitted for the heavenly life comes forward in this period, but how far it
was added to in the Pyramid Period it is difficult to say. The bathing in the sacred

B 3

22 Egyptian Beliefs in a Future Life.

lake was probably an early idea, and this bath in Lethe was considered to purify
the dead so as to fit him for entry into the heavenly kingdom of Ra.

The conquest of Egypt by the dynastic race doubtless introduced some fresh
ideas as to the future life. In the theology it brought in the abstract gods : the
Creator, Ptah, and the personification of Truth, Maat ; the universal Father Min,
and the Great Mother, Hat-hor. But in the burials there was only a gradual change
in the direction from facing west to facing east. The reason that no more striking
changes are seen may be that there had been a gradual infiltration of the fresh
race as shown by bone measurements and therefore there was no great difference
when the political power passed over to the later comers. The new gods were not
associated with any views of the future, and therefore it may be that the belief in
immortality was not held strongly by the dynastic people, and the older beliefs were
not much changed.

On reaching the Pyramid Age, there is the great mass of the texts engraved on
the walls of the Pyramids, under the Vth and Vlth dynasties. The kings of this
age were descended from the high-priesthood of the Sun-god Ra, and their devotion
to him is specially shown in their worship and monuments. It is therefore to be
expected that for the future life they should look mainly to Ra ; and this must not
lead us to suppose that all Egypt thought and acted like the Son of Ra who ruled
it. There is nothing to show that the people in general shared the royal worship.
On the contrary, the deity most usually found on private monuments is the deity of
the dynastic race, the Great Mother, Hathor ; while that most popular goddess does
not appear in the royal ritual, except rarely, as a secondary manifestation of the
great Sun-god. We must not therefore accept the Pyramid Texts as the Egyptian
beliefs of that age ; they were a mixture of all the preceding strata of beliefs, as
accepted by the royal family of Ra-worshippers.

Though the devotion of the kings was chiefly offered to Ra, yet Osiris was
steadily becoming more and more regarded. The name of Osiris was being inserted,
sometimes along with gods of the Ra cycle, sometimes substituted for them, some-
times in a charm or prayer which was brought entire from the Osiris-worship. The
old popular faith was gaining ground from the Ra-worshippers, and the dominance
of Osiris drew nearer.

This brings us to the view of the " double " or ka, the relation of which to
human nature has been most difificult to define. There is little doubt that there
existed several different beliefs on this subject, revealed to us by incompatible
statements of various periods. It may be well to look at a modern African belief
of a similar kind, which having been stated in detail, may perhaps be somewhat of
a guide. In Nigeria " every ordinary individual, male or female, is attended by a
guardian spirit, who is looked on as a protector, is invariably of the same household,
and with whom, when alive, personal friendship has existed. Every freeman is
attended by a guardian spirit, usually the spirit of his own immediate father."
(Leonard, The Lower Niger, p. 190.)

In the Pyramid Texts we read that, on dying, a man "went to his ka "; the dead
collectively are called those " who have gone to their ka% " ; and the dead " goes to
his ka, to the sky." Hereafter the dead associate with the ka, and might have
dominion over other kas. The ka is superior to the living person. It was appealed
to for protection, "call upon thy ka, like Osiris, that hs may protect thee from all
anger of the dead." In the future world a person is under the dominion of his own
ka. The ka helps by interceding with Ra for the dead, and introduces the dead to
Ra. The ka brings food to the dead and eats with him. The dead person " lives

Egyptian Beliefs in a Future Life.

18. The figure of the Ka of King Rameses III. On his head is the^a-name "the strong
bull, the great one of kings." In his left hand is the emblem of the royal ka,
a bust on a tall staff, with " ka of the king'' upon it. In his right hand is
a feather fan, with which he is fanning the king upon his throne. Here the
ka is dissociated from the person, and is assisting him. Limestone temple scene,
Koptos. (Univ. Coll., London.)

B 4

Egyptian Beliefs in a Future Life.

with his ka, who expels the evil that is before him and removes the evil that is
behind him." The priest was the servant of the ka, who would pass on the offerings
made " for the ka " to the dead, whom he supplied and protected. Such are the
examples of the early belief about the ka given by Breasted, who concludes that the
ka " was a kind of superior genius intended to guide the fortunes of the individual "
(p. 52). Now this puzzling localisation by which the ka was the companion of the
living, and yet the dead went to their kas, is explained by the Nigerian belief
There, the guardian spirit attends on the living, and yet is the spirit of one who is
already among the dead. If the Egyptian ka was, like this, an ancestral mani-
festation, it would thus guide the living, yet in the future life the dead would go to
the ka. It, seems, then, best to regard the ka as an ancestral emanation which was
associated with each man from birth, and by its superiority would guide and help
him through this life and the next.

It is not known how early the ka was thought of as a Double of the material
nature ; in the XVIIIth dynasty the ka is represented as born like an infant, and
growing with the man. This may have been the original notion : the portion of
ancestral spirit developing with the individual in whom it dwelt.

On the tombstones of the 1st dynasty there is often placed the atikhu-\i\xdi, the
"brilliant one," or glorified soul, with the arms (the
emblem of the ka) embracing it from above. This
would accord with references to the ka in the Pyramid
Texts.

In the Vth dynasty there are other references
to the ka in the Proverbs of Ptah-hotep. Various acts
are hateful to the ka, such as staring at a man,
losing opportunities of rightful enjoyment, or repeating
expressions of passion. The son who resembles his
father is said to be begotten by the ka. It is the ka
that impels to generosity and kindness. Rather later,
a king is said to be " loved by his ka!' These state-
ments may well be compatible with the guardianship
by the ancestral emanation, or spirit of the family.

The tomb sculptures of the Pyramid Age show
how completely the dead was supposed to enjoy all
the possessions of this life in the future world. Every farm was to bring its
produce ; all the servants and animals of the household are shown ; the games,
the dances, the hunting and the fishing were all to be enjoyed in the future, and
were portrayed on the walls of the tomb chapel for the spirit to take part
in them.

The sense of divine favour in the future is stated : " I desired that it might be
well with me in the Great God's presence." A definite judging of evil in the future
was expected, as if any one damaged a tomb "judgment shall be had with them
for it by the Great God, the Lord of Judgment, in the place where judgment is
had." The righteous dead had the power of intercession with the Great God to
favour others in the judgment : " I will intercede for their sakes in the Nether
World."

In order to reach the boat in which the Sun-god sailed over the heavenly
ocean, the dead was provided with a boat, so as to sail up to the Sun-boat and be
taken in to the company of the gods. A model boat, or the sculptured or painted
figure of one, was an essential part of the funeral furniture of the Ra-worshipper.

19.

The aikhu bird, emblem of the
spirit of the deceased, em-
braced by the arms of the
heavenly ka. (Steles from
Royal Tombs.)

Egyptian Beliefs in a Future Life. 25

In one instance, there was a boat rigged for going up the stream, and another for
going down the stream.

20. Boat for the dead to follow the Sun-god. The deceased is seated in a shrine ; before him is a table
with a vase and a servant offering. (Tomb of Hori, phot. Insinger.)

After this age of great faith and great works, a wave of pessimism and
agnosticism spread in the dech'ne of that civilisation. They sang of the future Hfe :

" None cometh from thence
That he may say how they fare,
That he may tell of their fortunes.
That he may content our heart,
Until we also depart,
To the place whither they have gone.

Lo ! no man taketh his goods with him,

Yea, none returneth again that is gone thither." {Br. 183.)

At the same time the disorder and misery of life was such that even death was
welcomed :

" Death is before me to-day,

Like the recovery of a sick man.

Like going forth into a garden after sickness.

Death is before me to-day,

Like the odour of lotus-flowers,

Like sitting on the shore of intoxication.

Death is before me to-day.

As a man longs to see his house

When he has spent years in captivity." {Br. 195.)

These and many other lamentations over the corruption of the world, show
the dissatisfaction which led men to reflect on the need of a future judgment to
recompense the evils which they saw. It was amid such distresses that the belief
in the Judgment Seat of Osiris grew into definite form. In that Judgment, Anubis,

Egyptian Beliefs in a Future Life.

the guardian of the dead, brought the deceased into the Judgment Hall. There his
heart was weighed in the balance against Truth ; and, if judged correct, he was
then led by Horus into the presence of Osiris; if faulty, there stood Amam, the
devouring crocodile-hippopotamus to consume him. It should be observed here
that Osiris does not judge the dead ; the judgment is entirely abstract, mechanical,
independent of judicial choice. The fact of a man being righteous or unrighteous
is not a subject of consideration, but is a definite fact not admitting of doubt.
When once ascertained by agents of Osiris, then the dead is either admitted to the
kingdom of Osiris or annihilated. There is no parallel here to the Christian view
of the Last Judgment.

21. Occupations in the kingdom of Osiris. (Navillb, Papyrus de Kamara,)

Top. Pulling up flax for making clothing.

Queen Ka-ma-ra on her throne sailing in a ship at will.
The ploughman tilling the ground.

Base. The reaper cutting corn, with a sack to carry the ears slung from his head.

Egyptian /?/'//'/?/> / rr Future Life.

^^ilJEffl^Mi^

ni;^liibll<^-WII

Rv'^i!:^u^Q

IP^^j^^Ei^

r^Bif^l^Elj

liCMas*

wm^H^'AV^^

:^^W:i'6^^WN1

" 2
X .5 H

Si -a

<U 4J 3j

Si J= -a

Egj'ptian Beliefs in a Future Life.

The nature of the future life in the Kingdom of Osiris is continually depicted
in the Book of the Dead. Earlier than that is a song about those who are yonder
in heaven with Ra :

" He who is yonder
Shall seize the wicked as a living god,
Inflicting punishment of evil on the doer of it.
He who is yonder
Shall stand in the celestial barque

Causing the best offerings there to be given to the temples.
He who is yonder

Shall be a wise man who has not been repelled
Praying to Ra when he speaks." {Br. 197.)

In comparison with this the Osirian heaven was very homely. The dead
was promised that he .should eat at his desire, remember what he had forgotten,
have -sandals for his feet, and repel the burglar and the early thief. He should
have a house and pool and orchard, and all his household and children, brothers,
father, mother, wives, concubines, slaves, and all his establishment, ..." everything
belonging to a man." To this end, 400 figures of serfs to cultivate the land were
supplied in the tomb, with elaborate instructions inscribed on each as to their duties.

In all this there is no confession of wrong-doing, no plea for mercy. The
Egyptian boasts that he had done nothing wrong, he asserts his faultlessness from
every sin he can recount, in order to prove that he is worthy. This purgation by
assertion is a thoroughly Egyptian trait in modern times. He thus addresses the
assembled gods : " Behold, I come to you without sin, without evil, without wrong,
I live on righteousness, I feed on the righteousness of my heart, I have done that
which men say, and that wherewith the gods are content."

So much for the official and priestly view of the future. But there lingered
older beliefs in the popular heart. The food and drink was still placed in the
grave, as it is even to this day. At the earlier part of the Osirian revival the dread
of the dead coming out of the graves and haunting the villages, led to model
houses being placed by the side of the graves for the soul to find shelter in. These
pottery models of the dwellinghouse show the common buildings of the peasantry,
with their lower and upper floors, their fenced roofs, air-shafts, furniture, food, and
the domestic drudge who ground the corn. The soul, therefore, was thought of as
wandering about from the grave, and needing shelter and a home.

23. The soul entering the boat of the sun, in which the nine gods are seated. (Leps., Todt., LV.)

The comforting doctrine of accompanying the gods in the Boat of Ra, or living
a social life of happiness in the Kingdom of Osiris, was overlaid by a crowd of
invented horrors. Even the god Ra had to pass through a series of hours of
darkness, regarded as dismal caverns, where evil spirits tried to waylay and overcome

Egyptian Beliefs in a Future Life.

the dead. Long spells and directions were therefore needed to enable such dangers
to be repelled. The later religious guide-books to the Underworld consist mainly
of details of such future perils, and the means of resisting them. Even the walls of
the tomb, from the XVIIIth to the XXVIth dynasty, 1500-500 B.C., were sculptured
with scenes, and diret:tions for the terrible future, to the exclusion of all the old
subjects of domestic life. It was no longer the enjoyment of a repetition of the

24. The singer of Amen, Dirpu, being led by the beneficent Bastet past the horrors of the infernal
animals, and a bitch-headed spirit armed with linives and serpents. (Phot. Brugsch.)

present life that was presented, but the terrors of perils* by demons. The so-called
" Book of the Dead " is a conglomeration of all the charms which were deemed to be
most needful. No two copies of it are alike ; the scribe merely put together a more
or less full series of those formulae which attracted him. Most of it is undoubtedly
very early, containing allusions to prehistoric practices, but it is so overlaid by
successive editings, variants, targums, and corruptions, that we cannot hope for a
critical edition disentangling the various periods represented.

Such was the outlook on the future life, a complex of many incompatible beliefs,
among which each person chose and combined what suited him, with a strong
influence of fashion and priestly bias for one view or another at different times.
Yet below all these beliefs lay the whole-hearted confidence in personal immortality
which seems to have been so firmly held in almost all ages of Egyptian history.

All that we have noticed continued gradually to fossilise and become less
personally real, until a new wave of influence spread over the world. The fresh
movement was that of individualism, personal responsibility, and personal religion.

30 Egyptian Beliefs in a Future Life.

No longer was religion principally concerned with a public worship, it became a
more personal devotion. With this went an ethical growth and a new value
attached to the individual life. The earliest sign of this movement is in Hesiod,
about 850 B.C., who was contemptuously called the poet of helots, from his
honouring agriculture, which was held to be degrading to freemen. The preaching
of simplicity in life, with pure and practical ethics, was the dawn of a new age.
A century later, about 727 B.C., Piankhy the Ethiopian reconquered Egypt. He
protested to his enemies : " If a moment passes without submitting to me, behold ye
are reckoned as conquered, and that is painful to the king. Behold ye, there are
two ways before you, choose ye as ye will ; open to me, and ye live ; close, and ye
die. His Majesty loveth that Memphis be safe and sound, and that even the
children weep not." When he entered a city after a siege he went personally to see
about the horses, and when he found that they had been neglected and starved he
swore, " By my life, so may Ra love me, I loathe the men who have starved my
horses more than any abomination that the rebel has done altogether."

Isaiah shows the same growth of ethical feeling, and disregard of mere collective
formalism. " Bring no more vain oblations, incense is an abomination unto me

... it is iniquity, even the solemn meeting Wash you, make you clean,

put away the evil of your doings" (i, 13-16). Rather later, Ezekiel, in 594 B.C.,
proclaims entirely individual responsibility ; he repudiates the sins of the fathers
falling on the children ; " the soul that sinneth, it shall die. But if a man be just
.... he shall surely live" (xviii, 4-9). A century later Buddha preached his great
system of individual responsibility and wide love for man resulting in ethical
conduct. Even as far as China the same individualism rose up, shown in 340 B.C.,
when common field cultivation was abandoned, and private ownership began.

In Egypt, this new spirit in the world was largely influenced by the flow of
Jewish, Persian, and Indian ideas, from the sixth century B.C. onward. The main
documents that we have for this age are the Hermetic writings, which are dated by
the political allusions in them, and were composed from 500 to 200 B.C. The earliest
of these works, The Virgin of the Kostnos, probably about 510 B.C., describes the
formation of souls from the Breath of God and Conscious Fire, blended with
unconscious matter. These souls rebelled, and God then embodied them as men.
The imprisoned souls lament, and are answered by God that if they are sinless they
shall dwell in the fields of heaven ; that if blameable then they shall be on earth ;
if they improve they shall regain Heaven ; but if they sin worse they shall become
animals. This metempsychosis is probably shown in some Egyptian judgment
scenes, where a pig is being driven away as the vehicle of a condemned soul. The
more righteous souls shall be kings, philosophers, founders of states, law-givers, etc. ;
the lower souls shall be eagles, lions, dragons, and dolphins. The gods are stated
to dwell in the Aether with the sun and stars ; in the air are souls and the moon ;
on earth are men and living things.

A slightly later work. The Discourse of Isis to Horus, states that the souls of
men and animals are all alike; metempsychosis between men and animals is
assumed ; the soul is individual, the work of God's hands and mind, its congress
with the body is a concord wrought by God's necessity ; at death it returns to its
proper region, between the moon and the earth.

Rather later, in The Definitions of Asklepios, the soul's rational part Logos is
above the rule of daimons ; and if a ray of God shines through the sun into it, the
daimons do not act upon it. Here, then, the Logos is something added to the soul
and a further change may take place in the Logos.

Egyptian Beliefs in a Future Life. 31

By about 340 B.C. we find in The Perfect Discourse a more complex psychology.
Animals have bodies and souls, and are filled with spirit. In man sense and reason
are added, as a fifth part. In part man is deathless, in part subject to death.
I When the soul leaves the body then the judgment and the weighing of merit pass
4nto its highest daimon's power ; apparently thus the judgment was transferred to
the ka. If the soul is pious it is allowed to rest; if soiled with evil, it is driven out
into the depths, to vortices of Air, Fire, and Water, between heaven and earth.

In the discourse called The Font, probably about 300 B.C., the nature of man is
stated as excelling by reason of the Logos. Logos indeed among all men God has
distributed. They who do not understand possess Logos ovAy, and not mind. Thus
Logos was animal reason, and Mind was a spiritual gift, which was acquired by
spiritual immersion in the Font of Mind.

Rather later but .yet long before the Christian era is The Secret Discourse,
in which re-birth is stated to confer immortality ; the natural body must be
dissolved : the spiritual birth can never die. Here we cannot avoid seeing the
Indian influence in the simile of conversion as re-birth. In the latest of this series,
The Shepherd of Men, it is said that senseless men pass into darkness, their minds
naturally return to primitive chaos. In the good, the Shepherd Mind is present,
giving Gnosis and Religion, and enabling them to turn away from the world before
death, and therefore never to die like others in parting from the world. The end
of those who have gained Gnosis is to be one with God.

The Egyptian, therefore, had, by the mixture of Eastern philosophy, gained a
stand-point approaching that of Christian times ; indeed, it was the religious terms
and conceptions of the Alexandrian School
which formed the soil in which Christianity
was planted.

We may sum up the pre-Christian idea of
man as being an animal soul, in which Divine
reason was implanted as a human distinction.
That soul might yet go astray, and a special
divine influence, symbolised by a ray of light, or
immersion in the Font of Mind, or re-birth, was
needed to save it from the evil influence of
daimons. The evil suffered distress in the future, ^5- The ba, or soul, holding the <>/vS,

. reluming to the mummy to impart

probably leadmg up to annihilation ; the good life to it. (Leps., Tirf/., XXXIII.)

were given a life of blessed rest. This is not far

in advance of the Egyptian position some three or four thousand years earlier.
It is the old Egyptian framework filled in with detail from Indian and other sources.
Whether we look to the earlier or to the later time we see how far more modern
were the Egyptian beliefs, than were the contemporary Hebrew ideas about a future
life. We are the heirs of Egypt rather than of Hebraism in our Christian ideas.

Prof. W. M. Flinders Petrie.

Notes for Advanced Students.

The stages of prehistoric civilisation can be linked with the stages of religious beliefs, which thus become
sorted and dated.

The texts naming reed floats must precede the common use of boats.

The Pyramid Texts are the formulae of the royal Ra-worshippers, and did not necessarily represent the
general beliefs.

The ka is explained by African beliefs as an ancestral emanation.

( 32 )

THE MYSTERIOUS ZT.

In the version of Manetho's chronology that has beea transmitted through
Africanus, there is. at the close of the XXII Ird dynasty, an entry that has raised a
crop of conjectures. In place of any recognisable name of a king there is Z^t err)
Xa', Zet, 31 years.

This Zet is entirely unknown on the monuments, there is not a chip of stone
or a flake of papyrus, a scarab or an amulet, to show his existence. He has been
thought to be the Sethon, priest of Ptah named by Herodotos (II, 141), who places
him after Shabaka, and therefore too late ; or possibly connected with the blind
king Anysis ; or a contemporary of Bakneranf, a vague enough conjecture ; or to
be the Saite Tnephachthos or Tafnekht ; or to be a corruption of the word " Saite " ;
or to be King Kashta, the Ethiopian. I confess to venturing the suggestion that
this was a date from some earlier starting point, giving a summation of years.
With some writers, of course, Manetho is the whipping-boy, who mu.st always be
flogged whenever anything is not understood.

We must always remember that we need to consider Manetho as a Greek
manuscript, with the u.sual character and methods of any other papyrus of the
Ptolemaic time. On reaching the ]jerio(l of disruption, when a dozen petty princes
were dividing the land, it was hard to say who was to be mentioned as continuing
the XX 1 1 Ird dynasty. For thirty-one years no single ruler .seemed to be pre-
dominant, further search was needed to .settle who should be entered as the king of
Egypt. So the honest " beloved of Thoth " put down ZrjTelTai " A question
(remains) about thirty-one years," or " Query " ; or perhaps some other derivative
of Zj;t6<b, " I search after." A natural MS. abbreviation of this note of enquiry,
like our "Qu.," was Zt)t. Hence the mysterious entry. It proves that we must
include this thirty-one years in the history, although no one king can be assigned ;
and in the summary of the Recneil in this number will be seen how it falls into
its necessary place in the dynastic history.

W. M. F. P.

26. Ship with cabins and steersman. (Hietakonpolh, LXXVI, LXXVII.)
27. Ship with three steering oars. (Na<]ada, LXVII, 14.) 28. Ship wilhsail. (Capart, Piim. Art., fig. 83.)

( 33 )

FOR RECONSIDERATION.

Onkh-ein-7nilot.

We purpose under this heading to taice up in each number some of the various
matters which need clearing up, by reference to facts which are little known, or
disregarded.

Glass-Blowing.

In the days before the history of Egyptian manufactures was known, it was
a very natural supposition on the part of Gardner Wilkinson that certain scenes
represented men blowing glass bulbs on the end of rods (^Manners and Customs,
ed. 1878, Fig. 380). The upper one of the figures which he gives was evidently
copied from the tomb of Baqta, No. 15, at Beni Hasan (^Beni Hasan, II, VII),
where it is by the side of the jewellers weighing with a balance. Unfortunately,
this description of glass-blowing continues to be frequently brought up in evidence
for the use of glass. Now, though thousands of pieces of glass vessels are known,
especially about 1 500-1400 B.C., yet there is not a single piece of blown glass
dateable before Roman times. All of the earlier glass working was in a stiff pasty
condition, and not fluid enough to be blown. The glass vases were made by
building up on a core, which was afterwards scraped out. It is incredible that glass
was blown when all the mass of specimens which we have, show that a different
process at a lower temperature was universally used. The real meaning of these
scenes is that the men are blowing up the small charcoal fires used by the jewellers;
and, as the reed blowpipes would soon be burnt at the end, a lump of mud was put
on as a nozzle to the pipe. Where two men are shown (^Manners and Customs,
Fig. 380) blowing into what seems like a vase upside down, it is certain that they
could not be blowing a glass vase of that form ; if blown it would be spherical, and
such a form could only be made by rolling the blown bubble. What they are
really doing is blowing up a small charcoal furnace inside a pot, probably to melt
a crucible full of metal in it.

Paintings of Prehistoric Towns.

The frequent figures of structures upon the later prehistoric pottery were
recognised at first as being clearly intended for ships, with a large number of oars,
two cabins, and an ensign.

Another interpretation has arisen, supposing these figures to be intended for
fortified towns. Even on any ordinary specimen, the absence of any base line
below the oars which could be taken for the outline of a town mound, would be
diiificult to reconcile with the land interpretation.

When, however, we look at the critical examples, it will be seen that it is
impossible to interpret them as views of towns :

(i) The two ends are always different; for a town the two sides should be
alike, in a boat the stem and stern differ.

(2) In the Hierakonpolis paintings there are no oars, except the big steering
oar which is held by the steersman at the stern. A paddle such as this cannot
possibly be figured as projecting from a town (see Fig. 26). On other examples
there are three steering oars (Fig. 27).

(3) At the stem dangles the tying-up rope (Figs. 26, 27), still used universally
in Egypt now. This cannot belong to a town.

For Reconsideration.

(4) The form of one of the Hierakonpolis boats is exactly that of another
painting (Fig. 28) on a pot, where a big square-sail marks it inevitably as a boat.

(5) A fresh specimen is here published, which I bought in Egypt lately (Fig. 29).
On this is a structure from which four men are poling ; with the shoulder against
the pole end, and the weight of the body resting upon it, exactly as Nile boatmen
pole a boat along at present To suppose them fighting from a town in that attitude
would be absurd ; the action is precisely that of boatmen. This is a unique
example of a great state boat with a row of passenger cabins on it ; these are raised
to a higher level, so as to be clear of the men working the boat. This specimen is
now at University College, London.

29. Prehistoric vase painted with a scene or a large bnit worked along by sailors poling. Above them
is a row of cabins with figures of women in them. (University College, London.)

In the ordinary figures of boats, it may be explained that they have two cabins,
sometimes with small cabins or animal pens attached. On these cabins are bent
withies standing up, to hold in poles, oars, and other lumber, put out of the way on
the tops of the cabins. Sometimes, as in Fig. 26, a shelter was put on the top of
a cabin, with a branch of a tree over it to shade it from the heat. In the bows
there is a seat for the look-out man, with a branch put over it to shade him from the
glare. Whether these branches were young trees in pots, or cut branches, is not
certain. If cut branches as they seem to be that would accord with the much
greater frequency of timber in Egypt formerly, as shown by the common use of
great quantities of wood in the Royal Tombs and elsewhere.

W. M. F. P.

( 35 )

PERIODICALS.

Recueil de Travatix relatifs h la Philologie et a CArcheologie
egyptiemies et assyriennes, Vol. XXXV, 1913.

Le X' noine de la Haute-Egypte. HENRI Gauthier. A long and valuable
paper collecting and discussing all the geographical material about the nome
between Assiut and Ekhmim. The ceaseless destruction of the ancient sites for
sebakh brought to light a large quantity of Greek and Coptic papyri about a dozen
years ago, at a modern town known as Kum Ashqouh (or Ischgaou) ; Mr. Quibell
inspected the place for the Government, and obtained also carved woodwork and
other early Coptic remains. These discoveries fairly settled the main question of
the locality of Aphroditopolis, as that city is usually named, in the documents found
on the site.

The old nome standard is the serpent, with an ostrich plume upon its back

^~Ti ) the distinctive mark of a sacred animal (see Royal Tombs, I, xxix, xxx ;

Tarkhan, I, ii). This standard is vocalized, both in the Pyramid Texts and the
XlXth dynasty, as Udset, showing it to be the serpent-emblem of the great goddess
of Buto. Variants in late times show two serpents, perhaps due to a confusion
with the two gods named for the eastern side of the nome : see below. The only
period of historical importance for this place was when it formed the northern
frontier of the Theban Kingdom of the Xlth dynasty, under Uah-onkh Antef.
From the Vlth dynasty to Roman times forty-eight instances of the name are
cited for this sacred name of the city.

The profane name Thebti, or the two sandals, is derived by tradition from the
sandals made by Horus from the skin of Set, after his defeat near this place. Of
this name ten instances are cited. 1 he old identification of it with Idfu, started by
D'Anville, was generally accepted until the papyri showed the site to be at
Ashqouh.

The nome was divided into two parts, western and eastern. The latter was

known as Neterui J j , because of the triumph of Horus over Set in this district,
near Qau el-Kebyr. On the west bank was a place referring again to this
traditional history, Ha-sehetept, " the place of causing peace " ; and the high-priest
was called Sehetep neterui, "pacifier of the two gods." It seems probable that this
place is the Greek Hisopis, which by the itinerary must have been near El-Maraghat.
On the eastern side the main place was Antaeopolis, known as " the high-place,"
Duqa, Qay, or Taqayt. A dozen minor places are also named in the nome.

The divinities were Hathor, the Aphrodite of the Greek city name, Horus with
Set, Maa-hes son of Bastet, Hor-se-ast, Mut, Osiris and Amen,

The western side of the nome was of no importance in Roman times, though
Antaeopolis retained some attention on the eastern bank. The papyri are mostly
of the Coptic and early Arabic period. The capital was the Coptic Jekow, Arabic

C 2

36 Recueil de Travaux.

Ashqouh. Antaeopolis became Tkdou, now Qau-kharab, or el-Kebyr. Apollono-
polis is in the Coptic lists Sbeht.the modern Kum Asfeht. A very full series of all
the mediaeval sources for the place-names is given, but does not materially add to
the main conclusions.

DasKolophon des liturgischen Papyrus. '^ . SpiliGELBERG. This papyrus is of
much palaeographic importance by reason of its exact date, March, 311 B.C. It
begins with a long list of prophets, in office at Thebes and Diospolis Parva, which
fills more than half of it ; the remainder is not of importance.

Eine Sclienkungsurkunde aits der zeit Scheschonks ///. W. SPIEGELBERG.
Two donation steles of Sheshenq III are here published, one in the Mus^e Guimet
in t)pe, and one in Berlin, both in type and photograph. They are dated in the
1 8th and 28th years respectively. The Guimet stele names a prince and general
Tekilat, who is not otherwise known, and his mother Zed-bast-aus-onkh, a concubine.
The main interest of each stele is in their naming a " royal son of Rameses," without
any names. There are eight of these descendants known now, and their position
is enigmatical. Why the XXIInd dynasty kings should have tolerated and put
forward men who might claim to be political rivals is still unexplained. It is
possible that the clan of royal descent formed a fixed aristocracy of the period,
sufficiently united and powerful to command respect, but so numerous that their
jealousies rendered them powerless politically. The two hundred children which
may be ascribed to Rameses II would, in a stationary number of population, have
permeated the ancestry of 100,000 or 200,000 by the time of the XXIInd dynasty ;
so, thus, the whole aristocracy of Egypt were probably entitled " royal sons of
Rameses."

Note sur des pierres antiques du Caire. G. Dakessy. The useful work of
registering fixed monuments is here continued. The pillage of stone from the
temples of Memphis, Heliopolis, and other places, for the building of Cairo, has
scattered pieces of all ages through the public and private structures of Arab date.
Here are described :

1. Block of granite with part of a list of temple statues, naming material and
height. Saite.

2. Block of granite, part of a great table of offerings of Rameses II.

3. Block of granite of Aahmes-sa-neit.

4. Piece of six-lobed lotus column of sandstone, of Amenhetep III, surcharged
by Merneptah and Setnekht.

5. (Photograph.) Marble shrine of Isis of Greek period. The goddess is on
a throne of winged lions, a priest offering before her, another standing behind
holding a ram-headed wand. The priest and altar have a likeness to the subject
on Persian gems, and the architectural style might well be late Ptolemaic.
M. Darcssy would however place it in the second or third century of our era.

Monuments Egyptiens du Mus^e Calvet d Avignon. A. MORET. This
Catalogue is continued from the previous year.
The monuments are as follows :

XXII. Stele with seated figure of Mentu holding falchion and shield ; dedicated
by Ptahmes and his family: XlXth dynasty.

XXIII. Stele dedicated to the goose of Amen.

Recueil de Travaiix. 37

XXIV. Stele dedicated to Osiris, by a woman Petes.

XXV. Stele to Osiris by an hereditary prince and vizier.

XXVI. Stele to Osiris by Peduast.

XXVII. Stele to Hor-em-aakhuti, by Hor-khred-meh.

XXVIII. Stel^to Hor-em-aakhuti, by Zed-khonsu-au-onkh.

XXIX. Stele to Osiris by a singer of Amen.

XXX. Stele of Horus on the crocodiles, with long inscription, in which
occur weird names such as are found in the late magical documents Shardshek,
Berker, Arourouari.

XXXI. Fragment of basalt statue, probably Xllth dynasty.

XXXII. A clay tablet, 6 x 3"3 inches, with four columns of finely drawn
hieroglyphs, the columns reading retrograde, like the great inscription of Rekhmara.
The inscription is the CLiB Chapter of the Book of the Dead, for the Vizier User,
son of the Vizier Odytu. The parallel texts are given, comparing this with five
other versions, which are all later. User lived early in the reign of Thothmes III,
and was not only son of Odytu, but uncle of the Vizier Rekhmara. His complete
name was Amenuser. References are given to other publications.

XXXIII. Base of a statue of Amenhetep III, naming his j^d^-feast.

XXXIV. Piece of seated figure of Nekht, the chief overseer of the prophets.

XXXV. Statue of Huy.

XXXVI. Statue of Hora, son of Bakamenra.

XXXVII. Statue, name lost.
XXXIX. Statue of Shem (?), of Koptos.
XL. Piece of granite obelisk of Rameses II.
XLI. Piece of statue of Seker.

XLII. Votive pyramid of a scribe of the temple of Anher, Nesmin son of
Mertheru, about XXIIIrd dynasty ; with a long inscription giving five generations.
XLIII. Table of offerings of Hor-se-ast, prophet of Anher.
XLIV, XLV. Small tables of offerings uninscribed.

Notes de Grammaire. P. Lacau. A continuation of comments on grammatical
points drawn from the writer's wide experience and reading, but seldom touching
matters of general interest. On the origin of number signs it may be noted that
all unit signs were originally written as horizontal strokes, not vertical ; this has
led to some false readings when the custom was forgotten. The names of the
various signs for each place of figures from 10 to 10,000,000 are all shown to be
indicated by phonetic signs homophonous with the name of the number. In the
higher values the connection is plain ; for the cord the name set is assimilated with
shet, 100 ; and for the cattle tether the name mezt is taken from inez, 10.

There are also some interesting notes (p. 223) on the nature and use of various
signs, especially with reference to Dr. Erman's list. The so-called bier in the late
writing of the name of Osiris, is really a chair, merely a variant form of the throne
as. The whole of these eight pages should be carefully noted in any study of the
forms and variant values of signs, being full of references and examples.

Zwei demotische Urkunden aus Gebelin. W. Spiegelberg. These two con-
tracts are now at Strassburg. One has a Greek tax-receipt, and is dated in
the 33rd year of Ptolemy Lathyrus. A great part of it is occupied with an
immense protocol of the Ptolemaic priesthoods ; the business is the sale of a small
plot of land in the south of Pathyris, of about 3,500 square feet, but no price is

C 3

38 Recueil de Travaux.

named. The second papyrus is dated in 103-2 B.C. under Ptolemy XI, Alexander,
and Berenice III ; it is a contract of sale of a mare, but, again, no price is named.

Der histempel von Behbct {2te Teil).C. C. EDGAR and GiJNTHER ROEDKU.
The immense tumbled pile of blocks of red granite which marks the site of the
great Iseum, is the result of mining out all the limestone for burning. No attempt
has been made to copy and publish all the sculptures, but the above authors have
made a hand list of the blocks and copied the longer inscriptions. The list is
continued in the present paper. It is necessarily a work more of piety than profit
The only satisfactory thing would be to draw all the blocks, with note of position
and probable connections, and then refit the scenes. This might result in a general
view of the whole system of the sculptures.

La Fabrication du vin dans les tombeaux. Pierre Montet. In the Old
Kingdom only dark grapes are represented, and the wine must have been red.
At Bersheh in the Xllth dynasty white grapes are seen, and the juice is light,
such as would make white wine. Most of the paper is occupied with the examples
of extraction of the juice from the crushed grapes by wringing the mass in
a twisted cloth. The force was applied by twisting the cloth with two poles, each
held by two men ; to prevent it drawing together into a knot, a fifth man forced
the poles apart with his hands and feet. The fixed frame to hold the cloth, and
twist it from one end only, first appears in the Xllth dynasty, and was but
gradually taken into use for wine making. The writer does not notice a large
drawing of a fixed frame in the temple of Sety at Abydos (Caulfeild, Temple
of the Kings, XX, 4).

Inscriptions historiques Mendesiennes. G. Daressy. The Roman buildings
of Egypt are incessantly being destroyed for the sake of re-using the bricks ;
indeed, the Department of Antiquities sells the right of destro3'ing Roman
buildings, without any examination or knowledge of what they may be. In the
course of this destruction of antiquities, a stray block of re-u.sed sandstone was
found at Mendcs, bearing two inscriptions of the XXIIIrd dynasty. These relate
to important persons hitherto unknown, as indeed the history of this region has
scarcely been touched. First, there is a general Hor-nekht ; his son was the
governor Nesi-ba-neb-daddu, who married the priestess of the Ram of Mendes
Khau-sen-ast, and had a son, the governor Hor-nekht. M. Daressy would see in
one of these Hor-nekhts the personage named in the beginning of the Story of the
Breast-plate; but the period seems to be different. The Story of the Breast-
plate is dated by the names of three rulers being the same as those of Esarhaddon's
vassals, which ties it to shortly before 670 B.C. The present inscription names
both the first and second Hor-nekht as "great chief of the Ma(shauasha)," a title
which was usual in the XXIInd dynasty and lasted down to the time of Piankhy,
725 B.C. This title suggests that the Hor-nekht here is of an earlier generation
than the time of Esarhaddon. A very curious phrase is that the god Ba-neb-daddu
" appoints to his Tanites {K/ient-abtiu) that they should acknowledge Hor-nekht
as master of the temple." This shews that Tanis was at this time subject to
Mendes.

The second inscription is dated in the i ith year of a king whose cartouches
have never been filled in. This strange omission cannot be accounted for by
political uncertainty, or the number of the year would not have been inserted, nor
would it have shown so long a reign. Wq c^n only suppose that the precise form

Recueil de Travaux. 39

of the royal titles was not known to the scribe. This is a record of the joyous
entry of Hor-nekht into Mendes. They seem to have had a right of popular
acceptance of a ruler, as it is said that they " approved his father when he took
possession," and they rejoiced when the great heir of his house was in his rightful
place. Evidently tjiere had been a civil war, as Hor-nekht is said to have beaten
his competitor.

Notes sur les XXII', XXHI' et XXIV' dynasties. G. Daressy. This paper
shows how little we know for certain about the period. There are more than
thirty documents quoted, and from these is put together a tentative table of
two continuous and independent lines of kings of the Delta and kings of the
Thebaid. Stress is laid on contiguous or overlapping reigns having the titles
" Divine prince of Thebes " and " Divine prince of Heliopolis," as implying separate
rule. As, however, such titles do not imply only a local rule in the XVIIIth-XXth
dynasty, they need not do so here. The two essential matters are (i) the
genealogy of Uasarkon I, father of High-Priest Sheshenq, father of High-Priest
Horsaast, the latter occurring in the 6th year of Sheshenq \\\, se-bast ; (2) that
the 1st year of Pedubast was in the 7th year of Sheshenq HI. These facts
must bring Pedubast back to about a century after the beginning of the XXHnd
dynasty, and thus force the XXIHrd dynasty to overlap the end of the family
of the XXHnd dynasty.

Before accepting the entire change of there being two rival lines throughout,
it is well to see how far the new facts compel alterations in the simple list
already recognised. Taking that in the Student's History of Egypt, there are
no fresh facts incompatible with the outlines of the XXHnd dynasty there stated.
The change required is in the rise of the XXHIrd dynasty. The High-Priest
Horsaast, grandson of Uasarkon I, assumed the royal title in the Thebaid (Koptos),
and is probably the father of Pedubast, who began his reign in the 7th year of
Sheshenq HI. Perhaps the independence of Horsaast started with Sheshenq HI,
as his father Takelat H, j^-aj/, certainly ruled the Thebaid. Thus the XXHnd
dynasty ruled alone for at least 115 years, or rather more. This points to
the 120 years' total of Africanus being the true length of the dynasty. Then
the last three kings Sheshenq HI, Pimay, and Sheshenq IV were overlapped by
the XXIHrd dynasty, and were accordingly not counted in the chronology of
Manetho.

In the XXIHrd dynasty there must be added a Takelath, for at least fifteen
years, between Pedubast and Uasarkon HI. The main question now is the
filling of the time. Sheshenq I began his reign about 952, or perhaps later, if
his Judaean campaign was long before the sculpture of it at Karnak. Possibly
it might be ten years earlier, and if so the reign began 942. Shabaka began
his reign 715, so the XXIInd-XXIVth dynasty should cover 237 or, at least,
about 227 years. If there be 120 years in the XXHnd, and six years in the
XXIVth, the XXIHrd dynasty must have been 11 1 years, or rather less. We
have on record : Horsaast 6 years, Pedubast 40 years, Takelat 15 or more years,
Uasarkon HI 8 years, Psammus 10 years, and the entry of Zet 31 years, making
up 1 10 years. Thus it is essential to retain the period of Zet to fill up the total
period. As to the meaning of this entry some account will be seen in another
article of this Journal. The probable results, following the older view and
Africanus, stand as follows, stating the length of reign up to the beginning of
a co-regency :

C 4

Recueil de Travaux.

XXIiND DYNASTY.

Sheshenq I

.. B.C. 952-930^

Uasarkon I

930-900

Takelat I

900-877

- 120 years African us.

Uasarkon II se-bast

877-854

Sheshenq II

854-854

Takelat II se-ast

854-832 J

XXIIIrd dynasty.

Sheshenq III

832-781

Horsaast

832-826

Pedubast

826-786

Pamay

781-781

Takelat III heq uast . . .

786-770

Uasarkon III

770-762

Sheshenq IV

781-744

Psammus

762-752

Zet

752-721

XXIVth dynasty.

Bakennauf 721-715

XXVth dynasty.
Shabaka 715-

Thus the XXIInd dynasty was truly reckoned at 120 years by Africanus,
and the XXIIIrd dynasty was 89 years as in Africanus, plus 6 years of Horsaast
and 16 years of Takelat III, omitted by Africanus.

On the other hand, abandoning the stated reckoning, the loose fragments
are adjusted by M. Daressy as follows, going back from Shabaka at 715 B.C.:

Delta.

Sheshenq I
Uasarkon I
Uasarkon II
Sheshenq II
Anput

Sheshenq III
Pimay
Sheshenq V
Tafnekht...
Bakenranf

941-920

920-880
880-857

857-837
837-832
832-780
780-768
768-729
-721
721-715

Thebaic
Takelat I

905-880

Horsaast ...

-851

Pedubast...

851-826

Sheshenq IV

826-821

Takelat II

821-791

Uasarkon III

791-760

Uasarkon IVl
Takelat III J ""

760-

Piankhy ...

746-

r r*

Z7vet Kmifertrdge aus der Zeit des Konigs Harmachis. W. SPIEGELBERG.
These two demotic documents are of historic interest as they are dated in the
4th year of King Har-em-aakhuti, an Ethiopian king of Thebes. The same notary
who drew up these documents, Pedyamenapt son of Pedy-amen-nesut-taui, is also
known to have drawn up documents in the 12th and 15th years of Ptolemy IV,
Philopator, 210-207 B.C. We therefore know that this Ethiopian king probably
held Thebes within about twenty-five years of that time, say somewhere between
about 235 and 185 B.C. Coins of Ptolemy III and IV were found with these
documents, quite confirming the general period. Dr. Spiegelberg believes that this
king preceded Onkh-em-aakhuti, who is also known in Theban documents.

Let us now turn to what is known of the general history. We find that, at
Philae, Ergamenes the Ethiopian built between the works of Ptolemy IV and V,
showing that the Ethiopian occupation there lay somewhere between 220 and

Recueil de Travaux. 41

182 B.C. At Dakkeh Ergamenes built the inner part, and Ptolemy IV the outer
part of the temple ; probably, therefore, he did this within the reign of Philopator,
222-204 B.C. And not only Ergamenes, but also his successors, must have been
within these limits, for Ptolemy IV to have re-gained Dakkeh again after them.
As we cannot put these three Ethiopian kings between 207 (the dating by
Pedyamenapt under Philopator) and 204 the end of the reign, it seems they must
have ruled between 220 and 210 B.C. Probably the whole force of Egypt was
needed in Syria to resist Antiochus in 219 B.C. and onward, and it was then that
Ergamenes occupied Upper Egypt, and was succeeded by Hor-em-aakhuti and
Onkh-em-aakhuti before 210 B.C., at which year the scribe dates again by
Philopator. The Edfu inscription does not disprove this, as it was written at the
close of Philopator's reign, and naturally ignored the rule of the usurpers who had
passed away.

Returning to these papyri, which were found in the Earl of Carnarvon's
excavations at Thebes, one is for the sale of a small plot (430 square feet) of
town land, and the other for the sale of two acres of agricultural land. According
to the cautious habit of that age no price is named, only a statement is made that
the buyer is fully satisfied with the silver received. This omission of what is
usually considered an essential part of a sale contract may have been due to
evading a part of the percentage of government tax on sales, or avoiding an
opening for future litigation about the full receipt of the amount. Each contract is
signed by the usual sixteen witnesses. The details of the boundaries are so full
that as in the case of the Aswan Aramaic papyri a plan of the region can be
drawn from the description.

Recherches sur la famille dont fait partie Montouemhat. GEORGES Legrain.
(Continuation.) 2"" partie, Les Enfants de Khaemhor. Branch Nsiptak. The
separate documents are numbered.

27. Part of a table of offerings of Amenardys, daughter of King Kashta, and

her mother Shepenapt, daughter of King Uasarkon. Names Mcntuemhat
born of Nesptah and Ast-khebt.

28. Table of offerings of Mentuemhat born of Nesptah.

29. Base for a statue, of the same.

30. Another base, of the same.

31. Fragment of a statue of Mentuemhat.

32-3-4. Half discs with inscriptions of Mentuemhat ; naming also Harmerti,
son of Mert-ne-horu, son of Hon

36. Fragment of black granite statue of Hor, son of Mentuemhat, son of

Nesmin ; not the preceding man.

37. Headless statue of Mentuemhat, found in the temple of Mut.

38. Statue of Mentuemhat, of black granite, at Berlin.

39. Bust of Mentuemhat; temple of Mut.

40. Table of offerings of Mentuemhatsenb, XXVIth dynasty.

41. Bricks of Mentuemhat, probably from his tomb.

42. Ushabtis of Mentuemhat.

43. Genii of the tomb of Mentuemhat.

44. Tomb of Mentuemhat, published in Mem. Miss. Fran^aise du Caire, V, 613.

List of titles quoted here.

45. Fragment of scene apparently from the tomb of a Prince Mentuemhat.

( 42 )

REVIEWS.

Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt. By James Henry
Breasted, Ph.D. 8vo. Ts.6d. xix + 379 PP- (Hodder and Stoughton, 1912.)

This is the most important book that has appeared for many years past upon
the reUgion of Egypt. It gives the first translations and summary of the Pyramid
Texts, from the parallel versions issued by Dr. Sethe. Till now there has only been
the original edition of Sir Gaston Maspero, with his first French translation, which
was of the greatest value twenty years ago. By now, a fresh handling of the
subject is wanted ; Dr. Sethe has finished his parallel edition of all the versions in
different pyramids ; Prof. Breasted here summarises the whole view of these oldest
religious documents, and we only now wait for the complete translation promised
by Dr. Sethe, which all scholars will hope may not long be delayed.

Dr. Breasted begins with an outline of the influence of Nature on the religion,
tlie dominance of the Sun-god, Ra, and the power of the Nile under the form of
Osiris. Osiris has been many things to many people, god of the dead, god of
vegetation, the Nile-god, the deified law-giver. A new Plutarch might write as
puzzled and confused account of him as did the ancient .speculator, and find as
many possibilities of explanations. This book gives plenty of passages enforcing
the connection with the Nile ; but, not to be one-sided, these are followed by
references to Osiris as the Sea, as the fertile soil, and as vegetation. An outline
of the Osiris, Isis, and Horus myth follows, the usual late version of which is
supported by passages from the Pyramids.

Having dealt with the mythologic basis, the next chapter treats of the life
after death, the primitive tomb dwelling and the later theologic developments.
The view of the ka as being in heaven and protecting the dead in the future is
strongly supported. Yet the figures which show the ka as born and growing with
the person need to be reconciled with this ; and, indeed, it is difficult to separate
the ka from the personality. The Nigerian belief in the ancestral spirit, in-dwelling
and acting as the guardian in life and in death, seems to reconcile all the
statements, as has been pointed out in a previous article.

The description of the Pyramid Texts follows. These oldest religious
documents are shown to be extremely composite, built up of beliefs of three
or four civilisations; the nature of their contents are classified as: (i) Ritual
of the funeral and subsequent offerings. (2) Magical charms. (3) Very ancient
ritual of worship. (4) Ancient religious hymns. (5) Fragments of old myths.
(6) Prayers and petitions on behalf of the dead king. Their historical classification
has been dealt with in the Drew Lecture, published in this part, and will therefore
not claim our notice further. The next chapter shows how the earlier Osiris
beliefs were overcoming the Ra religion, and being incorporated with it.

Leaving the Pyramid Age, Prof Breasted then launches into the reaction from
faith in magic powers, and sketches the disillusion of men on seeing the futility
of the pyramids and tombs ; this is reflected to us in the songs, the dialogues,
and the laments of an age without hope.

Reviews. 43

The growth of a belief in future recompense is then traced, as forced on
men's minds by the imperfection and injustice of this life. The Osiris-worship
of the primitive people became much amplified ; the inequalities of conditions
here were believed to be rectified by the examination which condemned the evil
and allowed the ggod to go to Osiris. The most original and powerful part of
the book is a restoration of the scenes of the funeral feasts, from the details
given in the endowment lists. Here Prof Breasted has done what every scholar
ought to do with his knowledge, applied it to restore the past to our imaginations.
Such a sketch from one who knows all the sources, however uncertain some detail
may be, is far better than leaving readers entirely in the dark as to the sense
and value of a list of details.

The astonishing and brilliant episode of the Aten-worship the greatest
idealism in the world before Christianity is described, none too fully. Lastly,
the rise of individual religion is sketched, but without coming down to the
Alexandrian development under Oriental influence, which is the most important
to us.

We must heartily congratulate the author on this volume. It shows throughout
the first qualification for writing on the religion a sympathy with the different
beliefs on religion and ethics a requirement which has hitherto been almost the
prerogative of Dr. Wiedemann, and which has been lamentably absent from
some other works on the subject. Scholastic precision may translate business
documents, but something much larger is needful when we come to human faiths
and feelings. Dr. Breasted has that needful something, and it would be fortunate
if he would apply it to a translation of the whole Pyramid Text.s, and an historical
analysis of their various origins.

Papyrus Funiraires de la XXI' dynastie. Le Papyrus hia-oglyphique de
Kamara, et Le Papyrus hi^ratique de Nesikhonsou, au Musee du Caire. Ed. Navillk.
4to, 38 pp., 30 plates. (Leroux, Paris, 1912.)

This beautiful publication is the finest yet issued on the Book of the Dead.
The plates exceed in clearness even those of the papyrus of louiya, issued by
Prof. Naville five years ago. We are indebted to this volume for two illustrations
here (Figs. 21, 22), which will show how successfully the rendering of the papyri
has been made. The papyrus of Queen Kamara (often called Ra-ma-ka) of the
XXIst dynasty has long been known from some photographs of parts of it. It is
here given on ten plates, which comprise Chapters i, 6, "jy, 79, 82, 83, 85, 86, 87, 99,
100, 105, no, 123, 125, 138, 144, 146, 148, 149, 150, 151, in a very irregular order,
beginning with Chapters 151 and 6. One very short new chapter appears, compiled
out of sentences from well-known passages. Prof Naville adheres to the old view
that Mut-em-hat was the infant child of Queen Ka-ma-ra, and is much surprised at
her having the full titles of royal wife. But there is nothing to show that Mutemhat
was not the personal name of the great heiress-queen who took the royal cartouche
Ka-ma-ra ; exactly as Hatshepsut took the same cartouche long before. The
name Mutemhat occurs twice in the papyrus, in just the same manner as the name
of Kamara, without any suggestion of being a different person. On the sarco-
phagus the two cartouches are set out together side by side with their preliminary
titles. We do not really know the name of the infant who was buried with Queen
Kamara Mutemhat.

The papyrus of Nesikhonsu I, wife of Pinezem II, is not such fine work as the
preceding. It occupies thirty plates, with Some fairly good scenes and figures.

44 Reviews.

It contains the Chapters i, 2, 4, 5, 6, 10 or 48, 17, 31, 38, 41, 55, 63, 65, 77, 81, 82,
83, 84, 85, 86, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 102, 103, 104, 105, 107, 109, no. III, 112, 113,
125, 136, 153. It is much to be hoped that Prof. Naville will publish further texts
in the admirable manner of these plates.

Christian Antiquities in the Nile Valley. SOMER.S CLARKE, F.S.A. 4to,
234 pp., 56 plates, 42 figures. (Clarendon Press, Oxford.)

In no land is Christian architecture so neglected as in Egypt ; fortunately
it has now found a competent recorder in the former architect to our St. Paul's
Cathedral. Mr. Somers Clarke has for years past hunted over 1,400 miles for the
little neglected shrines from Soba down to Antinoe, pathetic relics that have
survived twelve centuries of continued persecutions.

In this volume are full plans, many sections, and some elevations, beside
maps ; but it is difficult to grasp the full amount of work collected here, as there is
no table of contents, and the churches are not numbered. A very full index partly
compensates for this difficulty. The main interest to most readers will lie in the
two grandest buildings, the White and Red Monasteries near Sohag : of these a
considerable account is given, pending the great official publication which is
some day to come. Not only is the long line of churches great and small described
here, but the use and system of them is considered, and an account of the present
method of building illustrates the actual construction. It is, indeed, fortunate that
the churches have found a recorder, before they further disappear. A zealous
photographer could not do better than take this volume for guide book, and put on
permanent record the architectural appearance of all the buildings.

The Fate of Empires. A. J. HUBBARD, M.D. 8vo., 220 pp. (Longmans.)
Though this book only refers secondarily to Egypt, yet its principle of " an
inquiry into the stability of civilisation " is so wide-spread that it needs notice here,
as enabling us to see the meaning of Egyptian civilisation. The author's main
view is the distinction of two opposing forces in all civilisations. One force is the
Family Instinct, which looks to the exaltation of the Race, past and future, under
religious sanctions. The other force is the Social Instinct, which looks to Society
as an end, and makes the immediate interests of the present dominant under
selfish Reason. Each of these forces is needful for the general welfare.

Their effects are shown by their excesses. If the Family overpower Society
the result may be seen in Egypt, and now in China, with its immense overcrowding,
lack of national solidarity, and all ends and means justified by the family benefit.
This form of life is, however, permanent, and capable of bearing almost any shocks and
troubles without collapse. If Society overpower the Family the result is seen in the
Roman Empire, where the height of felicity was to exhaust all capital and possible
means of pleasure for the present individual, totally regardless of the Race.
Socialism is the form of this order of things, and the result is extinction. The
author concludes that no civilisation founded on purely selfish Reason can be
pernianent ; and that the family instinct, and its religious sanctions, are necessarily
essential to any lasting system of racial existence.

( 45 )

^ NOTES AND NEWS.

The British School of Archaeology in Egypt has for several years been steadily
clearing the country from Cairo southward. Various existing rights of excavation
have stood in the way, and have been respected by leaving such sites in their present
state of neglect. But the series of clearances made at Gizeh, Memphis, Mazghuneh,
Shurafeh, Tarkhan, Riqqeh, Gerzeh, and Meydum have opened up and published
every site of this region which is not kept waiting for other excavators. In the
coming season this work will continue further southwards. One camp will begin
on the Gebel Abusir at Harageh, where an immense cemetery of the Xllth dynasty
lies still untouched in modern times. This part of the work is in the hands of
Mr. Engelbach, who did so well on the cemetery of Riqqeh last year : he is at
present helped by Mr. Guy Brunton, Mr. Battiscombe Gunn, and Mr. Willey,
Another very promising subject is the small pyramid adjoining that of
Senusert II at Lahun. Twenty-five years ago. Prof. Petrie found the core of this
pyramid, and cleared over the whole region of it without reaching an entrance. He
is now going to return, with clues which have come to light since that time. As
this pyramid is probably that of the queen of Senusert, it may prove of much
interest. This work will be joined by Mr. and Mrs. Brunton, Rev. C. T. Campion
who worked at Tarkhan last season, Dr. Amsden, and Mr. F. J. Frost. Mrs. Flinders
Petrie will again undertake the drawing of the antiquities during the season, as in
each year.

Dr. Reisner will carry on his great clearances at the Pyramids of Gizeh, on
which he has been engaged for so many years.

Mr. Quibell is continuing the e.xcavations at Saqqareh for the Egyptian
Government. He expects to clear a cemetery of the Roman Age this winter, if
an important change should not officially supervene.

Mr. Mace will be at work on the pyramid of Amenemhat I at Lisht, in
continuance of the work of the Metropolitan Museum of New York.

Dr. Borchardt will excavate between El-Badari and Hawara in the Fayum.

The Italian work will be at Kum Ghirzeh near El-Rodah in the Fayum.

Further south, Mr. J. de M. Johnson is going to excavate at Antinoe, for the
Graeco-Roman Branch of the Egypt Exploration Fund. It is hoped that such
an important Greek city may yield papyri, although it has been much searched.

Mr. Blackman will continue the work of the Archaeological Survey at Meir.

The German work will be renewed which was so successful last season at
Tell Amarna, where a sculptor's workshop was found.

46 Notes and News.

Daninos Pasha will take up the search at Eshmuneyn, in furtherance of the
discoveries made there in recent years.

Antaeopolis (Qau el-Kebyr) and five miles southward to Nawawrah will be
the ground of Prof. SteindorfTs excavations.

Further south still, the Egypt Exploration Fund, in resuming the work on the
Osireion at Abydos, has sent Mr. Wainwright (who has earned his spurs in the
British School) to carry on the excavations, which will be directed by Prof. Naville,
assisted by Prof. Whittemore. It is hoped this season to push on the clearing of
this great subterranean structure up to its contact with the Temple of Sety. The
subsidence in the axis of that temple (published in 1902) naturally leads to the
idea that some subterranean structure underlies it. The copies of the Sinai
inscriptions, which were made in 1905, are now being finally arranged for publication
by Mr. Eric Peet and Dr. Alan Gardiner.

At Thebes there will be the usual concentration of workers. Mr. N. de G. Davies
is continuing the great task of preserving the paintings in facsimile copies.
Mr. Howard Carter continues the work of the Earl of Carnarvon at El-BirSbeh,
Mr. VVinlock for New York is working out the palace of Amenhotep 1 1 1 at Mayata.
Mr. Lythgoe continues the work at El-Asasif. Mr. H. Barton is working for
Mr. Theodore Davis on the south of Medinet Habu temple, Dr. Moller for Berlin
will probably work at Der el-Medineh, Mr. Robert Mond has organized the very
necessary work of clearing, repairing, and photographing the painted tombs of
Thebes, which are so priceless for their pictures of Egyptian life. Mr. Mackay
(who so long worked with the British School) is now carrying out this work in a
systematic manner, one of the most needful tasks, which ought to have been
performed long ago by the Government

At Aulad Yahia in Nubia Mr. West will begin excavating.

Rumours are afloat that a royal tomb was robbed last summer ; and that the
obelisk of Senusert I, which has stood in its place for 5,000 years at Heiiopolis, is
to be desecrated to ornamenting a garden in Cairo ! It may be a question whether
the fallen colossi of Memphis are best in their place, or in city squares ; but to
carry off the oldest obelisk in Egypt, which has stood in its own place unmoved
through most of history, for a trivial piece of decoration which will be out of date
in a few generations, would be a degradation of antiquity.

( 47 )

THE EGYPTIAN RESEARCH STUDENTS' ASSOCIATION.

This Association was founded eight years ago for the large number of persons who
wish to keep in touch with research in Egypt. It is expressly connected with
the British School tSf Archaeology, to which it contributes, and by which it is
supplied with travelling series of small antiquities sent on loan to the various
branches. Reports on the current work are also supplied to the meetings. Anyone
wishing to open a local centre should apply to the founder, Mrs. Sefton-Jones,
1 8, Bedford Square, London. The papers for the present season are here given, with
the addresses to which application should be made for membership (3^. or 4^. yearly).

London. (Hon. Sec, Mrs. Sefton-Jones, 18, Bedford Square, W.C.) First Meeting, Oct. 15,
at the above address ; 8 p.m., tea and coffee, 8.30 p.m., lecture : Prof. Flinders Petrie, on
" Unwritten History." Nov. 27, Dr. Alan Gardiner, on " Egyptian Ethics " (to be published in our
April number). Dec. 5, Reading of Drew Lecture on "The Egyptians' Belief in a Future Life."
Dec. II, Prof. P. E. Newberry, on "The North-western Delta, its People and their Cults."
Jan. 23, Dr. Haddon, on "Study of Savages." Feb. 26, Miss Murray, on "Ancestor Cults."
May .Meeting, at University College, Prof. Flinders Petrie's lantern-lecture on New Discoveries.

BOURNE.MOUTH. (Miss E. Allis-Smith, Martello Towers, Branksome Park.) Dec. 8, 3.30p.m.,
at Kelton Manor Road (Mrs. Fane), Mrs. Sefton-Jones, on " Prof Flinders Petrie's recent Work,"
showing some of the objects found. Jan. 14, 3.30 p.m., at Shalimar, Wilderton Road, Branksome
Park (Mrs. Claude Lyon), lantern-lecture by Claude Lyon, on " The Temple of Abu Simbel."
Meetings, Feb. and Mar., Ilird and IVth dynasties.

Edinburgh. (Mrs. Melville, 16, Carlton Street.) Oct. 28, 3 p.m., in Heriot Watt College,
lantern-lecture, Mrs. Flinders Petrie, on " Recent Excavations of a 1st dynasty Site," followed by
a demonstration in the Royal Scottish Museum. Other meetings not named.

Farnham. (Miss G. D. Buckle, Brackenhurst, Farnham.) Oct. 31, Miss G. Buckle, on
"Temple Ritual." Dec. 4, Mrs. Milne, on "Funerary Rites." Jan., Brigadier-General Mitford,
C.B., D.S.O., on " Berber."

Glasgow. (Miss Bruce Murray, 17, University Gardens.) Oct. 29, 8.30 p.m., in University,
lantern-lecture by Mrs. Flinders Petrie, on " Recent Excavations of a 1st dynasty Site." Nov. 25,
4 p.m., in Park Parish Church Hall, Rev. A. C. Baird, B.D., on " Relations of Egypt to neighbour-
ing States, XlXth dynasty onwards." Jan. 14, 3 p.m.. Prof. Stevenson, D.Litt., on "A Storyteller
of Fifth Century B.C." Feb. 17, 4 p.m.. Dr. J. D. Falconer, on "Traces of Early Egyptian Culture
in Western Sudan." Mar., Evening meeting.

Hastings. (Mrs. Russell Morris, Quarry Hill Lodge, St. Leonards.) Oct., Paper on "The
Hittites." Nov., Rev. J. D. Gray, on "Neolithic Age." Dec. I, Mrs. Purdon, on "Ancient
Egyptian Magic." Jan., Dr. Yanton, on "The Egyptian Lotus." Feb., Lecture by J. S. Parkin.
Mar., Paper on the Cretans.

Reigate. (.Mrs. Paul, Hilton Lodge.) Oct. 17, "Readings from the Book of the Dead."
Nov. 13, "Mythology and Religion of primitive people and Ideal of God." Dec. 4, "The Abode
of the Blessed, and Doctrine of Eternal Life." Jan., Feb., and .Mar., Lectures by Miss L. Eckenstein,
on " .Mummies," " Amulets," " Dress, Religious and Secular."

RossON-WvE. (Mrs. Marshall, Gayton Hall.) Oct. 30, Miss Harvey, on "Ancient Civilisation
of Crete." Nov. 26, First Paper of the Historical course, 1st, Ilnd, and Hlrd dynasties. Dec. 31,
Historical course continued.

Tintagel. (Mrs. Harris, St. Piran's.) Oct. 6, "Prehistoric Egypt and the First Three
Dynasties." Nov. 3, on " Recent Discoveries." Dec. i, " On Flints, Jewellery, etc." Mar. or
April, Prehistoric.

In addition to the E.R.S.A., there is a Local Society for Manchester, entitled the Manchester
Egyptian and Oriental Society, which has always worked in collaboration with us.

Manchester. (Miss W. .M. Crompton, The University.) Oct. 6, 4.30 p.m.. Prof Flinders
Petrie, on " Early Cylinders and Scarabs." Oct. 27, 8 p.m.. Prof. Elliot Smith, on " The Foreign
Influence of Egypt during the Old Kingdom." Nov. 14, Dr. Louis Gray, on "Zoroastrianism and
other Material in Ada Sanctorum^ Dec. 8, 5 p.m.. Rev. J. A. Meeson, on " Wisdom Literature."
Dec. 15, 8 p.m.. Dr. Alan Gardiner, on "Egyptian Hieroglyphic Writing." Lectures for 1914, by
Mr. W. Burton, on "Egyptian Glazed Ware"; by H. R. Hall, on "Greek Monasteries";
Prof. A. Dickie, on " The Origin and Development of Building amongst the Jews" ; Prof. Lehmann-
Haupt, on "Tigranokerta Rediscovered"; and A. M. Blackman, on "The Painted Tombs at Meir."

Hilda Flinders Petrie.

( 48 )

THE PORTRAITS.

1. This head is certainly a portrait of Amenemhat III. It is of the same
pecuhar physiognomy and expression as the large, seated figure in the Cairo
Museum, which was found on the site of the Labyrinth at Hawara. That figure,
in fine condition, and bearing the full names of the king, served to fix for us his
portraiture. Here we see the same curiously flat cheeks, the slight nose, and the
thin compressed mouth, which are so characteristic of this king, and so different
from any other head that we know. In the flat face and narrow lips perhaps, of all
kings, Henry VII is the nearest parallel. There is none of the full vitality and
obvious strength which are so plainly seen in Senusert I, or Senusert III. It is
difficult to imagine such a man, with an almost pathological look of ill-health,
raising the Labyrinth, the greatest temple of Egypt, which lasted as a world-
wonder for three thousand years ; or designing that immense burial chamber
hollowed out of a single block of flinty rock, 26 feet long and 12 feet wide, which
encompassed him in the pyramid of Hawara after a reign of forty-four years.
This head is carved in a mottled diorite of fine grain. It was purchased by
Miss Amelia Edwards, and bequeathed by her to University College, where
it now is.

2. This bust of the XVIIIth dynasty is one of the most charming pieces of
sculpture of the great period of Thebes. It has originally been part of a group

of two figures seated side by side,
as husband and wife were usually
represented at that time. One
day I had the pleasure of show-
ing it to my friend, the late
Sir Francis Galton ; he gazed for
some time, and then with a sigh,
said : " Ah ! to think she should
ever have died ! " For the sweet
and gracious dignity of this face
there is scarcely an equal after
the Pyramid Age.

Some traces of inscription
remain on the back, beginning
with a Nesut dy Itetep to
Haraakhuti, and apparently
naming Hor-nez-atef, son of the
messenger {khds) whose name is
lost. No such name is found in
Lieblein, Legrain, or Weigall's
guide to the Theban tombs.

This bust is carved in the
very hard limestone which was
usual in the reign of Amenhotep III. I owe the cast, and the photograph on
this page, to the kindness of Sir Whitworth Wallis ; he was informed by a friend,
who was moving house, that he could have " two old stones that are in the stable."
This was one of them, and it is now an ornament of the Art Gallery at
Birmingham. W. M. F. P.

30. Lady of XVIIIth dj

Limestone. Birmingham.

1. KING AMENEMHAT III. UNIVERSITY COLLEGE.

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2. LADY OF XVIIITH DYNASTY. BIRMINGHAM.

ANCIENT EGYPT.

THE BRITISH SCHOOL AT LAHUN.

The work of the British School of Archaeology in Egypt, under the direct
supervision of Prof Petrie, round the Pyramid of Senusert II at II Lahun (Fayum)
began on 6th January. The principal object in view is the complete clearance of
the pyramid enclosure, in order to plan the various constructions, and to discover,
if possible, an entrance into the burial chambers of the royal family. On the
analogy of other Xllth dynasty pyramids, the entry to these tombs should exist
somewhere beneath the space enclosed by the temenos wall. Originally a rocky

slope existed here, with its highest part to the north. The whole site has been
levelled by cutting down into the solid rock, and by building up with chips to .some
extent on the south. All round the rocky knoll which formed the core of the
pyramid, there are now high mounds of chips ; while on the north the whole cutting
has been filled up again with sand and debris. Fortunately plenty of labour is
available, and at present some 220 men and boys are at work. Of these, 23 are

50 The Drilish School at Lahtin.

Prof. Petrie's old hands from Quft, who know well the meaning of every variation
in the ground in which they are digging, while the remainder are villagers from
two or three miles away, who tramp to the work, with their hoes, and their boys,
and their baskets ; they toil from soon after sunrise to ten minutes before sunset,
with an hour's rest at noon, and then trudge home again. They are mostly poor
folk, and are glad of the chance of earning a good wage. They are quite unskilled,
but soon improve under the eyes of the trained Quftis, who are each one in charge
of three " locals."

The first photograph gives a good idea of the method, extent, and difficulty of
the work. The view is looking east, along the rock cutting which bounds the
enclosure on the north. The men hoe up the ground, fill the baskets, and lift them
on to the shoulders of the boys, who empty them some distance away. When the
pit gets very deep, a chain has to be formed, with a succession of lifts. The rock
which in the north-west corner is levelled down to some 20 feet has been faced with
a thick brick wall covered with white plaster.

About 1 5 feet south of this wall, stands a row of eight masses of solid rock, one
of which can be seen on the right in the photograph. They are about 30 feet by
45 feet, and the highest about 15 feet, apparently in the form of mastabas ; no
doubt they cover the burial chambers of the royal family. The whole corridor
between the vertical face on the north and the mastabas is now clear from east to
west down to its rock pavement, and to walk along from end to end in its cool and
shady depth is a striking experience. Robbers in the past have been active here.
They have pulled down or made large holes in the brick-work, and have even
tunnelled right through one of the rock masses, in their apparently fruitless search.

A small pyramid, 90 feet square, no doubt of the Queen, stands at the north-east
corner of the enclosure. The whole of the surrounding pavement is now cleared,
but beyond a few coloured chips of sculpture from the chapel, and foundation
deposits of minor interest, nothing has been found. The fine white limestone which
once covered the rough core of the pyramid, and which paved the enclosure, has almost
completely disappeared. The second photograph shows the work on the north-

The British School at Lahun.

east corner here, looking south, with the eastern side of the large pyramid enclosure
in the distance. This is better seen in the third photograph. The whole of the
foundations of the enclosure walls have been laid bare, and this clearance is further
continued up to the original foundation of the pyramid. Very curiously, the rock

floor has been cut so as to slope gently inward for 40 feet, after which it rises up
again towards the pyramid. It was then covered over and levelled up with clean
sand, and a layer of flint pebbles on the top. This trench full of sand seems to have
been intended to receive and absorb any rain that ran off" the pyramid, so as to
prevent the water soaking into the foundations. The temple area was buried
15 to 18 feet deep in chips, but it has been completely cleared, and the rock surface
everywhere examined minutely for any traces of hidden entrances. The third
photograph will give a good idea how this was done, every crack in the rock being
examined, and brushed clean.

Outside the temenos wall was found a line of deep circular pits filled with mud.
These have been traced right round the east, south, and part of the west sides.
Some of them contained roots and branches, and their purpose is obvious. A row
of trees surrounding a pyramid is quite unknown elsewhere, and we can easily
imagine what a pleasing effect they must have produced, the shining, white
pyramid, the green line of trees, and then the yellow desert.

Mr. Engelbach's work four miles away at Harageh has been very successful,
in a cemetery which is mainly of the Xllth dynasty.

Guy Brunton.
D 2

A Byzantine Table of Fractions.

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A Byzantine Table of Fractions.

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D 3

( 54 )

A BYZANTINE TABLE OF FRACTIONS.

This outer leaf of a set of writing tablets, has two lists of fractions written in
ink upon the recessed surface of the wood. These lists show the method of
compiling multiples of xV^^ ^"^ tV*^> which will be best followed in the transcription
and translation facing the facsimile. The system was to add together a series of
fractions, each with one as numerator, so as to make up more complex fractions.
Thus here the isth part of 7 is stated to be -^ + ^V + iV- We can verify this in
our way by saying that ^l + -^ + rs = -3^ or ^V- This is the regular system of
ancient Egypt, and it is interesting to see how it was continued on into Christian
times, while it is still familiar to the modern Copt.

The reading of the columns begins with " 15 " and " 16," showing that this is
part of a series of tablets giving the composition of various fractions up to -nrths,
which is the last. The heading continues: "The 15th part of one is -j^th, the 15th
part.of 2 is -jJg^ + -j*^," and so on to the foot of the tablet, after which two more
entries are put up at the top of the middle part. The further column is parted
from the first by the c/n rho monogram. It reads: " 16. The i6th part (O E
unexplained) of one . . . . " doubtless ^th is lost; "of 2 = ^th; of 3 = Jth + y'jj^th," etc.

A list of the signs used for the fractions is added to the transcription here for
convenience.

Outside of Table of Fractions, " Phoibamn Daueit."

On the back of this tablet, which was the outer one of the group, is very roughly
cut " Phoibamn Daueit," probably the name and paternity of the schoolboy who
used it. The size is I0"6 inches long and 5 inches wide, with three holes through it
to tie' the leaves together; there are two smaller holes running out in the edge, for
securing a string round the tablets in order to seal them. It was bought in Egypt,
191 3, and is now in University College, London.

Herbert Thompson.

( 55 )

NOTES ON THE ETHICS OF THE EGYPTIANS.

In our study of the civilisation of the ancient Egyptians, it is interesting to consider
an aspect which is too often neglected. We are apt to concentrate our attention
on the material side, to study their great monuments and the concrete details of
their life as depicted in the tombs, and one forgets to ask what were these people
like, as men ? What were their ideals, their estimates of right and wrong ? If we
are liable to overlook this, in our study of archaeology or of philology, it is not the
fault of the Egyptians themselves. In all their inscriptions, wherever there are
monuments or writings to study, we find that they are lavish in the expression of
their ethical ideas, though it is often only to make a boast of their own virtues or
their own position. There is a large proportion of inscriptions which deal with
what we vaguely call titles. Some of these refer to the rank and offices of the
deceased, but they are interlarded with many expressions regarding the moral
qualities which they claimed to possess. Almost every stele has " I gave bread
to the hungry, water to the thirsty, and clothes to the naked."

The first thing that we notice about these expressions is the extremely concrete
way in which they express themselves. It is curious that so ethically-minded
a people should have had no word for " ought." Although they were always
boasting of their virtues, they did not possess this word, and when they required to
convey the notion of duty, they put it more literally : " I did what men love, and
what the gods approve." Approbation from without seems to have been a chief
incentive to virtue.

The stock of words conveying abstract ideas was extremely limited, and the

words were very simple. The word for " right " is ma'et {tnAot) ^~ meaning

right direction, and derived from a verb " to be straight," " to lead straight on."
Thus ma'et signifies conformity to an ethical norm, though it is often equally well
translated as Truth or Justice. The word for iniquity is 'iesfet; there are not many
words for crime. " Duty " is generally conveyed by the phrase 'ere-t, " that which
appertains to a man," meaning the obligation which rests upon him. There is no
word for " will." Conscience is sometimes represented by 'iel> (ab) " heart,"
expressing not only the mere instrument of cognition, but also the faculty which
recognises and suggests the right course of action. On an XVIIIth dynasty stele
we read : " Thus saith he. This is my character to which I have borne witness,
" and there is no exaggeration therein ... It is my heart ('ted) that caused me to
" do it through its guidance unto me. It was an excellent prompter unto me ;
" I did not infringe its commands ; I feared to transgress its guidance. Therefore
" I prospered exceedingly, and was fortunate on account of that which it caused me
" to do ; I succeeded by reason of its guidance. Of a .sooth, true is that which is
" said by men : ' It (the heart) is the voice of God that is in everybody ; happy is
" he whom it has led to a good course of action !' " Beyond a few similar passages
there is not much which refers to any ethical concept, and it seems as though the
ethical thought of the Egyptians never attained any very high level.

The Egyptians were not philosophers, and they were unable to account in any
philosophical manner for their rules of conduct. They seem to have possessed no

IJ 4

56 Notes on the Ethics of the Egyptians.

words for " motive," " responsibility," or " scruple." They apparently never wrestled
over the difficulties of opposing lines of conduct ; their minds were not torn by
moral struggles. It was recognised that some things were intrinsically good, and
others bad, but we never find anything but the crudest lines of division ; it is never
implied that such and such conduct may be good in one person or instance, and
bad in another. In ancient Egypt, the philosophic level was not reached ; it was
only so in the regions of the Mediterranean area, from the time when Greek
influences began to prevail.

It has been already noticed in how very concrete a manner the Egyptians
expressed various moral predicates. Whenever they could do so, they visualised
an action, and reduced the expression of it to its simplest terms. For instance, to
express what we mean by " reserved " or " discreet," they formed a simple compound,
Mp rd, " hidden of mouth," and to express " kindly " or " indulgent," they said
wall 'ieb, " enduring of heart." Almost all their descriptive phrases were formed in
this kind of way ; the words consist, for the most part, of adjectives or participles,
which describe a condition that can be visualised, and they figure a limb or part of
the body in which the quality to be named exhibits itself 'led is used to denote
conditions of mind and temperament, rd for anything manifested by the mouth,
/wr {her) for things of the face, as in spad /tor, "sharp of face," meaning " intelligent,"
" clever," 'a, arm, for action, as in 'aw 'a, " extended of hand," meaning generous or
liberal ; and the use of these excessively concrete images to denote abstract qualities
makes it e.xtremely difficult to translate Egyptian te.xts with any certainty of
accuracy.

The ancient Egyptians appear to have had a strong belief in fate, and they
imagined that fate, shay, governed all the events of life. They did not, however,
hold the belief that men's actions were determined beforehand. Men were
hampered by predestined occurrences but were free in their own individual actions,
and free from the tyranny of Kismet which paralyses the Egyptians of to-day. The
Egyptian moralists never reached the loftiest planes of ethics. It does not appear
that they realised that virtue is its own reward, but all their teaching was on a lower
plane. In the maxims of Ptah-hetep, belonging to the Old Kingdom period, we
read : " Excellent is right, and endureth and prevaileth," but prudential considera-
tions follow " Never has wickedness brought its venture safe to port ; wrong-doing
stealeth away riches." It seems as though virtue was not inculcated for its own
sake, but recommended for practice merely with a view to the reward that it might
bring.

Perhaps the highest standpoint, in this regard, to which the Egyptians attained,
was in the desire to raise up a good name, but with this there was naively blended
the intense desire for approval, and the over-anxiety to stand well with others.
He required to be in favour with the Pharaoh, and to describe himself as " beloved
of his master," or as one " with whose excellence the lord of the two lands was
content," but it is interesting to note that the popular verdict was also held in high
account. Pharaoh was considered to be the patron and therecompenserof virtue
" the Lord of Right," and an official relates " I did right for the Lord of Right
for I knew he is pleased at it"; yet in spite of the absolute form of the government
under the Pharaohs, the approval of fellow-men, and public opinion in general was
held in esteem.

Virtue was considered to reap its reward on earth. A man ends a long
catalogue of his own good qualities with an address to mankind : " I speak to you,
" O mortals ; listen and do the good deeds that F have done, and to you shall be

Notes on the Ethics of the Egyptians. 57

" done the like." To a king, it is said : " Do the right that thou mayest live long
in the land." Sometimes this idea is expressed more theologically : " God returns
evil to him who does it, and right to him who brings it." The fear of God is also
found to be an incentive to good conduct.

The Egyptians were of course aware that it is not always the worthy who reap
rewards, they noted the fact that the unworthy sometimes prosper through no merit
of their own, but they regarded this as accidental. The predominance of wrong
became the theme of a class of pessimistic writings, which deal with the evil
conditions prevailing in certain periods. A papyrus preserved at Leyden describes
the deadlock of social conditions how " slaves have usurped the place of the rich,
murder and rapine prevail, and the righteous dwell alone and in misery." One
author draws the conclusion that life is not worth living, another cites as the cause,
the impiety of mankind and the callousness of their ruler. The crowning passage
in this literature consists in admonitions to the Pharaoh to perform various religious
duties incumbent upon kings, in the hope of their leading to happier conditions in
the state of the country.

With regard to the life after death, there was a gradual growth of belief that
virtue would reap its reward in that life to come. In the early time (Old Kingdom),
more primitive beliefs in certain rites and formulae held ground ; in the literature
of the Pyramid times, it is the magical element which is to the fore ; indeed the
whole trend of the Pyramid Texts is towards the profession of certain actions and
the reading of certain formulae, and even the fact of their being written on the tomb
had efficacy in the gaining of happiness hereafter. It must be admitted, however,
that certain passages in the Pyramid Texts imply that righteousness would have its
influence in determining the future life of man, and that the magic formulae were
not the sole passport.

It is difficult to see how the change to the later and more ethical view takes
its rise, and the gradual transition comes about, but it is to be found in the
professions of virtues which are engraved on the funeral steles. The deceased begs
an oflering at his tomb, because of his good actions : " I have been virtuous, I have
given bread to the hungry," etc., and this commemoration of virtues was one of
the contributory causes which led up to the doctrine that virtue in this life would
bring happiness in the life hereafter.

Then again, on these same steles of the Old Kingdom, it is often found that
the deceased uses the name of one of the gods to threaten the evil-doer who dares
to violate the tomb. The mention of judgment " in the place where judgment is
given," suggests to us the conception of a deity who is the champion of the virtuous
dead. Breasted shows that Re, the Sun-god, held this position at a very early
period, and then that solar beliefs were early overlaid by the Osirian beliefs, and
in the later times this cult was pre-eminent and Osiris regarded as the rewarder of
virtue and punisher of guilt.

One of the most famous chapters of the Book of the Dead (Chapter CXXV)
contains the Negative Confession. The illustration which usually accompanies
this is a vignette (see p. 27) representing Osiris seated on a dais, with the scales
before him. The ibis-headed Thoth stands near, to record, and the heart of the
deceased is weighed in the balance against the feather of truth (Maot). The forty-
two assessors, seated above, are separately invoked in the repudiation of sins. In
the two versions that have come down to us, we find denials that various forms of
wrong have been committed, and we find the mention of demons as among those
who punish such sins. After a preliminary invocation, the elder confession

S8 Notes on the Ethics of the Egyptians.

begins : " I have done no wickedness to men. I have not brought misery upon
" my fellows. I have not wrought injuries in the place of right. I have not done
" mischief. I have not made the beginning of every day laborious in the sight of
" him who worked for me .... I have not impoverished the poor .... I have
" not caused hunger. I have not caused weeping. I have not slain. I have not
" commanded to slay. I have not made everyone suffer. I have not decreased the
" meals in the temples. I have not diminished the loaves of the gods ....
" I have not added to, or taken from, the corn-measure. I have not diminished
" the palm (unit of measurement). I have not falsified the cubit of the fields.
" I have not added to the weights of the scales. I have not tampered with the
" plummet of the balance. I have not taken away the milk from the mouth of the
" child .... I have not snared the birds (bones of the gods) \sic.\ quite obscure]
" . . . . I have not dammed running water .... I have not neglected the feast-
" days, in respect of their sacrificial joints .... I have not hindered the god in
" his goings forth " (processions). " I am pure ! I am pure ! I am pure ! I am pure!"
The later confession, added to it, has much the same tone, each denial being joined
to the name of a demon : " O fire-embracer, I have not robbed," etc.

Now, with regard to the Negative Confession, its importance has been much
exaggerated. It is not a canonical list of vices or acts of wickedness ; the many
variants of the MSS. are enough to prove that no great stress was laid on precise
cataloguing of the denials, but that they were rather chosen at random, and the
list, if fairly complete, was carelessly compiled. The deceased was finally supposed
to be innocent of all crime, and therefore worthy of acquittal in the presence of
Osiris. Magic, in the long run, encroached upon the higher and more ethical view
of things, for no doubt the chapter was employed as magical, and its words had
a magical potency, when written out and deposited with the deceased. They were
used as a means of conveying to him the assurance of happiness in the life
hereafter.

It would take long to discuss in detail the whole catalogue of moral qualities,
but, in conclusion, a short summary of the Egyptian character, from the sources at
our disposal, may not be out of place.

The ancient Egyptians were a gay and light-hearted people, luxurious in their
lives, and prone to self-indulgence. They were kind, however, charitable, and
courteous in their behaviour, and there are no evidences of barbarous savagery and
cruelties, such as were practised by the Babylonians and Assyrians. Honesty and
incorruptibility were not among the strong points of the Egyptians, but in this
respect they were at least able to perceive the ideal standard, if they did not attain
to it. Intellectually they were gifted, though not deep, and they were averse to
dull brooding ; but their love of all that is artistic and pleasurable in life, is perhaps
the characteristic which has played the largest part in helping to endear them to
their modern votaries.

[These notes were made on an address given by Dr. Al.\n H. GARDINER on
27 November, at the London centre, E.R.S.A. Hilda Flinders Petrie.]

( 59 )

THE LATE PROFESSOR TSUBOI AND EGYPTOLOGY IN JAPAN.

It was some thirty or forty years ago that archaeology began to be studied in
Japan as a science. It is quite natural that Egyptology, which has no direct
relation to the civilisation of Japan, has not been so much valued there as in
Europe, and that its study has been restricted within a narrow circle of people.
No doubt the study of the ancient history of Egypt has done a good deal for the
popularisation of Egyptian antiquities among the Japanese. The late Prof. S.
Tsuboi of the Tokyo Imperial University was the first to study Egyptology
proper.

Prof Tsuboi specialised in anthropology, while at the same time he had
a deep interest in archaeology. After studying in England, France, and other
continental countries, he lectured on anthropology as well as on archaeology in the
Imperial University of Tokyo. Egyptology, however, seems to have been one of
his favourite subjects. He frequently gave lectures on Egyptology in the High
Normal School and at various public meetings.

Thus, through him, many strange antiquities, gathered from all parts of the
Nile Valley, became gradually known to the learned circle of the Japanese, and the
terms, for instance, mastaba, canopic-jar or iisliabti have become quite familiar among
them. When he first came to Europe, he had hardly enough time to devote
himself to the study of Egyptian antiquities ; but two years before his death, when
travelling in Europe, he went to Cairo and studied the museum very carefully, and
brought back to Japan some perfect models of funeral boats and other relics of the
ancient Egyptians.

Learned society in Japan expected from him a satisfactory result of his study
on Egyptology, but in 191 3, while attending the International Congress of Royal
Academies in Moscow, he suddenly died without having had time to publish the
result of his studies. His untimely death was a great shock and a severe loss to
Japan.

The Kyoto Imperial University, though much younger than the Tokyo
University, has been closely connected with Egyptology from the time of its
foundation. It has a special building for archaeological collections, joined the
'Egypt Exploration Fund, and has now joined the British School of Archaeology
in Egypt. Since its foundation, the University has been collecting numerous
antiquities from Egypt, and now we can see there stone implements and pottery of
the Pre-dynastic age and various objects of the Dynastic periods. Of all these
collections, those found at Deir el-Bahri occupy the greater part. This collection
may be said to be the largest one in Japan, though certainly small as compared
with many of those in Europe. In this University, lectures on Egyptology have
been given by K. Hamada, one of the late Prof. Tsuboi's pupils.

Besides the collections in the Kyoto University, there is also a good
collection of Egyptian antiquities in the Tokyo University, gathered by the late
Prof Tsuboi. This collection contains stone implements of the Pre-dynastic age,
fragments of sculpture, mummies and funeral boats. In the College of Medicine
there is a perfect mummy, and in the College of Literature some collection of
antiquities.

6o Tlie Late Professor Tsuboi and Egyptology in Japan.

Mr. Murakawa, Professor of the Ancient History of Europe, is also a student of
Egyptology and often refers to it in his lectures.

Outside these two Imperial Universities, there is a good number of Egyptian
antiquities in the Tokyo Imperial Household Museum, where mummies, ushabtiu,
and other objects presented by the Cairo Museum, attract the eyes of visitors as do
those in the British Museum. The fragments of the Greek vases found at
Naukratis may be seen in this Museum and Kyoto University as well.

Now-a-days the general interest in Egyptian antiquities is increasing among
private persons in Japan. This is not at all surprising when we think of the same
tendency even in China. The late Tang-Fun, once the governor of the province
Chi-li, was a great collector of old Chinese things and also of some ancient Egyptian
things.

On the whole, in Japan, there is hardly any specialist in Egyptology as yet,
and the study of this subject is still in its infancy. But there are certainly more
students of Egyptology than of Assyriology.

The study of Egyptology, besides its own importance, has still more interesting
relation with the study of the ancient graves and funeral customs in China. It is
a most striking phenomenon to notice the similarities and coincidences between
Egyptian funeral customs and those of China in the Han and Tang dynasties.
The advanced methods of study in Egyptology will promote the studies of
archaeology in Japan and other countries in the Far East.

K. Hamada and T. Chiba.

( 6i )

THE EARLIEST INSCRIPTIONS.

The earliest known hieroglyphs and phrases are those on the primitive cylinders
of stone, which are rarely found, and only in a few localities. Strange to say they
have not yet been studied in any way, and are scarcely recognised as forming
a distinct class of material on the early language and civilisation. Perhaps the
main cause of this neglect is the rarity of them, coupled with the fact that from the
purely linguistic point of view they are scarcely intelligible. It is not till a large
number can be compared, and classes of them separated into definite types, that
enough examples can be contrasted to see what is accidental and what is systematic
in their arrangement.

In beginning the catalogue of the cylinders and scarabs at University College,
I needed some classification of these early cylinders. Before a conclusive
publication, it seems best to give a statement of the principal results reached, in
order that some criticisms of them may be forthcoming before a final treatment.
The copies here are only hand-drawn, sufficient for general study ; but in the
complete catalogue each cylinder will be published in photograph from a flat cast.

The greater part of the known e.xamples are at University College ; a large
group was bought some quarter of a century ago by Rev. Greville Chester, probably
from the looting of a single cemetery ; from him they were acquired by Miss Edwards,
and bequeathed with her collection to University College in 1892. I have bought
a large number, all the examples that I could in Egypt. Thus there are now of

University College, London ... ... ... 69

MacGregor Collection ... ... ... ... 26

Naga ed-Der, Reisner ... ... ... ... 17

All others 19

131

Of these the Rev. Wm. MacGregor most kindly lent me his examples, and I have
made flat casts of them all, from which these drawings are taken. Those published
by Dr. Reisner are in hand copies, with three photographs of each cylinder in the
round. I have used the hand copies as skeletons, and drawn the signs in facsimile
from the photographs. Hence there are only 19 which are not drawn directly for
the present study, and some of those are facsimiles of my own, others are from
Prof Newberry's Scarabs. Our material therefore is nearly all safe enough to draw
some conclusions. To save returning to this subject again, it may be added that
the drawings used here from each source are as follows : University College, Nos.
3, 4, 13-16, 18-20, 23, 25, 26, 28, 32-34, 36-38, 42, 44-50; MacGregor Collection,
I, 5, 6-9, 21, 22, 27, 40, 43, 54, 57-60, 69, 72 ; Naga ed-Der, 2, 12, 17, 29, 30, 31,
39, 61-64, 66; Various, 10, ii, 24, 35, 41, 53, 65, 71. Altogether 72 are here
studied (three of them repeated), the remainder being partly figure subjects, partly
with signs which cannot be identified.

After the photographs were all collected, I tried to gain what help I could by
submitting them to one of the greatest authorities on the early language. Such as
were similar to the Royal Tombs sealings, were commented on, but the greater

62 The Earliest Inscriptiojts.

part were passed over as pre-historic, and therefore insoluble. It was evident that
from the standpoint of the language alone very little could be done. Some fresh
handling of the whole subject was needed, to make a start and break ground. It
required treating as an entirely unknown language to begin with, and resolving by
comparison of formulae and study of the structure, before looking to the language
for clues. After that the earliest forms of the language may be compared with the
sentences thus separated, and some idea be gained of the general meaning. I am
obliged to Miss Murray and Dr. Walker for some suggestions. Any attempt at
present must be merely a beginning, in order to open up a more scientific study of
the subject.

These cylinders are mostly older than the sealings found in the Royal Tombs
of the 1st dynasty; and the 207 sealings which I drew from there are of very little
help here, because those were sealings of royal domains, while these are mostly
funerary or religious.

The only basis we have for the language of the cylinders is the far later body
of the Pyramid Texts. According to the Egyptians' own chronology, the cylinders
are about thirteen centuries before the Pyramid Texts, which are in turn only seven
centuries before the Xllth dynasty. Even on the arbitrarily shortened chronology,
the cylinders are as far removed from the Pyramid Texts as the latter are from the
Middle Kingdom. Beside this long interval, we must remember that the changes
in the writing and language would naturally be much greater while the growth and
formation of a system was in progress, than they would be after a large body of
texts had been standardised, and a great bureaucracy had arisen. It is therefore to
be expected that the whole grammar, usages of writing, and words should differ far
more from the Pyramid Texts, than those do from the system of the Xllth dynasty.
As we find many orthographic usages are strange to us in the Pyramid Texts, so
we must expect to find a much larger proportion of unexpected features in the
cylinders. The use of a root in different parts of speech may have been very
different in the earliest stages of writing, from what we find usual in the formalised
language. The regular canons which are looked on by us as normal to the writing
and language may have been widely divergent in the primitive and tentative stages,
when each man used signs in his own fashion, and no system was yet generally
developed. None of the later canons can be used as implicit guides ; we need to
verify them each by some clear instances of the primitive age, before we can use
them decisively to settle a reading. Also we must remember how often a word
lingers long in popular use before being consecrated to literature. The phrase
" too-too " in modern English, has only just reached the most evanescent writing ;
yet Cromwell used it in a letter and a Parliamentary speech two hundred and fifty
years before (speech, Jan. 22, 1655 I letter of July 27, 1657). So in PLgyptian there
might be words and constructions used in the earliest stages, which did not become
part of the literary system ; but which, preserved in popular use, were at last brought
into literature in later times. Hence the absence of a word in early literature is no
proof that it might not be used before the literature formed its canons.

. All of these considerations need to be pointed out, as the usual laws cannot be
applied to such early attempts at writing. We cannot apply the rules of the game
before they existed. Much greater uncertainty must of course accompany a greater
latitude : and until there is enough material to define the system of the time, we
cannot hope to treat the cylinder inscriptions e.xcept by a series of guesses, which
often leave alternative solutions equally possible. The immense importance,
however, of getting some view of the oldest stages of the writing and language.

The Earliest Inscriptions. 63

makes it imperative to try to solve this material, and not to leave it neglected as at
present.

In order to examine the material clearly, it is here divided into eight classes :

I. Seated figures.
-^ 2. Adkim birds.

^ 3. Religious formulae.

4. Theth formulae.

5. Tet formulae.

6. Phrases.

7. Titles.

8. Early dynastic.

Seated Figures, i-ii.

These seated figures have in all examples (except No. 2) a table of ofterings
before each, and usually one or two loaves on the table. The figure (except in 2)
has one hand lifted over the offerings to accept them. It always has very long
hair, often hanging down below the seat. The seat is fully shown in some examples,
such as No. 6. The type of couch used in dynasties o and i is well outlined ; it
has the poles with expanded ends, the cross bars, and the short legs. For scattered
examples of such figures, entered in other classes, see Nos. 12, 33, 36, 37, 38, 39, 41,
42, 43, 44, 61, 63, 64. Thus a third of all intelligible cylinders have this figure and
table of offerings. It seems impossible to dissociate this from the universal type of
early stele, with the deceased seated, extending a hand over his table of offerings ;
for an early example see the stele of Heknen {Medum, xvi). It appears then that
these must be the earlier equivalent of the sepulchral stele, that which was to
ensure future felicity to the deceased. It does not seem likely that such a design
would be used as a seal by the living person, and no clay impressions of such seals
are known.

No. I has a different type of figure, with the second arm shown, no hair, and
a table with upright loaves (?). The inscription seems to read Ah 7ie Neit, " Rejoice
in Neit," which may be a personal name, or less probably a pious wish for the dead.
Neit is written with the crossed arrows, but very roughly drawn. (See Royal
Tombs, I, V.)

No. 2 is a gold foil cylinder, the only such known (Naga ed-Der). It is very
simple, reading Neit men s, men s Neit " Neit establishes her, establish her O Neit."
The donkey's head is probably a word sign for the personal name.

No. 3 begins with the sign of Neit, see the stele of Merneit {Royal Tombs, I, i)
followed by sen-sent. This word often recurs, sometimes sen alone, sometimes
duplicated as sen-sen. The root meaning is sen " brother." Yet as it is not likely
that the dead would be called a brother of a god, we must look to a derived
meaning. Sen-sen is used for " to be united " or " associated " ; and, still further
derived, sen sometimes is used for equality or conformity. We may perhaps best
take sen as assimilated or conformed to a god, and sensen as united to the god in
a stronger sen.se.

No. 4 introduces the pool sign ba, familiar in the 1st dynasty in the name of
King Merpaba {Royal Tombs, I, vi, xxvi). As we shall see later, this occurs as
the name of a deity (23). Here it is joined with hd " to be behind," to protect,
or " back " a person. It may read " Behind is Ba, behind her." Ba may be the
Ram-god Ba, who is " over the gods," or Ba lord of Daddu (Osiris), as a ram.

No. 5. The latter conclusion is the more likely, as the ram Ba represents

64 The Earliest Inscriptions.

Osiris lord of Daddu on this cylinder, reading "conformed to Onz Ba," Onz being
the name of Osiris at Heb (Behbet) in the Delta. This place is only i6 miles
from Daddu (Tmei el-Amdid).

No. 6. Here a fresh form of devotion is given, by khet " to follow." It appears
to read " Follower of Neit, follower of Hathor (?), Zeded." The animal seems to be
different to the Ba, with wide-spread horns, and the twig renp between them ; it
may be a form of the Hathor cow, or rather a cow worship not yet identified with
Hathor. The name Zeded, a cake, has the determinative of a turn-over cake
following it ; such a name is parallel to td, bread loaf, which is a common name,
alone or with additions.

No. 7 is like 4, an appeal to the protection of the god. "Neit is behind"; it
may be a personal name. The golden-headed vulture H, appears here to be the
phonetic complement of M.

No. 8 is a symmetrical arrangement of the title hen, priest, twice repeated, with
the names of the goddesses Neit and Uazet. That the serpent alone, in this form,
was used for the goddess Uazet is shown by the reading of the serpent of the
tenth nome of Upper Egypt, discussed in the report of the Recueil in our
previous number.

No. 9. The plant sign here is read uas by Dr. Sethe. The reading seems to
be Se uaz s Uazet, " Uazet causes her to flourish." After that there is no evident
reading : possibly we might read set the body or being, flourishes because of Neit.

No. 10 reads " United to Uazet," but here sent is thrice repeated. Probably
there are instances of senseless repetition to fill up a space on cylinders, and this
may be such ; or even a repetition may be intentional to re-cnforce the sense, in
a manner which was disused as writing became formalised.

No. II does not yield any evident reading. Both 10 and 11 are notable for
introducing a bird behind the seated figure; this bird can hardly be dissociated
from the next group.

It will be seen how funereal cylinders of this class never contain any titles,
but solely declarations of unity or conformity with the gods, or else prayers for
protection. This agrees well with the purport suggested by the resemblance to the
stele, of benefit and safety in the future life. Only one office is named, and that
is a priesthood, which ensured divine protection.

AAkhu Birds.

The next class of cylinders has a bird in each inscription. From always
having two legs, this figure must be intended for a bird, although the head may
seem more like a quadruped with horns. In three instances we find this bird on
the same cylinder as a seated figure, Nos. 10, 11, 12. In two it succeeds the
figure, in one it precedes it. It appears to be thus in the same relation to the rest
of the inscription as the seated figure. It is parallel to the position in which the
a&khu bird is seen, along with personal names, on the steles of the 1st dynasty.
On those steles there are nineteen instances where the bird has the ka arms over it
in protection, all belonging to the latter half of the 1st dynasty {Royal Tombsy
I, xxxi, xxxxii ; II, x.Kvii). The only earlier example has the bird alone
{Royal Tombs, I, xxvi, 70). This indicates that the bird alone is the earlier form,
before being combined with the ka arms. On the steles there is no instance of the
. bird turning the head back, which is always the case on the cylinders. Thus it
seems that the cylinders belong to a time when the usages that we see in the
1st dynasty were not yet settled. On the later steles the bird always precedes the

The Earliest Inscriptions. 65

NAME ANALYSIS INSCRIPTION

Am ^

UMITED WITH NE IT

^f>v\^l'

(8) /Of

'rf

<^o^

1 "A.^'-'^-V,

IFNEI7

I X"^ /^ 111
1] UHH

pfML4T OF OAZET, PRIEST 4FNEIT

^f^^

'^^.

/vv~\n 5

flT^^^^^I^'

^rY^4'^'

- rlO

''? '^'/> '^ ""^^

Cylinders with Seated Figures.
The earlier equivalent of the steles with seated figures usual in the historical period.

name, on the earlier it succeeds it. By the analogy of the seated figure it is
probable that the bird was regarded as succeeding the name on the cylinders.

From the position, and the resemblances to the use of the aak/iu bird on the
early steles, it seems then reasonable to accept these figures are representing the
dead by the aUk/tu as a glorified one, instead of by a seated figure. At the same

The Earliest InMcrip(ion$.

So. 22 IS a dear reading : " Hm Jka eme to be born her >('.'' It if folbwed
by the ia embradng the adkhu, thi* form of the ka ocatfring in the lot dynasty
(AV/ TV/w^/, I, Mai t6, II, seals 157),

UKf T MMM1CT

Ps|i

-"*..'.-*'>'

</ </,

A 1 ? i?|i

PU iliil u

:;^^^if *r /f(

mmfh

^n A-v* <<*< /V*^

/AiPtu/i^py

TfMtM

n.:. d4<4 ttxVmU ali*o> over most of dbose already' noticed, bat flie ^o
previous frUMM* liar bM tra<d fopofatefjr jAorse in order to sfcoir tfic natorc
of the fen wu hc wMeli Mcvn^Nmy ifcc sealed ligpHrc and fhe AKt^cr.

68 The Earliest Inscriptions.

No. 23 has a clear reading : " Priestess of Ba lord ot Her-mer-shet, priest of
Ba, priest of Ba, priest of Neit." This place Hermershet is known in the time of
Khafra (Brugsch, Geog., 185), but spelt then with the hawk instead of the head,
and the hoe mer for the chisel ; the equivalence of these signs in early times is
already known.

No. 24 has many repetitions on a large cylinder at Athens. It is another of
the favourite plays upon words: se-aun, se-un sen Neit, "Cause union, cause
existence, conformed to Neit."

No. 25 shews an interesting distinction between n as part of a word, and
alone as the preposition ; the formal and the simplified shape are put in contrast,
while the two are contrasted in the reverse manner in No. 29. It appears to read
"Excellent god, cause existence for Nefer-ni-ankhti," a name perhaps meaning
" The excellence of him who is alive " ; it is apparently a proper name, divided by
a bar from the rest of the inscription.

No. 26 differs from the others, being engraved on a bone cylinder with a cross
pattern. It reads : " Thou art tended (or shepherded) and preserved for ever."
The fuller grammatical form, the finished style of the signs, and the different
character of the cylinder, point to a later date. Perhaps it belongs to the
Ilnd dynasty.

No. 27 shews a difficulty in the second and third signs ; it seems strange to
write d before shed if that is the value intended. Yet, as inversions are often found,
it may be possible to render this " God save, God nourish thee." A second sense
of J^o? seems suggested by the repetition with different spelling.

No. 28 presents no difficulty, and reads : " Adorer of Hathor, Mera." Though
the name is partly broken it can hardly be read otherwise, and Mera, or Mery, is
a common name in early times.

No. 29 appears to use khent in the sense of " establish." Nen would probably
refer to the form or resemblance ; but the sense of repose or inaction might be
intended. The whole would read " Establish the form (or repose) of her ka."

No. 30 is similar in type. Zedu is an unusual way of writing " words " or
" speech " ; but who can say what spellings may have been current so early as this ?
" Establish her speech of her ka " seems a reasonable rendering.

No. 31 seems to be somewhat confused with repetitions. "Anpu conform
her" is a possible reading; Kat sen-sen s seems to follow, possibly "the ka be
united to her " ; finally, there may be a proper name Senka, followed by a stroke.

The Theth Formulae.

The frequent recurrence of jl A in connection with the names of gods is one

of the main points which requires to be cleared up in this period. With this goes

another class of cylinders which have connected with the gods' names. On

looking at the two classes 32-44 and 45-54, it is obvious that the theth class are
all more archaic than the tet class. There is no distinction as to the gods named
in each class, as there was between the gods of the seated figure and the a&khu.
From the style of the theth group being only found in one instance (46) of the tet
group, it seems clear that tet succeeded theth in point of time. As they are used in
precisely the same way, and we know of th in Pyramid Texts becoming t later,
probably theth and tet are all one word, in earlier and later forms. Tet is the form.

The Earliest Inscriptions.

TlwIwIIV^-^-wf

, "ft.O^'OftO

'^'z.

Oj, ^^ *"^>

^ i AA-vv '9'p_,w 023

'/,

^"-0

AAA

C4 O. M,

^+/,.^

^^.'''''/^Cf,

xd: -Jii

^'f,

I'"

^'i>

\'t/i~\

ADOR.E^ OF HATHOR

A'VN

&\^

^f:'^'i,''f

iliJi

fl U I] z;^ fffil)

^^f^

^^*.. '*>^..

"<"

's/v

*p"^'>

REPEATED

;*"i! MtP

/VA/I

>fl*^

Cylinders with Religious Formulae.

then, which we should look for in the known language. From the connections of
the word it may probably be a term of prayer, of devotion, or of a priesthood.
A suggestion has been made that Theth is used with male deities, Thethet with
female. This, however, is not the case, as these forms are used in the same
proportions with male and female deities.

At first the sense of " nourished," from o 1^ o , or ^ , might seem likely ;

but the early form of that is stated to be '^, , though this is not quite con-

clusive, as ^^ is so little used at this time that it only occurs twice on seventy
cylinders (7, 26). Another possible root is ci^o "image" or "likeness," with

the derived senses "to be like" or equal. Also o(|q "a part" might be considered.

When we see the frequency of sen and sensen, meaning conformity or union with

E 3

yo The Earliest Inicriptions.

the gods, it is evident that such an expression as "like unto" a god would be
nearly parallel, and not at all improbable. For the present, therefore, we may
render theth, and its historical form of tet, as " like unto," without prejudice to some
other rendering if a closer parallel can be found.

No. 32. Here the signs are separated by the first ka, and precede the second
ka. " Like unto the ka " is not an improbable phrase when we recognise the ka
as the ancestral guardian spirit.

No. 33 reads: "Like unto Neit" with the personal name Ner; compare
nera, " a man."

No. 34 reads : " Like unto Sekhmet," with the name Peka.

No. 35 is " Like to Neit, like to Shu." The figure of Shu is one of the earliest
of any god, occurring often on the Ilnd dynasty sealings, see in Royal Tombs, II,
seal 178, with seal 200 proving the u bird to be intended, and the feather on the
head in seal 199.

No. 36 reads : " Like unto the great Ba, like unto Neit." The form of throne
with this figure is not known elsewhere.

Nq. 37 states the person to be like to Neit and Uazet ; at the end of the
formula is M which is in the place of a personal name. This suggests that the
owl was at that time a syllabic, perhaps ma " come ! " a birth name.

No. 38. Here we see " Like to Neit, like to Hen " ; the latter should be the
name of a god in this position.

No. 39 names Neit and At; the latter is probably at "father," and being " like
unto the father " would refer to assimilation to the ancestral ka. The personal
name Nerher, should be compared to the name Ner in No. 33, as there it might be
ner " man," so here Nerher might mean the " over man," or " man of Horus."

No. 40. Here the dead is stated to be " Like unto Mafdet, like unto At." For
Mafdet see Royal Tombs, II, 50, pi. vii.

No. 41. This may be a matter of repetition, without varied meaning ; but a
continuous sense may be intended, somewhat thus : " Causing love like unto Neit,
she loves like Neit." The first figure must be that of the goddess seated, without
the table of food offerings. After that comes the name Dy-Neit, " the gift of
Neit," and the seated figure of the person with the usual table.

No. 42 reads : " Like unto the gods, causing pleasing by invocation " {s-kher-ttas),
and the same phrase repeated.

No. 43 reads : " Like unto Ba the generator (?), like unto Sekhmet."

No. 44 names a very unusual worship of Hait, " The Shiners," the sun and
moon together. " Like under the Shiners, she is united to the Shiners."

The Tet Formulae.

This we have seen to be probably the later or historical form of the earlier
theth, and perhaps best rendered by " like unto."

No. 45 names a series of deities Hathor, Set, Neit, Horus, and Un " the
Being," short for Un-nefer Osiris. To all these the person is stated to be
assimilated, like unto them.

No. 46 reads : " Like unto Shu, like unto Neit."

No. 47 reads: "Like unto Neit," with the personal name Neit-mest-onkh,
" Neit bears alive."

We now reach a series of seven cylinders (48-54) with the same formulae,
tet en merut nekhebt, which may perhaps be rendered " Like unto Nekhebt for love,"
or " Like to Nekhebt, loving," or " Assimilated by desire of Nekhebt."

The Earliest Inscriptions.

A.'^N

'f "f A,

-IKE UNTO N

a ?

LIKE UNTO NEIT

1_1KC TO SMU

LICE UMTO SEKHMET

^,.>'^//l

IKE UMTO HEN LIKE UNTO NEIT '

rj J J

UIKE UNTO HCR FATHER, AND NEIT
U1K.E TO HER FATHER "^ * J\ '''*'>

IK PAff-((4P

LOVES LIKE i <. <^^<,

LIKE To SEKIIMET '''^f^ ^^ '^f

H-1t^ -Mi

(Ca~v^^ she loves LIKE i,^^ toj^
M E I T

;? uff/U(

Cf^^^(?J

m. 40

Cylinders with the Thftii Formulae
Staling the likeness or similarity to the Gods.

E 4

The Earliest Inscriptions.

Nos. 48, 49, 50 are all of priests of Hathor.

No. 5 1 has the personal name Aa or Y.

No. 52 may read : " Belonging to Horus, Nefer pert Ra neb (name, ' Good
outgoing every day')." Perhaps the division should be different, and the reading
" Excellence of coming forth every day, for the assimilated, by love of Nekhebt,
Nesa-hor" (name). The phrase pert ra neb is equivalent to the per em hem,
coming forth to-day in the future world.

r^A

c 3

-V

^^^ CD --

^'<l:8-r r ^ PRIEST

^Ofr or HATHOC

SAME coNtruscj)

%A^^E cofvjFoSED

SAME COMPOSED

(lis n J

^ ^3

o/)/n(

mil

"^^11 US'

Cylinders with the Ti;t Formulae.
Later form of the Theth formulae.

No. 53 is a more complex example. It may read : " Made to flourish because
of the king, like unto the excellence of the shiners {nefer Hait), similarly, like

unto Nekhebt loving (or by love), Persen (name)." In early writing U <:r> is used
for l\

The Earliest Inscriptions.

No. 54. This most complex cylinder may be separated into three groups,
each beginning hen sa ten, or se 7iefer ten. The first group ends with tet en merut
jiekhebt, as above ; the last group ends with a personal name, mert khet nefer
Neferti, devoted to the Lord. Until the more simple inscriptions are cleared up,
we cannot hope to deal with the whole of this.

4'1

^ i I H ^

TRULy EXCELLENT

IN COMMAND RY

HIS WIFE

Pi i i

'<>.> ^ '^''v,-'^--...

J <^ S>^ 4

^^^^;:!^. ^"^^^"^

^^Cf/>^. ""^^^'^^

= ''V

'^t)'

?<{:pL[B^^

U^fU>C7

58
1

Cylinders with Phrases
Complimentary to the deceased person.

Phrases.

No. 55 begins with a title hebn found on sealings from the Royal Tombs
(/?./., II, 307-8-13) ; next is the personal name Ry which we have had before in
No. 12; then the phrase nefer uz ;^<7/, " truly excellent in command" (Sethe) ;
lastly, the name again, Ry.

No. 56 is very simple : " His wife, Temka," the name meaning " the perfection
of the ka!'

No. 57 reads: "Sweetness conformed to her sweetness " (that of Uazet), with
the name Nes-uazet, " belonging to Uazet."

No. 58 is a duplicated reading. Hen is only known as " pleasing," in literature
of the XlXth dynasty, but it may have been in popular use much earlier. If so,
this may read : " Let pleasing speech be, Aoh-sen " (name).

No. 59 reads, apparently : Benert (with determinative of a date) nef en Duat
" Sweetness of wind of Duat," a wish for the future life. The Duat is curiously
written with the hand as the initial, and then five spots reading dua.

No. 60 reads, apparently : " He whom the king loves increases excellently,
Horncsa " (name, repeated). The mouth sign is unusual in having the lips closed.

74 Tlie Earliest Inscriptions.

Titles.

An interesting group was found by Dr. Reisner at Naga ed-Der, evidently
connected together with the public business, Nos. 6i to 64. They all mention
the senti, plans, of the temple of Neit. As the plan sign is a looped cord, it is
most likely that it was derived originally from land measures and surveys, rather
than from house plans on a small scale, which would be laid out by a stick
measure. No great buildings were erected at this period, as they were in later
times when a cord was used at the founding of temples. The plans, therefore,
at this early date, were probably of the priestly estates, the landed endowment ;
for this, our word survey is the better rendering. Another word connected is as,
which appears in per as, the office or house of the as. This, in such a connection
suggests as " to measure," or " make a plan," also connected with the derived
senses of the Coptic asou " reckonings," or the earlier " recompense."

No. 61 might then perhaps read : " Temple of the ka of Neit, over the surveys
and plans."

No. 62. " Over the temple of the ka of Neit, over the surveys of the temple
of the ka."

No. 63. " Over the office of surveys of Neit's temple of the ka, over her
temple."

No. 64. " Over (? /ler) surveys of the valley (cemetery ?) Her-s-ka (name), the
office of plans, Ka-her-s " (name).

In 65 and 66 appears the nnnut of Neit, perhaps the hour priests of the

goddess. As here seems as if it must be the phonetic form of r ; we cannot say

what the orthography should be at such a date. If so, the sense may be

No. 65. " Place of the hour priest of Neit."

No. 66. " Place of watching of the hour priest of Neit."

No. 67. Here the usual land signs are placed upright, and not sideways as in
later writing (see Royal Tombs, 1 1, seal 197). The title is repeated, " Lands of Horus
(the king) in the Nome of Oxyrhynkhos." The leaping gazelle must be a part
of the nome-sign, as it is placed between the uds and the land-sign determinative.

No. 68 is another official seal, that of the harim, reading : " The woman's house,
the house of beauty." The determinative is not the quadrant building, as in
later signs, but an elaborated plan with returns at the entrance.

No. 69 is the seal of the irrigation office : " Cutting the dykes, opening the
banks " or dams, the modern ^/.fr, see GRIFFITH, Kahiin Papyri, p. 100.

No. 70 appears rather confused in the structure of the sentence. The first
sign qa, which in later use is a height or elevation, seems here as if used for an
active verb, " to lift," and, as applied to a door, to open : compare the Hebrew
simile " Be ye lift up, ye everlasting doors." Or it may be that the arm and hand
reads as d, so forming qed, " to turn round," or turn the door on its hinge. Some
such sense is required, by the sign of the door which follows. It seems to read :
" Opening of the door of the ka statue (qa) of the god Horus," or of the statue of the
divine ka of Horus. The falcon here may be the emblem of the king, and not
of the god Horus. This is a large wooden cylinder.

Early Dynastic Cylinders.

We cannot here enter on the wide subject of the sealings of the early dynasties;
those being nearly all seals of royal officials and domains, are very different to the

The Earliest Inscriptions.

U
"^0

n ^ St

'S N E I T

r- 3

fir.

'4 >-<>/ ^i

'''v>*,.V "< ."'^

0^ A/

liruif

Cylinders with Titles.
Earlier in style than the dynastic cylinders with titles.

classes we have hitherto noticed. Five actual cylinders belonging to the 1st or
Ilnd dynasty are here published; they approach the general class of the sealings
from Abydos.

No. 71 is the seal of an " Interpreter of (an office) at Senshe." In the name of
the office or department we can only read f/ici. The place Senshe is not known.
We may note that the k/t sign never has more than two vertical lines (Nos. 6, 19, 42),
sometimes it only has horizontals (Nos. 42, 74), sometimes dots (69). The nome
sign has four verticals (6y); here a hieroglyph which appears to be a place-sign has
three verticals.

76 The Earliest Inscriptions.

No. 72 reads with a play upon the name of the man. "The sealer
of the excellent cultivation of crops, Nefertu." For sezta, "sealer," see Royal
Tombs, II, 53. Renp, crops, is here written without the p, but the growing-plant sign
identifies the word. The root is renen, young, growing things, and hence plants,
flowers, vegetables, or crops in general. The year is called renpet, as meaning
a season ; in fact the reckoning was literally by crops, which were necessarily annual
with a sterile period between, owing to the inundation. Apparently the loop th is
used for the feminine t at the end of renp. (The rendering of this group in Mahasna,
p. 20, does not seem applicable here.)

No. 73 is the seal of a man Onkh-nekht, who is described as a " true ruler ";
perhaps the kherp bearers were a definite peerage, and this was an assertion of a
man genuinely belonging to the order. Such a system is suggested by the kherp
(or sekhein) pectoral described on pp. 3-4. He is described also as " belonging to
(a goddess)"; the name is defaced, the form of the stick of wood, khet, is dififerent
from the later sign.

No 74. This cylinder (at Berlin) reads readily, as " Royal overseer, Sen-mut,
loved by his mistress," probably he was a steward of the queen. It is curious to see
this name, which is so well known in the XVlIIth dynasty, occurring thus early;
but with the frequent prayers for sen and sen-sen of the various gods, it is evidently
an early type of name. The title may perhaps be " Overseer of the South."

No. 75 is a large cylinder of white limestone. The reading is simple enough
in the first two columns " Seal of the stores of the estate, the granary of barley and
spelt." The next two columns are differently understood. Some would see in
them only a jumble of noxious animals put there to exert a magic power on anyone
who should break the sealing. But it would be difficult then to see why four out of
ten should be quite harmless, two geese and two owls. On the other view, the
whole of it may have a regular sense. The granary just named was of a district
called " the lake of the hippopotamus and lion," a name likely enough in early times,
and probably belonging to the Delta. Osiris was worshipped as a lion at
Tell Moqdam ; Leontopolis was near ; the lion was the sacred animal of the
Sethroite Nome (DUMICHEN, Geog. Ins., I, Ixxvi) ; and in the Tanite Nome was " the
town of the lion." As to the hippopotamus, it abounded in the Delta till Roman
times. The name of the lake is therefore likely enough. In the next column are
the names Emseh or Mesah " the crocodile," a name familiar later at Siut, in the
tomb with the boards of soldiers. The owl m is phonetic complement before the
crocodile ; there is apparently a bent stick odm before the owl, suggesting an earlier
reading of odmseh for the crocodile. Next, reversing the cylinder, it reads down
" son of Sat-em-Selq." For a parallel to this name see Sat-em-Thennu, the
goddess of Erment. Following the scorpion is a sign q, which would be out of
place in later orthography, as a complement. Here we can only say that it appears
to have been so used at this time.

An interesting question is whether the seated figures with very long hair
represent men as well as women. There is no instance which fixes the masculine
form in these, or the a&khu cylinders, but several feminine constructions, as in 9, 10,
17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 32, 41, 44. It seems probable, therefore, that these long-haired
figures are always intended for women. Other feminine cylinders are 29, 30, 31, 56,
57. The masculine examples are 26, 27, 65, 66, 75. There are thus fifteen feminine
to five masculine cylinders ; and the masculine ones may well be all of a later
period than the majority. It seems, then, that cylinders were at first usually for
women, and only later became used in official work by men.

The Earliest Inscriptions.

We have now endeavoured to show what the construction and general sense of
these earliest inscriptions are, by means of comparison and statistical grouping.

ONKH-NEKH"

'^1 17^ 3

^ t LDl/fn

'-.r"-4?:"s-

''Vc

'"^T^A

J-ov

ITSiy

^ ^r

Af/fi^p^

?r5fi:r

rmn

.75

Early Dynastic Cylinders
With titles known in the Dynastic period.

Doubtless many of the words will be better understood in future ; and, indeed, first
attempts on a subject always need much revision. The broad lines of the matter
seem, however, to be fairly clear, now that a large number of examples have been
studied as a connected whole.

W. M. Flinders Petrie.

78 )

FOR RECONSIDERATION.

Onkh-em-mdot.

Mummy Wheat.

One of the most frequent questions asked about Egypt is concerning " mummy
wheat," reputed to be the produce of wheat, which is stated to have been found with
a mummy. From the results of i<eeping modern wheat we should not expect that
any ancient wheat, or other seeds, could germinate. Even three or four years will
kill a large number of wheat grains, and ten or twelve years leaves hardly any alive.
Hence it is unthinkable that centuries or thousands of years should not destroy the
vitality.

When I was at Hawara in the Fayum, twenty-five years ago, I found a great
store of corn. It was only late Roman in date ; a period from which a large
quantity of complex organic matter usually remains, enough to putrefy when
wetted. It was not therefore nearly so likely to be sterilised as wheat from earlier
ages. There was a large amount, many bushels, so that the oxygen would not act
so much on the middle of such a mass as on a small quantity. I took the fullest
and finest grains, and planted them next day, so that there should be no time for
subsequent changes by exposure. I planted the seeds in rows, in every degree ot
moisture, from soft mud to merely damp earth, in a sheltered place by a canal.
Every possible chance was thus in their favour. There was not a trace of sprouting;
and in two or three weeks merely spots of brown decay stained the earth. At the
same time I planted some dozens of grape stones, which being hard and woody
might be supposed to resist oxidation. The result was equally negative.

It may be asked how the belief in the germination of ancient seeds has arisen ;
how it can be possible for many reported cases to have been all mistaken. Without
knowing every stage of the history of a case it is difficult to see where an error may
have crept in. At least we may mention the sources of error in a few cases, which
are already traceable. Some unopened mummy coffins were presented to a great
personage by Ismail Pasha. On being opened in England some wheat was found
inside ; it was planted ; it grew, and bore seed ; so a fresh stock of mummy wheat
arose. I heard from a resident in Egypt that he remembered seeing those coffins
lying in the stables, with the corn heap run over them. Doubtless some crack, or
warp under the lid, allowed grain to slip in, and thus recent grain would be found
in a coffin which was yet unopened.

Another source of mistakes springs from the habit of dealers at Thebes making
up little pots of corn to sell to tourists. A common little brown pot quite
worthless has corn put in it, and a lid plastered over it ; to be more attractive, the
lid is sometimes a scrap of painted cartonnage. Then, shaking the pot, the dealer
tells the tourist to listen to the rattle of mummy wheat. It is soon bought, and
taken home to plant. A fresh belief in " real mummy wheat " is the result, as the
owner is certain that he took it out of a sealed pot himself

For Reconsideration. 79

In yet another way errors arise. The late Sir Joseph Hooker told me that
when the seeds were recovered from the ancient rubbish of the Laurion mine in
Greece, and were exhibited in London, he saw visitors taking up some of the
ancient raspberry seeds, and some of the modern seeds which were shown for
comparison. After full e.xamination, the hand was just shaken out over the tray
again, and the modern seed went among the ancient. When the trials of growth
took place, the extraordinary vitality of the seeds in this tray, labelled ancient,
astonished the cultivators.

Besides these risks, before the seeds reach the hands that plant them, there is
obviously another opening for error. When the master returns with some corn
from Egypt, gives an interesting account of the possibilities to his gardener, and
hands over the seeds to be planted with the greatest care and every advantage in
the greenhouse, it would require a stern moralist to deny him the satisfaction which
he fondly anticipates. The appeal may be made to the fact that the growth differs
from that of ordinary plants ; but unless there are control experiments to prove
that it differs from that of any modern seed under the same changed conditions,
this evidence is not valid. As a rule these appeals are based on a larger and richer
growth of the supposed ancient strain. As in every case it is found that cultivation
and selection have greatly improved species in the last two or three thousand years,
an unusually fine product is really evidence that the strain must be modern, and the
special excellence is due to the kindly circumstances of the advantages given to it
by the experimenter.

W. M. F. P.

8o )

PERIODICALS.

Zeitschrift fur Aegyptische Sprache, 50 Band. 191 2

(Published, 1913).

Sethe, K. Ein iibersetiener Konig des alten Reichs. The king in question is

f \ * \ j , who has usually been taken to be the same as ( (j 'j \ J , with the

second > omitted by a mistake of the scribe. But in the tomb of Ptahhetep at

Saqqara are two place names, ( [j \ Ip \ ^ Q and ( [) " (] |

^ 1 y, Q V A Q \ 1 V _I!_ A

-" V^ " . " Two similarly named estates of one owner in one and the

same place would be unparalleled." The chief evidence for the existence of this

king is in the personal-name ( \ (] | , which occurs on a slab belonging to

and contemporary with the temple of Ne-user-ra, as the name of one of the court-
officials of that king. This shows that the man who bore the name must have been
born in or before the reign of Ne-user-ra, and therefore could not have taken his
name from Assa, who was the second in succession after Ne-user-ra. As to the
date of this new king, there are only two places in which he can occur, (i) at the
end of the IVth dynasty, amongst the kings whose names are imperfectly known,
or (2) as one of the immediate predecessors of Ne-user-ra, between him and Nefer-
ar-ka-ra Ka-ka-a, who reigned so short a time that hardly any traces of him remain.

The position is fairly well fixed by the personal name f (] - (] j of a

priest of the Vlth dynasty ; for it is hardly possible that a man should take the
name of a half-forgotten king unless he were born in that king's reign. Therefore
a man who died in the Vlth dynasty might well have been born in the reign of an
immediate predecessor of Ne-user-ra. In the tomb of the Vizier Uash-ptah, in the

reign of Neferarkara, a high official is named h (l ; he is the father or near

relative of the vizier, whose son has the same name. It is possible that one of these
two may have usurped the throne.

i/der dem Gebrauch der Konigsnanten in Namenzusammensetzungen im alten
Reich. This is an appendix to the foregoing paper. It shows that the Egyptians
had in the Old Kingdom a definite rule for the use of the king's cartouche-names
in place- and personal-names. The throne-name was used for places, the personal-
name for persons. There are two exceptions to this rule as regards place-names,
the throne- and personal-names of Pepy I and Assa being used indifferently ; but
only one exception as regards personal-names, Pepy I's throne- and personal-names
being again used indifferently. By applying this rule it becomes clear that six
kings of the Vth and Vlth dynasties had only one name each for both cartouches.
These six kings are : Userkaf, Sahura, Nefer-ef-ra, Unas, Teta, and Aty.

Zeitschrift fiir Aeg)'ptische Sprache. 8 1

BURCHARDT, MAX. Zur Rassengehbrigkeit der Hyksos. In the only two
places where the Egyptians have thought it worth while to give an exact designation

to the Hyksos, they are called | ^^^ V^ "^ , damn, and "^ | 1 1 1 '^ f\/vi ,

mntiii styt, that is they considered them among the peoples whom we call Semitic.
E. Meyer pronounees against the view that the Hyksos came from Asia Minor, and
joined themselves with the Hittites who overthrew the Babylonian empire, he also
acknowledges that the names which appear non-Semitic have not yet been found in
Asia Minor. But of the non-Egyptian names which remain to us from the period
of the foreign occupation, seven out of nine can be proved to be Western Semitic.
From this proportion of Semitic names it is very evident that the core of the
Hyksos was Semitic. Therefore Asia Minor cannot be looked upon as the original
home of the Hyksos, but rather Syria, particularly Arabia. We have here
a migration of Semitic peoples which bears the same relation to the Asia Minor-
North-Syrian movement as the migration of the Germanic peoples bore to the
Huns.

Naville, Edouard. La XI' dynastie (with i illustration). This is a review
of the reasons for retaining the order of the kings of the Xlth dynasty which
Dr. Naville has already put forward. M. Gauthier has accepted this order in his
" Livre des Rois," but Dr. von Bissing proposes a new arrangement. According to
the evidence of the temple at Deir el-Bahri, there are two kings, each having the
same personal name, but whose throne-names, though pronounced the same, are

The latter name

differently written. These are f o -^^^ \ and ( g ^=7 ^

occurs only in the shrines of the princesses, which could not have been built till the

temple was already in existence. That the reading hpt for | is correct is shown by

the two eyes and the lotus blossom which are represented in the carefully detailed
examples of this sign ; measurements of the oar in the cartouche show that the
length of the handle and the width of the blade are, with one exception, constant,
while the oar which reads kheru is irregular in size ; nor can the sign read khein as
the oar which is so vocalised is always represented diagonally and with a rope

attached. The Horus titles of the two kings differ: "^ 1 /] (" ^ ^ 1 and

^o, X " f o 'T^ I j. As to the Table of Kings at Karnak, the reason for the

omissions are still to seek. Did Thothmes wish to honour all kings who had done
something for Thebes, who were buried there, or who had erected some building
however small ? It would seem that the list mentions only kings who were really
kings, or who were considered as such. It is noteworthy that the kings of this
period always mention the name of their mothers, rarely that of the father,
indicating perhaps that they obtained the succession through the mother.

Mentuhetep I is called ^Os, , " the ancestor." It is suggested that this name

was given at a later date, to distinguish this king from his successors of the same
name. Before recapitulating his order of the kings. Dr. Naville gives his reasons
for believing that this dynasty came from Coptos, and that the kings gave a great
impetus to the cult of the Theban gods, Mentu and Amon. Theorder of the kings

then is : Antef I, who was g ~"^^^. and who is probably the same as the A '^ ij
of the stele of Drah abu'l Negga ; Antef II, who is also called A ^ , who is

82 Zeitschiift fiir Aegyptische Sprache.

represented on his stela with his dogs ; Antef III is the son of Antef II, and is also
called Antef-aa ; Mentu-hetep I, whose Horus-name means the ancestor;

Mentuhetep II, T [0^=^}], who built the temple at Deir el-Bahri ;

Mentuhetep III, (o'c^^J; Mentuhetep IV, whose inscriptions are found at

Hammam&t ; Mentuhetep V, who made an expedition to Punt. Besides these,
there are other Antefs and Mentuheteps, who either were not kings or belong to a

succeeding dynasty. The king ( o ^ LJ 1 ( ^^ \ J . discovered by Mr. Weigall,

though perhaps belonging to this dynasty, has as yet been found only in Nubia ;
as it is uncertain whether Nubia was under the rule of the Xlth dynasty kings, it
seems probable tliat this newly discovered king belongs to the Xlllth dynasty.

Plaumann, Gerhard. Die demotischen imd die griechischen Eponymen-
datierungen. Owing to the misunderstandings and mistakes, which are more
common in the demotic than in the Greek records, it is obvious that, when the
demotic and the Greek do not agree, reliance is to be placed on the Greek. This is
particularly the case in the difficult question of Eupator in the order of the
Ptolemies as given in the title of the priest of Alexander. The reason being that
the demotic was here merely a translation of the Greek. This is shown by the
fact that, where in Greek there was a genitive, it has been translated by a genitive
into demotic, though the Egyptian would have grammatically required a nominative.
Again, in the list of priestesses and in formulae of dates, a glance at. the Greek
original shows the mistakes of the demotic translator.

Spiegelberg, Wilhelm. Die demotische Inschrift auf der Statue von Rhodes.
(2 illustrations.) The statue is of a standing man, who from the remains of the
headdress, is certainly a king. Equally certainly it is a statue of the Ptolemaic
period made in Egypt. The head, feet and one arm are lost. On the
pilaster at the back is a demotic inscription : " Before Osiris-Apis, the great god,
and Isis, the great goddess. Dionysios, the man of lasos." As it is quite unknown
that a private person should dedicate a statue of his sovereign in the temple, one is
driven to the conclusion that this Dionysios, who represents himself as a Pharaoh,
was one of those Egyptian rulers of whom we hear in the Ptolemaic annals. From
the fact that the name is given without titles, he would appear to have been
a prominent man. Diodorus (XXXI, isa) mentions a Aiovvaio'; 6 KoKov/j.evo'i
YleToaopaiTK, who raised an insurrection in the Delta, and possessed so much power
that he might well consider himself the ruler of Egypt. From the inscription the
statue represents a Karian of lassos ; and it is possible that he was a Karian leader
of mercenaries in the service of the Ptolemies, who had by degrees arrived at
a position when he dared to attempt to seize the crown.

Spiegelberg, Wilhelm. Aus der Strassburger Saimnlung demotischer
Ostraka. (3 illustrations. A continuation of a paper published, A.Z., 1911.)
No. 5. A fragment of a vocabulary, giving a list of the names of parts of the face.
It is probably part of a much longer list of names of parts of the body. It dates
from the Ptolemaic period.

No. 6. A protocol of Ptolemy IV Philopator. The dating supplements and
is supplemented by the demotic Pap. Hauswaldt 17. The Louvre papyrus
published by Boudier, which is dated four or perhaps eight months earlier than Pap.
Hauswaldt 17, shows that the name of the priest of Ptolemais was the same in both.

Zeitschrift filr Aegyptische Sprache. 83

No. 7. A quittance for taxes paid for the sacred crocodile. Though single
words here and there are doubtful, the tenor of the document is quite clear.
Pechytes has paid in the year 32, twenty artaba of wheat for the crocodile in advance
for the year 33, the quittance is to show that in the year 33 no further demand can
be made upon him. As the Ostrakon comes from Thebes, the Theban crocodile is
meant, not the crofcodile of the Fayum. The document dates from the second half
of the Ptolemaic era.

Spiegelberg, Wilhelm. Zwei Kalksteinplatten mit demotischen Texten.
(2 plates.) PI. I. Bought in Luqsor, said to have come from the Theban cemetery ;
it is dated to the first part of the Ptolemaic dynasty. This is a writing-exercise, or
a rough copy, containing the beginnings of several stories. Lines 1-5 are perhaps
an oracle by dream, in which a man appears to the king in a dream and upbraids
him with neglecting the gods. Lines 6-8 are from an entirely different story.
Possibly the original writing had been washed off this part, and the blank space
thus obtained had been re-used. In lines 9-10 is found the beginning of a legend
of Osiris, who " went to the place of fighting."

PI. II. Found by Legrain in Karnak. It is dated between the years 204-1 80 B.C.
Though in the form of a letter, it is probably only an exercise. Its sole interest lies
in the mention of the rarely-mentioned king, Harmachis, who reigned in the time
of Ptolemy Epiphanes. For his position see the paper reported on pp. 40 and 41
of this journal.

Spiegelberg, Wilhelm. Denkstein einer Kultgetwssenschaft in Dendera aus
der Zeit der Augustus. (4 illustrations.) This stele was found at Dendereh by
sebakhin, though the exact spot is not known. It represents a king offering to
Hathor, Horus and Nekhbet, all three deities being in animal form ; and was
dedicated by the great kenbet of the god Harsamtus, in remembrance of their
restoration of the forecourt of Isis. The word '"te" is discussed, and, from the
instances occurring on mummy-labels, it appears to be a title, though not a priestly
title. It is suggested that it may be an office in the kenbet.

Spiegelberg, Wilhelm. HieroglyphiscJi - demotische Mumienetiketten.
(i plate, 3 illustrations.) Hitherto only one mummy-label written in hieroglyphs
has been known ; two more are published here, which were obtained at Luqsor.

No. I. On the obverse is the hieroglyphic inscription with the demotic below,
reading " Kolanthes the younger, son of Chrates." On the reverse is a semi-
obliterated line of hieroglyphs.

No. 2. A long narrow strip of wood, painted at one end like a miniature
obelisk. On the obverse is a vertical inscription in hieroglyphs ; an invocation to
the goddesses for food for " Te-shere-[n]-pete-Min, daughter of Te-shere-[n]-pete-
Min. May Hathor give thee bread. May Menket give thee beer. May Heset
give thee milk." On the reverse a horizontal line of hieroglyphs, and at the end
three horizontal lines of demotic repeat the name of the woman and her mother.

Spiegelberg, Wilhelm. Ein demotischer Grabstein der romischer Kaiserzeit.
(Plate.) The scene represents the deceased being led by Anubis into the presence
of Osiris. The inscription appears to be the speech of Anubis.

(TV be continued^

- F 2

( 84 )

REVIEWS.

Tlie Voice of Africa. By Leo Frobenius. 2 vols., 8vo, 682 pp., 70 plates,
200 figures. 28j. No Index. 1913. (Hutchinson.)

This is an important book as giving a general summary of the German
Anthropological Expedition of 1910-12 in Nigeria. The author organised his work
most ably, getting agents to collect information in far-distant districts, especially
from exiles who would more readily give it. His care was to reach the ideas of the
people and their concealed beliefs ; and the value of the objects he collected was
immensely increased by his use of them to bring out the thoughts and memories of
the natives, with whom he incessantly conversed about them. A certain tone
of self-centred satisfaction, and obliviousness of other points of view, may raise
a doubt whether he had quite the humble insinuation which brings out confidences.
But nothing less than his " push " would have covered so much ground, and gained
such results. He cordially thanks the British authorities in many places, for the
official help and personal kindness that he met with ; yet there was a bad time at
Ilife, where the old trouble of people selling what was not entirely their own, led to
his being held up by the English, to let the people resume their old possessions.
The anthropologist naturally regrets that things which were little valued by natives,
and entirely neglected by the English, were turned back again into the great limbo
of the unknown, perhaps never to be seen again ; yet acquisitiveness must be
judicious. Now for the African archaeology.

The discoveries made show that there was a considerable artistic civilisation
somewhere between 1,000 and 3,000 years ago, and that the present West African
is much degraded below the former status. The principal objects according to
the illustrations are the heads in terra-cotta, and especially a large one in bronze.
They are obviously native in feature, lips and jaws being identical with the modern
Yoruban character (see plates pp. 48, 312). The work is excellent, quite natural,
full of feeling, and without any mere conventions. No bodies are known belonging
to these heads, nor is any definite meaning attached to them. In every respect
they are extremely close to the pottery heads from the foreign quarter at Memphis;
if any of them had been found there they would though larger have been
accepted as all of the same class. The Memphite work cannot have come from the
Niger, it is too closely in touch with Persia and India ; but the idea, and even the
workmen, may have come from Egypt to West Africa. The work of the fifth
century B.C. may be the source ; but nothing so late as the Roman Age. Here
there is, then, an indication of date for the early civilisation. Was it an outlier of
the Ethiopian Kingdom, like some other sites?

Besides the heads there were other figures, mainly of animals, carved in hard
stone, such as granite and quartz. The figures published show that these are thick
and heavy, without the artistic ability seen in the heads. Much glazed pottery was
also found ; and large jars, supposed by some to have been crucibles for melting
glass. One piece of sculpture of a figure (p. 311, 2) is obviously a copy of Roman
work of about the second century.

Reviews.

The situation of these remains is in old
city sites. The ground has been extensively-
trenched about by the natives in search of
valuables, and the mound of ruins is in some
places over tweniy feet deep. Though the
Expedition did some excavating, there is no
sense of levels or stratification shown in the
record. It is evident that a good amount of
careful excavation of successive levels is required
to reach historical results as to the culture.
Until such systematic work is undertaken, the less
anyone digs the better. A Niger Museum ought
to be formed, as near as may be to the main
source of antiquities, and the native encouraged
to feel that it honours him, and that he can look
on it as his own, with all reverence for its
contents. Then there might be but little trouble
in getting at all the priceless ancient work, which
is still looked on as sacred.

Another main line of influence was due to
Christian Nubia. This is shown by artistic
influence, and by traditions, largely collected by
the author. The Gothic interlacing patterns,
which infected the Roman work in the mosaic of
the second century, and in the architecture of
the sixth century, were carried by the Christian
expansion of the Justinian Age far into Africa.
They are found more fully preserved on the Niger
than even in Coptic work, and are excellently
shown on plates, pp. 624, 634, 636 ; but, strong
as this influence is, it would have been wholly
incapable of such work as the terra-cotta heads,
they belong to the Perso-Greek civilisation.

It is melancholy reading how the cemeteries
of all North Africa are being ransacked for stone
beads, to send to the market at Bida, where they
are repolished for modern use (p. 444).

The modern industries are illustrated, both
the factories of bronze, iron, glass, and beads, and
also specimens of work (458, 464). These show
an instructive mixture of influences, African squat
globular forms, and Perso-Arab spouted pots;
with patterns of Greek honeysuckle and egg-and-
tongue, misnamed as strangely and ignorantly
as in our terms.

The author divides the religious history into
four strata : ( i ) Ancestor-worship. (2) Shamanism.
(3) Social Cosmogony. (4) Islam. He has the
fullest respect for the strength and value of the
true African culture, and social basis of life, of

Terra-cotta heads from Nigeria,
about fifth century B.C.

F 3

86 Reviews.

which he tells much that is admirable, and essential to a civilisation of such a climate
and people. It is only the degraded, and, worst of all, the Europeanised African,
that is the unwholesome creature which requires a hard hand.

The historical theories of the author do not detract from the value of his solid
work, even if we cannot accept them. He looks to Etruria as the source of the
civilisation, passing by sea through the Straits of Gibraltar ; he emphasises that the
culture is entirely littoral, and not at one with Central Africa. Some features show
a link through Morocco, such as the water collection from roofs, and the form of
the bow. The hand-loom is linked with the togo dress, which is practically the toga.
The foot-loom on the contrary is Asiatic ; it comes later in Africa, and goes with
the made-up tunic. The fascination of a great name leads him to see in this
Nigerian culture the Atlantis ; and a perfervid, half mystic, vague mode of
expression, which breaks out in many parts, leaves the reader at a loss how much
to discount from more sober pages. The various matters which throw light on
Egyptian customs, we hope to deal with in the next part of this journal. A weeding
of much that only relates to the recorder's feelings, would have left room for what
we want to know further about his collections on the customs and physical life of
the people. There is no reference to measurements or photographs of the
people for comparative study. We must be thankful, however, to have obtained so
much light on the past of Nigeria, lamentably neglected by the British
administration.

Art in Egypt. By SiR G. Maspero. Small 8vo, 313 pp., 565 illustrations,
4 coloured plates. 6s. (Heinemann and Hachette.)

Histoire de la Civilisation egyptienne. By GUSTAVE JEQUIER. Small 8vo,
330 pp., 257 illustrations. 3'50 frs. (Payot, Paris.)

Die Kultur des alten Agypten. PROF. F. W. Freiherr v. BiSSlNG. Small 8vo,
87 pp., 58 figures. i'25 marks. (Quelle and Meyer, Leipzig.)

The Continent has awakened to the need of popular education on Egypt ; no
longer is the art and learning to be reserved for costly works, and its spread to be
looked on as a profanation ; it is to be compactly reduced to a form where it may
rank along with a dozen other subjects in general culture. More than a quarter
of a century ago, when it was remarked to Lanzone that a little book was wanted
on Egypt, he replied : " A thousand little books are wanted," but he never wrote
one. Now here we have three little books, very different in treatment and idea,
and we can best value them by their contrasts.

Each of these books must be regarded in proportion to its cost. The German
publisher gives plenty for the price, but the two French publishers more than
double the scale of generosity. We must not expect the same liberty of scope to
the author in books so different in their claims.

Sir Gaston Maspero's book is a great work, which a generation ago would
have been produced exactly twice the size in every dimension and accordingly
eight times the price, without giving us any more material. The abundance of
illustrations all suffer in Hachette's Series on Art from being too small ; though
this is somewhat compensated by the fineness of the screen (180) which enables a
magnifier to be used with good result. The fulness of material is treated with the
author's accustomed skill ; and the masterly ease with which he conveys his
impressions and fixes a picture in the reader's mind, recalls his previous great
works. The geniality of expression lightens many pages, as when we read that

Reviews. 87

" several who belonged to the priesthood insisted on being reproduced in all the
splendour of their sacred insignia, and have gained nothing by the process."
Again we read " towards the close of the second Theban Age there was a semi-
popular art, marked by a variety of aspect and a freedom of technique very
disconcerting to those who still hold the immobility of the Egyptian civilisation as
an article of belief." All through the work we find the fulness of ideas and of
feeling for the sentiment of the art, which will help the readers to sec far more than
they would ever observe for themselves.

Each great period is treated separately, the Thinite Ist-IIIrd dynasty,
Memphite IVth-Xth, Middle Kingdom or First Theban Age, Second Theban Age
XVIIIth-XXIst, and Saite carried down to Roman pottery figures. The perception
of style is not aided, however, by mixing with the 1st dynasty nearly as many
illustrations belonging to subsequent periods ; they put the eyes out for grasping
what is really characteristic, almost as badly as the binder's insertion of a
rampantly-coloured plate of the XXIst dynasty in the middle of the Pyramid art.
The printer has also been very unkind in shifting on the description, as much as
ten pages divorced from the illustration.s, so that the reader has to go back over
more than twenty figures to find what is described.

Some of the dicta are surprising, and may, we hope, be reconsidered for the
next edition. The stele of King Zet, or more correctly Uaz (for such is the reading
of the serpent in the Xth Nome) is more than half attributed by its style to Sety I ;
but the hawk upon it could havoc all the tame hawks of Sety into mincemeat.
Enamels are spoken of in the Dahshur jewellery, which is entirely of inlays. The
Meydum Pyramid is stated to be a natural hill, whereas it is all built down to below
the pavement level. The temple of Sety at Abydos is stated to be partly in the hill,
while there is no hill near it. The English work is kindly referred to in the text,
but has suffered in the illu.strations. Fig. 14 is not the plan of Bet Khallaf by
Garstang, but the tomb of Qa at Abydos, planned by H. Flinders Petrie. Fig. 17
is by Green, not Quibell. Fig. 108 is from Paget and Pirie, PI. XXXVI. Fig. 194,
"after Champollion," is from Beni Hasan, I, XXVII. Figs. 277, 290, are
unacknowledged from Petrie's Tell el Amarna. Figs. 334, 388, 476, are all taken
unacknowledged from Petrie's Arts and Crafts, a book which never appears in the
very full bibliographies, though other works, two years later, are inserted. Such are
the spots on the sun.

In Prof J^quier's work we meet with a refreshing aim. " Hitherto the tendency
of certain works has been to insist on the general character, to seek to present
a homogeneous whole more than the differences between periods . . . The aim of
this little book is to counteract these erroneous ideas, and to study successively all
the main stages of the Egyptian civilisation." To this end the chapters are clearly
arranged in periods, systematically treating the history, monuments, and civilisation
of each period. The work is admirably analysed in tables, unfortunately all
placed at the end ; it has a long and full table of contents, complete list of the
264 illustrations ; an ample bibliography, classified under some two dozen divisions ;
and a full index. The aid of material arrangement is most helpful, and gratifying
after the lack of such necessary construction in other books.

The illustrations are happily larger than Hachette's, but less fine (screen 1 50).
They are scrupulously correct as to their sources, and well chosen for variety.
The text is clear and careful in its expression ; though one misses the touches of
esprit which lighten the pages of the previous work. One may hope that the author
will reconsider a few matters. The paintings of the pre-historic boats might be

F 4

88 Reviews.

thought safely settled to be such after publishing the Hierakonpolis paintings,
which show the great steering-oar, with the steersman holding it ; the interpretation
as a village seems entirely forced and impossible. The tying-up rope is also
shown hanging in front ; and on a vase (ANCIENT EGYPT, p. 34) are men punting
with long poles pushed from the shoulders. The division into two periods of
first and second prehistoric civilisation is not noted, although the distinctions
between the two are very marked. The Elamite connection of the dynastic
invaders is dismissed in favour of a Nubian origin ; but the very close resemblance
of the style of animal figures on the cylinder-seals from Susa and Abydos cannot
be ignored in this way. The African affinities which are numerous may all
be due to the earlier people, or to the Sudany invasion of the Ilird dynasty.
Sneferu should surely be put in the end of the Ilird dynasty; and the Xllth
dynasty figure 175 is of the deceased, and not an ushabti slave figure. Fig. 215
is certainly not Apries, and, by the style of the group of sculptures to which it
belongs, cannot be attributed to the Saite Period. Such matters are but small,
and the whole style of the work and its arrangement may we hope render the
view of the changing civilisations familiar to French readers, and be followed'
with advantage on this side of the Channel.

Freiherr von Bissing's work is of a very different character to the others. The
structure of society and the literature are what he seeks to impress on the German
reader, 60 pages out of 84 being given to these heads. Probably no one west
of the Rhine would respect the shell of officialism so much, but administration
is sweet to the Teuton, and the author wisely knows how to meet his taste. As
the book covers more ground than the others, though it is shorter, it necessarily
treats subjects more in outline. The account of the literature is, however, very
full in proportion, hardly any well-known writings being passed over. We might
have hoped that the author of the most magnificent publication of the art would
have treated it more fully in a handbook, but probably the inexorable publisher
would not illustrate it. A welcome feature of the illustrations given is that nearly
half are from the collection of the author, and therefore are of new material not
already familiar.

Museum of Fine Arts Bulletin, 66. Nov. 191 3. 14 pp., 22 figs. 10 cents.
Boston.

Occasionally a welcome outline of some of Dr. Reisner's work appears in the
bi-monthly Bulletin from Boston ; in the lack of any more satisfying record of this
great mass of work, we may be thankful for such a publication. This number
contains the account of clearing a group of family tombs at Gizeh, one of which
was quite untouched. These were of three generations of architects, who lived
under Assa, Unas, Tela, Pepy I and Pepy II, the close of the Vth and first half
of the Vlth dynasty. The persons were: Anta Snezem-ab under Assa, Mehy and
Khum-enta under Unas and Teta, Nekhebuau under Pepy I, and Im-thepy under
Pepy II.

The tomb of Anta contained a granite sarcophagus ; it had been plundered,
but the body lay complete. In pits of offerings near by, were limestone cases for
meat ofiferings, copper tools and models, and a beautiful diorite cup inscribed with
the name of Teta, showing the date of the burial.

In the court of Nekhebuau were many inscribed and sculptured stones which
could be refitted. These give biographical details of his employment over various
public works. He was six years directing great works in Heliopolis, and rose to

Reviews. 89

be chief architect. He also went to Sinai, where he left an inscription of his
expedition at Maghareh.

The latest of these tombs was undisturbed. The sloping passage was blocked
up solid with twenty-five feet length of stone. After breaking and withdrawing
this, the burial was found perfect. Outside of the long box coffin lay a pile of
copper models of tables, with little vases on them, and many copper bowls and
libation vases with long spouts. It is a most valuable series for dating the types of
the latter part of the Vlth dynasty. Inside the cofifin lay the body, badly
mummified, with an alabaster head-rest, two alabaster jars, a copper mirror, and
a deep collar of bead work of gold and faience beads. In the ruins of a chapel was
found a wooden statue, of good work, well preserved.

Das grab des Ti. By Georg Steindorff. 4to, 12 pp., 143 phot,
plates, 20 drawn plates. 191 3. (Hinrichs, Leipzig.)

This magnificent volume at last rewards us for waiting half-a-century for the
publication of the most celebrated of the great tombs of Saqqareh. It is worthily
reproduced, and Prof. Steindorff is to be congratulated on the clearness and good
effect of this grand series of photographs of the whole walls, in this immense picture-
book of early Egyptian life. He has judiciously taken a white paper, which much
increases the visibility of detail beyond that of the other large issues of tombs, such
as Kaqemni and the Rue de Tombeaux. There is something still to be gained by
a yet whiter and denser paper. We hope that a second volume will give us the
other facilities that appeared in the " Mastaba of Kaqemni " ; there is yet lacking
the outline key drawings to the walls, the enlarged drawings of details, and the
discussion and translation of the short inscriptions which are so generally neglected.

Archaeology of the Old Testament. By Dr. Edouard Naville. 8vo,
212 pp. 55^. 1913. (Robt. Scott.)

The essential thesis of this book is that the greater part of the Old Testament
was written in cuneiform character, until it was translated into Aramaic by Ezra.
The principal reason assigned for this view is the prevalence of cuneiform writing
in Palestine, shown by the Tell Amarna letters, and the tablets found at Taanach
and Gezer which refer to ordinary business. All of these, however, belong to the
Canaanite population, and when we look at the Jewish and kindred people we see
the Siloam inscription showing a long past of cursive writing, the Sumerian ostraka,
the long inscription of Mesha, and the still earlier cursive writing at Serabit. It is
true the Canaanite habit may have been to use cuneiform, yet Prof Naville seems
to attach too little importance to the examples of writing of the Semitic races.
His view is the older one of the prevalence of a pure Phoenician script from which
other alphabets are a degradation ; and he does not treat alphabetic writing on the
same basis which he rightly insists upon for language namely, that the varieties
and dialects are all of equal human value, although one may have become a literary
standard.

It is difficult to see how the origination of Genesis and other writings in short
separate documents, is an evidence for cuneiform writing rather than alphabetic
or hieratic ; or why Moses should be supposed to have been taught cuneiform in
Egypt, rather than the all-prevalent hieratic, which was in use among all classes
down to the common workman.

Matters where there will be a more general agreement with the author are his
outline of the Exodus movement, his excellent connection of " the land of Egypt as

90 Reviews.

thou goest unto Zoar " with the fertile Delta unto Zar the eastern frontier town,
and his deduction about the worship from the Aswan papyri long before any
possible influence of Ezra and the Babylonian party. Though this work is primarily
concerned with the Palestinian writings, it touches Egypt so largely that it claims
our attention here.

The Ancient History of the Near East. By H. R. Hall. 8vo, 602 pp.,
33 plates, 14 maps. 15J. 191 3. (Methuen.)

The purpose of this volume is to widen the view of the University scholar, and
give him a direct acquaintance with that greater world, which he first learns
something about from Herodotus. For this purpose it opens with a general survey
of the position of modern study, and then develops the pre-historic Greek world,
to break in the student to the idea of remote ages. After this it is allowable to
launch fully into Egyptian and Babylonian history, taking them together in three
main periods, early, middle and late. The Hittite, Syrian, and Palestine history
also come in for full notice, so that the student will be fairly set on his feet as to all
the changes of the near East before the Hellenic age.

There are, of course, many points on which the author has to take one side of
a disputed position ; and in most of these he represents the more moderate and
reasonable view. Musri is taken as being Egypt. The long reigns and
importance of the Hyksos are not suppressed, as has been fashionable lately.
Manetho is respected as a careful writer, though sometimes in error, and often
corrupted. The treatment of the Amarna letters strongly leans to accepting the
Khabiri as Hebrews, and the Exodus is put in the expulsion of the Hyksos. This,
however, ignores the place-name Raamses in Exodus, and the record of four
centuries of oppression. It seems more likely that there was a partial exodus along
with the Hyksos, the Hebrews perhaps appearing as the Khabiri, and the Israel of
Merneptah ; while the Exodus record refers to the remainder of the Israelites leaving
under the XlXth dynasty. It is unfortunate that the chronology concordantly
recorded by the Turin papyrus, Manetho, and Herodotus is rejected solely on
grounds of style, which have no value in proving periods of time. Definite records
cannot be treated so lightly. It is a little curious that the long labours of the
Research Account and British School are entirely omitted, while reciting single
volumes of various other writers on excavations.

As a whole the book is of great value in putting a complex mass of syn-
chronous history into an accessible form, and not ignoring differences of opinion,
where such uncertainties occur.

Les Inscriptions hieroglyphiques et hiiratiques du Ou&di Hammdmdt. By
J. COUYAT and P. MONTET (Mem. Inst. Fran. Arch. Orient). 4to, 119 pp.
(plates to appear in 2nd volume).

This volume opens with a general account of the inscriptions of each great
period. Some interesting lists of peculiar orthography are given. The inscriptions
left by the various quarrying parties, on the rocks, are then transcribed, in their
geographical order, 266 in all, with notes and some discussion. It would have been
most desirable to state the nature of the rock on which each is inscribed, and the
nature of the rock in the nearest quarry, as a guide to the localities of the stones
used in each period.

An interesting question, which has not been touched on by the authors, is
that of the seasonal dates of the inscriptions, as showing at what times of year the

Reviews.

quarry expeditions worked. We shall here follow the dating in " Historical
Studies"; and as the Egyptians' chronology and that of Berlin differ by an entire
Sothis period, the seasons would be the same on either chronology. The following
are the dated inscriptions :

Page.

King.

Year.

Month.

Day.

Season.

Aty

.. August 14

Pepyl... .

... April I

Mentuhotep II.

. . End of February

. . .

Sankhkara

... July 6

Senusert I

. 16

... Jan. 22-Feb. 22

February 21

Senusert II

February 14

Senusert III

February 15

Amenemhat III

.. December 27

.. January 9

. . March 7

. .. January 5

112

Ramessu IV

... July!

108

February 18

108

.. Feb. 23-Mar. 23

Darius I

. 26

.. October 24

. 26

... Nov. 13-Dec. 13

100

... Feb. 14-Mar. 16

. 28

. .. August 25

96-7

... July 30

Xerxes ...

. .. January 4

Nekhtnebf

... Feb. i6-Mar. 16

It appears that there were two quarrying seasons ; the main one between
December 13 and April i (15 e.xamples), the lesser one between July i and
October 24 (6 examples). The main season was for convenience of the work in the
cool weather ; the lesser season when labour was at liberty during the inundation.
The hot season work was more usual in late times.

Amulets, Illustrated by t/ie Egyptian Collection in University College, London.
By W. M. Flinders Petrie. 4to, 58 pp., 47 photo, plates, 7 drawn plates.
2 1 J. (Constable.)

(Where books are in any way connected with the British School, a brief
summary of such will be given without any opinions.)

This begins with a discussion of the principles of the use of amulets, and their
meaning. The Egyptian amulets are divided into five classes : Similars which
resemble the parts of the body to be protected ; Amulets of Powers which are
emblems of abstract powers ; Amulets of Property, which imitate the offerings for
the dead ; Protective Amulets for defending the person or the mummy ; Amulets
of gods, human or animal.

Each of the 275 different kinds of amulet is then described, arranged in these
successive classes. First is stated the ancient name ; then the meaning of the
amulet ; the period of use ; a list of the e.xamples photographed ; a list of all
published examples of the materials used ; the positions known on the mummy ;

92 Revieivs.

lastly, the number of examples in published collections. This book thus
summarises what is known on the subject of each amulet, beside describing the
specimens at University College, which has the most complete collection.

The plates contain full-size photographs of about 1,700 amulets, also copies of
two ancient lists of amulets, drawings of the largest gnostic amulet, and plans of
the positions of amulets on twenty-four mummies. It is intended to follow this
volume with others, similarly discussing various branches of Egyptian antiquities.

Paganism arid Christianity in Egypt. By P. D. SCOTT-MONCRIEFF. 8vo,
225 pp. 6s. (Cambridge University Press.)

This is a valuable handbook, collecting and discussing material from very
different sources, though not adding new facts. The chapters deal with the late
phases of Egyptian religion, the Christian literature of the early centuries. Christian
mummifying and burials, the very debatable amount of Christian influence on
sculpture, a summary of the Gnostic books, and an outline of the rise of monasticism.
The lamented death of the author has left the close of the work incomplete, but
what we have here will serve as a guide book to students, and a sufficient outline
for the general reader.

In some directions there are unfortunate omissions. The Hermetic books are
never mentioned ; yet with their internal dating to the Persian age, they give
a priceless view of the spread of ideas, symbols and expressions, in pre-Christian
times. Christianity is hardly credited before 180 A.D. in Egypt : but it is impossible,
with the strongly Jewish Delta close to Palestine, that it should not have received
Christianity as early as Antioch, 42 A.D., and long before there was a body of
Christians martyred in Rome in 64 A.D. The certain introduction of Medians under
the Persian rule into the Mediterranean area is ignored. The connection of Osiris
with corn is classed as being only of late date ; but the distribution of the cities
where the corn-festival took place points to its being prehistoric, before the nome
system was completed.

Synthetic Studies in Scripture. By W. Shaw Caldecott, Crown 8vo.
181pp. 2s.6d. (Scott.)

It is unfortunate that anyone at the present day should confuse readers by
statements in defiance of fundamental documents, known for half a century. To
state that " Shepherd kings belonged to the XVI Ith and XVIIIth dynasties," and
proceed to treat Akhenaten and all his ancestors as Hyksos, is directly contradicted
by the expulsion of the Hyksos under Aohmes, and all the tenor of his successors.
To state that " there are few subjects such as high priests, royal nurses, court dwarfs,
and the like, who are not known by several personal appellations" is quite untrue,
and is invented to identify Joseph with Amenhetep, son of Hapy. The census lists
of Numbers are cut down to a tenth without any trace of evidence, and regardless
of the strong internal evidence that the hundreds are independent of the misunder-
stood thousands. The suggestions of this writer need to be tested by a wider
reading and judgment.

( 93 )

NOTES AND NEWS.

Great changes are in progress among the staff of the Antiquity Department in
Egypt. Brugsch Pasha, whose service dates from the days of Mariette, has now
retired ; he will be sficceeded in the curatorship of the Cairo Museum by Mr. J. E.
Quibell, who worked for some years with the Egyptian Research Account.
Mr. Weigall, who is at present Inspector-General of Antiquities in Cairo, will retire
after the coming summer ; his seven or eight years' service in Upper Egypt having
made too much strain on his health. Mr. Cecil Firth has been appointed as
Inspector at Luqsor, but will be transferred to succeed Mr. Quibell at Saqqareh.
M. Daressy has been transferred from the curatorship of the upper floor of the
Museum to the administrative position of Controller. Above all this looms the
impending retirement of the master-mind : Sir Gaston Maspero will probably
before long leave his Directorship, which he first entered on thirty-four years ago.

Decorations in Egyptology are almost unknown, but the Emperor of Austria
has conferred on Mr. Weigall the Cross of the Order of Franz-Joseph, for services
to science.

Mr. Quibell is concluding his Saqqareh work before entering on the Museum
duties. He has lately found a coffin with boats and model workshops, of the
Middle Kingdom period.

Dr. Reisner's programme this year includes work at the Gizeh Pyramid
cemetery with Mr. Howe all the season ; work at El-Bersheh for the latter part of the
season by Mr. West; excavations at Sesi (Delgo) in Haifa Province in the first months
of the year by Dr. Reisner ; also work by Mr. West early in the season at Kerma
in Dongola Province. Mr. Clarence Fisher, well known from his plans of Nippur,
has returned to America for museum work, but will be back in Egypt by April.

From Antinoe Mr. J. de M. Johnson writes : " After several years of excavation
for papyrus cartonnage the Graeco-Roman branch of the Egypt Exploration Fund
has this year again turned its attention to the Roman Period in undertaking work
on the rubbish mounds of Antinoe. It is difficult at present to estimate the value
of the results. The mounds are without any top layers of Arabic, and are uniformly
dry to the ground level. On the other hand the necessary strata of d/s/t are scarce,
and papyrus when found tends to be extremely brittle and decayed."

From Prof. Naville's work at Abydos all detailed statements are reserved
for the present.

At Lisht Mr. Mace has cleared a large area south of the pyramid of Amenem-
hat ; he has found numberless pits, mostly of the close of the Xllth dynasty, and
parts of mastabas which were pulled to pieces during the later Empire. The water
level is a difficulty in the larger pits, and pumping is requisite.

At Thebes the great work of Mr. Robert Mond on the tombs is progressing in
the hands of Mr. Mackay. He has photographed the tomb of Queen Nefertari, and
is repairing the tombs of the Engravers (i8i), of Dedy (200), of Kha-em-hat (57)
where casts of the missing parts now at Berlin are being inserted, and the fine tomb
of Menna (69). Also tombs 1 1 1 and 139 have had the walls treated, and the open
tombs at Drah abul Negga are being tended.

At Aswan Prof. Schiaparelli is clearing tombs on the western side. One tomb
which he has opened was rifled in Ptolemaic times ; the rock staircase of another
tomb is being cleared, and may lead to a fine monument ; this is just below the
Coptic monastery.

Prof. Stcindorff is working at Ibrim in Nubia before taking up Hawara later in
the season.

( 94 )

THE EGYPTIAN RESEARCH STUDENTS' ASSOCIATION.

Our Founder, Mrs. Sefton-Jones, informs me that many of the branches of this
Association have enlarged their bounds considerably during the last two years.
The Local Honorary Secretaries are much to be congratulated on the results of
their labours. In many of the centres, the members are real students, and require
very little help in providing material for their meetings ; others, however, need
considerable assistance, which is always gladly given from headquarters. One very
popular series of papers sent round, during last winter, dealt with " Domestic Life
in Ancient Egypt," comprising sculpture, painting, arts and crafts, architecture
(religious and domestic), and dress. Another, almost equally sought after, was on
*' The Foreign Neighbours of Egypt," Syrians, Cretans, Hittites, etc. A very small
minority of branches have suffered from temporary diminution, or eclipse ; for the
most part, they are gradually growing larger. Some desire to keep a fixed limit of
membership, as the members meet in a private drawing room ; others are actively
promoting increase of membership. All are furthering the interests they have at
heart, by serious pursuance of the subject under various aspects, and the standard
attained in papers and lectures has distinctly risen in the last few years.

The papers for the present season are given below, in continuation of our list
in the January number.

London. (Hon. Sec, Mrs. Sefton-Jones, i8, Bedford Square, W.C.) Meetings, monthly.
At 8 p.m., tea and coffee, 8.30 p.m., lecture. March 26, lecturer, J. G. Milne. April 23,
Mrs. Aitken, on " The Development of Egyptian Art." May 20, or other Wednesday afternoon, at
University College, 3 p.m.. Prof. Flinders Petrie's lantern-lecture on this season's New Discoveries.

Bournemouth. (Miss Horn, Canford Cliffs.) Feb. 11, '3.15 p.m. (tea, 4.15 p.m.) at Royal
Bath Hotel (Mrs. Johnson), paper on "Period of Pyramid Builders"; history and art of Illrd-
Vlth dynasties. March 11, 3.15 p.m. (tea, 4.15 p.m.) at Sherstone Cottage, Branksome Park
(Mrs. Naesmyth Webb), paper on " Period of Pyramid Builders."

Edinburgh. (Mrs. Melville, 16, Carlton Street.) Dec. 18, 3 p.m., Prof. Kennedy, D.D., on
"Israel in Egypt." Jan. 30, Mrs. Aitken, on "The Development of Egyptian Art." Feb. 28,
Prof. Stevenson, D.Litt., on "A Story-teller of Fifth Century B.C."

Farnham. (D. Hill Cook, Serendah, Firgrove Hill.) Jan. (?), lecturer J. G. Milne.

Glasgow. (Miss Bruce Murray, 17, University Gardens.) March (?), Evening meeting.

Gloucester. (Miss Ellis, 10, Alexandra Road.) Papers read at meetings, and distribution
of Journal.

Hastings. (Mrs. Russell Morris, Quarry Hill Lodge, St. Leonards.) Jan. 12, Dr. Spanton,
on " The Egyptian Water Lily." March and April, two more lectures.

Reigate. (Mrs. Paul, Hilton Lodge.) Jan. 27, Miss L. Eckenstein on " Mummies," also
Feb. 23, on " Amulets," also March 24, on " Dress, Religious and Secular."

ROSS-ON-WVE. (Mrs. Marshall, Gayton Hall.) Dec. 31, 3 p.m. (Mrs. Cobbold) Mrs. Sefton-
Jones' paper on " Recent Excavations" read : Jan. 28, 3 p.m. (Mrs. Schomberg) Historical Course
continued, IVth-VIth dynasties. Feb. 25, Meeting (Mrs. Gray). A small lending library on
Egyptian and Ancient History, free for members' use, is established in Ross.

Tintagel. (Mrs. Harris, St. Piran's.) Jan. 5, paper on " Early dynasties and Pyramids."
Feb. 2, Lecture on XI 1th dynasty given, and Flinders Petrie's letter from lUahun read. March
or April, Prehistoric. April or May, paper on 1913 Exhibition of British School.

Manchester. Egyptian and Oriental Society. (Miss W. M. Crompton, The
University.) Open meetings at University. Jan. 14, 8 p.m., T. Eric Peet, on " Sinai as known to
the Egyptians." Feb. (?) H. R. Hall, on " Greek Monasteries." Feb. 24, Prof. Lehmann-Haupt,
on " Tigranokerta Re-discovered" (not open). March 10, Prof. A. Dickie, on "The Origin and
Development of Building amongst the Jews." April 25, A. M. Blackman, on "The Painted
Tombs at Meir." May (?), W. Burton, on " Egyptian Glazed Ware."

Hilda Flinders Petrie.

( 95 )

THE TOMB OF MENNA.

This tomb is one of the best preserved at Thebes, owing to its not having been
exposed to modern ravages. It was found in the work of Mr. Robert Mond, who
has done so much for the safety and care of these tombs, hitherto so strangely neglected
by the Government and the Societies that have worked at Thebes. The painted

Wife and Children of Menna in a Boat.

96 The Tomb of Menna.

chapels at the southern capital are hardly secondary in value and interest to the
great sculptured chapels of Saqqareh.

In the frontispiece is a harvest scene which shows how the Egyptian could
grasp actions in his memory, and reproduce them like a Japanese j for we cannot
suppose that he got models to pose for all these lively little groups in action. The
Egyptian always cut off the ears of corn close, and left the straw to be pulled up
afterwards whole and sound. The two men are carrying off a net full of ears to be
threshed. Below them amid the standing straw are two girls fighting. The right-
hand one (a) has evidently been kneeling down to gather up the ears that she has
gleaned ; the other girl (b) has run forward to dispute her right to them, and B has
seized the wrist of A with her right hand, and clutched the hair of A in her left,
A retaliates as well as she can by seizing B's hair in her right. So far A is checked,
but B cannot do anything, and is worsted in the matter of hair-grip. There the
squabble has waited for three thousand years.

Beyond is a sycomore fig tree, which casts its thick shadow, and bears its tough
fruit close to its branches. A boy is sitting at rest on a stool, while another boy
plays on a long pipe, like a modern zammareh, not a flute blown sideways, as has
been described. Over his head hangs a water skin, hung up in the cool shade to
evaporate, and give a cold drink ; observe that the neck is tied back separately, so
that it should be loosened to get a drink, without shifting the skin. It is a curious
sign of the comfort of the times that boys out in the harvest field have well-
carpentered stools to sit upon, and do not lounge as best they can ; certainly no
modern Egyptian would think of such a luxury.

In the lower scene are two more little gleaners. One has a thorn in her foot ;
so she has seated herself on her gleaning bag, and stretches out her leg for her
companion to remove the thorn. The friend's gleaning bag lies on the ground
between them, just such a bag of coarse fibre as is commonly found in the period of
the New Kingdom. A boy is stripping the heads off flax stems by pulling them
through a forked stick fastened to the ground. The general well-being of the
people is seen by the gleaning girls the poorest people wearing a long maids
down to the ankles. The boys and men naturally only wear the usual waist-cloth.
Both the men and one of the boys, however, have the leather net over it, made of
slit leather work, to take the wear of sitting and rubbing about.

On the previous page is a part of a scene of the wife and daughters in a boat
with Menna, drawn with perfectly unfaltering and even lines. Below, the ducks
flutter and quack in the lotus pool as the boat advances ; and one of the girls leans
over the side to pick the lotus buds as they pass.

It was in the clearance of this tomb that a charming statuette was found, two
views of which are here given as the Portraits of this quarterly part. On comparing
the profile with that of the wife in the boat scene, it is so precisely like that we
must see in this figure the wife of Menna. Why is her face perfectly preserved
while not a trace of her husband's statue is to be found? The state of the tomb
shows that there was a special spite against him. His throwstick in the picture is
cut in two ; his figure viewing the estate has the eye gouged out that he may not
see; 'the measuring rope for his fields has the knots scraped away; his hand in
spearing the fish is destroyed. Yet there was no ill-will to his gracious wife, her
face and figure remain on the wall and in the statuette. For the photographs of the
figure we are indebted to Mr. Mond, as also for the cast of the figure (which is now
in the Cairo Museum), from which the portrait on the cover is taken. The tomb
scenes I photographed in 1909. W. M. F. P.

WIFE OF MENNA, CAIRO IMUSEUM.

WIFE OF MENNA, CAIRO MUSEUM.

.^.M^.i*.^ ^

PECTORAL OF SENUSERT 11 i
PECTORAL AND ARMLETS OF AMENEMHAT

ANCIENT EGYPT.

BRITISH SCHOOL OF ARCHAEOLOGY IN EGYPT.
THE TREASURE OF LAHUN.

In the previous number of ANCIENT Egypt an account has been given of the
principal features of the pyramid of Senusert II and its surrounding constructions.
We now turn to describe the greatest discovery of the year, indeed by far the most
valuable group that has ever been found outside of the Government reserves.

On the south side of the pyramid of Lahun, four large shaft-tombs were found,
doubtless all belonging to members of the royal family. They had all been opened
and plundered, probably in the decadence of the kingdom before the Hyksos.
They had then been left open, and gradually filled up with dust, and mud washed
in by occasional storms. In one of these tombs stood a granite sarcophagus, the
massive lid of which had been partly pushed off and the edge broken away, enough
to let a boy in to clear out the contents, and nothing whatever was left in it. The
tomb appeared to have been entirely ransacked, and only a recess at the side of the
passage remained to be examined. This was filled with hard washed mud like the
rest of the tomb, and nothing could look less promising. The trained workman
was told to clear it out and finish the tomb.

After a few cuts of the pick, the man saw some tubular beads of gold appearing.
He at once removed the local workers who were about him, and sent word to the
staff. Mr. Frost was at liberty, and went down ; after taking out about a pound
weight of gold beads, and beginning to uncover the band of the diadem, he fetched
Mr. Brunton to come down and continue the clearing. The rest of the afternoon
loth February and on up to midnight, the clearing went on, without even
extracting the diadem, as the ground was so hard. Mr. Brunton slept in the tomb,
and worked at intervals during the night, removing the diadem safely next morning.
For five days, and several evenings also, Mr. Brunton, with sometimes Mr. Willey,
steadily worked through the cubic yard of hard mud, every scrap of which had to
be loosened most carefully as the jewellery and ivory work were scattered throughout
it, and a single rough cut might do great damage. After that work, the whole of
the earth was brought up to the huts, and, for some weeks sifting went on gradually
and thoroughly, and all the richer portions were completely washed away as liquid
mud, leaving the most minute beads behind. Thus over ten thousand beads were
recovered.

Such a discovery would have raised a hornet's nest of dealers and robbers
about us, if it were known while we were at work. But steps may- be taken to
secure the silence of the workman, without recourse to the ancient practice of
killing all who knew a secret. The power of the purse in our regular system of
reward was enough, and not even the man's own brother could find what the reward
had been. So far as rumours reached Egypt, their nature showed that they were
due to the betrayal of confidences in another country, and not to anyone in Egypt.

98 The Treasure of La/tun.

(i) The principal object was the diadem, bearing the royal uraeus on the front.
It is formed by a broad band of highly burnished gold over an inch wide, and large
enough to pass round the bushy wig worn in the Xllth dynasty. The uraeus is of
open work, inlaid with lazuli and carnelian ; the head is of lazuli, which was found
loose in the mud. In washing the mud we recovered one of the minute eyes of
garnet, and also the little ring of gold which surrounded it, and thus the head was
completed again. Around the polished band were affixed fifteen rosettes, each
composed of four flowers with intermediate buds. At the back a tube of gold was
riveted on to the band, and into that fitted a double plume of sheet gold, the stem
of which slipped through a flower of .solid gold. The thickness of the plumes was
such that they would wave slightly with every movement of the head. At the back
and sides of the crown were streamers of gold, which hung from hinges attached to
the rosettes. The whole construction was over a foot and a half high. The crowns
found before at Dahshur are of designs different from this, which shows a
reminiscence of the head-band or diadem painted on the figure of the princess
Nefert, at the close of the Ilird dynasty, or the silver crown of the Xlth dynasty
at Leyden. It preserves, therefore, the earlier style of the Old Kingdom. The
plumes and streamers were found laid flat together beneath the circular band ; they
seem to have been carefully placed in this manner originally.

(2, 3) Two pectorals of the same design were found ; one with the cartouche
of Senusert II, belonging to the princess when young, the other of Amenemhat III,
twenty or thirty years later. The cartouche is supported by the kneeling man,
holding palm branches which rest on the tadpole representing millions of years.
This group is flanked by two falcons whose backs form the outline of the group.
The earlier pectoral is inlaid with minute feathering of lazuli and turquoise; the
later with a different feathering of lazuli and white paste, which has probably
been green. The gold backs of the pectorals are finely engraved, with most detail
on that of Senusert II. The outlines of these, formed by the hawks, are more
graceful than the square frames of the Dahshur pectorals. They were probably
suspended by necklaces of the very rich deep amethyst beads which were found
here. See the frontispiece showing the engraved gold backs of the pectorals.

(4) A massive collar was composed of large gold double lion-heads, one of
which is made in two halves, sliding together to serve as a fastener. Between these
came smaller quadruple lion-heads, as the threading holes are just the same
distance apart, and the number (7) is the same.

(5) Another collar was of large gold cowries, one of which is in two halves
sliding together, and therefore separate from the lion-heads. Some extra spacing
is needed between these, and the double rhomb beads of gold have threading holes
the same distance apart, while their number (16) is just double that of the cowries.
These probably go together.

(6) A third collar was of the old type of long pendant or drop beads, of gold,
lazuli, carnelian, and amazon-stone. The only beads which can have been placed
between these are the rhombic beads of carnelian and blue amazon-stone, and these
cannot have been threaded with the rhombic gold beads as they are too wide to fit
those.

(7) Another necklet was a double row ot amethyst beads, with two gold lion-
claw pendants. This combination is suggested by the double beads of gold balls
soldered to the claws, of the same size as the amethysts.

(8) A pair of deep armlets are formed of six bars of gold, each bearing two
columns of thirty-seven rowsof beads, which held apart as many rows of minute beads

Tlie Treasure of Lahun. 99

of carnelian and turquoise. These armlets were each fastened on by sliding a broad
strip of gold in grooves, the strip bearing the name and titles of Amenemhat III
in blue and white, on an inlaid flat ground of carnelian. See frontispiece.

(9) A similarly made pair of bracelets had eight bars with twenty-three rows
of beads, but without an inlaid sliding piece.

(10) Two pairs of small gold lions were found, which had double threading
holes from end to end of the base. The distances of the holes prevents their
belonging to either the bracelets or armlets, or to any of the larger beads. They
were probably threaded on double strings of small beads, fastened with a small gold
slider of the double rope-tie pattern.

(11) Two pairs of larger gold lions had each a single thread hole from end
to end. They must have been on single strings of small beads, probably combined
with the following :

(12, 13, 14) Three motto groups of gold inlaid : with / ab, "satisfaction of
heart " ; ab hetep between two 7ieter signs, " the heart in peace amidst the gods " ;
and onkh between two sa signs on neb, " life amidst all protection." Each of these
has a vertical slider at the back, with a ring on each part, hence they were
fasteners for a single string of small beads. They were probably hung on the arm
as amulets, each by a single line of beads.

(15) There were also two other amulets, shen signs of gold inlaid, meaning the
fulness of life and possessions. One has a slider at the back, the other has a
different form of slider, a cover slipping over a fixed tongue.

By the study of the gauges of all the double threading, the diameters of beads,
the numbers of different patterns, the numbers of various fasteners, the known
length of necklaces, the usual patterns on statues and paintings, and such details,
it is possible to re-construct the original arrangement with but 'iz\'{ uncertainties.
It is much to be wished that the materials of the great Dahshur finds were similarly
restored to something like their original appearance.

Other toilet objects were found : a pair of copper knives, a pair of copper razors
with gold handles ; three obsidian vases with gold mounting on brim and ba.se, and
around the lid. The main piece was a large silver mirror with handle of obsidian,
and east gold head of Hat-hor ; the handle is inlaid with bands of plaited gold, and
leaves around the base of carnelian and paste blue and white in gold settings.
Two inlaid gold scarabs have gold wire rings to them ; another scarab is of lazuli ;
a fourth one, of lazuli, engraved with the cartouche of Amenemhat III in a scroll,
is probably the most perfect known, for the sharpness and finish in every part, and
the intense blue of the stone.

Of the funerary outfit there were eight alabaster vases with lids of the usual
type ; and in a limestone chest were the alabaster canopic jars. These jars are of
the finest style, with beautifully finished human heads, and sharp inscriptions,
recording the " Royal daughter, Sat-Hathor-ant."

The jewellery had been mostly placed in three caskets. One was covered
with panelled ivory veneer, in the recesses of which all round were large gold aad
signs. A second was of ivory veneer, with two beautifully carved strips on the lid,
bearing the names and titles of Amenemhat III in relief. The third box was only
of wood, which had entirely perished like the wooden basis of the others. It is
hoped that the ivory caskets may be eventually restored from the thousands of
fragments which have been collected.

The extraordinary conditions of the discovery seem quite inexplicable. The
tomb had been attacked ; the long and heavy work of shifting the massive granite

G 2

lOO Tlu Treasure of Lahun.

lid of the sarcophagus, and breaking it away, had been achieved ; yet ail this gold
was left in the recess of the passage, untouched. Had the crown been dragged out
of the coffin, it would have been bent in some part; but it was quite uninjured, and
placed as if carefully deposited. The whole treasure seems to have been stacked in
the recess at the time of the burial, and to have gradually dropped apart as the
wooden caskets decayed in course of years, with repeated flooding of storm water
and mud, slowly washed into the pit. It cannot be that the whole was deliberately
buried in mud to hide it, as then the parts would have been in exact position. On
the contrary, everything showed a long gradual decay, during which the wood and
the threads were rotted by wet, the beads all rolled apart, the parts of the armlets
had fallen in every direction, and all the ivory veneer had dropped off and lay in
a confused stratum of fragments. This was all bedded over by mud washing in,
to more than a foot in thickness. The whole treasure was standing in an open
recess, within arm's reach of the gold-seekers, while they worked at breaking open
the granite sarcophagus.

Lahun contains some of the strangest puzzles. An immense chip heap was
banked up in a quarry, a very usual and unimportant matter. Yet in this heap is
an offering pit built of fine stone, surrounded by an enclosure wall ; at its side stood
four wooden boxes containing bowls of offerings. Near it, in the chips, were other
boxes of offerings, each sealed by a different official. Close by lay the great
steering oar of the king's funeral barge. Why should officials present boxes of
offerings, and why should there be an offering pit, in a quarry ? Does it all hide
something ? Was Senusert ever buried in the pyramid ? Was his burial hidden
elsewhere ?

At the foot of the pyramid a similar box was found sealed up, containing the
skeleton of an infant. Is this a sacrifice? These, and many other questions, we
must try to settle in the continuation of the work.

Coloured plates of all the jewellery will be given in the annual publications,
and some in the frontispiece of the next volume of this Journal.

The Treasure of Lahun and the other discoveries of the year will be exhibited
from the 22nd of June to the i8th of July, hours 10 to 5, at University College,
London. Admission to the Exhibition is free, without ticket.

W. M. F. P.

( lOI )

BRITISH SCHOOL OF ARCHAEOLOGY IN EGYPT.
HARAGEH, 1913-14.

Some very successful excavations have been carried on this season, by the
second camp of the British School, on the southern half of the Gebel Abusir, an
isolated strip of desert lying in the broad cultivation between the entrance to the
Fayum and the Nile. The work was chiefly concentrated on the south-west side,
near the village of El-Harageh.

This rich site, which for some reason has been neglected by the excavators,
both English and foreign, who have worked in the district, yielded a series of
isolated cemeteries of the following periods: Middle Pre-historic, Illrd-IVth,
Vlth-XIth, Xllth, XVIIIth, XlXth and XXIIIrd dynasties, together with the
inevitable large quantity of Roman and Coptic burials. In addition to these
cemeteries, which numbered fourteen, there were several large deposits of potsherds
bordering on the cultivation ; these had been much disturbed by sebbAkhyn
(collectors of nitrous earth), so much so that it is doubtful whether they were
thrown out from some town now under the cultivation area, or whether they mark
small village sites of which all other traces have disappeared. The numerous
inscribed objects from these mounds mention only one king Senusert II, builder
of the Lahun Pyramid, a few miles away ; and the pottery was of the town type,
very similar to that of Kahun, no later types than the Xllth dynasty being found.
The same king is alone mentioned on the inscribed objects of the adjoining large
Xllth dynasty cemetery.

Especially interesting was the presence of Hyksos pottery like that found at
Tell el-Yehudiyeh (black ware, incised with white triangular pattern and dots).
These were found both in the sherd-heaps and in tombs which, from the pottery
and other objects, appear to belong to the Xllth dynasty. It thus bears out the
view that for some time before the Hyksos dynasties, a considerable infiltration of
Syrians was taking place.

A further feature of these sherd-mounds was the presence of the foreign
" Kamares " pottery, which Prof. Petrie demonstrated twenty-five years ago to have
been imported in the Xllth dynasty. This pottery belongs on the Cretan side to
the period Middle Minoan II, and thus serves as another contemporary link
between the histories of Egypt and Crete.

Nearly all the tombs had been robbed anciently, though they had almost
escaped the attention of modern plunderers. It is a noteworthy fact that in a very
large number of graves, the skull was all that remained whole of the body ; even
the long bones, which might be expected to last as long as the cranium, were
smashed to pieces or absent. We refrain from dogmatising on the matter, as there
is no direct evidence that Egyptian tomb-robbers respected at any time or in any
way the dead whom they were plundering ; further observation may throw more
light on this curious circumstance.

The season's work has resulted in a rich mass of objects, all of which will
fortunately be on view at the Annual Exhibition of the School in July. First
should be mentioned a valuable group of the Xllth dynasty, consisting of inlaid

G 3

102 Harageh, 1913-14,

<r/(3W0<!' jewellery of the same class as the Dahshur and Riqqeh work, but in silver
instead of gold, as well as twenty-four perfect vases in alabaster, serpentine, and
limestone, and a fine stela. From another grave came several gold fish, of the
kind now known as shdl^ one of them being probably unique for exquisite
workmanship and truth to nature.

Another rare group is an untouched " button-seal " burial. The seal has a
cross pattern and is accompanied by leg and hand amulets of carnelian, some
remarkable gold work, and a large quantity of beads.

A number of figures in wood and stone, mostly in perfect preservation, and
of the Xlth-XIIth dynasties, were also obtained. A pair of wooden figures of
a man and his wife (Xlth dynasty) are of especially fine work.

Of the several steles, the large stone of Nebpu is of special importance, as,
apart from its admirable workmanship, the inscription invokes an unusual god,
Hez-hotep, and the " king of the south and north, Klia-kheper-Ra" in the nesut dy
hotep formulae, and mentions local place-names and titles.

The collection of beads and of alabaster vases is very large, and over
250 scarabs, mostly of the Xllth and XVIIIth dynasties, as well as a quantity of
Middle Kingdom inscribed cylinders, were found. A couple of painted tombs
(probably of the Xth dynasty) of a Har-shef-ttakht and his wife, several Xllth
dynasty papyri, several wooden cofifins, and many pots and sherds written in hieratic,
together with the steles, form a satisfactory group of inscribed objects.

Two very small cemeteries of the Middle Pre-historic period have yielded
a large quantity of pottery, also some flaked flint knives of the excellence peculiar
to this early time.

Excavations have also been made at GhorAb (Gurob), in a cemetery of the
XlXth and later dynasties. The work of the camp has been assisted by
Mr. F. P. Frost, who undertook all the conservation, storing and packing of objects,
Dr. Walter Amsden, who measured over 300 skulls, and Mr. Guy Brunton, who
gave us great help at the beginning of the season ; while we are responsible for
the recording, planning, and general management of the camp.

Rex Engelb.\ch.
Battiscombe Gunn.
Duncan Willey.

( 103 )

fc EGYPT EXPLORATION FUND.
THE EXCAVATIONS AT ABYDOS.

The work of the Egypt Exploration Fund at Abydos, carried on during the
winter, 191 3-14, by the present writer, assisted by Prof. Whittemore, Mr. Wainwright,
and Mr. Gibson, has been a continuance of what had been done in 19 12. Then, we
had started from Mrs. Flinders Petrie's excavations at the Osireion, from the door
discovered by her and Miss Murray in the Hall, at the end of the passage called on
the plan : " Entrance from the temple." (See Osireion, Plate XV.) This passage we
entirely cleared ; it is forty-five feet long, and leads to what we thought at first to
be two separate chambers. In front of its end, at a short distance, was a huge
lintel fifteen feet long ; we see now that it is the doorway to the following
construction which we excavated completely.

We began in front of the doorway and of the thick wall which extends right
and left. We traced the enclosure wall, and we pushed forward towards the temple
of Seti. After a work of eleven weeks the construction was cleared, the plan of
which is here reproduced, and is as follows : It is a rectangle, the inside of which is
about a hundred feet long and sixty wide ; the enclosure wall is twenty feet thick.
It consists of two casings, the outer one is of limestone rather roughly worked ; the
inner one is very fine masonry of a red stone, which we thought at first to be
quartzite, but which Dr. Hume declared to be a hard kind of sandstone coming
probably from the country near Assuan. The two long sides are roughly north
and south, as the Arabs say, the entrance is in one of the shorter sides, and the other
is the end wall, which is about twenty feet from the temple of Seti.

The inside of the rectangle is divided into three naves of unequal size, the
middle one being wider than the side aisles. The naves are divided by two colonnades,
each having a row of five huge granite monolithic pillars, on which rests an
architrave six feet high, made of blocks more than fifteen feet long. Architrave
and enclosure wall supported the ceiling, also made of monoliths six feet thick.

Ceiling, architraves, pillars, in fact all the inside, are of Assuan granite. The
whole building, the style of its masonry, the total absence of any decoration reminds
one very strongly of the so-called temple of the Sphinx, so that I think that this
construction goes back to the Age of the pyramids, it may be even older than the
temple of the Sphinx. Unfortunately, the fine material has contributed to its
destruction. In one corner only, in the northern aisle, the ceiling has been
preserved. This corner gives an idea of what must have been the majesty of the
construction, with its enormous stones.

When we reached the third layer of the masonry in the enclosure wall, we
discovered that all round the construction there were cells all alike, seventeen in
number, six feet high and wide. They are absolutely bare, without any ornament
or inscription. They all had doors, with one leaf: the holes in which they turned are
still visible. It was to be expected that these cells opened on a floor, but in front
of them there is only a very narrow ledge which goes all round the construction.
Below the ledge the fine masonry continues, and at a depth of about fourteen feet
the water was reached at a level which is now that of the infiltration in the cultivated

(J 4

104

Excavations at Abydos.

land. We could not go deeper, owing to the quantity of granite blocks which have
been thrown there. Water was found in several places, and it is clear now that the
two side aisles and the small sides of the middle one were a continuous pool, on
both sides of which was the ledge. On the outer side of the pool are the cells, on
the inner the pillars of the colonnades. The ledge is not a slab, it is the big stone
of the masonry which has been hollowed out, so that the ledge projects over the
water. The masonry goes down probably another twelve feet below the present
level of the water.

Opposite the doorway, the end wall is covered with sculptures, showing
Menepthah worshipping Osiris and other gods. There are also large representations

of the two usual amulets, the W and the buckle 1. This has decidedly a funerary

character, and seems to indicate a tomb. At the foot of this end wall is the ledge
and the door of a cell. The back wall of this cell has been broken through, so as
to make a door which has been blocked afterwards with stones. This door gives
access to a large chamber, wider than the whole construction, with a ceiling made
of stones leaning against each other. The room was found empty. The sculptures
on the ceiling and on the side walls, which are of the time of Seti I, are of a nature
indicating that it is the so-called tomb of Osiris, the entrance of which was
concealed, since it looked exactly like a cell. I consider this chamber as being of
a later date than the pool.

The middle nave was a huge block of masonry going down as deep as the
other side of the aisles. The level of its floor is that of the ledge and of the cells.
It supports the pillars of the colonnades, and it has two staircases, one at each end,
going down towards the water. This platform is an island, being surrounded by
water on its four sides. There is no path to reach it, even at the doorway, which
has only the ledge.

Thus the result of last winter's campaign has been the discovery of the great
pool, w.hich undoubtedly is Strabo's well, and of the tomb of Osiris which was
entered from the pool, and which I consider as being of later date.

Edouard Naville.

Excavations at Abydos.

105

Interior ok the (jReai Hall ui the Osireion.

( io6 )

HIERATIC OSTRAKA FROM THEBES.

Among the ostraka at University College, London, collected from Thebes by
Prof. Petrie, two of the longer and more complete examples are here transcribed
and translated. They are both of the XlXth dynasty, written on flakes of white
limestone. The hymn to Mut has red spots at intervals to separate the lines ; these
spots are darker than the text in the photograph. Probably both of these came
from the clearance of the Ramesseum.

Transcription.

Redo.
No. I. 22 X i6 cm.

I I U I I I /www I I f AAA/v \^ I n U 1 1 ^A^~^^ ^ I sil I

if^i 4-1"-"=^ ...dot '^ <== oe

k I

I 1 I AAAAAA

Verso.

I A_D

Translation, Verso,

'i" There was given to her by T-o-merut,

Y her daughter \ sack

Y In toto \\ sack for the woven cloth

' The same ligature as for instance in P. Abbott 5/5.
' Against the reading "^ see note in the translation.
' The point is evidently accidental.

Hieratic Ostraka from Thebes.

107

Translation, Recto.

I Year 2, 3rd month of Harvest (Epiphi) day 24 of King Set-nekht

' (the day) when Hes-su-enbof dismissed the Theban woman (?) Hunura

| I gave her duriisg three years in every single month \ sack of wheat (durrah),

I makes 9 sacks. She gave me a woven cloth ^ saying : Give it to the cloth shop(?)' !

It was brought
\ to me as valuing \ sack of wheat. I gave it (but) they refused it saying : It is

bad.
I I repeated it to her, saying : It has been refused. She gave it to me
\ and I sent - her a sack of wheat
\ by Hoye, the son of Si-utoyet.
There was given to her by Nub-em-woskhet ] sack

Redo.

Verso.

' One cannot read the name of a person and translate " give it to Merira ! " as in that case thg
preposition ought to be and not r.
' Correct '/? <tw> n = s.

io8 Hieratic Ostraka from Thebes.

Notes.

Owing to lexicographical difficulties the contents of this curious text are by
no means clear. The principal matter is a bargain. The weaving woman Hunura
tried to sell a cloth, or what may be the sense of vtrw, by the mediation of
Hes-su-enbof who had dismissed her, if I rightly understand the sense of the second
line,' after she had been in his service for three years. This cloth having been
refused by the draper on account of its bad quality, Hes-su-enbdf bought it himself,
giving for it in all i| sacks of wheat, i.e., 6 times as much as the woman had asked,
having paid only { sack. How all this is to be connected, is not clear to me. At
any rate the text is interesting in several respects not the least for its date, proving
that Set-nekht has reigned at least 2 years.-

Hymn to Mut.
Transcription, Recto.
No. 2. i6i X I3i cm.

AAA'WS /V^A/NA

' It is impossible to take /il' in the technical sense of divorce known by demotic contracts.
' Concerning the year lo + .r Gauthier (Z/Vr^ (/m r>. III, p. 154) has rightly questioned
the correctness of the reading of Weill {Recueil tnscr. Sinai, p. 215, No. 118).

Or ^ZT '. * Or i-.

The signs above the line are the remnants of the first text covering the stone.

Hieratic Ostraka from Thebes.

109

Translation.
Recto}
I Hail to thee, eye of Re, Mut Lady of [ . . . ,

f Mut li^loved by the bark of the morning Sun walking proudly

[

\ ] heaven (?) The Sun rises at thy pleasure [he] sets [at thy

pleasure

\ ] bows doA'n (?) , in order to ask life for them, the [

\ The excellent Eye of Uzat, the great image of Thebes (?) who satisfies his

father Re, in the name [ . . . .
\ father Atum in the name of Schesemtet, the goddess (?) the beautiful sage

one before Re in the name of [

j face of the only one- towards the rising Sun. The wild cattle of the

mountains [

\ the worms kiss the ground. He illuminates the Nether-world with his bright

eye [

I . . . Thou hast made the earth after thine own heart. Thou hast settled the

heaven in the name of [

Recto.

' The line corresponds to the red dot of the Egyptian text and denotes the end ol a phrase.
' " The only one " is a name of the sun, appearing as the uraeus snake. See Sethe,
Untersuchungen, V, p. 122.

no Hieratic Ostraka from Thebes,

Verso.

Kii211i;i:-AP;['^-:l]:i^:fr

^ C ? ^L-^ tk _ ^
W I I

Verso.

* The whole cycle of gods jubilates. The meadows (?) exult. The Hathors

[rejoice in The birth-goddesses (?)]

] jubilate in the birth house.^ The Mentuy, their voices (sound) in the heaven.

[ The meadows (?)]

} are bright with dew' in . . . . O thou who sees the only one Heaps (?)

[

I Sun, who sees the hill* the voice jubilates and my land is rejoicing [

? with cymbals." The southern nations praise her" face. The northern . . .

' [

\ Cheerful is the face of Hathor when the inundation comes in its time. The

meadows

i" corn The zizi plant sprouts leaves . . . [

^ O thou who seest ... in the face of [

y w^o beholds every day.

' This is scarcely (I Q t===^

^ A special room in the temple consecrated to birth goddesses, in connexion with the divine
birth of the king. ' I suppose there is a confusion between ' I d t " net " and " dew."

* Perhaps a geographical name. * = KOTKU : KeUKOU .

This sufRx may be corrected to " thy " (2nd person fern.).

Hieratic Ostraka from Thebes.

Ill

Notes.

The Recto contains a hymn to the Theban goddess Mut, called "eye of Re,"
an epithet i<nown also from other texts.' This expression, originally signifying the
Sun, has become very early a special goddess,- which has been identified at several
places with their principal goddesses. Our text shows that in Thebes the eye of
Re was Mut, whilst generally it was Hathor. I am not quite sure whether the text
of the Verso, evidently being a part of a religious hymn, is a continuation of the
hymn to Mut.

W. Spiegelberg.

' A.Z., 1895, Tafel I\', Cairo Catal., 440 ff., 78 (Miroirs).
Junker : Auszug der Hat/tor, p. -54.

See Sethe : Untersuchiingen, V, pp. 123 ff.

PlERRET : Catal. Louvre, I, 9.

( H2 )

TWO SILVERSMITH'S MODELS FROM EGYPT.

Two small terracotta objects (Figs, i, 2, 4) were bought by me some years ago at
Casira's shop in Cairo. They were said to come from the same place as the silver
and gold vases of Tell Basta, now in the Cairo Museum. The dealer believed
them to have been found together, and he showed me some more pieces of the
same hard yellowish clay as the figures which I purchased. I believe a full
examination will show that his opinion was correct.

F'g- I (S>39i " "ly Collection). Figure of a goat,^ 80 mm. high. One horn is
missing, and all four feet. The head, and the back with the tail, are of excellent
spirited work ; the side of the legs, especially on one side, is well treated, while
the front of the figure is quite neglected. By far the best part is the head, where
even the nostrils are indicated, and the eyes accurately modelled. But the style is
in no way what we should expect for a clay figure ; it is of the style of metal work,
every detail being engraved, and it strongly resembles the figure of the goat
forming the handle of the silver jug from Tell Basta.

Figs. I, 2.

Fig. 3-

When once the comparison between the two figures has been made, the
attitude and the conditions of the clay goat are explained ; it was the model
for casting a figure intended to stand in the same way as a handle on a jug, and
thus there was no need for elaboration on the front of it. The feet now missing
were attached to the jug. As this terracotta is a model for a figure in some more

' Tiiat this is intended for a goat is probable, although the horns are turned the wrong way ;
a gazelle is hardly likely, and still less any other animal. Nor is there any reason for supposing
a fantastic animal to be intended, although the shape of the legs might at first suggest such an
explanation. It is well known how many irregularities the horns of goats show, even in European
countries.

Two Silversmith's Models from Egypt.

113

costly material, it belongs to the same age as the silver vase of Tell Basta, and very
probably is from the same workshop. Handles in the form of animals are well
known in Egyptian pictures of the New Kingdom ; for examples see Champollion,
Monuments. PI. 131, and W. M. MiJLLER, Asien, 348 = W. M. MiJLLER, Egypto-
logical Researches, II, Taf 2 and 6, from the tribute of Asiatic people; compare
also the metal vlfee of the time of Thothmes III, Schaefer, Altaegjiptische
Prnnkge/dsse, p. 44, and Wainwright, Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology,
VI, Pis. IX, X, XI, amongst the tribute of the Keftiu as well as of the ordinary
Asiatics.

If the origin of this kind of ornament may point to Syria and the Aegean
world, it was quite adopted by the Egyptians themselves, as the jug from Tell
Basta shows. It is perhaps a new argument for the purely Egyptian character of
the silver find from Tell Basta that we are able to lay our hands on the clay
models which the silversmiths used.

:i^

Figs. 4, 5, 6, 7.

Fi^. 8.

Fig. 4 is perhaps as interesting. It is a round rod of about 7 mm. in diameter,
and 30 mm. long. There is no sign of a break at the undecorated end. The other
end shows the head of a calf, of very beautiful work. All the details around the
eyes and the mouth are wrought with the utmost care, and the modelling reminds
us of metal work, as in the previous figure. We have evidently another model
before us, and as the material corresponds exactly with the clay of which the goat
is made, there is a strong confirmation of this explanation. No such material is
otherwise known, down to Hellenistic times. The fragments of another goat, and
of some undetermined object, which I saw at the same dealers, were of exactly the
same hard clay, evidently specially prepared for such models for a silversmith.
This clay was in Hellenistic and Roman times used for a special kind of small
vases, decorated with reliefs, and generally gilt ; they are copies of gold vases of
that age. (Compare on these va.ses, Schreiber-Pagenstecher, Ausgrabungen
in Alexatidria, die griecU-aegypt. Thongefdsse, p. 70 et setj.)

What was the purpose of the object for which our terracotta served as
a model ? The first idea that suggests itself is that of a rhyton. Such rhyta are
known down from Mykenaean times in Greek art {Kast, Arch. Jahrb., 191 1, 249),
and DE Mot {Revue Archeologique, 1904, II, 201 et seq.) has collected a certain
number of parallels among the Egyptian drawings of vases brought by foreign
ambassadors to Egypt (compare Wainwright, I.e.).

But all of these vases, just like the Minoan rhyta, always show a very short
neck ; they are in reality only heads of animals. On the contrary, among the

1 14 Two Silversmith's Models from Egypt.

precious vase forms collected by Prisse d'Avennes from the monuments of
Rameses III {^Collection des vases du regne de Ramsis III, Karnac et Medinet
Habou, compare DUMICHEN, Photographische Resultate, Atlas, PI. 2 f.), rods
perfectly similar to our terracotta are figured (see Figs. 5, 6, 7) ; they end in the
head of a gryphon, a lion, and a dog, .so a calf would be of the same class. They
cannot according to these shapes have been used for drinking purposes ; if the
long rod were hollow it would be most inconvenient to drink from, and the object
would need to be very large.

Now in the Cairo Museum there is a similar object made of wood (Fig. 8,
21 cm. long). It is a cylinder ending in a ram's head, and very elaborately worked
and ornamented. There is no hole in the head, so it cannot be a rhyton. The
inner diameter of the cylinder is somewhat under 8 cm. The only explanation
I can think of which would agree to the wooden object in Cairo, as well as the
precious metal objects of Rameses III, would be a handle for a cup, or dish, or
other such object. The clay model in my possession would, of course, have to be
enlarged for such a use. But this is no objection, as the same thing is true for
most ancient Egyptian models, and may be true even for the goat.

The terracotta model from its style and its history belongs to Ramesside
times, like the pictures given by Prisse. The wooden cylinder in Cairo is said to
have come from Thebes, and certainly belongs to the New Kingdom. As
a curious fact connecting this wooden handle with the terracotta model, I may
mention that the ornament round the edge of the cylinder occurs again just where
the neck begins at the back of the head of the model, possibly as an indication
of hair.

The form of the handle, it seems, survived down to Hellenistic times. Among
the bronzes found in Egypt similar handles ending in rams' heads, or the heads of
gryphons and eagles, are not unfrequent {eg., Edgar, Greek Bronzes, Cairo,
Pis. VI, 27872, VIII, 27746-7, XIX, 27869; also Arch. Auz., 1903, \\%b, p. 145).
I am well aware, of course, that they are also found outside of Egypt, e.g., at
Boscoreale. Still there seems to be at least a very strong predilection among the
Egyptians for this kind of handle, as it occurs often in terracotta of Graeco-Roman
times (Pagenstecher, Griech-aegypt. Thongefdsse, PI. XXXIX, 5).

Perhaps this predilection has historical reasons. The type, as we see, was
familiar to the Egyptians since the New Kingdom, and possibly even earlier ; at
Kahun, with objects of the Xllth dynasty, Petrie found a spoon with a duck's head
at the end of the handle {Kahun, VIII, 17, p. 29); and in prehistoric times we
find animals of all kinds surmounting pins, combs, etc., or walking along the
handle of a spoon. A well-known shape of a handle for some instrument ends in
a hippopotamus figure or a human head (Petrie, Naqada, Pis. LXI-LXIV ;
Capart, Primitive Art, Figs. 46, 156). Probably some religious meaning was
originally attached to such ornament ; but by the time the handles of the New
Kingdom were in use, such meaning, if ever it existed, had long become obsolete,
and the animal head at the end of these handles had turned into a simple, but very
appropriate, form of ornament.

It is not my intention, of course, to follow out in this short article all the
history of handles ornamented with figures of animals or human beings. All
I intend is to explain the meaning of the two objects here published for the first
time, and to show how this type of handle probably survived into Hellenistic times,
and possibly may be derived from prehistoric Egyptian types.

Fr. W. V. BiSSlNG.

115

EGYPT IN AFRICA.

Nature of the evidence.
Treatment of the body.

1. Mummifying.

2. Contracted burial.

3. Beheading the dead.

4. Passage for the spirit.

5. Vehicle for the spirit.

6. Restoration of ability to the corpse.

7. Recess graves.

8. Pole over grave.

9. Round-domed graves.

10. Domed pit tomb.

11. Sloping passage tomb.

Offerings for the dead.

12. Beer and flour offerings.

13. Cloth offering.

14. Offerings at the grave.

15. Killing the offerings.

16. Offering chamber above grave,

17. Drain to the east.

18. Men sacrificed at royal funeral.

19. Eldest son the family priest.

20. The funeral image.

21. Tall hats of officiants.

22. Offering chamber for the image.

23. The soul house.

Though as a matter of mere geography the continental position of Egypt has
always been obvious, yet as a matter of humanity it has always appeared to be
aloof from the rest of the continent, in a way that perhaps no other country is
detached from its natural connection. Egypt has always stood at a far higher level
of civilisation than any other part of Africa, for the links with Syria, Crete, or
Greece have been leading factors. So far have these connections prevailed that we
need now to recall with care how largely the earliest stratum of Egyptian ideas has
been at one with the rest of Africa. For this purpose we shall here quote from
half-a-dozen different works, of original observers in the regions south of the
Mediterranean, most of whom have written without any idea of the parallels which
exist between their record and that of Egypt.

It may aid in considering the evidence of these various parallels, if we first
clearly separate the different conclusions which might be drawn from them, and see
to what end they point. Similarities between ancient Egypt and modern Africa
may have resulted in three different ways. They may be: (i) due to a parallel
development of thought without any material connection ; such seems to have been
the case in the ancestor worship and offerings of the Chinese and of the Egyptians
respectively. Or (2) they may be due to direct descent, in Egypt and in Africa,
from a common source. Or (3) may be the result of Africa borrowing from Egypt.
In judging between these different causes, the main tests are that the independent
and parallel development (i), may be disproved by such small details appearing as
are unlikely to be devised independently. On the other hand, the historical
conditions of Egypt are such, that the absence of much communication with Africa
before the conquests of the Xllth and XVIIIth dynasties precludes (3), by the
direct borrowing of details which only belong to the Old Kingdom and earlier, and
which disappeared before the Nubian conquests of Egypt began.

n 2

ii6 Egypt in Africa.

Thus the nature of the evidence may leave only (2), a direct descent from
a common source, as the possible explanation : but it is not to be expected that
such evidence by exclusion should apply to even a majority of the cases which were
due to common descent. On looking to the number of similarities to be dealt with
about sixty in all we may set aside four or five as clearly due to late Egyptian
influence of the Graeco-Roman period, and ten as being instances of beliefs which
were general, and do not yield evidence either way. Of the forty-five resemblances
in customs or products there are thirteen which are only explicable by (2), descent
from a common source. Now, as we have pointed out, it is not to be expected in the
nature of the evidence that we should generally be able to exclude parallel develop-
ment, by using the test of early extinction of the resemblance in Egypt ; as large
a proportion as thirteen in forty-five is enough to show that direct descent is in
general more likely than parallel development. Accordingly we shall be justified
here, by the proportions of the evidence, in regarding only direct descent from
a common source which is so abundantly evident ; such common source being in
nearly all cases a primitive stock of population, and only rarely a later influence
which passed through Egypt on its way into Africa.

Apart from the question of which mode of connection has produced these
parallels, it must be remembered that the parallels are mainly of value to us as
giving a living view of material which we only see dead in Egypt. We cannot ask
an ancient Egyptian why he performs a ceremony ; we can but very imperfectly
imagine what were the ceremonies performed, by looking at the implements used,
or at some chance representation of one particular stage. The modern African can
be cross-examined, and every step of his actions recorded. Whether there be
a direct copying of Egypt, a common descent, or even a parallel development, such
living view of the case before us must be an invaluable guide to understanding the
proceedings and ideas of the ancient ceremonies and beliefs which were similar to
those of modern times.

The writers quoted here are : (W) The Native Races of British Central Africa,
by A. Werner, 1906 ; (L) The Lower Niger and its Tribes, by Major Leonard,
1906; () The Voice of Africa, by Leo Frobenius, 191 3 ; (S), The Cult of the
Nyakang, by Dr. Seligmann, 191 i ; (D) Article Dinka, in " Encyc. Relig. and
Ethics"; and (H) Hamitic Problem in the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan {/our. R. Anthrop.
Soc), 191 3, both by Dr. Seligmann ; (J) Racial and Tribal Migrations in Africa,
by Sir H. H. JOHNSTON {four. R. Geog. Soc), 191 3 ; (N) At the back of the Black
Man's Mind, by R. E. Dennett, 1906.

The material may best be classified under the following heads :

Treatment of the body and burial ; Offerings for the dead ; and, in our next
number. Royal functions ; Beliefs ; Material products ; Late influence from Egypt.

Treatment of the body.

I. Mummifying. This appears to be restricted now to important people, but
the caremony is evidently thought desirable where it can be performed ; as the
damp and heat of the tropics make it especially difficult to preserve flesh from
decomposition, it is to be expected that so difficult a process should only be resorted
to in special instances.

" The Babenda seem to make some attempt at mummifying the corpses of
their chiefs, by rubbing the body all over with boiled maize, repeating the process
till the whole skin becomes dry and shrivelled." (W., 163.)

Egypt in Africa.

117

"The elaborate manner of embalming, as it was practised by the ancient
Egyptians, is not, of course, known ; but in the case of kings and chiefs, ... a rude
method of embalming is carried out. Having first smeared the body with a
decoction from certain plants ... it is rubbed all over with camwood, and . .
a quantity of spirjj; . . is poured over it . . . The favourite method, however, . . .
is to smoke-dry the corpse." (L., 175-6.)

2. Contracted burial. This is by no means peculiar to Africa, as it is well-
known in pre-bistoric Europe ; but it is still very usual from east to west of Africa.
" The Yaos lay their dead with the faces to the east, and with the knees bent up to
the chin." (W., 175;)

In Nigeria, " the corpse is reduced to
the smallest possible compass by drawing
its knees upwards and tying the arms to its
sides, bound up in rolls of cloth and . . .
so placed as to bring the face of the dead
looking westwards." (F., 21.)

"The Galla of British East Africa bury
in a contracted position, the corpse being
tied in this posture, but inhumation is in
the squatting, not the lying posture ; . . .
among the Nilotes ... I believe by the
Shilluk, and certainly by ihe Shish Dinka
. . the body is laid . . on its right side
with the knees and arms flexed, the head
resting upon the right hand . . . Among
the Akikuyu . . . burial, when it does occur,
is on the side in a fle.xed position . . . The
body is placed on its side, with the knees
bent and drawn up. The head rests, if a
man, on the palm of the right hand ; if a
woman, on the palm of the left, or it may
be placed on the two hands placed together,
palms facing . . . The inhabitants of the
lacustrine kingdoms of Ankole and Unyoro
also bury in the flexed position ; the Bahima
commit their rulers to the village manure
heap, commoners are buried at the door of
their huts, but in both classes the arms and
legs are doubled up against the body, which
lies on its side, and the head is bent forward.
The Banyoro place the body on its left
side, with legs and arms flexed, and the hands under the head." (H., 83-4.)

The regular attitude of the pre-historic Egyptians was moderately flexed, with
the head to the south and face west. In the close of the pre-historic Age the body
was often tightly bandaged together forcing the legs and arms parallel to the spine,
and the head bent forward, so as to make an oval bundle. Both of these types we
see to continue in Africa.

3. Beheading the dead. " Never have I come across a people who so truly held
in honour their begetters. And yet they are the most terrible barbarians with
regard to the remains which we see in the bodies of our beloved ones. For it is in

II 3

Tightly Contracted Burial,
Age of Mena. Tarkhan.

Ii8 ll.g}'pt in Africa.

our view horrible and repulsive to observe that they are able to cut off the heads of
their dead parents or tear them from the corpses. It is so brutal and so cruel, that
the mere thought of it revolts us. And yet religious feeling prompts these people
to such an act as this. For they need these skulls. They need them, they cannot
dispense with their possession ; they are their most cherished family treasure. The
poor defunct cannot return, but is for ever separated from his family which can
never be increased and multiplied unless the skull be set up in the home itself, or in
the family receptacle for funereal urns, and there receive its offering at the proper
seasons. This is why they must needs obtain them, even if they can only do so by
the perpetration of a barbarous custom. Then they enshrine it in their homes and
before they themselves enjoy a morsel, they pray the deceased member to come
back into the bosom of the family, and sacrifice a portion of every grain of corn and
a drop of every liquid draught to it. Then, too, when a girl of the clan gives her
hand in marriage to a young man, either her father or her mother takes the newly
wedded to the skull ; they offer it some food and drink, and fervently pray the dead
to come back now and give his own family his power again. And the youthful
wife takes of the grain which was laid in offering on the skull and consumes it.
When, then, a child is granted to the young people, they hail it as their forebear
come again to life." (F., 674.)

Among the pre-historic graves of Nagadeh, many instances were noted where
the skull had been removed from the body, and replaced in the grave after some
interval. That it had not merely been torn out by a plunderer was evident, as it
sometimes contained a string of beads, in other cases it was set upright on a pile of
stones, or set upright on a neat stack of all the long bones and ribs arranged in
a heap. With such proofs of careful treatment, it is clear that we must credit many
other instances of removal of the head as being due to the reverence of the relatives.

4. Passage for the spirit. When burying those who died of smallpox, " A small
reed is stuck into the side of the grave. Along this reed the disease will creep, and
so escape from the body into the open air." (W., 289.) Similarly reeds were found
placed in the corners of two perfect burials of the 1st dynasty at Tarkhan. This,
in Egypt, was probably to allow a passage for the spirit ; at Deshasheh, a small
hole was cut in the rock from the tomb shaft to the place of offerings ; and at
Saqqarch, Mr. Ouibell has found long flues constructed from the tomb out to the
deposits of offerings on the upper level.

5. Vehicle for the spirit. " At old Kapeni's funeral, one of his men went into
the grave after the body was laid in its place, and shot an arrow up into the air."
(W., 175.) Similarly, in the Early Kingdom, the king's soul was believed to fly up
to heaven on an ostrich plume, the shed-shed, which was doubtless let fly from the
tomb, to be carried away in the wind.

6. Restoration of ability to the corpse. "After the grave was dug (among the
Atonga) and the body lowered into it, the chief undertaker, called ' the hyaena,'
because he is not afraid to approach the dead, descended into the grave, and untied
the fastening round the dead, exposing the face for a few minutes ; whatever had
been brought to be buried along with the dead was arranged about the corpse
according to custom, and finally arranging the grave clothes and re-covering the
face ' the hyaena ' climbed out again. Prayers to the dead, conducted by ' the
hyaena,' with responses from the other mourners, completed the obsequies."
(W., 162.)

This is closely parallel to the service of the Egyptian kher heb, the chief reciter
who undertook the ceremony. He " opened the mouth " of the dead that the corpse

Egypt in Africa. 119

might be able to revive, and he recited all the formulae for its preservation and
enjoyment of the functions of life. He specially consigned the dead to the care of
the Jackal-god, Anubis, analogous to the helper of the dead being termed " the
hyaena."

7. Recess graves. " If a man is buried in his own house . . a hole is first dug
in the floor, then a niche is made in the side of the hole." (W., 165.) " The Yaos
lay their dead with their faces to the east, and with the knees bent to the chin.
This is the invariable rule, and so the niche which they make in the side of the
grave to receive the corpse, is dug out on the west side of the pit." (W., 175.)

Recess graves only begin to appear in the later part of the pre-historic age in
Egypt, and open pit graves continued in use at the same time and in all later
periods more or less. The recess was at first but slight, and fenced across with
a row of large jars, on the west side of the pit ; it became deeper in the 1st dynasty,
and from the Ilird dynasty onward it was a distinct chamber walled off from the
shaft. {Tarkhan I, xxv.)

8. Pole over grave. "When the grave is deep enough, stakes are driven in all
round the sides, and two forked poles planted in the bottom, to receive the ends of
the carrying pole (from which the body is slung) when the body is lowered into the
grave, so that it is suspended without touching the ground. The space is covered
in with cross-bars on the top before filling in the earth. These precautions are
intended to prevent witches from getting at the dead." (W., 1 59.)

At Tarkhan, where the roofing of the graves was often preserved, the regular
feature was a long massive pole across the oblong grave from end to end. It seemed
strange that the roofing logs and sticks of a narrow grave should be supported by
a large and valuable beam of wood, placed in the most wasteful position. It seems,
by analogy, to have been the carrying pole for the coffin ; like the offering vases, it
could not be resumed by the living, but must be left as consecrated, and was placed
from end to end of the grave to aid in the roofing of cross-bars. {Tarkhan I, xxiii.)

9. Round-domed graves. In a cemetery near Blantyre, the graves " were not
like ours, but nearly as broad as long, and looked more like rough garden-beds than
anything else." Similarly, at Tarkhan, the complete tops of common graves were
low-domed heaps, covered with a crust of gypsum and sand, or else by a low dome
of brick and mud, circular, or nearly so. {Tarkhan I, xxiii.)

10. Domed pit tomb. This is described as "a great conical, or dome-shaped
structure of mud, on the top of which there was a vessel, which gave out a curiously
hollow sound when I tapped on it. My companion pointed out a small aperture,
not quite four feet high in the dome, which led into it on the western side. I held
a candle into it, and saw that this conical dome had been built over a deep shaft . . .
I reached the bottom at about thirteen or fourteen feet down, and discovered that
other galleries, some five-and-a-half yards in length, and broader and higher towards
their ends, had been driven towards the four quarters of the compass. The entire
site, imposing enough of its kind, had been hewn out of the hard, tenacious fire-
clay ....

" Graves of quite similar construction were formerly common in Nupe-land. In
earlier times there were in that country huge burial caves. These have decayed,
but old people alive to-day saw them and entered them when they were young.
There are said to be still a few in the region of Kaba-Bunu, into which one can
descend. I had heard of them in Ibadan, and often received reports on them after-
wards. In Mokwa, too, they also knew of several of these burial caves. There
was one of them on the site of the former ruler's palace, where the school building

H 4

I20

Egypt iti Africa.

now stands. The hallowed spot is a few hundred yards to its rear. Sixty or
seventy years ago the vault itself caved in. It was a subterranean cave. A circular
hole gave access to it, and from this entrance lateral galleries, of about a man's
height, and which were described as from nine to twelve feet in breadth, branched
off in two directions." (F., 19-20.)

Grave of a Mossi-naba near Jako.
From Frobenius, Voice of Africa, Plate I.

This type of grave explains one of the most unusual of the
that of the mastaba of Zeser at Saqqareh (the Step-pyrami
feature is an immense vertical circular shaft, covered over by
and branching into galleries below.

II. The sloping passage tomb. This form is similar to the
sloping passage leading down to the chamber, another passage
blocked up on finishing the work. The antiquity of the idea of

Egyptian sepulchres,

d). There the main

the mastaba above,

pyramid type, a long
of construction being
two sloping passages

Section of so-called Trial Passages near Great Pyramid, Gizeh.

meeting is however shown by the " trial passages " near the Pyramid of Khufu ;
these differ from the passages in the Great Pyramid by having a vertical shaft at
the junction, like the vertical tube put over the chamber in Nigeria (see section on
Offerings).

" When a ruler was defunct in the pagan district of this ancient realm, a
passage sloping downwards for about thirty feet from the east and west is cut

Egypt in Africa.

121

towards the hut in which the deceased is lying in state. These galleries are about
six feet high, twelve yards long from their mouths to the point where they meet,
and for a distance of four yards or so the walls and floor of their upper end are
lined with planks of Borassus wood to prevent their falling in. But, first and
foremost, a vaultecj chamber is dug out exactly beneath the hut in which the dead
ruler is lying-in-state ; that is to say, at the coincidence of the eastern and western
galleries, and its roof is built in the shape of a wicker basket, with horizontal rings
and vertical ribs, and lined with straw and matting. Altogether about three
hundred men are employed ; one hundred and fifty of whom fell the timber, fifty
plait and bind, and fifty more do the digging until the entire construction is
complete."

Section of a Tumulus on the Niger Bend.
From Frobenius, Voice of Africa, Plate II.

" The traveller frequently .sees red mounds rising on the pale yellow sandy soil
in the region of the Lower Senegal and Northern Houssa-land, between 1 3 and
18 N., of which the oddity, artificiality, and unnaturalness must, I fancy, strike all
beholders."

"The measurement of these 'red heads' varies considerably. It rises from
between sixteen and seventeen feet in height and si.xty-six feet in basal diameter,
to nearly seventy and two hundred and twenty-one and a-half feet in height and
width respectively ; but their average height is thirty-six feet, and their diameter
one hundred and twenty feet."

For the fact that these are royal tombs " we should only have to

turn to the pages of the old Arab voyager, El Bekri, who visited these parts in
1050 A.D., to be convinced of its truth. This admirable explorer states that the
natives of these parts buried their kings in great domed buildings beneath a roof of
clay, and hid them beneath an earthen mound, from whose interior a passage led
into the open air in this way ; sacrifices and, in fact, human sacrifices and intoxi-
cating liquors were offered to the dead through this channel."

" Thus everything goes to prove that once upon a time these tumuli were of
different kinds :

" Firstly, a small type ; a clay covering built over an underground mortuary
hut.

" Secondly, an intermediate type ; consisting of two spaces, the lower one being
a grave under the solid earth above it, and the upper one a place of sacrifice under
the earth, which was piled up above it for a roof; and

" Thirdly, extraordinarily large constructions for the reception of a great number
of notabilities, besides royal personages, in chambers of some size according to
regulations in those cases provided.

122

Egypt in Africa.

" I shall try to describe the manner in which one of these edifices was built :
First of all, passages were dug under the earth and, at their coincidence, the gallery
was enlarged, as the first sketch of a building with an oval-shaped dome. This
dome was panelled and strengthened with wood from the Borassus palm. This
domed underground vault contained the dead man and a good many things besides.
As a rule, living victims accompanied the ruler to his grave and died there, of whom
accounts agree that there may have been as many as four. The number is variously
stated. The eastern hole was filled in, but the western one was sealed with boards
and only opened yearly to receive fresh offerings. A second and very strong dome,
to which a covered passage gave access from the west, was raised on the surface
exactly over the roof of the grave chamber proper. The vaulted roof and passage
were made of stout stems of Borassus palm, plastered with puddled clay, and the
mound was piled high over the whole."

" It is clear, then, that the work was done layer by layer. Each one was
sprinkled with bullock's blood, puddled and baked. As a matter of fact, the
'red-heads' in some places can be seen to be laminating, ' scaling' as a block of
granite peels off in the tropics. Then a circular trench was drawn round the entire
construction and connected with a purifying drain, which apparently ran eastwards.
The entrance to the grave itself, which was opened but once a year for the insertion
of the autumnal offering, was covered with planks laid horizontally. But on all
other occasions the priests held intercourse with the dead in the upper chamber,
approach to which could be gained by the covered way on the level ground."
(F., 21-25.)

"In Old-Ojo the procedure is different. A trench was dug with passages
eastwards and westwards, and a mound was thrown up over its central point.
According to all descriptions, I may assume that this form of sepulture corresponds
to that of the Binis of the Sougai, as set forth and illustrated in Chapter I " (the
preceding account). (F., 184.)

The close resemblance to the principle of the Egyptian Royal Tombs hardly
needs comment. There is the subterranean chamber, reached by a sloping passage ;
the piling up of layers of mud over it, like the pile of sand or brickwork over the
early tombs in Egypt ; and the temenos wall around it.

Offerings for the dead.

12. Beer and flour offerings. " The offerings usually consist of native beer and
maize flour . . . Usually the stones at the foot of the tree (a sacred one) support
one or more pots of native beer made of millet, and there is either a little basket of

Dish of Flour on a Mat.
Hotep, emblem of peace or satisfaction.

Jar ok Beer
usually offered.

Strips of Linen

USUALLY offered.

flour or some is poured in a heap on the ground." (VV., 52-3.) Beer was one of
the principal offerings stated on early Egyptian steles, and the jug^used for beer is

Egypt i?t Africa. 123

constantly figured among offerings. The flour offering was so essential that the
pan piled up with flour, and placed on a mat, became the typical hieroglyph for an
offering, hetep, and hence arose the derived meanings " to satisfy " and " to make
peace."

13. Cloth offiirittg. " Sometimes also calico (is offered) ... It is torn in
strips lest it should be appropriated." (W., 52-3.) " In all cases of prophetic
announcements ... by the high priests or kings, white baft is always offered."
(L., 456.) Likewise, in Egypt, beside the food offerings, linen cloth, in narrow
strips, was always offered to the dead ; this is represented in the early lists of
offerings, and in later times by the kings, as at Deir el-Bahri and Abydos.

14. Offerings at the grave. " It is customary to bury implements, weapons,
insignia of office, ornaments and other articles, . . . wooden or clay images, in
addition to the sacrificial victims, human and animal." (L., 175-7.) " The deceased's
personal possessions are put into the grave with him before the earth is filled in."
(W., 159.)

In the sepulchral chamber of the great royal tombs with sloping passages,
" four candlesticks, each of them pointing to a quarter of the compass, are set up
round the body, and, as soon as the departed ruler is laid to rest and all other
necessary arrangements are made, the candles are lighted. Besides this, large and
small vessels of Duo that is, drink and all kinds of food and grain are placed to
hand in various receptacles. If it was a warrior chief who here found his last abode,
his bows and arrows and fly-whisk were put into the grave. In the first place, the
favourite wife of every ruler bore him company ....

" An earthenware tube or pillar was placed in the funeral hut above the chamber
in which the dead man had lain in state at first. It was erected on the exact spot
beneath which his head had rested in the actual death chamber. Trenches were
also cut to the north and south of the mortuary hut. These, however, did not open
into the vault itself, but only served for the storage of extra food-stuffs in jugs and
cups, and other articles in common use, such as tobacco pipes, ewers and even fire-
wood. Such things were meant to please the dead and to refresh him when the
supplies in the grave itself had run out. The wood would enable him to kindle
a fire to warm himself in the cold season. All these preparations made, the
eastern and western galleries were sealed on the inside with stout lattices, and
the earth piled over them. The north and south galleries were also filled in."
(F., 21-2.)

The parallel to the offerings made in Egyptian graves is complete. Not only
are the deposits of food, of furniture, and of weapons alike, but also the providing
of store rooms adjoining the burial, as in the Royal Tombs at Abydos.

15. Killing the offerings. Near Blantyre "on the graves were laid broken
sifting-baskets, handles of hoes, and pots, these last with a hole in the bottom of
each." (W., 155.) " When all is finished, the women lay the offerings on the grave,
also the deceased's water jar, in which a hole is made, and gourd drinking cup,
which is broken." (W., 1 59.) Thus, in Egypt, offerings in tombs and graves are
frequently found deliberately broken, even where buried quite out of sight and not
liable to be stolen.

16. Offering chamber above grave. See ii, Sloping passage tomb, where the
upper chamber for receiving offerings is on the ground level, and was always
accessible ; like the funeral chapel of the Egyptian tombs.

17. Draiti to the east from the offering chamber, sec 1 1, This is like the drain
to the east from the temple of Khufu's pyramid.

124

Egypt in Africa.

i8. Men sacrificed at royal funeral, see ii. " As a rule, living victims accom-
panied the ruler to his grave and died there."
(F., 24.) " When a king dies many of his wives are
thrown alive into the grave." (H., 88.) At Abydos
we found that the burials which surrounded King Oa
were made before the brick chambers were hard,
so that the walls squeezed down over them, and it
seems that the servants were killed all together at
the funeral. The human sacrifices appear to have
been retained in the royal burials of the XVIIIth
dynasty, and the tekmc appears to have been a mock
human sacrifice in private tombs of the same age.

19. Eldest son tfie family priest. "The person
of the eldest son as priest to the family is sacred."
(L., 68.) At the funeral " the eldest son, or elected
successor, .... acts as master of the ceremonies,
and performs the sacrifice .... (along with) the sons
of the deceased dressed up as priests." (L., 163-4.)
" The ancient custom is . . . the first-born son
represents the family in the flesh, his father the
family in the spirit . . . The first-born son is con-
sidered sacred and occupies during his father's life-
time the position of family and officiating priest.
When household sacrifices are to be performed, he
always officiates, especially on the death of his father,
in cutting the throats of the victims." (L., 395.)

So in Egypt the eldest son was the family priest,
the an-viut-f or " pillar of his mother" ; while all the
sons joined in sacrificing the ox at the father's funeral,
as shown at Deshasheh.

20. T/ie funeral image. " Everywhere among
the Ibo, as well as among the other tribes, the same
practices, therefore the same beliefs, as I have found,

prevail as to . . . the necessity for the funeral sacrament in order to liberate the
dormant soul from the clutch of the Death-god, and transport it from the regions of the

Eldest Son Offering.
Temple of Abybos.

<.=J3

M^ '-lVT^U\

The Sons Sacrificing the Bull at the Father's Funeral.
Deshasheh, Vlth dynasty.

Egypt in Africa.

125

dead to the land of the living spirits. Among the New Calabar people the external or
ceremonial aspect of this ancient rite is much more elaborate than it is among most
of the other tribes . . . One year after the death of a chief, or consequential person,
... his son . . will secure the ' Duen-fubara,' i.e., an image representing the head
and shoulders of tbe late deceased, or his figure in a sitting posture. This, which
is carved out of wood and painted with different dyes, in imitation of the face and
head, surmounts a large wooden base or tray that, as a rule, is placed in a recess.
It is also usual to
place not more than
two smaller images,
one on either side,
representing sons or ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^

near ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^mJ''^^^^^^^^

late deceased, who

may have died sub- ^^^^_ "^V^^^^^^^^^K \A.

sequcntly to him. On ^^^Hb ^^^^^^^^^^^L^. ^^

this tray, and sur- ^^^H^- ^^^^^^BRER?^

rounding the heads,
horns, glasses, pots,
chairs, and as many
articles of this des-
cription as can be
crammed on to it, are
arranged for the very
evident use of the
spirit father.

"In front of this
pedestal three rudely
made altars of mud
are erected, with a
hole in the middle of
each, for the purpose
of throwing the food
and libations that are
constantly offered to
the presiding spirits,
who, it is believed,
eat and drink of them
.... These wooden
images " are made by
the people of Fuchea, "a privilege the significance of which can only be measured
and appreciated after a thorough comprehension of the ancestral creed and the
indispensable importance of these sacred emblems as necessary embodiments
for the household spirits. The day on which the image is finished, or rather
delivered, is regarded as a public holiday . . All the chiefs . . . accompany the
'Duen-fubara' from Fuchea to its destination. This is done at night, for custom
forbids the landing of the sacred emblem by day. ... On the eighth day a great
sacrifice of goats and fowls is offered up by the late chief's household, as well
as by all those intimate friends who hold his memory in remembrance. The eldest
son, or elected successor, by virtue of his office acts as master of the ceremonies,

Limestone Head, as found uuried in Tombs of the
IVth Dynasty, in place of a whole Funeral Statue.
University College, London.

126

Egypt in Africa.

and personally performs the sacrifice in the presence of the people and the ' Duen-
fubara,' over which, as he cuts the neck of each separate victim, he throws and
sprinkles the blood ; and when this portion of the ceremony has been performed,
the flesh is cut up and evenly distributed among all those who are in attendance,

" Following next in order, but prior to its removal to its own proper and final
resting-place, the most interesting feature of the whole ceremony takes place."

21. The tall straw hat of the officiants. " The sons of the deceased dressed up
as priests, their faces marked all over with the sacred chalk, on their heads the large
and exceedingly high native-made straw hats, and a fathom of white baft tied round
their waists . . . proceed in a body to the chief's quarter, in which the ' Duen-fubara'
has been deposited." (A mock fight follows.) " The invaders are allowed to take
over the now blood-stained and consecrated image. This is done in a formal
manner ... A procession is then formed, and the emblem conveyed in state to
the quarter which has been prepared for it ... . The spirit of the late liberated
in his present dual capacity of spiritual head and mediator or communicator, is
absolutely indispensable to the household." (L., 162-4.)

Dancers at a Funeral wearing tall hats of straw or rushes.
Tomb of Xllth dynasty. Kamesseum, Plate IX.

22. The offering chamber for the image. " The New Calabar natives erect a
new house over the remains of the late departed, the hall of which becomes an
ancestral chapel in which is also deposited the ' Duen-fubara,' or image of the
deceased, to whom offerings and petitions are weekly offered up."

" The Ibibio, however, erect large monuments in prominent places . . . Two
small mud chambers with wooden doors that are always kept securely locked or
fastened, are built at the sides for the sole use of the dead man's spirit."

" The Aro or Inoku too, bury their nobles in prominent places . . . and
offerings of food and medicines are regularly placed in two holes which are made in
front of the mound." (L., 182-3.) Compare the two holes for offering on Egyptian
altars.

" On arrival at the mausoleum the ' Duen-fubara ' is placed in the hall or outer
room of a house which has been specially built for the purpose . . . the embryo
house-chapel now consecrated by the spiritual presence, which has been previously
invoked and conjured into this special emblem is daily swept and kept clean."

" There are three prominent landmarks . . The first is that the ceremony is
. . . the identical memorial service in honour of the dead which is common to one
and all of these different tribes, only modified in this case with regard to human
sacrifices, owing to the deterrent effect of civilised rule. The second is, . . . the

Egypt in Africa.

127

purely spiritual function of securing the passage of the soul from the land of death
to the land of spirits . . . The third is that it is the consecration of the now
released . . . and sanctified spirit, in his new position as spirit father and mediator
of the household, a position which, apart from his own personality, entitles him to
a daily adoration and a still more important weekly worship." (L., 162-5.)

" Where a new house is built over the remains (the mausoleum described above)
certain things are removed (from the living house) to the new tenement, and placed
along with the ' Duen-fubara ' in the ancestral chapel." (L., 286.) The close
parallel to the funereal figure placed in the ancestral chapel in Egypt is obvious.
The image of the head alone is sometimes found in the IVth dynasty tombs, and
the figure with those of the children is the regular feature of the tomb chapels, even
down to the XlXth dynasty. The special tall headdress of the officiating sons, and
their joint sacrifice of the funeral o.x,
are familiar. The tomb chapel, its altars
for offering, and the worship there given
to the ancestral image, are all so closely
parallel in Egypt and Africa, that it
would be reasonable to accept the account
of the modern ceremonies as explaining
to us the ancient ritual.

23. The soul house. " Chipoka had
been a person of importance, ... a
ceremony was to take place for propitia-
ting the old chiefs spirit . . . people
were busied about a group of neat minia-
ture huts, made of grass, about two feet high. The roofs of these huts, which had
been finished separately, were not yet put on, and I could see that a couple of
earthen jars were sunk in the ground inside each. These jars were now filled with
beer, and then the roof was lifted on . . . I have more than once seen these little
spirit huts in villages." (W., 47-8.) " Of the things which the stranger can see
for himself in passing through the villages the most noticeable are the little spirit
houses . . . where sacrifices are presented from time to time." (W., 50.)

In the IXth-XIth dynasties in Egypt, the system of placing soul houses by
the grave became common in some places. These model houses of baked pottery
are of every degree, from the slightest shelters, up to two-story houses with many
chambers, offerings and servants. How far such a system may have been prevalent
at other periods we have no means of knowing. If made in perishable material,
such soul houses as those of the modern Africans would entirely disappear.

W. M. Flinders Petrie.

Typical Egyptian Altar with two holes
FOR THE Offerings.

( To be continued^

( 128 )

THE NEW LAW ON THE ANTIQUITIES OF EGYPT.

Unfortunately for archaeology, the legal questions of the claims of Governments
on antiquities, and the complications of dealers and valuers, are continually inter-
fering with the progress of science. Perhaps no other subject of research is
hampered with equal restrictions, legal and social. The discoverer in chemistry, in
geology, in astronomy, has no Government imposing licences and demanding half
or the whole of the results of his labour. If the chemist or electrician makes
a discovery of commercial value, he may have both his honours and his cash for it ;
but an archaeologist who made any personal profit would lose caste at once.

The entire prohibition of all export of antiquities in Turkey and Greece, only
produces a permanent and well -organised, though hidden, route to every European
museum. The bar on exportation from Italy is almost as effective in maintaining
a .systematic transport. In Egypt, since M. Maspero began his rule in 1880,
a more rational claim has prevailed. The Government has only barred the export
of objects really needed for the Cairo Museum, and returned the purchase money to
the owner. Excavation in private land was free; and in Government land
permission was given to excavate on half shares with the Museum.

Last year a new codification of the law was issued, which is of much importance
to both excavators and purchasers of antiquities. The new principle which is most
surprising in this law is the claim of the Government to appropriate all antiquities
under the soil, in private as well as public land. This seizure of all such property,
formerly private, is unexampled in any other country ; no precedent exists elsewhere
for such claims. The practical effect of it is to stop all the very costly clearances
of deep temple sites which are in private property. Hitherto the whole returns from
such sites as Memphis and Heliopolis were a scanty reward for the difficult and
expensive task of working under water. If only one half of the proceeds may be
received, all such work is arrested.

In the beginning of the new law it is stated that the penalties laid down only
apply to persons of Egyptian or Turkish nationality. The immediate result has
been the transfer of dealing, really or nominally, to foreigners. Two of the best-
known dealers from the Pyramids now have a prominent shop in Cairo with an
Italian name over the door. The effect of a stringent law, only applicable to
natives, will be to put the whole of the dealing in the hands of Greeks, Italians, and
others ; and to throw all native dealers into foreign partnerships. A nominal
partnership will confer immunity from the law on any native, as he can then plead
agency, the property being foreign. This is altogether an unsatisfactory state of
affairs.

The definitions of antiquities are of the most sweeping kind ; they include all
manifestations and products of arts, sciences, literatures, religions, manners and
industries, of all ages down to Coptic. This definition is expanded in detail to
cover not only all it might be supposed to include, but also scattered blocks or
bricks, chips of stone, sand, chips of pottery, and earth from towns (jebaklt). But
the law allows that objects already in private collections, or subsequently shared
with the discoverers by the Government, may be sold.

The New Law o?i the Antiquities of Egypt. 129

The Government is entitled to expropriate any land containing antiquities, on
paying a valuation, and ten per cent. over. Any discoverer of a fixed monument is
bound to inform the department, and wait six weeks to know if it is claimed.

Any portable object, accidentally found, must be given up within six days, the
finder to receive half the value. If not settled by consent, this half will be settled
by the Department arranging two halves, and giving the finder the choice. Or if
the Department requires to keep more, then it may name a value, and, if accepted,
it will then pay half to the finder ; or, if not accepted, the finder must name a value,
and the Department will pay half and keep the objects, or require the finder to pay
half and take the objects. This procedure also applies to all discoveries made by
scientific excavators.

For dealers, a permit is requisite. Every dealer must keep a day book with
entry of every object over (, in value, with all details of dimensions, material,
colour, etc. ; the purchaser's name is to be filled in, and every page of the register
to be sealed by the Inspector of Antiquities. Nothing may be sold outside of the
shop licensed, or carried about without an authorisation of the Department. The
Inspector may, by day or night, raid every place belonging to a dealer, to verify
his stock and register. All of this seems to have been devised without reference to
practical conditions.

Regular excavations must be sanctioned by the Minister of Public Works, on
the proposal of the Director, after acceptance by the Committee of Egyptology.
Temporary searches for less than a month may be sanctioned by the Director.
Permission will only be granted to savants delegated by public bodies, or to private
persons who may present sufficient guarantees. This is a wide term, which has
already included native dealers and other most unsatisfactory diggers. Only two
sites may be held by the representatives of one body : a proviso which is already
neglected. Every permit must be worked for at least two months in each season,
on one or both of the sites.

Taking wet squeezes, or any other damaging process, is prohibited ; but no
bar is laid on tracing or dry squeezes. Many formal and minor regulations are also
laid down ; but those quoted here will sufifice to show the main points where
a purchaser or an intending excavator will come in touch with the law.

W. M. F. P.

( 130 )

PERIODICALS.

Zeitschrift fur Aegyptische Sprache, 50 Band. 191 2.

{Continued from p. 83.)

Spiegelberg, Wilhelm. Demoiische Inschrift auf einem Sargbrett.
(i illustration.) The inscription, which is of the second half of the Ptolemaic
Period, gives several names by which the genealogy of the owner of the coffin can
be constructed.

Spiegelberg, Wilhelm. Ein Sargbrett mit hieroglyphisch-demotischer
Inschrift. (i illustration.) The importance of this inscription is that the name

\|| I is given in the demotic Pa-na-nekhter or 'U.avi-)(aTr\<;, " He of the Power."

The figure which is usually the determinative of a demon is here read nekht,
" Power."

Spiegelberg, Wilhelm. Eine Weihinschrift an Ame/wphis, den Sohn des
Paapis. (2 illustrations.) The corner of an offering table of dark granite. On the
front edge is the demotic inscription : " Amenhotep, son of Hapi, give life to "

Spiegelberg, Wilhelm. Xeae^mrjov. In an ostrakon published by
Wilcken there is mention of an oath sworn in a temple called 'Keae^airjov, i.e., the
temple of a god Xeo-eySat. Wilcken recognised in this word the name of the god
Khons and suggested that the remainder of the name was nb Ha. Revillout has
published a demotic text in which the name Ptah neb Ha is found ; the demotic

shows that the title was in hieroglyphs ^37 nb o/iou, " Lord of Time,"

a title applied naturally to the moon-god Thoth, and his Theban form of Khons.
Xeff- then is the name of Khons with elision of the n before s, of which there are
several examples known. The n of nb is also elided as in -ap^ecr'x^ivi'i Hr-nb-sekhem.

The whole name Xecre^ai is therefore ^ I ^z^ 9 " Khonsu, Lord of Time."

Gardiner, Alan H. T/ie Stele of Bilgai. (i illustration.) This stele presents
many points of interest. It records the endowment of a chapel and a house
dedicated to the Amon of Usermaresetepnre. The chapel appears to have been
founded by a queen whose name has been carefully erased ; the feminine pronouns
and the feminine endings have also been effaced. The name of a Pharaoh, too, has
been intentionally destroyed. As the date is of the Ramesside Period and obviously
later than Rameses II, the evidence points to the queen being Ta-usert, as she is
the only queen of this era who was sufficiently involved in dynastic feuds for her
name to be erased by her successors. The endowment was placed under the charge
of " the Commander of the Fortress of the Sea, whosoever he may be " ; a curse is
pronounced upon this official should he fail in his duties, and a blessing invoked
upon him should he fulfil them. " The language of the stele is the mixture of the
literary and the spoken dialects usual on Ramesside monuments."

Zeitschrift fiir Aegyptische Sprache. 131

Sethe, Kurt. Das Fehlen des Begriffs der Blutschande bei den alien
Aegyptem. In A.Z., XLIX, 97, Prof. Sethe suggested that in the well-known

genealogy in the grave of Kha-f-Snefru at Gizeh 4^ ( P { "^ ^ 1 ^^ ^ ^^

?%- JT Sj" Ji \T%Z\} T-^^^ T ^^ ^ p-"'-

writing for ^^ I ^'"^ " their son," which shows that Snefru married his own

eldest daughter. In consequence of the protest which this opinion has provoked,
Prof. Sethe here recapitulates his statement, and brings forward further proofs.
The tomb of the father of Kha-f-Snefru lies beside the tomb of Kha-f-Snefru himself,
and undoubtedly belongs to the same Nefer-maat who was the son of Snefru and
Nefert-kau. The objection, that Nefer-maat was the son of Cheops and not of
Snefru, cannot be admitted owing to the fact that Cheops is so seldom mentioned
in the family of Kha-f-Snefru as to be practically omitted, while Snefru is of great
importance ; it is altogether unthinkable that the grandfather should be honoured,
while the king, beside whose pyramid the tomb was placed, should be passed over
in silence. This Nefer-maat is probably the same as the prince of the same name
whose tomb was at Medum, and who was undoubtedly the son of Snefru. The
reason for the existence of the two tombs was probably due to the abandonment of
the Medum tomb when Snefru abandoned his pyramid there. If, then, Nefer-maat
was the son of Snefru by Snefru's marriage with his own daughter, it is obvious that
such connections were not held in the same detestation as among the Hebrews,
Greeks, Romans, and, later on, the Christians.

BURCHARDT, MAX. Zivei Brotizeschwerter aus Aegypten. (i plate, 2 illus-
trations.) Two swords in the Berlin Museum, both found in Egypt, and apparently
of the same type, with parallel edges. One, which is complete, is of the type of
sword found in North and Middle Europe, and dating to period M. Ill of the
Bronze Age {i.e., according to Montelius, 1400 to 1200 B.C.). The other is engraved
on one side with the cartouches of Sety II, showing that both are of the same
period. The true sword is not an Egyptian weapon ; and it is remarkable that in
the scenes both foreigners and Egyptians are armed with swords of Aegean and
Mycenaean types, while the swords actually found in Egypt are of the North-
European type. The only sword which was adopted by the Egyptians (so

completely adopted that it became an emblem of victory) was the _ or scimetar.

The true sword is 1 ^^ in Egyptian, a feminine word which must be

distinguished from the masculine form which means a knife.

Von Bissing, F. W. Die dlteste Darstellung eines Skeletts. (4 illustrations.)
The author discusses the opinion of various authorities on the statement of
Diodorus that a mummy was introduced at the feasts of the Egyptians, and
suggests that the small figure in his collection may throw light on the subject. It
is carved in light-brown wood, and is i^ inches long. It represents an unwrapped
mummy, the bones being clearly though conventionally shown as if under the skin.
The case, which contains the figure, is also of wood ; it is in the form of an obelisk,
pierced with a hole at the top, as if it were to be worn as an amulet suspended on
the person. The date is of the late period, though hardly so late as the Greek era.

I 2

132 Zeitschrift fiir Aegyptische Sprache.

BlacKMAN, a. M. Remarks on an Incense Brazier depicted in Thutlutep's
Tomb at El-Bersheh. (13 illustrations.) The object, called- a fan by Newberry
{El-Bersheh, I, PI. XV, p. 20), is here proved to be the cover of a censer. This was
suggested in 1905 by Murray (^Saqqara Mastabas, I, PI. XXI, p. 22). The proofs
brought forward in this paper are (i) the respective forms of fans and censer-lids as
shown in the tombs, (2) the actual censers and lids found by Randall-Maclver at
Buhen, one lid being pierced with holes to permit the escape of the smoke, (3) the
hieroglyphic determinative ^-<Di of the word kop, " to fumigate," (4) the modern
practice, as experienced by both Lane and the author, of censing a guest with
a censer having a pierced cover.

Blackman, a. M. T/te significance of Incense and Libations in Funerary and
Temple Ritual. Incense and the libations of water were offered in order to bring
back to the corpse the fluid which had been dried out of it, and thus to re-vivify the
dead. Quotations are given from the Pyramid Texts to show that the water offered

to the dead is called ^"^^^ '^ f 1 " moisture of the god," and | %> "^ "^ ^

<=> ^ U , " exudations which issued from Osiris " : from a Middle Kingdom

Text and the Ritual of Amon to show that incense is called (I ||| \ J\ ,

" dew of the god," and e^s ~<ww , " sweat of the god." The Pyramid Texts are

also cited to prove that the god in question was Osiris, and that the water used was
Nile water. The author notes in passing that libations and incense were offered to
the gods in the same way as to the dead ; he mentions also that offerings of incense
were not always purificatory, but sometimes sacramental, whereby the offerer could
enter into communion with his own ka and with the gods and their kas.

ROEDER, GiJNTHER. Namensunterschriften von Kiinstlern unter Tempel-
reliefs in Abu Simbel. (2 illustrations.) The author points out that the short,
often roughly carved, inscriptions below some of the scenes on the north-east, east,
and north walls of the pillared hall at Abu Simbel, are the names of the artists of
those scenes. Names of the artists of temples and royal tombs are hitherto quite
unknown, and only occasionally in a private tomb has the artist represented himself,
and even then in an unobtrusive manner ; it is only at a late period, and far away
in barbarous Nubia, that so great a liberty could be taken in a sanctuary.

Newberry, Percy E. The Tree of the Heracleopolite Nome. (8 illustrations.)
The emblem of the Heracleopolite Nome is a tree from which depends a long
appendage, which is here shown to be a branch ending in a fruit or flower. From
the drawing of a fruiting pomegranate tree in the tomb of Meryra at Tell el-Amarna,
it is obvious that it is identical with the sacred tree of Heracleopolis.

Sethe, Kurt. Der Name des Gottes Suchos. The crocodile-god 1 jN

Sobk, becomes in Greek 2ow;jj;o?, and in the construct-form Se/c-, less often So/c-,
Swc-, or 2/ce-. The elision of the b, which to us appears unusual, is well known in

Egyptian, e.g., R A ^^ ^ , Coptic cobto becomes 1ca6i<;, '^< , Babylonian

Pa-ri-a-ma-khu-u. The change of the b in the name Sobk is shown in the New

Zeitschrift fiir Aegyptische Sprache. 133

Kingdom by the spelling ' J ''^^^^^ ^\ The Greek form with u suggests that

the name was originally Subk, with a long u ; the construct-form most in use, Se/c-,
must then be derived from a shortened form Soa;-, or 2uk-. This, and other names
of gods, show thai the Coptic UJ originated in u.

ROEDER, GiJNTHER. Der Name und das Tier des Gottes Set. The name of

this god is spelt I , ' , ^ '^ ' ^^' * V ' ^^' S^*^^^^ o"" Setekh in early
times, abbreviated later to Sute. These names show that only one god is meant,
and that he is identical with Sutekh. The animal of Set is a fabulous one, with
possibly a traditional reminiscence of the giraffe. It is still uncertain what is meant
by the equation of Set with the giant Antaios. Sethe has proposed entayye as the
name of the god of Antaiopolis, and von Bissing sees in Antaios as Set the
representative of earth-born strength and barbarism.

Ember, Aaron. Notes on the Relation of Egyptian and Semitic. A con-
tinuation of a previous paper on " Semito-Egyptian Sound-changes," in which the
author "assumed that Egyptian was a Semitic language, but that, owing to
numerous and extensive phonetic changes, and moreover to the influence of African
non-Semitic languages, its relation to the other Semitic languages has to a great
extent become obscured." Both in this and in the previous paper the author points
out that one of the most striking of the sound-changes is the change of the Semitic

R and L to ^^^ (Sem. alepli). In many words the Egyptian 1^ = Sem. R has

disappeared, though it re-appears in Coptic. The Egyptian name of the hippo-
potamus db is identical with the Assyrian dabii " pig." This identification shows
the reason why the Egyptians called the hippopotamus-goddess Ri-t " Sow " [and
also why the animal which represents Set in the reliefs at Edfu is called a hippo-
potamus in the inscriptions and represented as a pig]. The paper concludes with
a list of kindred Semito-Egyptian words : e.g., Jm " herb, plant," Assyr. sammu
" plants " ; kht " darkness," Assyr. kukku " darkness " ; pMr " to surround, go
around," p^/iru "troop of soldiers," Assyr. pakAdru "to assemble," puk/iru "troop of
soldiers," pa/;haru "a potter."

Sethe, K. Hand. i. In the B* "^ or ^~ll ^ of the Pyramid Texts,

which becomes \ or ^^ c^:^ in the plural and with suffixes, we find the

original form of the Coptic toot-. From demotic and Coptic it appears that the

absolute form is | , Ttope, and the pronominal form ^ . There is, however,

this difficulty : how did the c^ obtain its value d if the word originally began

with ^^ . It might be argued that in primitive times there was but the one sign

for d and z, in the same way that there was but one sign, '^'-^^ , for n and m, and
one, -= , for kh and sh, but as in the Pyramid Texts the sign ^^^ is constantly
used with the value d, this argument falls to the ground. Dr. Ember has, however,

given the true explanation. There is in Egyptian a word vS c^s, udy, "to lay,

set, throw"; this is written in the Pyramid Texts and Old Kingdom generally,

with a few fixed exceptions, without the ^, therefore, with the hand only. The

I 3

134 Zeitschrift fiir Aegyptische Sprache.

verb is connected with the Sem._ya</, "hand " (Babyl. idu), especially with the idea
" to lay, to give." The Egyptian possessed, like the Semitic, a word for " hand,"
which had originally the consonants yd. From this word the picture of the hand
naturally obtained the value </ after the 7 had lost its consonantal value. The loss
or change of the consonantal y can be paralleled in several Egyptian words. This
word for " hand " was lost early (as was the case with other words) and was replaced
by the above-mentioned zrt; but a denominative verb remained <=^>, "to set, to give."

From this is derived another verb (I , "to throw down." From |

, " to give."

2. Erman, Brugsch, Max Miiller and Burchardt are of opinion that c^:^ is not
truly d, but corresponds to the Semitic tO, and Meyer says that " die dentale Media
dem Aegyptischen von Anfang an fremd gewesen sei." It is quite true that, from
the New Kingdom on, the Egyptians had neither d nor g. But this was not the
case originally ; it is certain that in early times, Egyptian possessed both d and g
like other Semitic languages. The change appears to have taken place between

the Old Kingdom and the Middle Kingdom, at the time when became I .

Sethe, K. Hier iind dort. The old Egyptian ^ , and the new Egyptian

- - or j^,, are used with the meaning "here " and "there." Spiegelberg was the

first to recognise the Coptic tai "here," in ,. The Coptic word is also con-

nected with the demonstrative tai, th, " this, that " ; but as in Boheiric the T in
this word is not aspirated, it is certainly derived from an original c^r>. The

Boheiric also shows that the 1 in tai is derived not from (| , but from *^ or <=> ;

for according to the laws of phonetics the short vowel a of Boheiric becomes h

before (1 , while it holds its position before ^^ or <=> . The element "^^ , with

the sounds ai and h, which our word has in common with the demonstrative
pronouns, represents a special word with the meaning "here" or "there," when

compounded with an adverbial sign css. The earlier word 5:2 belongs

exclusively to the Middle Kingdom and to the hieroglyphic texts of the XVIIIth

dynasty. Here it is obvious that >-= is used for d ^^ , showing that the

earlier and later words have the element '^, in common ; and it is equally obvious

that both words contain the sign for a hand or arm. Like every other language,
Egyptian uses the hand or arm to express the side or direction \e.g., right-hand
side].

Erman, Adolf. Die aegyptischen Ausdriicke fiir " noch nicht" " ehe." The
author gives a summary of his arguments and conclusions at the end of his paper.

I. The pld form is _-, ^^^^i . " while he had not yet heard, before he heard."

This form can be used absolutely. 2. In New Egyptian, the later negative 1 S is
used ; and in order to show that the c^ is to be sounded, it is written . The
particle (1 S often precedes the negative. 3. Even in New Egyptian, the auxiliary
is used: J (2 ^.c^ ^ ^\ . From this the Coptic unATqccoTU is

derived.

Zeitschrift fiir Aegyptische Sprache. 135

Sethe, Kurt. Ztun Negativadjektiv. The negative adjective

from whicii the Coptic at- is derived, reads (1 V\ _ju. \ [1 , sometimes written
_JU. I] >^ I (| Though Erman was the first to point this out, he has since changed
and now transliterates it as mwtt. This is due to a misreading of the Pyramid
Texts, where in the sentence wa~w (I v^ , the ^wva is causal, and the phrase

should read " because there is not." The two neuter expressions and ^^,

" that, which," are often used for " that " in indirect oration ; j .

~vAA/ j\ Aw^, " thou hast said in this thy letter that thou hast brought." But
in a negative sentence (I ^ is used instead of ntt or wnt.

Gardiner, Alan H. A late Egyptian use of the older absolute pronouns.
Like the late absolute pronoun (I j^ ^ , and the rest, the early absolute pro-
nouns can be used in a possessive sense. This occurs only in late Egyptian, when
they are spelt \ (I and ^ ; though when used in the ordinary way they

keep the earlier spelling and I S. This points to a probable difference in

pronunciation. These pronouns are used : (i) After a substantive, when for some
special reason neither the simple substantive nor the possessive adjective can be

" whenever he appears in any festival of his!' (2) As predicate. In this case the
subject follows and may be either a suffix or a substantive. E.g., '^zzy q L_J1 S^

^^-^ ^ -^ , " Lord of valour, to him belongs victory."

BURCHARDT, MAX. Das Herz des Bata. The idea of a heart outside the
body is known in Scandinavian " marchen," where the giant's heart is inside an egg,
which is inside a duck, which floats on a deep well in an inaccessible church.
Should the duck be caught, it would let the egg fall into the fathomless depths.
This was in order that no one should obtain possession of the heart, and thereby
destroy the giant. In the case of Bata the heart is not only laid in the flower of
a cedar-tree, but is disguised as a bunch of grapes. When the tree is cut down at
the instigation of his faithless wife, Bata dies on the spot. A parallel for his
resurrection is found in a Hottentot " marchen." In this story, a maiden is killed
and eaten by a lion ; the girl's relatives succeed in killing the lion, and, taking her
heart out of the lion's body they place it in a calabash and pour milk over it, when
the girl comes to life again. In the same way Bata is brought to life by placing
his heart in a cup and pouring water over it.

Miscellaneous.

I. Spiegelberg, W. Note on a tombstone of a military commander Antef,
who accompanied an ancestor of the Xlth dynasty on a campaign.

I 4

136 Zeitschrift fiir Aegyptische Sprache.

2. PlEPER, M. Daressy has discovered a table of offerings with the name and

' '"- ^ k P o = M P ^ = f^ M (35]

( 'J ^t< ""^ 1 Lepsius, Sethe, and Steindorff have shown that it was

the custom, till the middle of the Xllth dynasty, to have the same name for the
Horus and Nebti titles, after which, the custom was changed and never came
into use again. Steindorff even states that there is no exception to this rule.
That a king should change his name during his reign is not an unheard of event,
and as no two kings ever took the same names for the throne- and personal-names
it is evident that this offering-table belongs to Amenemhat I of the Xllth dynasty,
and not to the Sehetepabra of the Xlllth dynasty.

3. BURCHARDT, MAX. In the trial of the tomb robbers, two tombs are
mentioned, one of Seqenen-Ra Ta-aa, the other of Seqenen-Ra Ta-aa-aa, whose
tomb is expressly said to be on the north of King Ta-aa. There are in fact said to
be three kings Seqenen-Ra, who are distinguished from one another by the addition
of aa and qen to the personal name Ta-aa ; but except for the notice in the Abbott
Papyrus there would be no difficulty in equating these kings. There would appear
to have been two graves in which the royal name Seqenen-Ra Ta-aa occurred ; one
being that of the king. That it was possible to mistake the tomb of a noble for
that of a king owing to the occurrence of the royal name, is seen in the inscriptions
of the scribes who visited the tomb of Khnumhotep at Beni Hasan " in order to see
the temple of King Khufu." As also there is no known example of two kings
having the same throne- and personal-names, the conclusion is inevitable that there
is only one king Seqenen-Ra, not three.

4. BURCHARDT, MAX. A proper name, ^ ^ ^ TtTtT

published by Spiegelberg, shows the name of the god Mithra ; the second part of
the name is a form of the verb semu, to hear. The whole name therefore means
" Mithra has heard."

5. BURCHARDT, MAX. A note on Egyptian proper names in Semitic form.
The name I^DPl is translated by Spiegelberg as hapy-da. But a single ^ cannot be

equivalent to , therefore the author proposes as a translation The God N. comes;
the name being formed on the model of ^^ s) 'j -^ ^""^ ^^ n| n ^*

6. MOLLER, G. In ancient times the ordinals as well as the numerals used in
dates are written horizontally, thus c E , whereas the ordinary numerals are written
vertically. It is possible now to prove that the date-numerals are ordinals, from
the exaniple in the Lamentations of Isis and Nephthys.

7. Newberry, P. E. King [ o '^l^ LJ ], mentioned in 11. 71, 72, of the
Eloquent Peasant, is usually considered to be otherwise unknown. But this is
doubtless M ("^y^ =( ^||'^(](|^}j ] the Herakleopolitan
king, whose name occurs on a weight found by Prof. Petrie at Tell Retabeh.

Zeitschrift fiir Aegyptische Sprache. 137

8. Newberry, P. E. The nome ^^ % , which occurs in the inscription of
Methen is not in the Fayum, but is the same as the fllril* of the Eastern Delta.

fjJQ is a rare wor^i for a crocodile occurring in New Egyptian. The capital of
this nome was Tham at the end of the Wady Tumilat, and near Lake Timsah, the
lake of crocodiles.

9. Spiegelberg, W. Sethe's new reading of the word for the king of Upper

Egypt, J. ni-s-wt, explains a proper name which occurs on a funerary papyrus at

Turin (Catal. No. 1854). This name is written either 1 |^ or 0(10 ilt]^-

It would seem that the variant is an attempt to give the vocalisation of the words.
When compared with the Babylonian equivalent of the Royal W\X& in-si-ib-ya, the
close connection of the two is very clear, with the exception of the interchange of
u for M.

10. Spiegelberg, W. Burchardt, in the last number of the Zeitschrift, has
suggested that a word ksrhih in the Demotic Chronicle stands for the name Xerxes.
This cannot be the case because the word is not in a cartouche, and the Demotic
Chronicle invariably puts royal names in a cartouche. The first part of the word
also is destroyed, and all that can be read with certainty is hike = ^yoei^ : 2*12
"Dust."

M. A. M.

( 138 )

REVIEWS.

Museum of Fine Arts Bulletin. April, 1914. No. 69. 18 pp., 26 figures,
10 cents. Boston.

This contains another of Dr. Reisner's welcome reports. At the Third
Cataract he excavated a frontier post of the Egyptians, dating from the Vlth
dynasty to the Hyksos Age. A great brick fort and houses around it produced but
little result ; but the tombs of the Hyksos Age were rich and well preserved. They
are distinguished by the pottery, which is of the very thin brilliant red and black
ware, like that found in a grave of the XVIIth dynasty at Thebes {Qurnchy
PI. XXVIII). Rams' heads are buried in the graves, recalling the animal heads in
the Pan-graves {Diospolis, PI. XXXIX). Each great man lay on a bed which had
carved bulls' legs, and with many slave burials in contracted position, around him
in a circular pit. The people were broad headed and straight haired : they belong
to some unrecorded invaders. The most interesting objects found are the bone and
ivory inlays in the form of animals, and the similar figures of mica which were
sewn on the dresses. The other objects accord with what was used in Egypt at
the time.

Studies in Palaeopathology in Egypt. By Dr. M. A. RUFFER. 14 pp., 6 plates,
{Journal of Pathobgy, 191 3.)

This paper describes the state of Coptic mummies from Antinoe. The teeth
were remarkably bad, as are those of Roman mummies from Saqqareh, and the
modern Alexandrian. Pyorrhoea was common, and large abscesses. Local out-
growth on the spine and other bones was frequent, and in the nose it sometimes
choked the passage. Altogether the later period seems to have been more
unhealthy than the earlier ages.

Vt.gypte Monumentale et Pittoresque. Par Camille Lagier. 8vo, 240 pp.^
48 plates. 1914. (Vromant, Bruxelles.)

In this popular volume P^re Lagier gives the travelling impressions of a scholar
who already knew the meaning of all he saw, and he has made a pleasant outline of
general interest for the French public. It is well illustrated with 48 excellent blocks
of Dr. Capart's series, which are boldly printed on both sides of faced paper, with
but little loss of quality. We can only regret that the author misrepresents all the
Protestant Copts as being moved solely by the " dollar " ; any knowledge of them
would have shown that education was the cause of their religious attitude, which is
of no possible benefit to their position.

Reviews. 1 39

Les Ecritures Egyptiennes et FAntiquite Classique. Par P. MaresTaing. 8vo,
143 pp. 7 frs. 50. 191 3. (Geuthner, Paris.)

This is a collection of the references to Egyptian writing by the classical
authors. The interest of the study lies in showing the extent to which the writing
was understood ^n late times ; but in no case does it aid in modern study of
Egyptian.

Etude critique sur un Acte de Vente Inimobiliere. H. Sottas. 8vo, 21 pp.

2 plates. 2 frs. 191 3. (Geuthner, Paris.)

This is a discussion of the well-known deed of sale of a house found at Gizeh.
The question is of the order of the columns, without greatly affecting the sense.
This document of the IVth dynasty, and the decrees of the Vth and Vlth show
how gradual was the rise of fixed rules after the early period of confused writing,
as on the panels of Hesy.

The Nubian Texts of the Christian Period. By F. Ll. GRIFFITH. 4to, 134 pp.,

3 plates. 191 3. Berlin. {Abhandl. Konigl. Preuss. A^ad.)

This is a great work restoring to our knowledge the earlier form of the Nubian
language, from documents dating between the eighth and eleventh centuries A.D.
Mr. Griffith gives the complete texts of the five long documents, and many
fragments that are known, with full translations, and grammar, and a vocabulary,
so far as the materials permit. The interest is almost entirely philological at
present, as the documents are -much like the usual mediaeval Coptic literature. It
is pleasant to observe the acknowledgments of Dr. Schafer's previous work, much
of which, yet unpublished, he magnanimously supplied to the author with his
well-known courtesy.

Catalogue des Antiquit^s Egyptiennes recueillies dans les foiiilles de Koptos en
1910 et 1911. Par Adolphe Reinach, 191 3. (Musee Guimet de Lyon, 3 fr. 50.)
i8mo, 132 pp., 37 figures.

This is a useful list of the antiquities of all periods from Koptos, now preserved
at Lyons ; it does not include the early decrees and other monuments kept at
Cairo, nor others now in the Louvre. The most unusual objects are the Palmyrene
steles found together in one house.

Egyptologie et Histoire des Religions. Par Adolphe Reinach {Revue de
Synthese Historiques, XXVII, i, 2), 191 3. 8vo, 56 pp.

This is a detailed review of Prof. Foucart's recent book on the comparative
method in the study of religion. We cannot venture to give here an abstract
of a diffuse volume of 450 pages, commented on by 56 pages of review. Broadly
speaking, M. Foucart regards the long historical development of religion in Egypt
as more valuable to us than the far more detailed and precise knowledge of
religions over a shorter period, or in modern times. He would rather explain
the present position by the far slighter information that we can gather over
remote ages. In this he attacks the position of Frazer and other writers of the
anthropological school. M. Reinach, while recognising various lines of thought
emphasised in the work, cannot at all agree with the general position. The whole
matter is treated, on both sides, as a debate on opinions of others, instead of an
argument on basic facts ; it cannot be discussed profitably without rivalling the
length of the works in question.

140 Reviews.

Ancient Egyptian and Greek Looms. By H. LiNG ROTH. 41 pp., 39 figures
and plates. 2s. Sd. (Bankfield Museum, Halifax.)

This is the first detailed study of Egyptian looms, and a treatment of the facts
by a specialist was much needed. Every example of drawing has been utilised ;
and in some instances four or five different copies have been compared, and are
republished here, from the best modern sources. The main conclusions are that
the horizontal loom on the ground is the earlier in Egypt, the vertical loom not
coming in till the XVIIIth dynasty, although it is the only loom in Greece and
some other countries. A point still to be cleared up is the title of the overseer of
the weaving at Beni Hasan. It is rendered by Prof. Newberry " Superintendent of

canals " {B.H., I, p. 48). This seems very unlikely ; and the sign looks as if

it might be the loom with two end beams and threads between, the lines being
straight in Wilkinson's copy. If so, it might read " Overseer of the loom ground,"
in accordance with the scene ; and then the determinative of land would be very
appropriate for the space covered by the flat looms. Various pieces of looms in
museums are also illustrated here and discussed.

The Decay and Preservation of Antiquities. By Prof. Dr. F. Rathgen.
16 pp., 8 plates, ij. (The Museums Journal, Nov., 1913.)

Very few curators understand the first stage of their business, the material
care of the objects for which they are responsible. The most ghastly disasters
stand unblushingly in our Museums : objects dropping to pieces, fading, and
perishing. The commonest wreckage is caused by placing stones which contain
salt against a wail with cement. The whole face is certain to perish, and yet this
is done in museums from the highest to the lowest. Dr. Rathgen here gives much
valuable advice, gathered in his museum workshops at Berlin. His methods are
sound from a chemical and mechanical standpoint, but sometimes rather elaborate.
Every curator should understand the use of paraffin wax as a preservative and
strengthener ; the simplest way of cleaning bronzes, by placing with some scrap
zinc (or even iron nails) in vinegar or soda solution ; and the extraction of salt by
soaking, or, better, by laying a stone face down on wet sand and scraping the salt
away as it comes out on the back. These simple ways will apply to the majority
of cases. The latest improvement is to use non-flam, celluloid solution in
place of the old oils and varnishes. When the applications of chemistry are rightly
made the first necessity in the training of a curator, fewer regrettable incidents
will occur in our museums.

Engineeri?tg of Antiquity and technical progress in arts and crafts. By G. F.
ZiMMER, A.M.InstC.E. 8vo, 89 pp. (Probsthain.)

This book draws its illustration mainly from Egyptian sources. With the
technical knowledge of the author, such a work might have been made of the
greatest value, but unfortunately his knowledge of the ancient world is inadequate.
The first chapter is on the antiquity of iron. This begins with Tubal-Cain,
mythical Chinese records of 2CX)0 B.C., and Homer, quoted as authorities ; and the
age of iron in Egypt is settled by Herodotos saying that it was used in building
the pyramids. Not a word is said about the earliest abundance of iron tools in
Assyria, or the various instances of dated iron back to pre-historic times in Egypt.
For the age of tin and bronze, there is nothing quoted later than Gardner
Wilkinson, nearly eighty years ago. For tools, Belzoni, still further back, is the

Reviews. 141

only definite authority. An illustration called " Egyptians making glass " is
repeated four times, but it shows the blowing of a furnace, and has nothing
to do with glass. The devices for lifting stones are taken from Choisy, and are
hopelessly futile, and without any evidence. Pottery is stated to have been " in use
prior to the arriv&l of Joseph in Egypt." The author seems never to have heard
of the long series of pre-historic pottery. It is truly unfortunate that such a book
should be issued in the present day without any knowledge of the mass of
information that has been acquired in the last fifty years.

Beiirdge zur Kenntnis des Gewerbes im hellenistischen Aegypten. Doctorial
thesis of Theodor Reil. 1913. 211 pp.

This valuable work is a handbook to the whole of the industrial details of the
Greek papyri from Egypt. The first section is on the relation of industries to the
State (by Monopolies, Taxes, and Customs), to the Temples, and to private
enterprise. It would have been well to look a little beyond papyri, and to include
such stone documents as the Red Sea customs tariff {Koptos, 27) and the Diocletian
edict of prices, which are all-important for the subject.

The bulk of the work is a compilation of all references to each trade in order,
and a tabular statement of all prices recorded in each kind of work : Masons,
builders, brickmakers, potters, glassworkers, jewellers, smiths, plumbers, carpenters,
weavers, dyers, fullers, embroiderers, and tailors. The social condition of the
trades is then discussed. Further are papyrus-workers, oil and salt duties, millers,
bakers, butchers, fishmongers and brewers. Then comes the study of women
workers and slave labour, and the labour unions in different ages. The writer is so
saturated with his subject that he has forgotten to give a list of his many
abbreviations ; and even in a table of references to his various sources, he only
gives them in the same form of initials. On referring to the brickmaking, the prices
given do not include those published by Prof Mahaffy, of 15 and 16 drachmas
per myriad (Petr., II, pp. 48, 51). The price of bricks is an excellent economic
standard, as the material of Nile mud and sand is fairly constant, and there are no
complications of trade. The early Ptolemaic drachma might be worth 6d., so the
lowest price, 10 drachmas = 5^. ; later on a triens = 45-., is the price of a myriad
bricks. At the present day about 8j. is the lowest price. Thus we may say that
gold and silver were in classical times worth the double of what they are now.
A higher rate might have been expected, looking at the economic mining with
modern machinery. This book covers untouched ground, and will be an invaluable
guide for all studies on ancient economics and prices.

The Miraculous Birth of King Amon-hotep III, and other Egyptian Studies.
By Colin Campbell, D.D. Svo, 204 pp., 57 figures. 1912. (Oliver and Boyd.)

Dr. Colin Campbell has taken up the useful function of expounding the
monuments, a matter too often neglected by scholars who are only thinking of their
own standpoint. The main subject begins with the belief in the divine descent of
the kings ; first the Horus descent, shown by the falcon ; next the Ra ancestry of
the Vth dynasty ; then the Amen ancestry of the XVIIIth dynasty, which was
also compatible with the kings being called child of Aah, of Tahuti, and of Ra.
The scenes of the birth of Amenhotep III, in the temple of Luqsor, are described
in detail, throughout the fourteen subjects, nearly all of which are shown in
photographs. The same subject of divine birth occurred also in parts of the
Ramesseum, now destroyed. There is next a description of the eight scenes of

142 Reviews.

coronation of Amenhotep III ; and a description of the adoration of Mut. The
Osirification of the i<ing at the sed festival is closely on the lines already stated in
Researches in Sinai, and in Qumeh.

It has long been a reproach that the most interesting series of processional
sculptures on the wall of the colonnade at Luqsor have not been published or
photographed. In this book there is a full account of the scenes, but unfortunately
the photographs are too small to examine the figures, in most parts. The subject
of a great procession of the god Amen from Karnak to Luqsor, seems to have been
on the occasion of the great re-instatement of Amen by Tut-onkh-amen, though
the work was later appropriated by Haremheb. It is full of interesting detail of
a great religious festival and its collateral exhibitions, and it is greatly to be hoped
that it will be all fully photographed on a large scale.

The tomb of Sen-nezem is described with fourteen views showing many
interesting mythological figures. A curious oversight of the tomb painter was
drawing a double door with the two hinges in the middle ! Lastly, the tomb of
Pashedu is described with three views.

( 143 )

^ NOTES AND NEWS.

The interesting building which Prof. Naville has uncovered, and described in
a paper here, is in several respects still an enigma. The exterior of it is yet quite
unknown ; the collateral buildings around it have yet to be disclosed, and their
connection with it to be studied ; the original entrance to it has to be found, all of
these further discoveries are needful to understanding the meaning of the large
constructions now brought to light. The more pressing question is that of the
depth and nature of the deep space around the central block of the hall. That this
now reaches water at 14 feet below the floor, shows that originally the floor of the
hall was at least 30 feet, or 35 feet, above water. That the water level has risen at
Abydos, as in the rest of Egypt, is proved by the 1st dynasty temple being at the
lowest known water level now. As it must have been dry originally, the watei
level must have risen at least the whole height of the present inundation changes.
To know the depth of the space is therefore essential to understanding whether the
building originally had water in it, or was dry.

The projecting ledge around the walls and the central block is well seen in the
lower photograph. It appears cut square; and, if so . originally (though now
rounded in parts), we can hardly but see in this the sides of a floor that was once
continuous, and has been extracted by the stone hunters. Or it may be that the
building was never completed in this part. The stairways appear as if intended to
reach a lower construction ; they certainly never reached water as they now are.
At their lower ends, opening into the deep trench, it may be that they continued in
a structure of fine limestone which filled the trench with subterranean passages. It,
is evident that there is a great deal to be uncovered before we can see the meaning
of this curious cyclopean building. We hope all those who have so successfully
carried out this year's work will continue the future clearance of this site completely.

Prof Steindorff has had a successful season at Anibeh in Nubia. He has
opened a cemetery of the Xllth dynasty, with burials of Reisner's C group type.
About 250 graves have been cleared, and much fine pottery was found. A fort
of this age protected the settlement. There was also a town of the XVIIIth
dynasty, with a temple. We hope in our next number to give a full account from
the excavator.

Lord Carnarvon's work at Thebes has amongst other matters been turned
to the site of the tomb of Amenhotep I. The attribution of this large subterranean
work is certain, as the vases with the king's name have been found in the passage
by Mr. Carter.

At Antinoe, Mr. Johnson has succeeded in rescuing some more papyri, including
the leaves of Theocritus lately described in the Times.

( 144 )

THE PORTRAITS.

The series of seated figures of Senusert I is one of the most striking parts of the
Cairo Museum. The highly finished work, and the perfect condition of these ten
lifesize figures, fixes them in the memory. They were prepared for the offering
court of the king's pyramid at Lisht ; taken there, they were laid carefully on their
sides awaiting the completion of the building. The king died too soon,
Amenemhat II had other cares, and did not complete the temple of his father ;
thus the statues were left, perfect and unused, until uncovered twenty years ago.
At first sight a visitor sees such differences of expression that the accuracy of the
portraiture might be questioned ; but if the fixed points, such as the profile, are
carefully noted it will be seen that the ten statues are identical. All that varies in
them is the natural fluctuation of a vigorous face in different moods, and it must be
remembered that they have not received the inspiring touches of the artist's finish,
they are but drafted out and not yet vitalised. The close resemblance to the
portraits of Senusert elsewhere, such as at Abydos or Koptos, in contrast with the
difference from other kings of this age, shows how really individual is the
portraiture.

The second portrait is the head of Senusert II found in the great pit of

Karnak, broken from a statue of his in red
granite. Unfortunately, the profile is not
published, but the resemblance of type to
that of the adjoining profile head from the
temple of Lahun confirms the accuracy of
both. Every statue should be published in
at least three views, full face, profile in the
plane of the lips, and a three-quarter view to
show the facial curves. The double uraeus
on the head should be noted ; at this period
a double function of the king was prominent,
there are the shrines with two statues of
Amenemhat III, and otlier instances, probably
referring to the Southern and Northern
dominion. The adjoining head, shown of
full size here, is the only perfect profile from
the king's pyramid temple. A head, larger,
but with the nose injured, was found by me
in 1889; it passed to Mr. Kennard's share
of that excavation, and was sold at his sale
on July 16, 191 2.

^Senusert II. Temple of Lahun.

1^'

SENUSERT I, LIMESTONE STATUE, LISHT, CAIRO MUSEUM.

SENUSERT II, RED GRANITE HEAD, KARNAK, CAIRO MUSEUM.

KARANOG 51. 8468.

AREIKA 26.2.

KARANOG 51. 8477.

KARANOG 46. G 100. 8176.

AREIKA 25.7.

KARANOG 81. G 253. 8492.

NUBIAN BISCUIT-WARE.

ANCIENT EGYPT.

THE BISCUIT OR EGG-SHELL WARE OF THE SUDAN

AND CHINA.

{^Frontispiece^

Some of the most beautiful pottery ever made is that to which I have given the
name of " biscuit-ware " and which was manufactured in the Sudan. Dr. Maclver's
excavations in Nubia first made us acquainted with it ; since then I have found
fragments of it on various Meroitic sites in the Sudan such as Kerma, and Kawa
and large quantities of it have been discovered by Prof. Garstang at Meroe. We
now know that it is to Meroe that we must ascribe its origin. The kaolinic clay
of which it is composed is found in the neighbourhood of that locality ; the clay
was first noticed by Major Rhodes and myself at Umm Ali, ten miles north of
Meroe, from which most of the building stone of Meroe was brought.

The ware is very fine, hard, and thin ; but it is not translucent, nor is it so
resonant as Chinese porcelain. Otherwise it closely resembles the biscuit and
" eggshell " china of the Far East. The paste is usually white, sometimes creamy,
and is often covered with a thin red wash. A large proportion of the ware is
painted in different colours. The designs are usually realistic, representing flowers,
ivy or vine leaves, birds, and the like. But besides the polychrome pottery, there
is also a good deal of stamped pottery, lotus-flowers, the Egyptian symbol of life,
rosettes and similar designs being impressed upon the clay. The painted designs
can be traced back to the Greek pottery of Naukratis ; the stamped pottery seems
to have been imitated from Aretino ware. The specimens found in Nubia are
naturally provincial and much inferior to the pottery of the capital ; the clay is
comparatively poor, and the decoration betrays the hand of the imitator.

The period during which the ware was manufactured at Meroe extends from
the third or second century B.C. to the third century A.D., and its northern limit is
that of Sudanese influence in Nubia. In fact, it is not met with even in Northern
Nubia, so that its northern limit may be described as the southern boundary of the
Roman Empire.

The origin of the ware has, I believe, been discovered by Prof. Garstang. He
has found fragments of vases and bowls similar to those afterwards made in the
biscuit-ware, but consisting of ostrich egg-shell. Many of these fragments are
painted in patterns which are the same as those of the polychrome biscuit-ware,
and there can be no doubt that he is right in thinking that the egg-shell vessels
were the primitive models afterwards imitated in clay. The Meroite potter
discovered that the kaolinic clay occurring in his neighbourhood enabled him to
reproduce the cups and bowls of egg-shell which had been previously in use.

146 The Biscuit or Egg-shell Ware of the Sudan and China.

Now there is only one other part of the world in which similar ware is found.
This is China, the egg-shell porcelain which is now made in Japan being a modern
imitation of the Chinese. Like the Sudanese, the Chinese potter had at his disposal
an abundance of kaolinic clay. But that he was never led independently to take
advantage of this is shown by the fact that all the pottery found in the early graves
of China is thick and somewhat coarse. It was imitated, not from egg-shell, but
from metal and lacquered wood.

Nevertheless, a period comes when " biscuit " or " egg-shell " china suddenly
makes its appearance among the Chinese. Thus far nothing of the sort has been
discovered with certainty in graves which are older than the T'ang period
(a.d. 618-906), though I have seen a specimen which was said to have come from
a grave of the Sui period (a.d. 581). The literary evidence, however, tends to show
that " egg-shell " china must have originated in the period between the close of the
later Han (A.D. 265) and the rise of the T'ang, though until the early cemeteries of
China are scientifically excavated, the exact date of its first appearance cannot be
accurately fixed.

Dr. Bushell tells us that " there are abundant references to porcelain in the
voluminous literature of the T'ang dynasty " and that " the poets of the time liken
their wine-cups to ' disks of thinnest ice.' " The Arab traveller Suliman in the
ninth century (A.D. 851) describes the vases he had seen in China which were " as
transparent as glass; water is seen through them " ;^ and similarly thin, semi-lucent
ware was actually imitated at Cairo in fayence some two centuries later.- At
a later date (a.d. 955) the Chinese emperor issued a rescript ordering porcelain to
be made " as thin as paper." This T'ang ware must have had an ancestry of some
length.

It is a far cry from China to the Sudan, but during the past winter the distance
has been unexpectedly bridged over. Among the documents brought back from
Western China by the Pelliot expedition are some belonging to the Anterior Han
dynasty (206 B.C.-A.D. 24) describing trading voyages to the West. The voyagers
made their way to the coasts of Huang-chi or the Kingdom of Axum, and the
journey occupied from ten to twelve months, as various ports were visited on the
way. Between A.D. i and 6 a special embassy was sent by the Chinese emperor to
the king of Axum with gifts and merchandise, and a request for the horn of
a unicorn, which was duly despatched in the shape of a horn of the African
rhinoceros.* Among the articles of commerce carried by the Chinese to South-
western Asia and the African coast, as we learn from Chau Ju-Kua,' were pottery,
and, at a later date, porcelain, and what the merchants and sailors were able to
carry with them on the outward voyage could just as easily have been carried back
to China on the homeward voyage.

The " biscuit-ware " of Meroe could thus have readily come to their knowledge.
It would have been carried along the trade routes which passed from Meroe to the
harbours of the Red Sea coast, and there it would have become known to the

' " IlSkOnt une terre excellente dont lis font des vases d'une delicatesse aussi grande que s'ils
estoient de verre, et qui sont egalement transparents " (Renaudot's translation, p. 26).

2 Nassiri Khosrau, writing in December, 1048, says (Schafer's translation, p. 151): "On
fabrique h. Misr de la faience de toute espfece ; elle est si fine et si diaphane que Ton volt k travers
les parois d'un vase la main appliquiie ^ I'e.xterieur. On fait des bols, des tasses, des assiettes et
autres utensils. On les decore avec des couleurs qui sont analogues h. celle de I'etoffe appelee
bouqualemoun ('shot silk '); les nuances changent selon la position que Ton donne au vase."

A. Herrmann: Zeiischrift der Berliner Gesellschaft fiir Erdkunde, 1913.

* Fr. Hirth and W. W. Rockhill, St. Petersburg, 1912.

The Biscuit or Egg-shell Ware of the Sudan and China. 147

Chinese. The Chinese were already malting the fine glazed pottery of the Han
period, and using it in preference to the lacquer and metal vessels of an earlier date,
and their potters would have recognised that they also possessed at home the same
kaolinic clay as the potters of the Sudan. As they imitated the glazes and designs
of the Hellenfaed cities of Central Asia with which they had become acquainted in
the second century B.C., and as a few centuries later they imitated the glass and
cloisonne of Byzantium, so, too, we may feel sure, they would have attempted to
imitate the beautiful foreign ware which was brought from Africa. A bowl
I obtained from a T'ang tomb is decorated with painted reliefs which are identical
with a favourite floral design on the Meroitic ware [e.g., Woolley and Maclver :
Karanog IV, Pll. 46, G lOO; 59, G 546 ; 81, G 253 ; 84, G 621), and among the
terra-cotta figurines in my possession from tombs of the pre-T'ang period are some
which are as distinctively Hellenic in character as the figurines discovered by
Prof Petrie at Memphis. It is true that in the latter case the inspiration came from
the West by the land-route across Central Asia, but it indicates how ready the
Chinese were at the time to adopt and assimilate the elements of Western art.
A head-rest from a T'ang tomb which I obtained in China has a floral pattern in
red and yellow which possesses all the characteristics of the naturalistic designs of
the Meroitic ware.

A. H. Sayce.

K 2

( 148 )

KING UDY-MU (DEN) AND THE PALERMO STONE.

King Udy-mu has long been known to the world under several different names,
and it will be well to recount these at the outset, so as to clear up any confusion in
the mind of the reader. At the time of the 1st dynasty the Egyptian kings bore
two names, each of which was preceded by one or more titles, and Udy-mu's were

"^ and 4\^ E25. The first was originally read by Prof. Petrie (who

discovered many contemporary monuments of this king at Abydos) " The Horus
Den," but Sethe has shewn that the more probable reading is " The Horus
Wdy-mw " (Sethe, Beitriige siir dltesten Geschichte Aegyptens, pp. 39-41). The

second name W^ , to be read either Khaskheti "the Foreigner," or Semti

"the Desert man," is preceded by the double title " King of Upper and Lower
Egypt," and curiously enough it is found in later Egyptian documents under
several different forms. The reason for these different forms is obvious to anyone
acquainted with hieratic writing ; unless very carefully written the hieratic of rv^^
can easily be mistaken for the hieratic form of both 1 t < and EfflE. Now the

scribe who drew up the Turin Papyrus List of Kings wrote the name r^^ in

hieratic thus :

' FiiT. I. '

Fig.

This would give the reading Sp-ty (Sep-tt) or Hsp-ty {Heseptt), but as Griffith has
pointed out {R.T., I, p. 38) a form found in the XVHIth dynasty papyrus of Nu

r^^^^ (Budge, Book of the Dead, Text, p. 145) may show that this "was

intended to represent Sm-ty {Sein-ii)." The scribe of Sety I's List of Kings at

Abydos gives us f ^^ J Sp-ty (Sep-ti) or /Isp-ty {Hesepti) and other forms

found in ancient documents are { [~[~] (Brugsch, Rec. de Mons., II, Pll. 85-107)

and { { ^ J (Lepsius, Todtenbuch, PI. 53). The sign h-hh, it should be
pointed out, has usually the value kn. By Manetho's time in the third century B.C.
there were therefore at least two mistaken readings of the original name E3, and

the Egyptian historian reading his hieroglyphs h-4 1 and ^ffffF quite correctly as
kn {ken) and lisp {hesp) entered two separate kings' names, Kenkenes and Usaphais,
in his list. Thus we have the following names of one and the same 1st dynasty
king circulating in Egyptian literature at the present day :
The Horus Den (Petrie).

WdY'MW (Sethe).

The King of Upper and Lower Egypt Setui (Petrie).

Semti (Griffith, Hall).

Khaskheti (Sethe).

Hesepti (Sety's Abydos list).

King Udy-mu (Den) and the Palermo Stone. 149

Kenkenes (Manetho from the form [ |~|~] J).
USAPHAIS (Manetho from the form ( |^ 1 ).

In this JlWicle the forms Udy-mu and Khaskheti will be used.

The Palermo Stone takes its name from the Palermo Museum, where it is now
preserved ; it is a fragment of a large tablet inscribed in the Vth dynasty, recording
the Annals of the kings of Egypt from Mena, the first king of the united country,
down to the time when the monument was set up. The Annals are set out in great
detail year by year, and it seems hardly possible that such accuracy was obtainable
by tradition only, for a period so remote from the Vth dynasty as was the 1st dynasty.
We can therefore but imagine that records of the chief events had been kept year by
year, and that the scribes of the Vth dynasty had access to them. This would
be quite in keeping with early custom, for we find in Babylonia, for instance,
documents dated not by the year of the king's reign but by the chief event in that
year. Thus under Bur-sin of Babylonia we find a document dated in the " year in
which he destroyed the city Shashru " (cf SCHAFER, Ein Bruchstilck Altdgyptisclier
Annaleii, printed in the Abhandlungen der Konigl. Preuss. Ak. d. Wissensch. zu Berlin,
1902, p. 10). In making use of the Palermo Stone we are badly hampered by its
fragmentary condition, which isolates long records of reigns to which we cannot
attach the king's name. If by any means some of the events of one of these reigns
can be identified, so that we can supply the missing name, then a considerable
point will have been gained.

Now Schafer has pointed out that in other ancient documents we get references
to the same or similar events as are recorded on the Palermo Stone {ibid., p. 8)
Hence if we can find any series of events thus recorded and in conjunction with the
name of the king under whom they took place, and further can find on the Palermo
Stone a group of similar events recorded under one reign, then it will not be too far
a cry to assign the king given in the named set of records to the similar set which
bears no royal name. Now, in the third row of the Palermo Stone we know we are
dealing with a period between the pre-dynastic age and the Ilnd dynasty, because
this row comes after the first, which gives the names of the kings of Lower Egypt
when the kingdom was not yet united, and before the fourth, which names Netery-mu
a king of tlie Ilnd dynasty. The third row, therefore, deals with the events of the
1st or early Ilnd dynasty, and it is among the named records of these dynasties
that we must search for our parallels.

Fortunately such sets of named records of these dynasties have been found at
the Royal Tombs of Abydos. They will therefore form a convenient corpus for the
purpose of comparison. Fortunately again, the records of the third row are not
easily to be confused with those of any other reign, as many of them only occur
here. Hence there should be no difficulty in deciding to which of the sets of the
named records of Abydos they conform, and in this way discovering the king whose
annals form this third row of the Palermo Stone.

Sethe has suggested Miebis (Mer-pa-ba) as the name which is lacking, but finds
difficulty in making the necessary length of the reign recorded on the third row of
the Palermo Stone coincide with the twenty-six years given by Manetho to this
king (Sethe, Beitrdge zur Altesten Gesch. Agyptens, p. 48). Unfortunately we
are unable to test the claims of Miebis by appealing to his Abydos documents, as
those remaining to us are not of an annalistic nature, and so cannot be compared
with the record of the Palermo Stone.

K 3

ISO

King Udy-mu (Den) and the Palermo Stone.

z
z

O
X

X
H

King Udy-mu (Den) and the Palermo Stone.

ISI

< .

^ aoa'

K 4

152

King Udy-mu (Den) and the Palermo Stone.

The documents of another king Udymu however, compare in a marked
degree with the records of this third row. These documents consist of inscribed
tablets and clay sealings recovered from his tomb at Abydos, and for comparison
here each is added to the record from this row of the Palermo Stone which it
resembles. The numbers refer to those which we have placed below the inscription
in Fig. 2.

2. Pakrmo. "Smiting of the Inu" (People of the Eastern desert and Sinai).
Abydos. Tablet of Udymu (Spiegelherg, A.Z., XXXV, p. 8). " First

Smiting of the East."

3. Palermo. "Appearance of the King of the South. Appearance of the

King of the North. Sed festival."

Abydos. Fragment of a tablet of Udymu (Petrie, R.T., I., pi. xi, 5, 14)
showing the raised pavilion of the Sed festival, and inscribed
with the king's name.
8. Palermo. Opening of the lake of the house Isut-Neteru.

Abydos, Tablet of the Horus Udymu King of the South and Khaskheti
(AmelINEAU, Nouvelles fouilles, 1897-8, xxxvii, 3; also
Petrie, R.T., I, pi. xi, 14, 15) recording among other things
the " opening of the door of the water ? " and showing a hoe
breaking away the earth of an embankment? Marked x in

Fig. 5-

8. Palermo. Shooting of the hippopotamus.

Abydos. Sealings of the Horus Udymu (King of the South and North)
Khaskheti (Petrie, R.T., II, pi. vii, 5, 6; R.T., I, pi. xiv, 8)
showing a hippopotamus attacking a man, and the harpooning
of a crocodile. See also Fig. 8, a tablet of Udymu, and also
Fig. 10.

9. Palermo. " Residence in Henen-nysut (Heracleopolis) and at the lake of

the temple of Hery-she-f."
Abydos. Fragment of a tablet (Petrie, R.T., II, pi. vii, 8), showing a ram
temple, probably that of the ram-headed god Hery-she-f, and
naming a king of the South and North who from the fragment
of the duplicate tablet figured alongside is probably Khaskheti.

1 1 . Palermo. " Birth of the God Sed."

Abydos. Sealing of the Horus Udymu (PETRIE, R.T., I, pi. xxxii, 39) ;
showing besides the harpooning of some animal, a close
connection between the king and two gods, one of whom is
Sed, the jackal on a standard crossed by a mace.

13. Palermo. Birth of Seshat and Mafdet.

Abydos. Sealing of the Horus Udymu (Petrie, R.T., I, xxxii, 39; also
R.T., II, vii, 7, 10, see Fig. 10). Besides the above-named
scenes King Udymu is also shown in connection with the
standard of the goddess Mafdet.

Here, then, we find that out of a total of fourteen records of this row on the
Palermo Stone, seven are found among the named annalistic monuments of Abydos
which belong to Udymu. The Palermo Stone records much that docs not appear
on these monuments from Abydos, and of course there are other tablets of Udymu's
such for instance as R.T., I, pi. xv. No. 18, Abydos, I, xi, 8, naming the city of
Went which find no parallel among the incomplete annals of the Stone. Thus it

King Udy-mu (Den) and the Palermo Stone. 153

is an inconclusive argument which Sethe brings {Beitriige, pp. 47, 48) that Usaphais
(Udymu, Khaskheti) cannot be the king of this third row, because no mention of the
worship of Horus is found here, whereas it is found on his tablets from Abydos. It
therefore seems that the weight of evidence is at present greatly in favour of Udymu
being the king whose annals are recorded in the third row of the Palermo Stone.

There is yet another fact which would point to the same conclusion, and
again a further one which points away from Miebis, whom Sethe suggested as
the king of this row, and, if it points to any one, it points towards Udymu.
Both of these would thus form subsidiary points of evidence in favour of our thesis.

They are: (i) the use of the title ^^, king of the South and North; (2) the

probable length of thirty-two years for the reign recorded in this row.

Griffith has noted {R.T., II, p. 52) that the title " king of the South and North"
does not occur before Udymu, and in our illustrations we get instances of its use
in his reign (Figs. 5, 9). Now the first time this double title appears on the
Palermo Stone is in our third row, where it occurs once only, in No. 3 of Fig. 2.
Afterwards it appears several times in the later reigns. This, then, is one subsidiary
connection of the third row of the Palermo Stone with the reign of Udymu.

For the second point it must be remarked that Schafer {Eifi Brtichstiick, p. 21)
has deduced a length of at least thirty-two years for this reign. This is arrived at
by means of the knowledge, given us by the fourth row, that each king's name is
written over the middle of the space allotted to his reign. The fourth line also
shews us that besides the royal name some particulars are entered as well.

Now fortunately in the space above our third row allotted to these royal
names and particulars, we have the end of such an entry (Fig. 2). This shews that
the broken record begins within a year or two of the middle of the reign, and there
are fourteen years registered before the record breaks off again. Hence there must
have been at least fourteen more years recorded on the other half now lost. This
gives twenty-eight years at the very least for the reign before us. On the analogy
of the fourth row, five or six year spaces may well be allowed for the space under
the name, of which two are already accounted for, one in each of the two sets of
fourteen, leaving three or four to be added to the total of twenty-eight already
arrived at, thus making 28 -|- 4 = 32. There may also be one or two years to be
added at either end of the row, as we do not know that the last year visible on the
broken stone was the last year of the reign. Thus, then, the king of the third row
cannot have reigned less than twenty-eight years, probably reigned thirty-two
years, and may have reigned a little longer. Hence the length of reign indicated
for this third row precludes Miebis (Mer-pa-ba) to whom Manetho only gives
twenty-six years while Eratosthenes gives less still nineteen. There is, however,
one king the length of whose reign is in accordance with the probable length of the
reign of this third row. This is Kenkenes a name thrust in by Manetho along
with that of Uenephes ; but without emendation the forms of neither of them can
be made to agree with any of the names of the 1st dynasty known either from the
contemporary relics or yet from any of the Egyptian lists ; and neither of them are
known to Eratosthenes, though his list is too imperfect to have much weight.

Now it is well known that though Manetho may be a valuable guide for the
general sum and extent of Egyptian history, yet he cannot be implicitly relied on
for details {vide for instance his XVIIIth dynasty). Such being the state of affairs
it is very fortunate that both of these difficult names are susceptible of some
explanation. Maspero {Rec. de Trav., XVII, p. 65) has shown that Uenephes is an

154 King Udy-mu (Den) and tlie Palermo Stone.

exact transcription of Unnefer (Osiris) a name which is often written in a
cartouche. In some way it has slipped in here. As to the other name it has
already been shown that Kenkenes may quite possibly be a misreading of Khaskheti
(Udymu) as is the name Usaphais. It is therefore perhaps significant that the
number of years entered against Kenkenes' reign (Africanus 31, Eusebius 39)
compare well with the number deducible from the Palermo Stone (32 or more).
This then makes a further subsidiary piece of evidence that the third line of the
Palermo Stone does not record the reign of Miebis(Mer-pa-ba), but probably records
that of Udymu (Usaphais).

Thus the result of the foregoing is to shew that there is a considerable body
of converging evidence respecting these records in :

1. The recording on the third row of the Palermo Stone of a number of the

same events as are found on the named records of Udymu.

2. The use of the double title 4^> king of the South and North, which is not

known to occur earlier than Udymu, and on the Palermo Stone is found
for the first time on this third row, and often later.

3. The length of the reign recorded in this row agrees most closely with that

of Kenkenes, which name is proved to be a corruption of Khaskheti
(Udymu).

This evidence all converges to shew that Udymu (Khaskheti) is the king whose
reign is recorded on the third row of the Palermo Stone.

Merneit or Meryt-Neit.

Having shewn to whom this row of Annals on the Palermo Stone is likely to

refer, it becomes necessary to treat the three signs |?| j| above the row. To

elucidate these it becomes necessary again to turn to the heading of the fourth
row, which reads Ntrynnv rn Nb . . . , translated as " King Horus Neter-en
(Netery-mu) the child of Nub . . . . " (Sethe in Garstang's Mahdsna and
Bet Khalldf, p. 20 ; SciIAFER, Bruchstilck, p. 22). Here, then, Netery-mu is named
with his mother, and such is entirely suitable to the final fragment of our

inscription, which is shewn by the determinative M^ to be the remains of a woman's

name ; this woman should by this analogy be the mother of Udymu. Sethe

{Beitrdge, pp. 29, 47) has suggested the restoration of this name as /T ''^su J) ,

Meryt-Neit, and has brought evidence to shew that the well-known personage
Merneit, as the name was at first read, was a woman and not a man. Meryt-Neit
then, in all probabilitj', must have been the mother of Udymu.

Meryt-Neit's position as mother of Udymu fits in well with the place assigned
to the bearer of this name by Prof. Petrie {R.T., II, p. viii) next before Udymu
(Den-setyi) ; it also fits with the probability that she died under Udymu (Usaphais)
in that he provided her tomb equipment (Sethe, Beitrdge, p. 30), a most natural
thing for a son to do. It is perhaps a duty more likely to fall on her son than on
her husband, which would have been the case under Sethe's supposition that she
was the wife of Usaphais (Udymu) and the mother of Miebis (Mer-pa-ba) (Sethe,
Beitrdge, p. 30). It remains a question whether Miebis (Mer-pa-ba) may have
been also her son as well as Udymu ; but it seems clear that Miebis cannot be the
king of the third line of the Palermo Stone.

King Udy-mti (Den) and the Palermo Stone. 155

We now know two queens of the early 1st dynasty ; Meryt-Ncit the mother
of Udymu, and the earlier queen Hotep, a princess of Sais and the wife of Narmer-
Mena (Newberry, P.S.B.A., 1906, p. 69). We also know that sixteen out of
seventy of the private stelae found round the tomb of Zer, a predecessor of
Udymu beat''mames compounded with Neit, the well-known goddess of Sais in
the Delta. From Naga ed-Der we find in the golden object inlaid with her symbol
another piece of evidence of the importance of Neit during the 1st dynasty
(Reisner, Early Dynastic Cemeteries, I, pi. 6, p. 139), and on a certain type of
cylinder seals of the 1st dynasty bearing private names, no less than seventy-five
per cent, of the names are compounded with the name of Neit (NEWBERRY, Scarabs,
p. 51). It seems therefore that these southern kings with their capital in Upper
Egypt were marrying princesses from this important city of Lower Egypt, the home
of the Neit worshippers, and so ingratiating themselves with their newly acquired
subjects in the North (NEWBERRY GarSTANG, Short History, pp. 19, 26).

This group of Neit names implies that just at this time there was a strong
colony of Neit-worshippers at the court of these southern kings composed of
princesses and their retinue (Newberry, P.S.B.A., 1906, pp. 69, 70).

Percy E. Newberry.
G. A. Wainwright.

( 156 )

COPTIC STELE OF APA TELEME.

This stele was found in Upper Egypt, and bought by Prof. Flinders Petrie in
191 3. Now in the Institut Biblique, Rome. Copied by Mrs. Petrie.

} The Father, the Son, the Holy f Spirit. Our father Michael, our f father
Gabriel, our Lady mother * Mary, our father Adam, our | mother Zoe, the four
and twenty f elders, our fathers the ] patriarchs, our fathers the " prophets, our
fathers the apostles, ^ our fathers the martyrs, our '1 fathers the confessors, our
V fathers the archbishops, ',- our fathers the bishops, our '," fathers the great men,
father [A] ',* polio, father Anup, father ',"' Phib, father Makare and his sons, '1" father

Moses and his brethren, Y father Jeremias, father Enoch, father 'i** Joseph the

father Ammoni ^ of Pseteshons, father -|" Polloni the martyr, -} all the holy ones.
Remember j Apa Teleme of Poureh, f who [rested] the fourth day -,' of

Notes.

L. 5. " Our mother Zoe." The name of Eve as given in the LXX.

L. 1 3. " The great men." This expression appears to apply to the names which
follow.

LL. 14, 15. Apollo, Anup and Phib are the three saints of Bawit, a village on
the west side of the river opposite Tell el-Amarna. It was the site of the ancient
monastery founded by Apa Apollo. The remains of the monastery were first noted
by Prof. Flinders Petrie (Te/l el-Amarna, map), and were excavated later by
M. Jean Cledat {Mcmoires de I'lnstitute FratK^ais, XII, XIII). Apa Apollo as the
founder of one of the great monasteries of Egypt is included in the invocations of
saints which constantly occur in Coptic inscriptions ; his name is usually followed
b}- those of Apa Anup and Apa Phib. His day is celebrated on Mechir 5 ; Phib,
who is called Abib in the Synaxarium, is commemorated on Paophi 25. From the
fact that Apollo, Anup, and Phib head the list of saints and are therefore in the
most prominent position, it seems likely that the stele came originally from Bawit.

L. 15. In this, as in the line immediately following, the two words, uki woq
" And his," are written as one, one ki being omitted.

L. 16. Apa Moses was the local saint of Baliana. He founded a monastery in
that district, but it is not cerfain whether at Baliana itself or at Abydos.

L. 17. Apa Jeremias and Apa Enoch are the local saints of Saqqara. The
monastery of Jeremias, near the Step-pyramid, was first located by Sir Gaston
Maspero, and excavated later by Mr. Quibell for the Department of Antiquities
(QuiBELL, Excavations at Saqqara). Among the inscriptions found are three which
refer to Jeremias as a person and not merely as a legendary saint ; one is on a block
of stone, " the seat of Apa Jeremias " ; another is on a paving-stone in the floor of
the " Refectory," containing the very interesting statement that " This is the spot
on which our lord and father Apa Jeremias bowed himself, until he removed the
sins of the people of the whole world " ; the third gives the dates of his birth, of his
tonsuring, of his ordination, and of his death.

Apa Enoch, who is usually mentioned in the lists with Apa Jeremias, is the
Enoch of the Bible. He was commemorated about the end of Epiphi, the actual
day appearing to vary.

Coptic Stele of A pa Telemc. 157

SlHGJSsg

TTKi)Tnu/t<PeTTeTliR^ToY^ ,

ujTQ.^PlH\Te : NkoiciiW^\T "

HAP J An &N ElcgtA ^^WtENjKI

^M^HlTTTCKOTfolT-

Mivm^

VoYrwTodr

1 : 3 Coptic Stele of Apa Telf.me. H. F. P.

158 Coptic Stele of Apa Teleme.

L. 18. ncepuH. This title or epithet of Apa Joseph is one of which I have
no knowledge.

L. 19. Pseteshons appears to be a place name. Near Bawit was a place called
Terotashans (ZOEGA, 366) or Terotnshoons (H.\LL, Greek Texts, p. 144); it would
seem likely that Pseteshons, which has the same termination, would be in the same
neighbourhood.

L. 22. Api nueeTH iJ is the usual form. I would suggest that the sculptor
has confused this formula with the other funerary formula Api oTMOcrMHA um .

The name Teleme is also found as Deleme {cp. CruM., Coptic MSS. from the
Fayytim. No. XXIII, 11. 10, 11).

Poureh appears to be a place name, orpe? , a masculine word, means waste
ground near buildings.

L. 23. The position of the small fragment, which is all that remains of the
letter u, shows that the word was written MTAqeuTOW,

M. A. MURRAY.

( 159 )

EGYPT IN AFRICA.

{Continued^

Royal functions.

24. The chief as priest.

25. The king killed before old age.

26. Indirect mention of king's death.

27. Sister marriage.

28. Honour of the royal placenta.

29. Importance of leopard's skin.

30. Potency of the ox tail.

31. Ensign of the saw fish.

Beliefs.

32. The mundane spirit world.

33. Every object has its spirit.

34. The ancestral spirit.

35. The roads of the future.

36. Twins human and animal. .

37. Ram-headed gods.

38. The bull god.

39. Totemism and animal clans.

40. The sacred sycomore fig tree.

41. Red cattle sacrificed.

42. Animal skulls hung up.

43. Divination by objects thrown.

Material products.

44. Red and white pottery.

45. Red and black pottery.

46. Mud toys.

47. Wooden head-rests.

48. Wooden hoes.

49. Double process spinning.

50. Flat ground-loom.

51. Mosquito nets.

52. Harpoon.

53. Drag net.

54. Hand net.

55. Basket traps.

56. Ring snares.

57. Cone on the head.

Late Influence from Egypt.

58. Terracotta Nigerian heads.

59. The classical patterns.

60. Interwoven patterns.

61. Architectural style.

In addition to the various authorities named in the previous article on this subject,
there is to be added here (K) On the backivaters of the Nile, by A. L. KiTCHiNG
(1912).

Royal functions.

24. The chief as priest. " Sometimes a man approaches his deceased relations
on his own behalf; but, as a rule, it is the chief who prays and sacrifices on behalf
of the village." (W., 49.) " The head man acts (in offering) on behalf of the
village." (W., 53.) Similarly in Egypt all offerings were considered in theory to
be made by the king, the formula being nesut dy Iietep, " may the king give an
offering " ; and the figure of the king is sometimes represented making the offering
to the deceased.

25. The king killed before old age. Among the Shilluks " the king must not be
allowed to become ill or senile, lest with his diminishing vigour the cattle should
sicken and fail to bear their increase, the crops should rot in the fields, and man,
stricken with disease, should die in ever increasing numbers . . . Any fiiaret (child
of the king) has the right to attempt to kill the king, and, if successful, to reign in

l6o Egypt in Africa.

his stead .... It was said to be a point of honour for the ret (king) not to call
the herdsmen to his assistance." (S., 221-2.) "Every Dinka high chief is killed
in his old age, this being done at his own request with all ceremony and
reverence . . . The Wawanga . . . also kill their king . . . The custom of king
killing, in a somewhat modified form, is also found among the Banyoro ; . . as soon
as the king felt unwell and thought he was about to die . . . his chief wife was
allowed to visit him ... he asked her for 'the cup' . . he drained it, and in
a moment was dead." (H., 72-3.) On the Niger, " These Ogboni are the ' Elders,'
the oldest members of the families held in the highest esteem, and pledged to work
together by the most solemn sacrificial ties from which there is no release ; . . . .
while keeping a jealous eye on the even balance of prestige among themselves, they
pull the strings which make the principal civic power, the Bal6, dance like a
marionette at their behest. They elect this Bale, give him their instructions, control
him, keep him under the closest observation, and quietly remove him should he
ever dream of undertaking anything on his own account without due regard to the
interests and dignity of the Ogboni League. . . . They immediately send him an
ominous token, and if he does not forthwith commit suicide on its receipt, the poor
Bale is very soon poisoned. It is not so very long ago that every Bal^, who had
served his statutory two years of office, was murdered in conformity with the laws
of a very ancient ritual." (F., 56-7.) "And if still further evidence should be
thought necessary to prove the profundity of these people's religious life and habit
of mind, I will say in addition that they still practise the pre-historic custom of the
Ethiopians referred to by Pliny and Diodorus the Sicilian : they doom their kings
to their death within a few years of their reign and do so because otherwise the
earth would no longer yield the fruits upon which they depend in due season. The
custom is dreadful and cruel." (P., 676.)

The greatest religious festival in Egypt was that of the sed, or termination of
the king's earthly life, when he was assimilated to Osiris and became one with the
god. Doubtless this was originally his earthly death, as in Africa ; but by appoint-
ing then his successor to marry the royal daughter, and inherit the kingdom, the
Egyptian felt free to modify the custom, and after deification the king continued
to reign till his natural decease.

26. Indirect mention of the king's death. " Among the Efik and Ibibio, to
announce the death of a king or chief either very suddenly, or too soon, is considered
a great dishonour, especially in the case of a son, who must only be informed
indirectly by an allusion or a hint. The body is preserved by dessication." (L., 170.)

This explains the passage in the tale of Sanehat, where the king's death is
announced by saying that a hawk had flown to heaven.

27. Sister marriage. " The Bahima, the Banyoro, and the Baganda, are all
totemic and observe the ordinary rules of clan exogamy, yet the Bahima marry
their sisters, . . . among the Banyoro . . . princes might cohabit with princesses.
. . . The rule was for princes and princesses to live together . . . the Baganda . . .
clan expgamy was strictly observed, except in the case of the ruling prince, who, on
becoming king, was ceremonially married to one of his half sisters. . . . We thus
reach the conclusion that brother-sister marriage was a widely spread early Hamitic
institution. Nor were consanguineous marriages limited to the royal family, or
even to the aristocracy, for the practice occurs among commoners in certain Galla
tribes at the present day." (H., 59-61.) The Egyptian custom of sister-marriage
was not only usual in the royal family but also generally ; so much so that a wife
was commonly called a sister. In Ethiopia- there is a long genealogy of the queens

Egypt in Africa.

i6i

in maternal descent, each married to her brother. The custom was adopted as part
of the royal system by the Ptolemies ; and in the first century is alluded to as being
general by Seneca(?) in the Apocolocyntosis (Ch. 8). " You may go half-way at
Athens, the whole way at Alexandria," referring to half-sister marriage at one, and
full-sister marri^e at the other.

28. Honour of the royal placenta. Among the Baganda " On the birth of
a prince the umbilical cord is dried and preserved, placed in a pot which is made
for its reception, and sealed up ; the pot is wrapped in bark cloths and decorated
with beads . . . ; this is called ' the twin,' and has a house built for its abode . . .
The umbilical cord of the king was decorated and treated as a person. Each new
moon . . it was carried in state . . . After the king's death . . it was placed in
a special shrine or temple with the king's jaw-bone which is spoken of as the ' king.'
The two ghosts, the one of the placenta, the other of the dead king attached to the
jawbone, were thus brought together to form a perfect god to whom offerings were
made in the nialolo. The malolo or temple is entirely different from the tomb in
which the king's body is laid ; indeed, the malolo is built some months after the
tomb, often, it appears at a considerable distance from the latter." (Roscoe in
H., 68.) Respect is also given to the placenta among the Dinka, Shilluk, Bahima,
and many other tribes of the Sudan and Nile deserts. (H., 66-8.) In Egypt one
of the sacred standards carried before the king, is called the " Inner thing of the
king " or the " Royal Child," and is considered by Dr. Seligmann to represent the
placenta. Such custom as that of the Baganda would explain a most puzzling
feature of Egyptian royal burials, the two tombs often found. Several kings have
two pyramids, or a pyramid in one place and a burial elsewhere. It might be
thought impossible that a pyramid would be built for the placenta ; but the second
pyramid exists, and such an e.xplanation by existing custom is at least more
likely than any arbitrary guess that the modern " inner consciousness " might
produce.

29. Importance of leopard's skin. '" Anyone killing a
antelope called giek, must hand over the skin to the
could wear the skin of the giek, but his sons, grandsons,
and great-grandsons might wear leopard skins, and . .
some old and important men, even if not of the royal
blood, were allowed to use the latter." (S., 217.) In
Egypt in early sculptures the king's descendants wear
the leopard skin ; and in later times the officiating
priest might wear it, probably as lieutenant of the
priest-king.

30. Potency of the ox tail. " The tail of the ox, called
Mawso, is the sign of office of all the Kongosovo among
the Bavili ; thus the idea of obedience to one in authority
is implied." (N., 156.) In Egypt, from the first to the
last dynasty, the king always wears the tail of an ox
hanging from his girdle. It may be further connected
with the king being called " the strong bull."

3 1 . Ensign of the saw fish. " Bafu = the saw fish,
the snout of which the Budungu (king's police) carry as their sign of office. This
snout is found in the Xibila " (sacred grove). (N., 156.) The saw-fish snout is
twice represented on the barbaric colossus of Min of the pre-historic age, found
at Koptos (Fig. i).

leopard, a giraffe, or an
king . . . only the king

I. Ensign of the Saw fish,

ON Pre-historic statue,

Koptos.

1 62 Egypt in Africa.

Beliefs.

32. The mundane spirit world. " The boundary line between this world and
the next is . . . the entire absence of death or dissolution in the next world . . .
So it is that they have neither a heaven nor a hell, spirit land being merely
a continuance of this life on exactly the same conditions, each country and
community having its allotted portion, and each individual resuming the exact
position that was occupied when in this existence .... The ground there is just
the same as it is here, the earth is similar, there are forests and hills and valleys,
with rivers flowing, and roads leading from one town to another, as well as to
houses and farms .... People in spirit land have their ordinary occupations ;
the farmer his farm, and the fisherman his nets and canoes." (L., 184-6.)

Thus in Egypt the whole future life was an exact repetition of the conditions
on earth, as has been illustrated on pp. 26, 28, of this volume.

33. Every object lias its spirit. " Every domestic utensil as well as tool or
implement ... is endowed with a spirit of its own, that in its deepest essence is
the animation and mover of the article in question." (L., 181.) Such was also the
belief in t^gypt, where every object had its name and individual existence.

34. Tlie ancestral spirit. "Sometimes the spirit of a person recently dead is
spoken of asyc/l', but the term is generally reserved for the spirits of long dead and
powerful ancestors . . . Although the/i^/C' may send sickness, death and misfortune
when annoyed or neglected, they are the guardian spirits of the house and clan,
taking constant interest in the doings of their descendants, and being ever ready
to help them . . . The jok know when a child is born, and protect it from the
very beginning . . . The jok on both sides of the family protect the child . . .
A man's /(J^ are ever near him in enterprise or danger." (D.) " It is believed that
every ordinary individual, male or female, is attended by a guardian spirit, who is
looked on as a protector, invariably of the same household, and with whom when
alive personal friendship or attachment has existed. Every free man is attended
by a guardian spirit, usually the spirit of his own immediate father." (L., 190.)

The African beliefs explain what has long been a debated matter, the nature
of the Egyptian ka. The expressions which throw light on the ka are quoted on
pp. 22-4 of this volume ; and the conclusion to which they lead is that the ka was
an ancestral emanation indwelling in each man, sent by the ancestor who was in
the future world, and to whom the man would go at his death. Such conditions
of the ka are well illustrated by the African beliefs, which enable us thus to clear
and solidify our ideas about this entity.

35. The roads of the future. "There is a series of traditional stories, each of
which is called a road, a pathway, or a course." (N., 247.) These stories are
supposed to be learned by every priest. Similarly in Egypt, at the close of the
Old Kingdom, there was a series of recitals of sixteen paths or ways, as on the
sarcophagus of Beb. {Dendereh, 57.)

36. Twins, human and animal. "Most of the Dinka clans whose token is an
animal, derive their origin from a man born as one of twins, his fellow twin being
an animal of the species which is the totem of the clan." (D.) This strange idea
is also seen in Egypt, in the human Shu and lion Tefnut, the human Horus and
animal Set.

37. Ram-headed god. " The Ram-headed Soudanese gods Ara and Ara-dungs
are, respectively, the Yoruban names for the storm and the thunderbolt. It has
just been shown that the popular idea is that a storm is produced by a ram ....

Egypt in Africa. 163

Among those inhabiting the East far from the Niger, namely, Houssa- and Benue-
land, a sHght change in the conception of the divine Ram has tal<en place, with
a distinct tendency to transform the Storm-god to a Sun-god." (F., 219, 221.)

" Prof. Flammand found large paintings in Algiers, south of Oran, on the
cliffs, depicting, the ram, neckletted, and crowned with the sun, whose rays are
similar in form to the uraeus serpent." (F., 225.)

The Ram was the animal of the Theban Amen, signalised to all later time
by the horn of Alexander's head, adopted as token of his descent from Amen of
the Oasis, which gives him the oriental name of DItul-karnain. The Ram was
specially worshipped by the Ethiopians, and appears often on monuments of the
XXVth dynasty. There was also a very important worship of the Ba ram of
Mendes in the Delta, associated with Osiris, and dating from pre-historic times, see
article in the previous number on "The Earliest Inscriptions."

38. The bull god. " With the ancient Houssa, however, as with other Eastern
tribes, it was the bull, and not the ram which was the supreme deity.

The godhead represented by the bull was Maikaffo {vide infra concerning
Maikaffo and the Bull gods of the Ethiopians). Maikaffo had a wife, whose name
was Ra. Now Ra is the mistress of the sun, or Rana. Now the sun was sunk
into the sea of old within a chest of stone. The sun was shut up therein together
with a white ram. None could bring up the sun and his companion again ; Ra,
the goddess of the Sun, did this ; Ra brought the sun and the ram into the upper
world." (F., 222.)

The many Bull gods of Egypt are familiar, from Erment down to the Delta.
It may be only a coincidence that the goddess of the Sun has the name Ra, for
verbal resemblances are worth less than those of ideas and customs ; yet it is not
at all unlikely that the name of Ra may have spread from Egypt to the Niger,
though the original worship came apparently from the East.

39. Totemism and animal clans. The word totem has been somewhat mis-
understood, and some definitions of it may be taken first, bearing in mind the
animal worship of different Egyptian nomes for comparison. " A totem is a class
of material objects which a savage regards with superstitious respect, believing that
there exists between him and every member of the class an intimate and altogether
special relation . . . the totem protects the man, and the man shows his respect
for the totem in various ways, by not killing it if it be an animal ... As
distinguished from a fetish, a totem is never an isolated individual, but always
a class of objects, generally a species of animals or plants." (Fr.\ZER, Totemism, 3.)
In connection with this observe that it is always a species in the plural that is
sacred in Egypt, Hei-u hawks, Klimimu rams, etc. " The Dinka . . . speak of
certain animals as their ancestors, kzvar ; the kzvar being the . . . animal ' who is
the jok of the clan ' (or the ancestral emanation, or ka in Egyptian). No man
injures his kivar animal but all respect it in various ways .... There is some
evidence that when a clan is particularly strong in a given locality, its members
tend to forget that their totem is but one among many, so that they show
annoyance if other folk do not treat it with respect." (D-) Here is the basis of
belief which fully accounts for the animal ensigns upon the slate palettes,
represented as fighting and acting, and for the violent antipathies between the
nomes, based upon the animals being sacred in one nome that were eaten in
another.

40. The sacred sycamore fig-tree. "Every village has its 'prayer tree' under
which sacrifices are offered . . and is, sometimes at any rate, a wild fig-tree.

L 2

i64

Egypt in Africa.

Livingstone says : ' It is a sacred tree all over Africa and India ' ; and I learn from
M. Auguste Chevalier that it is found in every village of Senegal and French
Guiana, and looked on as 'a fetish tree.'" (W., 62-3.) Compare with this the
representation of the sycomore fig-tree, with the goddess appearing in it, giving
food and drink to the worshipper who has deposited his offerings under the tree.
Hathor was specially called " the lady of the sycomore," and the well-known hero
of the Xllth dynasty tale was called "the son of the sycomore" showing that the
tree itself was deified.

41. Red cattle sacrificed for the hippopotamus. " It is not uncommon for a goat
to be killed as a direct apjjeal to the jok before hippopotamus hunting. The
Tain Dinka . . select a ' red ' he-goat, or sheep, because the hippopotamus is
'red.'" (D.) In Egypt red was the colour of Set; the hippopotamus was the
animal of Set (see the hippopotamus standard weight from the temple of Set at
Nubt) ; and red victims were sacrificed to Set.

42. Animal skulls hung up. "Another shrine . . . consists of the trunk of
a tree, thrust into the ground ; the main branches have been broken off short, and
part of the vertebral column and horns of a goat have been attached to them . . .
the skull and backbone were put upon the post." (D.) " The vain ceremony
consists of a sacrifice . . . the bullocks are killed . . . the bones of the sacrifice
are thrown away, but the horns are added to those already attached to the rit "
(a post in front of the shrine). (D.) The earliest figures of a shrine in the Fayum
shew a bull's skull on a pole above it ; and in the graves of the invaders after the
Xllth dynasty dozens of fronts of skulls and horns, of ox and goat, are found,
decorated with red and black spots, evidently intended to hang up.

43. Divination by objects thrown. " Opele is an oracle . . . always represented
by eight flat pieces of wood on metal, or something else, strung together in two
rows of four on each side. The dispositions of one or other of these pieces, when
the whole ensign is thrown and made to spread out upon the ground, would
represent at once a particular Odu." (N. 250.) "An ensign made of pieces of
ivory, carrying four eyelets each." (N. 255.) "The cola-fruit is commonly used
for divination. It is commonly split in halves and thrown upon the ground, the
position assumed then by the pieces, with faces up or down, declaring either good
or evil." (N. 258.)

2. Pairs of Slate Figures used in Pre-iiistoric Egypt. Naqadeh.

The groups of slips tied together, are like the pairs of slips of slate, often
found in pre-historic graves, which always have a tying hole or notches at one end,
and which so tied would thus lie in various positions one to another when thrown
down. Two such pairs were found in a box, along with a pair of ivory tusks
ending in carved heads, in a pre-historic grave at Naqadeh, and recognised then as

Egypt in Africa.

165

being probably a magician's apparatus. The divination by the outside or inside of
nuts lying up, is like the modern Egyptian throwing of lots with slips of palm
stick, counting the inner or outer sides as they lie. Such was doubtless a method
in the 1st dynasty, when slips of ivory were carved, flat on one side, and with the
knots of a reed'^arved on the convex side (Fig. 2).

Material Products.

44. Red and white pottery. The modern pottery of the south of Algier is
faced with red haematite, decorated with white slip, of the same fabric and colours
as the early pre-historic pottery in Egypt. The geometrical patterns are also
closely alike, and it is generally accepted that the Algerian pottery is a continuation
of the same style as the earliest decorated pottery of Egypt.

45. Red and black pottery. " The women having procured the right kind
of earth break it up on a stone and knead it with water, till it attains the proper
consistency ; they then mould a round lump, make a hole in the middle, and work
away at it with their hands and now and then a bamboo splint. No wheel or
mould is used. Sometimes an incised pattern is made while the clay is soft.
When finished, the pot is stood in the shade for a day ; then they put it out into
the sun, and when dry, burn it in an open wood fire .... Pots are sometimes
coloured red by mixing oxide of iron with the clay ; sometimes they have quite
a good glaze, and the red surface is variegated with black bands." (W. 205.)
This appears to have been the method of making the usual pre-historic pottery in
Egypt, with the polished red haematite facing.

46. Mud toys. " One sometimes comes on a little group of children quietly
busy and happy on a bank of a stream, and finds that they are engaged in modelling

3. Mud Toys of Mummy in Coffin and Animals. XIIth dynasty. Kahun.

L 3

i66

Eg}'pt in Africa.

figures out of clay. One does not see this art carried into adult life ; and as there
is no attempt to make the results permanent by burning them, they are not often
met with." (W. 117-8.) Mud toys were also usually made by Egyptian children,
most of those preserved are from the town of the Xllth dynasty, Kahun. Men,
women, and various animals are here shewn, and a model sarcophagus and mummy,
a truly Egyptian toy (Fig. 3).

47. Wooden head rests. These are usual in Africa, and are sometimes carved.
(W., 144.) The head rest began to come into use in Egypt in the Ilnd dynasty,
and was very common in all the great periods of civilisation, of many different
types, some elaborately carved.

48. Natural and compound wooden hoe. " The universal agricultural implement
is the hoe, which, in this part of Africa, has a short handle, so that the person
wielding it has to stoop, but also gains much more power for the stroke than one
has with a long handle. The blade is leaf shaped, rounded to a blunt point in front,
and tapering to a spike at the back, which is driven into the handle . . . wooden
hoes are still used in some remote places among the hills. They have very long
rather narrow blades, set into the handle at an acuter angle than the usual iron hoe,
but, like it, suggesting the origin of this implement from the primitive forked
branch, with one of the ends cut short." (W., 180.) Similarly in Egypt there is
the natural hoe cut from a branching tree (Fig. 7), found in the Xllth dynasty,
and represented in the hieroglyphs (Fig. 6). Copied from that is the compound

4. Compound Wooden
Hoe. XIIth dynasty.

5. Hieroglyph of
Compound Hoe.

6. Hieroglyph of
Natural Hoe.

7. Natural Hoe.
XHth dynasty.

8. Woman and Man Spinning Thread which has been hand-twisted first,
the Ball of Twist being here in a Bowl to prevent it rolling away.
The Woman is running two spindles, and stands high to allow of a
LONG twist of THREAD. Tomb of Khety, Beni Hasan. XHth dynasty.

hoe with leaf-shaped blade, pointed in front, and with a spike at the back to go
through a hole in the handle (Fig. 4) ; this is the hoe figured as the hieroglyph
mer (Fig. 5).

Egypt in Africa.

167

49. Double process spitmiiig. "The spinning wheel is unknown, and the
process of twisting the thread by hand, and then spinning it on the njinga,
a wooden spindle with a whorl or reel of tortoise-shell or hard wood, is a very
leisurely one." (W., 195.) At Beni Hasan in the Xllth dynasty is shewn the
process of spinlving the thread which has been already twisted by hand (Fig. 8).
This is by no means a usual process, as the spinning is done direct from the loose
wool in modern Egypt, as it also was in Greece.

50. Flat ground-loojii. "Three or four bobbins-full of thread are used to ' set'
the loom, which consists of four posts driven into the ground and connected by
cross bars." (VV., 196.) The Egyptian loom was likewise flat on the ground
between cross bars, fixed to four pegs driven into the ground (Fig. 9).

9. Flat Ground Loom. Tomb of Khety, Beni Hasan. Xlllh dynasty.

10. Scissor Hand Net. Vth dynasty Tomb of Ptah-hotep, Saqqareh.

51. Mosquito c/.f. Sleeping nets are woven of palm fibre; also " sleepmg
bags used by the River natives as a protection against mosquitoes." (W., 200.)
Mosquito nets are described by Herodotos as used by natives of the Nile Delta.

L 4

1 68

Egypt in Africa.

52. Harpoon. " Before going fishing or hippopotamus hunting a man takes
his harpoons to the wife of the rain-maker who rubs them with oil made from
hippopotamus fat." They try to secure the help of the ancestral spirit " in fishing
and in harpooning hippopotami." (D.) The harpoon was the regular fishing
implement, first of bone in the early pre-historic age, then of copper, often figured
in the Old Kingdom fishing scenes, and lastly of iron in Roman times. The
Bunyoro use "a harpoon attached to a long rope made of fibre. To this rope
a float is tied to indicate the movements of the hippopotamus till dead." (K., 112.)

53. Drag net. " Nets are anchored with a couple of stones, the upper edge
being kept at the top of the water by a line of floats . . . sometimes the ropes are
taken on shore, and the net hauled up on the beach, like our seines. This is done
with the largest kind of net, requiring twenty men to handle it." (W., 193.) This
is the regular pattern of Egyptian net, represented in dozens of tombs of the Old
Kingdom, with a line of floats and a line of sinkers.

54. Hand tiet. " Hand nets are also used like shrimping nets, with handles
working over each other, scissor-wise, but kept in place by a cross bar." (W., 193.)
Such nets are shewn as used in the Vth dynasty (Fig. 10).

55. Basket traps. On Lake Nyanza they use " basket traps constructed on the
principle of a lobster pot." (W., 193.) Similar basket traps were u.sed in the

II. Basket Trap for Fish. VIth dynasty.

Vth dynasty (Fig. 11). "The Bakeni make huge crates of thin plaited cane for
fish-traps, in shape much like a water-pot with a very narrow mouth." (K., 213.)

56. Ring snares. " A favourite snare for antelopes is in the shape of a ring,
made of twigs and fibre, the centre being entirely filled with huge thorns pointing
inwards, leaving only a small circle in the centre. This is set over a small hole in
the ground ; an antelope treading on the ring puts its foot through, and is unable
to withdraw it, owing to the thorns." (K., 117.) Such a trap made of splints of
palm stick was found by me some years ago, and is now in the Anthropological
Museum, Oxford. On the pre-historic painted tomb at Hierakonpolis is shown
a large circular trap of this pattern, with four animals standing around it, to provide
game for the deceased (Hierakonpolis, LXXVI).

57. Cone on the head. In the Gan country, " The main head ornament is the
gitvich,^}Nh\ch is itself made of hair as a basis. The hair shaved off" from time to
time is carefully saved until sufficient is collected to form a sort of cone, some four
inches high, and three in diameter at the base. This cone is usually decorated . . .
with strings of white and red beads, . . with small rings of brass, . . the summit . . .
with an old cartridge case." (K., 188-9.) This cone of hair (Fig. 12) seems to
explain the cone of the same size which is represented on the head in the XVIIIth
to the XXth dynasties (Fig. 13). It has never been understood hitherto ; but as it
was obviously some very light object it may well have been a cone of hair like
the modern African, though not bound round with beads and metal rings.

Eg)'pt in Africa.

169

12. Cone of Hair worn in the Gan

Country.
Kitching, Backwaters of the Nile, p. 127.

\x. Cone worn on Head at
Thebes. XVHIth dynasty.

Late influence from Egypt.

There appear to have been at least three periods when influences spread in
Africa either from, or through, Egypt. The earlier is under the strong power of the
XXVth dynasty at Napata ; this kingdom borrowed its writing and much of its
culture from Egypt, and spread it to outlying regions of its rule. This, however, did
not apparently spread as far as the Equator or Niger.

The great activities of the sixth century B.C. spread as far as the Niger, as is
shown by

58. Terracotta Nigerian heads. These are illustrated in our second part (p. 85);
the style of art and the solid modelling (not hollow moulding) stamp these as of the
same school as the best modelled heads found at Memphis, of the Persian age.
They cannot have been derived from the much rougher hollow moulded figures of
Ptolemaic or Roman work. The style is admirable, and could not be surpassed for
a racial portrait, identical with the present type of the people.

The later influence of the Greek world is seen in

59. The classical patterns still used on the Niger, copied from the Greek
vine scroll, egg and dart, and other border designs. (See Frobenius, Voice of
Africa, II, 464.)

The next great wave of influence was due to the spread of Christianity,
especially under the pious sway of Justinian. This is seen perpetuated in No. 60.

60. Interwoven patterns. These are found at Benin and other Nigerian centres.
This style was originally belonging to the nomads of Central Asia, who developed
osier work for their tent life (see the interior of a Kirghiz tent in Skrine and Ross,
Heart of Asia, 183). It was brought into Roman mosaics of the second century,
probably by the Dacian and northern captives. It did not, however, affect
architecture till the northern influence on Constantinople, where the interwoven
basket capital started ; and the interwoven marble screens in Italy do not appear
till the Gothic occupation. By the time of Justinian this style was fixed in Roman
art ; and it must be in that age, before the crushing Arab conquests, that this style
was spread so strongly in Egypt and onward to the Niger.

170 E,gypt in Africa.

6i. Architectural style. " The Songhai seem to have adopted an imitation of
ancient Egyptian architecture in clay and wood instead of stone. They in their
turn subdued the Mandingos .... in the city of Jenne, at the confluence of the
Niger and the Bani. From Jenne was radiated over all the Western Sudan
a diluted Egyptian influence in architectural forms, in boat building, and other
arts." (J., lo.) It may perhaps be more accurate to state that the Songhai have
continued the Egyptian style of brick and woodwork, which has been best preserved
to us by the architectural copies in stone. The general unity of style in building
from Upper Egypt across North Africa is very marked.

In this connection it might be expected that the arguments in a paper on the
African origin of the Egyptian civilisation, in the Revue Arch^ologique (191 3, il,
47-65) should be introduced. I regret that I cannot accept the statements there
brought forward.

After having shown how much of general African ideas and culture lies at the
foundation of Egyptian civilisation, and how in a few cases Egypt has influenced
Africa, it is needful to say that this by no means covers the whole culture. There
was a large influence from Syria in the second pre-historic civilisation. Another,
and most potent, influence was that at the founding of the dynasties, apparently
originating from Elam, to judge by different connections, especially the style of
some cylinder seals. A third great influence in the first dynasty, and all later ages,
was the Mediterranean culture, from Crete, and later from Hellas. These other
sources made Egypt what it became, although we can see the African substrata
strongly, especially in the early periods.

W. M. Flinders Petrie.

( 171 )

PERIODICALS.

Annals of Archaeology and Ant liropology. Vol. VI. 170 pp.,
34 plates. Vol. VII, parts i, 2. 105. yearly. University
Press, Liverpool.

(As one volume, and half of another, have been issued within twelve months, it
will be most suitable to take the whole contents in historical order.)

SeligMANN, C. G. Ethnic relationship of the Vanquished represented on
certain Proto-dynastic Egyptian Palettes (VII, 43-9). This is a discussion of the
lower part of a palette in the British Museum, with carvings of lions and vultures
devouring the slain. The vanquished people have (i) curly or frizzly hair;
(ii) a chin tuft, sometimes plaited, and narrow whiskers ; (iii) noses which are thick,
but not snubby ; (iv) thick lips : (v) peculiar circumcision. From these points it is
concluded that they were a mixture of negro and Beja tribes of the eastern desert ;
such people, apart from the negro element, may well have been like the pre-dynastic
Egyptians, and the plaiting of the beard is seen also in the figures of Egyptian gods
and kings. On the Narmer palette the two running figures, and the man trampled
on by a bull, are of this same type, specially indicated by the circumcision, but
differing by the hair not being frizzly. Dr. Seligmann claims all the plaited-beard
people, whether north or south, as being kin to the pre-historic Egyptians, mixed
with negroes in the south, and perhaps with other races in the north ; the resemblance
however, shewn below seems hardly close enough.

I. Type with rtAriEU Beard and
Curly Hair. Slate palette. ,

2. Type of Captives of Nar-mer.

172 Atmals of Archaeology and Anthropology.

Wainwright, G. a. The Keftiu-people of the Egyptian Monuments (VI,
24-83). The main feature of this long paper is the complete collection of all
the lesser points of evidence, discriminating the different peoples concerned, and
granting that the Egyptians were not merely drawing haphazard but observing
details. It is fairly shown that any confusion in the matter lies in the lazy and
careless observation of the modern and not in that of the ancient. The land of
Keftiu has been variously supposed to be Phoenicia, from the Ptolemaic rendering ;
or Crete, from a supposed identity of Caphtor with each land ; or Cypru.s, from
vague grounds of position. Max Miiller's identification of Keftiu with the eastern
part of Cilicia is that which is strongly supported by the results of this paper.

The method here followed is by analysing the mass of material into as many
definite items as possible, and then statistically saying what proportion of these
items are found in other situations. The various items are set out in plates
separately one by one, so that each issue can be judged clearly. This is the only
way of dealing with a mass of detail, which otherwise slips over the mind leaving
a vague impression. Thus it is shown that the foreigners in the tomb of Rekhmara,
who are definitely called Keftiu, bring 59 objects ; of these 38 are Syrian, 5 are
known to be non-Syrian, while 16 are peculiar, and suffice to show that Keftiu is in
some way different from Syria.

The grouping of the various countries in Egyptian records shows that Keftiu
goes with the northern and western Asiatics. The order is given as, the west
land, Keftiu, and Asy (Orontes) ; Naharin, Keftiu, and Mannus (Mallos, Cilicia) ;
Tunip, Ikariti, Keftiu . . . Tikhsi, Naharain (i.e., between Syrian and Mesopotamian
places); Naharain, Sangara, Kheta, Keftiu, Asy. These point to the north of
Syria. That Cilician was regarded as Syrian is shown both by Sennacherib and
Herodotos ; and the natural boundary is the great Taurus range and the plateau
north of it, rather than a bend in the coast line. Eastern Cilicia is therefore
indicated as Keftiu.

The question of the People of the Isles is next considered. Their name
immediately follows that of Keftiu in Rekhmara ; but there is no reason to suppose
them synonymous. On the contrary, the two names are never conjoined elsewhere ;
they seem here to be those of two different people, stated side by side.

By a process of systematic elimination the products of each region are cleared
one from another; these are collected from the tomb-paintings of Rekhmara,
Men-kheper-ra-senb, Amenemheb, and Senmut. The objects belonging to the
People of the Isles are then compared with those figured in Crete, and shown to be
similar. The types of dagger and sword depend upon the marking of the mid-rib ;
those of Crete have a mid-rib, like those of the People of the Isles and the
pre-historic Egyptian ; while those of the Keftiu and the Hyksos have only a wide
thickening of the blade in the middle, such as is seen on the Egyptian daggers of
the XIII-XVI dynasties. The ribbed dagger has a pointed end; the flat-faced
dagger has a round end ; the one is for thrusting as a rapier, the other for cutting
as a knife.

The form of waist cloth differs between Crete and Keftiu ; the Cretan is very
short, with a loose flap behind ; the Keftiuan comes over the whole thigh, and has
a point hanging down between the knees ; the style of decoration is also quite
different.

The sorting of all the material results in there being 87 objects which are purely
Keftiuan ; of these, 60 have analogies to Syrian objects, 7 are non-Aegean from
Rekhmara, and 20 are dissimilar to objects of other lands. The latter show that

Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology. 173

we are not dealing with general Syrian products. The various objects are all
discussed in detail, showing what comparisons may be brought forward. Among
these we may note that copper and silver were both brought by Keftiu people
in ingots, and J:herefore produced in the country. This definitely cuts off the
Cretan suggestion, and the silver also bars the possibility of Cyprus, and shows that
Keftiu touched the Taurus range. Jeremiah and Ezekiel both refer to silver coming
from Tarshish (Tarsos). Another distinction is that gold is shown in the Syrian
tribute, but not among the produce of Keftiu.

Regarding the meaning of Caphtor, no very certain conclusion is reached, after
reviewing all the opinions. More probably Keftiu and Caphtor are identical, but
neither of them can be Crete. The Septuagint translates Caphtor by Cappadocia.

In an appendix various resemblances are stated between the civilisations of
Syria and the Crete-Aegean area. These not only show that the Cretan and
Keftiuan resemblances are parts of a larger whole ; but, much more, they show how
the culture of the North-eastern Mediterranean was a single group, with mere
variations locally. This is highly probable, as the area is not larger than the Italic
area bounded by Greece and Sardinia, or the Spanish area from Sardinia westward.
This paper is perhaps even more important for its method, and bearing on future
work, than for its immediate conclusions.

WOOLLEY, C. L. Hittite Burial Customs (VI, 87-98). For the first time we
come into close contact with the Hittites, by the objects of daily life recovered from
their graves. These have been studied not only in the excavations of the British
Museum at Carchemish, but also by keeping in touch with the large produce of the
excavations of the Bagdad railway and the plunderings by natives. The periods
distinguished are as follows :

I. Neolithic. Carchemish, Yunus.

Bronze Age.

II. Champagne-glass tombs, Carchemish, &c.

III. Early Hittite?, before 1750 B.C., Hammam.

IV. Middle Hittite, 1750-1100 B.C., Amarna, &c.

Iron Age.

V. Late Hittite I 1100-718 B.c.^l Yunus.

II 718-605 B.C.J Carchemish, &c.

VI. Persian, 605 to 4th century B.C.

I. Pre-historic. The burials are contracted, and seated upright like Libyan
burials. They are in large pottery vases, placed below the floors of neolithic rooms,
which are strewn with flint and obsidian tools, and hand-made pottery.

II. Early Bronze. Cists of stone about 8x3 feet, are in connection with mud-
brick houses. The body is contracted, with bronze weapons and ornaments, and
much wheel-made pottery, among which is what is called the " champagne-glass
pot," which is almost the same as the tall stemmed incense burner before the Middle
Kingdom. Whether this is truly a bronze period, or whether it is of copper, is not
stated. This period overlapped the last, burials of both styles occurring together.
The toggle pin, with an eyelet a third of the way down it, occurs in this period, and
this is known at Gurob in the XVIIIth dynasty, and as far east as Nippur.

174 Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology.

III-IV. Early and Middle Hittite. These burials are like tlje previous, except
that they are in cemeteries, and not under houses. Early Sumerian cylinders are
found in these burials of period III. Plenty of toggle pins are found, but otherwise
nothing in touch with Egyptian types. The pottery is quite clear of such connection,
and none of it could be dated from Egypt. The daggers are all smooth bladed,
without any mid-rib. From the Sumerian cylinders this bronze age must begin far
before the Hittite migration, which came into Mesopotania about 1750 li.C The
Hittites must therefore have come in during the Bronze Age. It is supposed
that they were a military caste, small in numbers, which did not largely alter the
general culture.

On reaching the Iron Age, cremation in urn burials is found, with bronze
fibulae of Cypro-Asiatic type, and imported Greek and Cypriote pottery. The rude
"snow-man" figures of clay are found, and as such are common in Egypt about
1100-700 B.C., the dating exactly agrees; probably the source of them there is
Asiatic, especially at Tell el-Yehudiyeh. At that place also were found ribbed
bronze fibulae, like those of the Hittite graves. {Hyksos and Israelite Cities, XXa,
grave 321.) Most of the precise detail of the Carchemish grave's is reserved for the
final publication by the British Museum.

Garstang, J. The Stin-god[dess] of Arenna (VI, 109-118). This is
a discussion of the well-known description of the official seals of the Hittites, as
stated in the Egyptian treaty. A difficulty in understanding it has been in the
sun deity being stated to be feminine. This has, however, been found also on
a tablet from Boghaz-Keui ; as parallels there may be mentioned the Semitic
Shemash and the teutonic Sonne, both feminine. It might be an important clue
to some ethnography to classify all people by the sex attributed to sun and moon,
as it is a very primitive idea. The broad result is that the queen was heiress of
Arenna, and high-priestess of the Sun-goddess there ; while similarly the Hittite
king was high-priest of the Sun-god at Boghaz-Keui. In each case a minor
fellow-deity was associated ; the male Teshub with the Ishtar of Arenna, and
Ishtar-Kybele with the Teshub-Hadad of the Hittites. The position of Arenna,
as capital of Kizawaden, is next considered. The indications are that Kizawaden
is Kataonia, as stated in Student's History, III, 68 ; Arenna, however, is not placed
at Arana (39 S' N., 37 35' E.) but at Comana (37 58' N., 36 12' E.). The
ground for this is that in the fifth year of Tiglath-Pileser the mountaineers of
Kumani retreated upon " the fortress of Arini at the foot of Mount Aise." The
proposed connection entirely depends on the resemblance of the name of Arenna
to Arini, while it is at least quite as much like the name Arana. That the people
of Kumani retreated to Arini is not at all a reason for identifj'ing Kumani-
Comana with Arini, rather the opposite. There does not seem therefore any
ground for this proposal of Comana being the ancient capital of Kizawadana. The
occurrence of a radiated goddess on the coins of Comana in Roman times is not
enough to prove that Comana must be the same as any city which worshipped
a Sun-goddess long before.

Lehmann-Haupt, C. F. Note on the Linen Girdle of Rauieses III (Yll, 50).
From previous description it is concluded that this girdle was not loom-woven,
"but is a product of the old technique of weaving with cards or small wooden
boards " ; this statement is made in advance of any examination of the girdle,
although such only involves going from Liverpool to Manchester.

Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology.

175

Garstang, J. ; George, W. S. ; Phythian-Adams, W. J. ; Sayce, A. H.
Interim Reports on Excavation at Meroe (VI, I-21 ; VI I, 1-24). The general
outline of Meroitic remains is summarised in a table, which may be abbreviated as
follows :

Early Meroitic : 650-400 (?) b.c.

Foundation of palace of Aspelut, Hor-ma-ti-leq, etc.

Earlier Sun temple of Aspelut.

Original temple of Isis.

Original temple of Amon, probable.

{Interval of probably a century.)

Middle Meroitic : 300-0 b.c.

I. 300-150 B.C. Ergamenes.
Great stone walls of city.
Foundations of later temple of Amen.
Burial by inhumation at necropolis, by cremation near city.

150-0 B.C. Neteg-Amon.
Royal palace and avenue.

Many buildings of red bricks, crematorium in city.
Baths and observatory,
Sun temple ; Isis temple.
Osiris shrine and two great steles.

Late Meroitic : a.d. 0-350.

Restoration of baths, with Roman motives.
Palaces and temples.
Restoration of Amen temple.

II.

Period of decline, desertion and destruction.
Overthrow by Axumites, a.d. 340.
Final destruction about A.D. 700.

The result of the last season's work has been to complete the clearance of the
whole of the northern half of the city, a space of about 100 x 200 yards, the earth
being removed to outside of the area by wire rope and trolleys. For comparison
of size we may say that the Egyptian town of Kahun is six times this area, or the
Palace of Apries at Memphis is about half this area. The finest period of work is
stated to be the middle period of about 1 50 B.C. The main entrance to the city on
the north led up a wide street, with half a dozen trees on each side, which ran
along the side of the palace to the middle of the city. At the other side of the
palace is a building for a cremation cemetery and a crematorium. " Nearly every
chamber enclosed numerous vases, for the most part below the floor level. These
were uniformly inverted, and generally contained ashes and bones in a more or
less incinerated state." Other chambers in the palace also had similar burials.
The vases correspond in form and decoration with those of the Ptolemaic cemetery
at Alexandria. This change of burial custom is attributed to Hellenistic influence.

A matter which might prove of great interest is a room supposed to be an
observatory. The evidence for this lies in two stone piers, one square, one
octagonal, and graffiti on the wall, shewing a man with a circle and lines proceeding
from it, supposed to represent a transit instrument. The great difficulty about

176 Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology.

any astronomical idea connected with this place is that it is not oriented, but has
its axis about 33 E. of N. This direction is not laid out for any special purpose,
but is merely that of all the buildings of the earlier direction, across the whole
city. It seems impossible to suppose that any observations could be intended in
a place where the meridian was disregarded. Any transit instrument would have
to be set up entirely askew to the pedestals and the room. A tally of strokes on
the wall of the chamber consists of 9 strokes, and then 8 + strokes ; a horizontal
line then runs across ; below that are two columns of strokes, one has i S + 1 5 + 1 5 + 5,
the other has 15 + 15 + 15 + 10, or 50 and 55 strokes. These are here compared
with a statement that at Ptolemais on the Red Sea, nearly in the latitude of Meroe,
an interval of 45 days elapsed between the summer solstice and the two dates
(before and after) whereon the shadows of the sun were vertical at noon. Now the
latitude of Meroe is stated as 16 56' 18" N., and a brief reference to Whitaker's
Almanac shews that the sun is at that declination on May 8 and on August 6,
90 days apart. Therefore if this tally shewed the number of days when the sun
was north of the vertical at noon, it should be 45 in number, and not 50 and 55.
To agree with these numbers the vertical must have been fi.xed 2 in error, which
is very unlikely. The change in obliquity of the ecliptic would not make a single
day of difference since that period. The numbers therefore will not correspond to
any such observation. On the square pedestal converging lines are drawn, 14 on
either side of a quasi-vertical line, which leans 3^ to the north. The sloping lines
point therefore at the upper ends 17 N. and 1 1 S. of the vertical. This angle of
17 N. is said to correspond with the latitude ; but there is no sense in this
equality, as it points to nothing in particular. If it pointed to the south it would
be in the equatorial plane, were it set in the meridian. Here the skewness of the
whole chamber to the meridian again prevents its being possible to recognise any
astronomical meaning. The grafiRti, which are stated to represent a " transit
instrument," look more like a plan of part of the city street ; and the Azimuth
instrument suggests a mason's square. It would be fascinating if we could
identify the means of observation, but there seems nothing here to prove it.

At 2 or 3 kilometres from the city a shrine of Osiris was found, which was the
main discovery of the season. It contained two great steles of sandstone, with
long inscriptions in cursive Meroitic, placed one on each side of a shrine, facing
west. A copy of the larger stele is given, with an index of all the words in it, and
a transliteration. Though very little is yet known of the language of this script.
Prof. Sayce has made a first study of the stele, identifying the proper names, and
the subject. It was erected by Queen Amon-renas and Agini-rherhe, hereditary
king of Roman Kush, and of the Egyptian frontier and the land of Etbai,
hereditary prince of the Romans in Kush. These rulers are also known at
Dakkeh, and in previous inscriptions at Meroe. The style of writing is later than
that of Queen Amon-shaghet, whose jewellery now in Berlin shews her to have
lived in the later Ptolemaic age. The present stele is therefore probably of early
Roman age. The captives of the king were offered to serve Apis of Biggeh and
Osiris. Thfe second stele refers to the same war, naming victories at Aswan. This
is probably the Ethiopian version of the war with Petronius, 24-22 B.C. Amen-
hetep III is stated to have founded the kingdom of Meroe.

In the previous year the main result was the clearance of the great baths ; the
square swimming bath was 21 x 23 feet. There had been several alterations and
re-constructions, which obscure the history of the building. The fragments of
a column suggest that a shower-bath, some 20 feet high, was arranged. The

Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology. 177

great mass of detail in the excavation of this Ethiopian capital cannot be usefully
mentioned in a summary, so that only those points which are of independent
interest can be here noticed. The brief yearly reports give an excellent view of
the results, which will probably appear at some future time in the much less
accessible form ^of a great work, such as the repute of the Ethiopian capital
demands.

Milne, J. G. The Currency of Egypt under the Romans to the Time of Diocletian
(VII, 51-66). Egypt had its own native coinage of silver and copper for the
first three centuries of Roman dominion. The base silver became steadily worse ;
at first the tetradrachm, which had been equal to 3^-. weight at the time of
Alexander, started under Tiberius as half silver, and was only credited as being
equal to the denarius or %d. ; from that it steadily ran down through more and
more alloy, and tin facing, until it was nothing but a little barefaced dump of copper
worth only about a five-hundredth of the original tetradrachm. Gold was not
coined after the Ptolemies, and Roman aurei are rarely found except in a few
hoards of treasure. Mr. Milne follows the usual course in writing of " bronze "
coinage of Rome ; but the Imperial copper was always alloyed more with zinc than
with tin, and in some coins almost entirely with zinc, so that the old term, such as
" first brass," is the more correct. The sizes of nearly 500 of the copper coins are
tabulated, and shewn to fall into five classes, the largest of which are i\ inches
across. The weights of samples of these are taken ; and on the ground that the
largest coin is likely to be the largest amount of copper named in accounts, it is
supposed to be equal to the drachma of silver. As this largest coin averages
360 grains, it follows that the base silver tetradrachm would be equal to 1440 grains
or the deben weight, which Poole shewed was the original basis of the Ptolemaic
currency. As silver was to copper as 120 to i in value (Grenfell, Revenue
Laws), it would follow that the base tetradrachm would be counted as only
containing 12 grains of silver. This would be an absurd result, during the earlier
empire. Working the matter from the known facts, the weight of 1440 grains of
copper, at 120 to i, equalled 12 grains of silver or quarter of a denarius, and the
denarius was reckoned as equal to the base tetradrachm. The base drachma was
therefore equal to the deben of copper ; and the quarter deben, the largest coin
struck, was equal in value to ^ of a base drachma or i \ obols. If the ratio of silver
to copper value were 90 to l the coin would be of 2 obols ; or if it be higher than
120 to I, then the copper coin was worth even less than \ drachma. Mr. Milne
quotes silver values of 350, 450, and 500 times the weight of copper ; but these are
so high that we must suppose that complications of base currency somehow come
in. In modern times, before depreciation of silver, the proportion was 80 to i, at
present it is only 35 to i.

The weights of the five classes are about 360, 20I, 133, 75 and 26 grains. If
on the ratio above we count the largest as equal to I ^ or possibly 2 obols, then the
others might be i obol, 5, 3 and i chalci.

It is remarkable how long the Ptolemaic tttradrachms continued in use ; one
document is quoted, of A.D. 227, stating that a loan was in the old silver coins.
This seems, at first, hard to reconcile with the axiom that " bad money drives out
good," which is true when both pass for equal values. That the Ptolemaic coins
had not been driven out, shews that all the depreciations that had taken place had
always been so quickly discounted in the accepted values, that there had never
been a false value current long enough to drive out the old coin.

1 78 Journal of the Manchester Egyptian and Oriental Society.

For a table shewing the fluctuations of the minting in Egypt we are indebted
to Mr. Milne in " Historical Studies." A curious feature is the long spells often to
twenty years during which the mint seems to have been almost disbanded, under
Domitian, Aurelius, and Severus.

Other papers hardly touch Egyptian interests, such as Prof. Seligmann's
account of the Magico-religious aspect of iron working in Southern Kordofan.
A Greek inscription of lists of high priests of Poseidon at Halikarnassos, shews
long family descents of two lines, with the length of each priesthood, the result
giving nine generations in 352 years; altogether 489 years are recorded, ending
certainly before A.D. 43, and therefore beginning before 447 B.C. The notes
unfortunately do not give any analysis of this interesting document. Some
excavations in Honduras are recorded ; and Mr. Mond gives accounts of a practical
wire-rope line for moving earth in excavations at Meroe.

The Journal of the Manchester Egyptian and Oriental
Society, 191 2-13. 8vo, 78 pp. 55. (Manchester University.)

Besides the reports of meetings of the Society there are some special articles on
Egypt which deserve notice.

Hall, H. R. The Land of Alashiya. The incised black ware vases, with
narrow neck and handle, found in burials of the XHth-XVHIth dynasties, are
decidedly assigned to a Syrian source, whence they were exported to Cyprus and
Egypt. The land of Asi has been supposed to be Cyprus, but the products of the
mainland coming from it show that it must have been in the south of Asia Minor,
as it is coupled with Keftiu (Mr. Wainwright has since shewn that Asi is the
modern Nahr el Asy, the Greek Axios or Orontes). It may be that Cyprus is
Tinay or Antinay which once sent tribute, like the Assyrian name Yatnan, which
was certainly Cyprus. After reviewing many foreign objects Mr. Hall concludes
that there is nothing distinctly Cypriote in Egypt. The references in the Tell
Amarna letters do not favour Alashiya being Cyprus. Mr. Hall prefers to see
Alashiya on the mainland, between the Khatti and Syria. The use of cuneiform
would agree with this position, yet after all he does not decide finally against
Alashiya being Cyprus.

A study of the geography of the Assyrian Kummukh, the Greek Commagene,
and Tigleth Pileser's conquest, by Mr. King, does not touch on Egypt.

Gardiner, Alan H. A Political Crime in Ancient Egypt. A further
instalment of the letters concerning Pai-onkh has come to light at Berlin. This
son of the first priest-king, Herhor, is the main person in the Correspondence da
temps des rois-prctres, published by Spiegelberg, a series of letters which has been
widely scattered by the chances of digging and dealing. The three letters here
were all rolled together, put in a wrapper, and sealed up as done with. The first
correspondent, whom we will call A, was the scribe of the necropolis, Zaroi. The
second, B, was the bailiff of Pai-onkh at Thebes, called Pai-shu-uben. The third,
C, was no less a person than the queen-mother, Nezemt. The main part of all
three letters is the same, an order to take two mazoi constables who had been

sphinx, 191 3. 179

blabbing, and have them brought to Pai-onkh's house, and " put a stop to their
words altogether. If they (A and B) perceive that it is true, they shall put them in
two sacks, and throw them into the water by night, without letting anyone in the
land know about it." The slight variations in the letters shew that B was to do
the crime, A wal^^lo see it was done, and C the queen-mother was to verify and
authorise the business. The letter to the queen ends with full formal greeting,
and then a line of filial affection scrawled at the end " and write to me how thou
art. Farewell." The letter to A has a mysterious addition about the king
(Rameses XII ? or Herhor?) being absent, and that gold had been ordered to be
sent to Pai-onkh but had not come, and that it was now to be sent at once. How
these three letters to different persons came to be put up together is shewn by the
endorsed addresses. They had been received ; B passed his to A as a voucher,
A sent both together to Pai-onkh's private secretary, and the queen did likewise.
He then put them all together and sealed them, to go into the archives as business
done with. That roll, and the two sacks in the river, close the history of the
indiscreet constables.

In a brief paper, Dr. Casartelli warns readers against a hasty assumption that
Darius and his race were Zoroastrians.

A note by Dr. Elliot Smith on circumcision gives some evidence that it was
preparatory to marriage in Egypt, and not an infantile ceremony, as in Judaism.

Another note by the same author, on mummifying, refers again to the
Ilird dynasty mummy of Ra-nefer, well known and published twenty years ago ;
it is slightly pre-dated by a mummy at Saqqareh, of the Ilnd or Ilird dynasty,
which had each limb wrapped separately. What was probably a still earlier
instance has been destroyed at the Cairo Museum. The arm of the queen of Zer,
of the 1st dynasty, which had the gold bracelets upon it, was elaborately wrapped
in a thick mass of the finest linen. It was presumed to be a mummified arm,
though the flesh tissue was not recorded at the time. If not mummified, it was an
example of the unfleshing of the body, so well known from earlier times.

W. M. F. P.

sphinx, 1913. (Uppsala.)

M. Henri Sottas discusses the significance of the title \ khery-zdzd nesut,

making good use of the ancient second and third dynasty decrees discovered at
Coptos by M. M. Weill and Adolph Reinach. He proves it to be one of the
honorific titles asserting a close friendship with the Pharaoh, and to be included in
the Egyptian hierarchy.

M. Ernst Anderson reviews M. G. Jequier's "The Egyptian Monuments in
Diocletian's palace at Spalato." One of these is a sphinx, of interest because it
is much the largest specimen of these mythical creatures, of the type which shows
the animal holding a vase in its front paws, which terminate in human hands.
Around the sphinx's base are a series of cartouches giving the names of vanquished
foreign peoples, or tribes ; of much value for comparison with, and the completion
of, the famous Karnak list, of similar character, of Thotmes III. The Pharaoh's
name has disappeared from the sphinx, but it should be that of Thotmes III, or
Rameses II. In future this text will have to be considered when editing the
conquest lists of these two kings.

M 2

i8o Sphinx, 191 3.

M. H. Sottas has a study of the real concept connected with the Egyptian
word Ka. He shows that the LJ in the singular, and the U U Ui or plural,
connote different ideas. The first is the double, or spirit of a man, and of a
Pharaoh, and will be the seat of his life in the next world. As Pharaohs were
already deified when upon earth, that is to say, had passed from mortality to an
assumed immortality, they possessed a ka whilst living here. The earthly function
of the royal ka was to personify the king's divine name, and to carry its hieroglyph
standard behind the Pharaoh at all priestly functions. No doubt some acolyte of
each temple assumed this role when the king acted as a sacrificial priest. In a
few rare cases, non-royal Egyptians who had been deified whilst still living, seem
to have also had an earthly ka.

The plural kau symbolised the vital forces as personified in certain deities.
These gods are clearly displayed as so personified by their kas in the tableaus of
the birth of deified princes of the royal line of Horus at Der-el Bahri and at Karnak.
Ordinary mortals received their vital force of kau at birth, but became separated
from them at death ; whilst a Pharaoh, being deified, and so immortal, did not
lose his at his decease.

M. Ernst Anderson, in reviewing an essay by M. Gaillard upon the domesti-
cated animals of ancient Egypt, shows that the Egyptians possessed a race of oxen
without horns, as well as kept cattle whose horns had been artificially removed.

The same writer mentions the publication by M. Grapow of six mutilated
lines of a third recension of "The Story of the Predestined Prince," which are
upon a piece of papyrus at Turin. These have been used by Sir Gaston Maspero
for his final edition of this story.

Dr. L. Reutter, of Neuchatel, gives a careful chemical analysis of the ingredients
utilised for mummifying birds, and proves that the resinous base consisted of Judean
Balm. The other materials used for these avian embalmings were the gum of the
cedar tree and of the Pistacio Terebintltus. Palm wine was added, probably as
an alcoholic solvent of the resins. Natron also was probably utilised, and some
special unguent whose nature is indeterminable.

Joseph Offord.

( i8i )

REVIEWS.

The Eastern Libyans. By Oric Bates. 4to, 298 pp., 11 plates, 113 figures.
42i-. 1914. (Macmillan.)

This monumental work is of a kind which is much needed in various branches
of history ; it is a compilation of all facts and references concerning Eastern Libya,
with sufficient discussion in general, and based upon personal knowledge of the
country. It is strange how much land lying close to civilised traffic is practically
unknown. Myriads pass along the Mediterranean yearly, not one in a generation
goes along the shore ; tourists swarm up the Nile, not one sets foot on the cliffs
which they pass ; thousands of Anglo-Indians sail down the Red Sea, while the
mountains on either side are less known than Uganda or Arizona. North Africa
has stood outside of civilised interests, the fatal legacy of the Arab conquest.
The occupation of Algeria and Tunis has not touched the eastern part ; and in the
present work Mr. Bates has had an open field without a rival. As a whole the task
has been worthily done ; apparently exhaustively as to material, clearly classified,
interpreted profitably, and swarming with references to the lasting benefit of those
who follow. The type is sumptuous, but the drawn illustrations are curiously coarse,
and not adequate in detail for so complete a publication. We may now proceed to
give an outline of the contents, with some notes on details of Egyptian interest.

The first chapter is on the physiography. The character of the land is
described from personal knowledge, with more brevity than most other countries
could be treated, owing to its dreary uniformity. The coast and the desert plateaus
are detailed, with the itineraries of the main roads, and the oases. The climate and
health conditions are fully described, the flora and fauna, and the statistics and life
of the people. The glowing account of Berber virtues quoted from Ibn Khaldun
makes us wish that such an excellent people had more effect on Southern
Europe. That such men have not vanished is shown by the splendid character of
Abd el Kader. Perhaps they have a future yet before them ; tens of thousands
of Algerians are already brought into France as agriculturalists, to supplement the
waning population. If Europe empties itself in a great war, it seems likely that the
Moor will be one of the immigrating races to fill up the vacancies.

The second chapter on the ethnology is a mass of detail, which needs much
research for its simplification. The basic race is said to be Hamitic, "a type tall,
spare, long-limbed, and dark ; hair black or dark brown, straight or wavy, head
dolichocephalic, orthognathous, nose slightly aquiline or straight ; eyes dark and
piercing, set rather widely apart ; mouth well-defined ; facial capillary system
slightly developed ; movements generally slow and dignified " (p. 39). How far
such a type is the product of the land, is the question. It seems in most points to
be closely adapted to the conditions ; yet it is of a higher nature than would be
likely to be produced by such a poor region. May we then not see in these people
immigrants from a more favourable country adapted to the Saharan fringe, and

M 3

1 82 Reviews.

therefore not obviously at one with their original stock ? This Hamitic people have
in the south-west received a negro mixture. In the north along the coast there is
a brachycephalic Berber race, and in the mountains a blond population, both of
which are intrusive. The blonds are not due to the Vandal immigration, as they
are represented on the monuments of the XlXth dynasty. The earlier figures of
Libyans are, however, brown ; may not this difference be due to the Egyptians at
first only knowing the Eastern Libyans who are dark, and the fair Libyans who
came forward later, having come from the Algerian mountains and Morocco, where
they still live?

On the more detailed question of the position of various tribes named by the
Egyptians, Mr. Bates prefers to ignore the close connection of the various names
with those in Algeria and Tunis. Eight tribal names are found in that region,
while only two can be also paralleled by names of the Eastern Libyans. The fact
that the XlXth dynasty Libyans are fair might be a warning to us that they came
from the region where fair races can now dwell, and not from the Eastern Libyans
who are dark. The persistence of names is often under-rated, but we have to deal
with only a short time less than a thousand years between the Egyptian wars
and the classical geography. In England, in spite of the crushing Saxon and
Danish immigrations, half of our cities bear British or Roman names of two
thousand years ago. In Italy, Greece, or Syria, nearly all the names are ancient.
Such persistence, naturally, does not appeal to the American mind. The supposed
evidence as to the distance of the tribes, three weeks' march from Egypt, only refers
to the distance of their mobilisation for the final march over the barren region near
Egypt, and has no relation to the distances they moved in order to be gathered
together. The mixture of those tribes in one army with the Shardana and Shakalsha
points again to their being in the Algerian region, near Sardinia and Sicily, and not
in Tripoli which had small attraction for European races. The whole of the tribal
names known in different later periods are here set out, and illustrated in a series
of maps, which are of great value for reference.

The next chapter deals with language and writing. The various opinions on
the origin of Berber are stated. The mutations of sounds between the different
dialects are illustrated. Some principal descriptive roots in place-names are
discussed in connection with modern Berber ; and it is noticeable how most of them
are Italic roots ; D R R, mountains, durus, rugged ; M ' R, M G R, great, maior,
fjMKpo'i ; thagura, shelter, tugurium, a hut ; L G, a well or pool, lacus, a pool ;
K B, summit, caput, head. The persistence of the Berber roots from Egyptian
times is noted ; and lastly parallels are given between twenty Egyptian and Berber
words. Such connections, and the grammatical similarities, show a strong
connection, perhaps an underlying common speech, which was differently
developed and modified by immigration in each country.

The Berber writing is shown to have largely survived from ancient to modern
times, like all other alphabets that we know. The old idea of the importance of
Phoenician origins is not shaken off; for though stating that " The non-Semitic part
of the alphabet is composed mainly of those signs which from their distribution
might almost be called Mediterranean, and which are seen in the Celtiberian and
Turdetan alphabets of the west, in the Cypriote syllabary, and even in Minoan
Crete," yet six signs out of thirty are reserved as claimed for Phoenician descent.
It is far simpler to regard the whole as part of the Mediterranean signary, which
long before it was used for writing is found used as personal marks upon property
in Egypt.

Reviews. 183

The chapter on Economics is full of interest, as dealing with the means of
living and trade in a region which, by its barrenness, presents so many difficulties.
Cattle were naturally the most important wealth in early times ; but agriculture
was followed in the XlXth dynasty, and became so important in the middle region
that the treatisaof the Carthaginian Mago was translated as the standard work for
the use of Romans. The views of Ridgeway as to the Libyan breed of the tall
horse are here rejected, and we are assured that they "were little more than ponies."
This does not agree with the tall horses in the chariots figured on vases.

Society and government is briefly discussed. The laws of marriage and
inheritance are on a par with what seem to have prevailed in early Egypt. There
was much influence of matriarchy, although among the wealthy classes there was
unlimited polygamy. A curious distinction at present among the Imushagh is that
property acquired by work is inherited by children, but plunder is inherited by the
eldest sister's eldest son. The primitive kind of acquisition still goes in- the primitive
descent. A curious remark is made that in the genealogy of Horpasen, no man is
stated to have more than one wife ; but, as that is a strict genealogy, the fact that
no man could have two mothers, at once limits the case.

Dress and ornamentation is next described. It is remarkable that the upper
class Libyans of the XlXth dynasty are shown with long robes down to the calf of
the leg, much more clad than the Egyptians. This again points to the later Libyans
having come from the colder highlands of Algeria. The earliest. Libyan figure on
the gaming reed of king Qa is misinterpreted. The face is unquestionably Libyan
(see the Antaeus given by Mr. Bates on p. 260, and the Mashuash in " Racial
Types," 1 54, 164-6), and the name sethet over it belongs to (i) people of the regions
of the 1st cataract, or (2) to Asiatics. As Mr. Bates is particular to recognise
a branch of Libyans at the cataract, in the so-called C group of graves, the name,
as well as the portraiture, points to the Libyan race. Another figure of which
Mr. Bates denies the Libyan connection (p. 118) has the Libyan lock of hair, unlike
that of any other people, though unplaited as in figs. 17 and 22. The similarity of
pattern between that on a Libyan robe and on Sardinian pottery is an excellent
connection of design (fig. 16).

The .sheath worn by the men is fully illustrated and described. In the pre-
historic figures (figs. 18, a, d) the top of it shews a strong suggestion of a dagger
handle (see fig. 59, c, d) ; is it not possible as daggers were then used that the
dagger was worn in front, and combined with the male sheath? If so, the wearing
of the dagger may have first suggested the protection of a sheath for the person.
It is a Germanism to call it " penistasche," by no means " known to archaeologists,"
as the names .sheath, etui and cornet, are in proper use outside of Germany.

The patterns of the belts are figured, apparently using plates of shell, which
was a favourite material in pre-historic Egypt. The exact resemblance of the hat
of Arkesilaus on the vase painting to a modern Saharan hat is one of the happiest
parallels ; it shews how even trivial details may survive for thousands of years in
use. In connection with the Libyan tatuing, which is figured from Tell el Amarna,
the similar tatuing on the skin of the mummy of Ament, priestess of Hathor, of
the Xllth dynasty, in the Cairo Museum, should be noted. The well-known
emblems of Neit tatued upon the Libyans of Sety I are figured and discussed, in
agreement with the general opinion that they indicate a regard for that goddess.

The material culture and art is an important chapter, though in the absence
of any trace of the early Libyans in Libya itself, our knowledge is very imperfect.
The objects used, or yielded as tribute, by the Libyans are largely reckoned by

M 4

184 Reviews.

Mr. Bates as imports into Libya, the vases from Syria, the swords from Sardinia.
The lack of metal weapons in classical tim6s is used as a strong argument for the
metal of earlier times having been imported. If so, it implies that there were
corresponding exports of large value from Libya. What can such exports have
been ? The nine thousand copper swords taken by Merenptah must have cost
a large export for the Libyans to purchase them. It is hardly relevant to bring in
the well-known Fayum desert flints in discussing historic Libyans. The age of
these, indicated by their colouring, is long before the periods otherwise discussed ;
and the absence of flints of these types from all known periods of Egyptian tombs
points to their being earlier than even the pre-historic civilisation of Egypt. Only
one flint shewn, No. 32, is of Egyptian type, of the middle pre-historic age ; and
that probably is a stray specimen, and not of the Fayum class.

The various articles of modern Imushagh furniture are listed, with the parallel
list of the ancient objects so far as recorded. The awls which it is said they must
have had for leather work, were doubtless the sharp pointed fish jaws so commonly
found in Egyptian town sites, evidently collected as borers.

The poetic system of modern Imushagh verse is described, as illustrating the
description of the ancient religious songs. It appears to be much looser and more
casual than any ballad verse of Europe, perhaps nearest the Italian impromptu
couplets. With the exception of one imitation of an Egyptian stele there is
nothing that can be called Libyan art, for figures that are obviously under Graeco-
Roman influence do not count. In the architecture there are very few stone
megaliths in Eastern Libya. Those in North-west Africa are in one group with
the western European megaliths, and Mr. Bates reasonably concludes that the
people who erected them were the blond race which appears to have come down
through Spain. The strongholds are mentioned by Diodorus and Pliny, and may
be identified with various rude-stone structures, having a ditch around, and
buildings on the plateau. The slighter dwellings were booths with tall conical
roofs, which formed the outskirts of the Roman towns, and were probably such
shelters as the Therapeutae used in their camps. The farms were more permanent
thatched huts.

The religion demands more space than any other chapter. Sacred stones and
their worship, and the animism seen in the wind are first dealt with. Then tabu
animals, divination, rain-craft, and magic. Burial was important among the
Libyans, mostly contracted ; but though the Egyptian laid the corpse on its side,
the Libyan placed it seated upright. Piles of stones and offerings occur, as might
be expected.

The list of Libyan gods is larger than might be hoped. The first, Ash is
probably the same as Msh, a divinity in the 95th Chapter of the Book of the
Dead. It is not connected with figures on the early sealings, which are quoted.
Those are of Shu, sometimes written inverted as ush, but then with the single
upright feather of Shu on the head of the god. {R.T., Sealings 178, 179, 199,
200.) A god named Shaheded appears in personal names, connected with
a bilingual inscription where Latin SACTVT is in Libyan SKTT. Sinifere
and Mastiman are known from Corippus. The " Libyan Poseidon " is not
identified with a native name ; nor is the god Triton, also named by Herodotos.
The Sun-god is said to have received sacrifices, and is later identified with
Hammon ; at the Ammonium in Siwah was a fountain sacred to the sun. But
the native name of the sun was Gurzil, who is said to be the son of the prophetic
god of Siwah, otherwise identified with Amen. Thus the connection with

Reviews. 185

Amen-Ra is shewn by either belief. The name and worship of Gurzil, as Gurza, lasted
down to the eleventh century.

A long discussion is given to the oracular Oasis god, here called Deus Fatidicus.
He was the native god, and his form is apparently given as an embalmed figure,
seated and entir^y wrapped over in bandages, without the head projecting. Three
such figures were found at Karnak, named as Amen. Two other representations
of such bandaged figures on thrones, but with the head of Amen added, are on
a relief at Karnak, and on an engraved (not " etched ") mirror. This kind of
representation, it is suggested, is like that of the wrapped up human sacrifice, the
teknu ; and it should also be noted that the early teknu, in the Xllth dynasty, has
no head (OuiBELL, Ramesseiim, PI. IX). As the Libyans buried the wrapped up
dead seated, this attitude of the god agrees to its being an embalmed body. What
may be the connection of this entirely wrapped up Amen, and the name of the
god meaning "the hidden"? Mr. Bates protests that there is no evidence that the
oasis of Siwah was Egyptianised earlier than the XXVIth dynasty; but may not
a protoform Amen underlie both the Theban Amen and the Siwan ? Another
point which should also be searched out is that the Carthaginian form is always
Haman, and the Latin form of the oasis god also has the aspirate, Hammon.

A vague Sky-god is identified with Saturn, and appears in some dedications.
The special Ausean goddess, described by Herodotos, is conjectured to have been
the Sky-goddess. The western origin of Neit is discussed, and concluded to be most
probable. In a note, the arrows of the sign of Neit are said to have a concave
cutting edge ; but in the clear examples such as the great stele of Merneit the
arrow head is straight, and the actual arrows found have straight chisel ends of
flint, never concave. The concave end is only found in the larger lance heads,
such as the one figured (VIII, 32) which is pre-historic Egyptian and not Libyan.

A summary of the history of Libya concludes the work. The whole of the
records are discussed, and put in their historical position and relative conditions,
in a very clear and satisfactory manner. We may only note that (p. 212) the
pectoral of Senusert I, should read S. Ill ; and the statement that the Prince
Sheshenq appealed to a king of the XX 1st dynasty has no monumental dating to
fix it, the statements (p. 228) all depend on the supposed Libyan origin of the
" Man of Susa " Sheshenq, which is improbable. Pheritime for Pheretime, and
Harcoris for AkhSris, need correction.

Five appendices discuss collateral matters of value. The first deals with
what are known as the C group of burials in Nubia. These Mr. Bates connects
with the Libyans, adducing similarity of type, circular superstructures to graves,
cross bands worn by men and skirts by women, feather on head, tatuing, pottery,
and some other details. He concludes that they were of the Temehu. The
second appendix deals with two Gheytah inscriptions, claiming that they are
in a South Arabian script. The alphabet proposed seems to vary quite as
much from those forms as does the Libyan already suggested. The third
appendix deals with the traditional origins of different Libyan people ; the fourth
with Biblical references to Libya; the fifth with the type of the Libyan giant
Antaeus on a vase of Euphronios, shewing the Libyan features, like the
Mashuash 154, 164, in "Racial Types." A dozen pages of bibliography and
various indices complete the volume.

Such a comprehensive work is only possible where our knowledge is not
extensive. On any well-known race any one of the chapters might well exceed
the size of the whole book. It is a kind of summary which is greatly needed for

1 86 Reviews.

various less-known countries, and it will serve as a starting point for fuller research
in several lines. It is moreover not a book-man's compilation, but a reading of
all the material from the point of view of a personal familiarity with the land and
the modern people. We hope that Mr. Bates may yet produce much more of such
solid and comprehensive work ; with perhaps a more cautious investigation of
matters where he may happen not to agree with other writers.

Egyptian Blue. LAURIE, A. P.; McLiNTOCK, W. V. P.; Miles, F. D.
8vo., 12 pp. {Proc. Royal Soc, Vol. 89, 418-429.) The brilliant shades of blue and
green used in Egyptian colouring have always been attractive, whether applied as
a paint, or fused in a glaze ; while, unless exposed to continuous moisture, the
colour is unchangeable. The same colours are found to have been used in glazes
from pre-historic times, and as a wall paint from the Xllth dynasty. From Egypt
they passed to Greece and Italy, and balls of blue paint are among the colours
found at Pompeii. The method by which this colour was made was first illustrated
by excavation in 1892 {Tell el-Amama, p. 25). Pebbles of white quartz were
ground to a coarse powder, mixed with alkali, lime, and copper ore, and then
heated so as to combine slowly without actually melting. This produces a frit, or
porous mass of crystals, which can easily be ground down to a powder. The
alkali potash or soda attacked the silica, and then handed it on to the lime and
copper ; thus was gradually formed a silicate of lime and copper. The shade of it
depended on the proportion of copper in the blues, and the presence of traces of
iron in the greens, while the depth and richness of colour depended on the length
and amount of the heat. The reproduction of the colours was carried out with
great success in the hundreds of experiments made by the late Dr. W. J. Russell, of
which he published an outline in Mediim, pp. 45, 46. He found that the silica was
sixty to eighty per cent, of the whole, a very delicate greenish blue was made
with three to five per cent, of copper ore, a full blue with ten, and a rich violet
with twenty per cent. An ordinary brown sand contains enough iron to give
a green tone to the blue. Further details on the manufacture were found at
Memphis {Historical Studies, p. 35). The colour after being formed in pans, as
found at Tell el-Amarna, was made up into balls, some "3, some i'2 inches in
diameter. These balls were placed in large jars of pottery, lids were sealed over
the mouths ; and then the long roasting for many hours, which gave the finest
colour, could be carried on without the air or furnace gases reaching the balls. As
the pottery of the jars contained iron it would discolour the balls if in contact with
them ; the jars were therefore lined with a thick coat of blue colour, so that the iron
discolouration never passed through the lining, which was about a quarter of an inch
thick. This shows how large a part of the material the Egyptian would sacrifice
in order to get the finest result. Some of the linings were of most magnificent
purple-blue colour. This will serve just to show how the subject stands from the
point of view of actual finds of objects.

The paper above named takes up the questions from a laboratory point of view.
Dr. Laiirie examined specimens of blue on a coffin of the Xlth dynasty, on XVIIIth
dynasty samples from Gurob, on Knossos frescoes, on Roman samples from the
Palatine frescoes, and from Viroconium. All of these were similar in nature, a truly
crystalline compound identical in its character. On studying the samples which
Dr. Russell had prepared, together with his notes, it was seen that where lime was
used without alkali, repeated heating and grinding was needed to attain the blue
colour ; where alkali was also used the colour was got in the first heating, as it acted

Reviews. 187

as a solvent. Alkali alone, without lime, only produces a blue glass, and not the
true crystalline blue.

Experiments were then made to find the conditions of heating required. The
batches were kept uniformly heated for sixteen to twenty hours. That at 760
centigrade was vtfiry imperfectly combined, at 800 it was better, at 830 there was
still much uncombined. By grinding and reheating at this temperature, however,
the blue was completely formed. At 890 and 905, cherry-red heat, it was overdone.
As a trial some was heated up to 1,150 (white heat, melting of cast iron) and to
1,400 (dazzling white heat), and a green glass was formed ; when this was toasted
at the 850 point, the true blue was reproduced. One sample was absolutely fused
in the oxyhydrogen flame, but two days' heating at 850 brought it to a brilliant
blue. Thus it seems immaterial what happens first to the mixture, so long as it
gets a day or two of toasting at a moderate red heat. This exactly accords with
the Egyptian practice of heating in sealed jars, as at Memphis. It is remarked how
narrow a range of temperature is needful ; one twentieth of the heat, more or less,
and the process is spoiled. The Egyptian must have watched his furnace very
carefully to keep up the exact heat for so long a process.

The proportions of the mixture were then varied, keeping to 850 as the best
temperature. When the alkali was a fifth of the whole no blue was formed, as it
dissolved in the alkali as a green glass ; with a seventh a frit resulted with some
blue ; with a twelfth of alkali the result was excellent. On using only silica lime
and copper without any alkali, overheating to produce combination, and then
toasting at the right heat, a little blue resulted, but the process was not practicable.
With only a twenty-fourth of alkali, and overheating, with subsequent toasting,
a full blue can be obtained, but slowly. As the Egyptians had not a pure alkali,
a sample was made up to correspond to the native natron, and this with forty hours
heating gave excellent results. A sample was then completely freed of uncombined
material and of fu.sed glass, by usual chemical means, and the analysis of the true
blue crystals gave

Silica ... ... 63'4

Lime ... ... 14*4

Copper oxide ... 19*5

Potash ... ... II

Soda ... ... -g

99'3
This corresponds very nearly to the formula originally stated by Fouque,
CaO, CuO, 4SiOj, crystallizing in the prismatic (tetragonal) system.

At the close of the paper are some speculations as to how the Egyptians
originally discovered the colour. Unfortunately Dr. Laurie accepts the theory of
Mr. Burton that the Egyptians carved objects of sandstone and then glazed them.
For several reasons this is entirely impossible. No sandstone is known in Egypt of
texture or quality approaching that of the base which was used for glazing. The
base shows in its body, when fractured, spherical hollows which were evidently
bubbles of air, included, when it was being made up with water, artificially before
baking. Lastly, the forms found in all periods, such as long tubular beads, would
be impossible to cut out of a solid piece. The utmost that can be allowed is that
dry blocks of material, after moulding, may have been trimmed in the details before
glazing. This is often seen in the case of minute retouchings, but it was certainly
not the case on the general forms. The multitude of moulds for moulding the

1 88 Reviews.

figures of gods and every kind of ornament, show that damp moulding was the rule.
Only a sharpening of the detail was done on the dry material after moulding. The
careful exclusion of iron from the base is remarkable ; no native sand so white is
known in Egypt, and it must have been carefully prepared artificially to remove the
iron, in order to prevent the blue colour of the glaze being spoilt. As some of the
earliest glazing is that on clear quartz crystal beads it seems very likely that glazing
was developed in the course of copper smelting. The wood ash of fuel would give
the alkali, and lime and silica would be in the copper ore. Such a coloured slag,
or a glass run from it on to the pebble floor of the furnace, would then be the starting
point for artificial imitations.

Incarnation {Egyptian). WIEDEMANN, A., 4 pp. (Hastings' Dictionary of
Religion and Ethics.) This article is a valuable one for the explanation of ideas,
and for the insight into Egyptian modes of thought. It is written with the
sympathetic feeling which has made the author's other works on the religion so
much appreciated. To begin with, the Egyptian frame of mind is explained,
which thinks of the individual instead of the class, of the limb instead of the man.
Actions were expressed as " my eyes see," " your legs walk," " his hand strikes " ;
classes were said to be of " each men," " each legs " ; the whole was stated as " to
its limit." This love of the extremely concrete, and lack of abstractions, pervaded
all Egyptian ideas of divinity. Where expressions of omnipresence are used, it is
only as a flattery of the deity, like similar qualities attributed to the king.

The name was an entity independant of the object, and not identical with it ;
and the various names of a deity were independant subsidiary deities. The
statues retained some of the divine personality of a deity that had entered them,
and became separate deities who no way detracted from their original inspirer.
Thus we can understand the co-existence of many forms of a single deity in one
place ; each had its individuality. May not something of the same frame of mind be
traced in the various local names attached to different worships of the Virgin in
Italy ?

Similarly the dead could be availed of various embodiments, such as a bird,
a serpent, a crocodile, or the god Ptah. This is not metempsychosis, but the
capacity for any form of embodiment. The dead could also assume a human
form. The mummy was the greatest of all dwellings for the spirit; and it was
through its incarnation in the mummy that it could again by spells enjoy all the
good things of life which were figured in the tomb.

The sacred animals were the special seat of incarnation of the gods. Though
the animals were the aboriginal deities, yet the old worship was blended with the
more spiritual deities of the prehistoric civilisation ; and the deity of a tribe settling
in a district was identified with the aboriginal animal god of the place, Ptah with
the Apis, Amen with the ram, Horus with the hawk.

Man was not a single whole, nor were the gods. Each was a complex of
many constituents which happened to be united. A striking case of this is where
the king acting as a priestly ruler, gives offerings to himself as embodied in a figure
of divine character.

Various ideas were personified. The emblems of life, power, or stability were
figured with limbs carrying emblems of the king. The senses, and abstractions,
such as time, joy, or darkness, are deified, receive homage, and are supplicated.

The incarnation of a god in the king, by divine descent, is familiar in many
scenes, as in the temple of Luqsor shewing the divine conception of Amenhotep III,

Reviews. 189

or that of Deir el-Bahri concerning Hatshepsut. In other myths any particle of
a god could be used to frame a magical object, which might even be to the
detriment of the god himself.

Incarnation was also claimed by magicians, who asserted their embodiment of
a god, and demailded obedience in consequence. Similarly the mourning women
who personified Isis and Nebhat were inscribed with those names. The gods
might also be incarnate in animals ; and the weird range of transformations in the
story of Bata shews the unlimited possibilities of such ideas. Any one touching
on these subjects should certainly study this article, with its full references and
authorities for each point stated.

Museum of Fine Arts Bulletin. Boston, August, 1914. 10 cents. This
contains an account of the new arrangement of the Boston Museum. It is now in
five divisions ; first the Primitive Egyptian Room, or Pre-Khufu, as it might be
called ; in this is a separate case for each class of prehistoric pottery, for stone
vases, for personal objects, and for stone dishes and weapons. The second room
is for the Old Kingdom, where the fine seated figure of Khuenra, and other statues,
with the complete outfit of the architect's tomb, will represent the period. Thirdly,
the mastaba gallery has fine tomb sculptures from Saqqareh. Fourth, the Hyksos
series is very rich, from the cemetery of Kerma, which we described in the last
number (p. 1 38). Lastly, in the loggia are the stone and gold necklaces of the
Middle and New Kingdoms, bracelets, earrings and amulets. Three views in the
museum are given, and illustrations of half a dozen early Chinese bronze vases add
to the interest of this number.

The Boomerang in Ancient Babylonia. NiES, J. B., 7 pp. {The American
Anthropologist, Vol. 16.) The requirements for a true returning boomerang are
here given, and the opinion of a professed thrower that the Egyptian bent flat
sticks, with one face flat and the other convex, would return if thrown high at
birds. Examples are given of the form of the Assyrian sign geshpu, shewing that
from the time of Gudea back to the prehistoric, the earlier the form the more near
the boomerang shape. As among the meanings of the word is " throw, strike,
destroy, turn, return, deviate," it seems very probable that it represents the
returning boomerang.

Les Negres d'A/rique. OvERBERGH, C. VAN, 8vo, 276 pp. (Dewit, Bruxelles.)
This volume is an outline of a great work on Descriptive Sociology, of which ten
volumes on Africa have been published. The introductions to these volumes are
here given, together with the table of classified contents. The system of tabulation
of results under 202 different headings is a sight to stimulate recording and
research. Unhappily we fear that all scientific work in Belgium will long be in
abeyance, so that we can hardly hope to see the volumes on Egypt which were in
the programme of this enterprise.

( '90 )

NOTES AND NEWS.

A great loss has befallen Egyptian work, in many directions, by the
sudden death of Dr. James Herbert Walker, M.A., M.R.C.S., L.R.C.P.,
which took place on July 21. We are sure that all who knew him will
deeply regret so sad a loss. Those connected with the British School will
feel it the more, as his official connection with that body as co-Secretary, since
its constitution in 1905, had bound his personality and his work so closely
with the rising fortunes of the Society. His especial charge in that work was
the American branch, the correspondence of which was chiefly in his hands.
His loss will be also personally felt at University College. He had joined
the Egyptian classes there at the beginning of the department in 1892, where
he was the most promising student of Mr. F. LI. Griffith. After Mr. Griffith
resigned that teaching, his successor was Dr. Walker, and from 1903 until
this summer, a series of students have owed their interests in the higher
branches of Egyptian language and Coptic to the enthusiasm and the ever-
patient teaching which he had given them. Those who knew him more
personally remember the constant help that he always gave to every call on
his time or attention in the most kind and generous manner. We can but
repeat the words of one who knew him well : " I never knew him say or do
an unkind thing. He was a single-minded, simple, honest English gentleman,
whom it was an honour and a pleasure to know. His early death has left an
aching in many hearts." Our deepest sympathy is given to Mrs. Walker
in such a sudden and terrible blow.

The care of our American branch, which has been so suddenly deprived of
the management of our lamented Secretary, Dr. Walker, will in future be taken
in charge by Mr. Percival Hart, Grove Lodge, Highgate, London, N.

The Annual Exhibition of the British School at University College was
attended by double the number of visitors that have come to any previous archaeo-
logical exhibition. The astonishing view of the jewellery of Princess Sat-hathor
raised an interest which spread far beyond those who previously cared for Egyptian
matters.. In other directions also there was a large show of fine things, and the
museums of places that had helped have received a good return.

The present horror that threatens to submerge European civilisation and shift
races like the ancient migrations, is bearing heavily on all science and culture, and
will have its effects for a long time to come. It has temporarily withdrawn many
workers who were helping the researches of the School.

Notes and News. 191

Mr. Brunton is in the Hospital Corps at Netley.

Dr. Amsden is medical officer of the Royal Sussex at Cooden Beach.

Mr. R. Engelbach has joined the Artists' Corps of Territorials, and his results
of last year's work can scarcely be prepared until the war is over.

Mr. Battiscoigbe Gunn, who was copying and translating the inscriptions of
the year, is shoulder to shoulder with Mr. Engelbach.

Mr. Duncan Willey, who excavated with us last winter, is in the R.A.M.C.T.

Miss M. A. Murray may be called off at any time, being an organizer of the
Voluntary Aid Detachment of the College Women's Union Society.

Of our previous workers, Mr. Horace Thompson is in the Oxford and Bucks
Light Infantry.

Mr. Mackay is leaving England to continue the conservation of the Theban
tombs.

Mr. Quibell has now returned to Egypt to take up his duties as Curator of the
Cairo Museum.

Mr. N. de G. Davies and Mrs. Davies have resumed their copying of the Theban
Tombs.

Mr. Somers Clarke is also now returning to Egypt.

What may happen in Egypt, and what chance there may be for work there
next winter, no one can yet foresee. We trust that M. Lacau will find that his
health, and the conditions politically, will allow of his taking up the burden of
administration which Sir Gaston Maspero has now resigned. It is an unfortunate
feature of our present system that scientific workers, when most able, are called
from research to the business administration of public services. The foremost
scholars in different lines have all had to sacrifice science to the details of office
work. It ought to be recognised that all office routine is the province of a lesser
type of mind than that of the foremost in scientific work, and only the decisions
of important questions should fall on the specialists who may be the leaders in
their own subjects.

THE EGYPTIAN RESEARCH STUDENTS' ASSOCIATION.

It is too early in the .season to collect detailed information regarding the winter
meetings of the branches, and the prospects of only two of the branches can be
mentioned here. Several Hon. Secretaries have expressed their conviction that it
is desirable to continue the meetings during this winter. These quiet meetings with
lectures and social intercourse are neither frivolous nor tending to expense, and we
must encourage the constructive side of life in this time of war.

London. (Hon. Sec, Mrs. Sefton-Jones, temp, address, c/o Edwards Library, University
College, Gower Street, W.C.) Meetings, monthly, at 8 p.m., lecture, 8.30 p.m. Oct. 29, at
University College, Gower Street, Prof. Flinders Petrie, on "The Use of Metals in Egypt."
Nov. 5, at 10, Lower Grosvenor Place, S.W. (by kind invitation of Mrs. PurHon), the Lady William
Cecil Baroness Amherst of Hackney, on " Excavations of Tombs in the Gebel Qubbet el-Hawa."
Dec. 10, at 29, Tite Street, Chelsea, S.W. (by kind invitation of Mrs. Percy Bigland),
Mrs Lewis, D.D., on " The Sinai Gospels."

Hastings. (Mrs. Russell Morris, Quarry Hill Lodge, St. Leonards.) Dates fixed later.
Major Davenport, on " Ancient Egyptian Jewellery." Dr. Spanton, on " The Egyptian Water
Lily." Rev. J. D. Gray, on " Neolithic Man." Mrs. Court, on " Sign Language."

Hilda Flinders Petrie.

( 192 )

THE PORTRAITS.

Two of the best portrait figures are here given to show the entire difference in
style and feeling between the Old Kingdom and the XVIIIth dynasty.

The statue of Ranefer is one of the finest figures of the great nobles of the
Pyramid Age. The art of their time has perhaps glorified their nature ; yet an age
which could support such art must have had magnificent ideas and leaders. We
may therefore reasonably look to that splendid period as one of the great flowering
times of the human race, like the age of Pericles or of the Florentines. In this
statue we do not see the expression of mental and moral power only, as in Khufu
arid Khafra ; but also of intense activity of body, will, and resolution. Though
strictly a passive figure at rest, yet we see marvellously rendered the tense reserve
of energy in the whole air, the firm muscles, the decisive pose, the unflinching
authority of a great leader in a system, who yet was not an autocrat. The statue
was found in the tomb of Ranefer at Saqqareh, and is now in the Cairo Museum.

As a complete contrast look at the statuette of an officer of the XVIIIth dynasty,
carved in ebony, with gilt collar and armlets. In every point it shows the soft,
self-indulgent, indecisive type of the later age. The head leans forward, instead of
being supreme in bold dignity. The shoulders slope and round, the arms are lax
and soft. The trunk is rounded, with softer breast and fuller stomach, beneath
which the belt is pushed down. The legs are round and not firmly planted. In
every detail is seen the weakness, the graceful refinement, the incipient decline,
of a period which attracts more by its picturesqueness than by its strength. The
figure was found in i860 in a tomb at Thebes, and is now in the Berlin Museum.

,>'

kSH-J

STATUE OF RANEFER, Vth DYNASTY.
IN LIMESTONE. CAIRO MUSEUM.

STATUETTE OF AN OFFICER, XVIII DYNASTY.
IN WOOD, BERLIN MUSEUM.

ANCIENT
EGYPT

1915. Part I.

CONTENTS.

1. Birds in Ancient Egyptian Art.

Charles Whymper.

2. Excavations at Saqqara.

j. e. quibell.

3. Part of a Coptic Sermon.

Sir Herbert Thompson.

4. The Metals in Egypt.

W. M. Flinders Petrie.

5. Periodicals : Recueil.

6. Reviews :

Dussaud, Civilizations.
Hall, Aegean Archaeology.
Quibell, Tomb of Hesy.
Weigall, Cleopatra.

7. Notes and News.

8. The Portraits.

EDITOR, PROF FLINDERS PETRIE, F.RS., F.B.A.

Yearly, -js. Post Free. Quarterly Part, 2s.

MACMILLAN AND CO.,
LONDON AND NEW YORK;

AND

BRITISH SCHOOL OF ARCHAEOLOGY IN EGYPT,
University College, Gower Street, London,

ANCIENT' Egypt. Net price of each number from booksellers is 2s.
Subscriptions for the four quarterly parts, prepaid, post free, 75., are received by
Hon. Sec. " Ancient Egypt " (H. Flinders Petrie), University College, Gower
Street, London, W.C.
Books for review, papers offered for insertion, or news, should be addressed :
Editor of " Ancient Egypt,"

University College, Gower Street, London, W.C.

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ANCIENT EGYPT.

BIRDS IN ANCIENT EGYPTIAN ART.

{^Frontispiece^

Some years ago, I wrote on the subject of colour as used by the ancient Egyptians
in the representation of Hving objects ; and though now one has seen so many
hundred more different examples than then had been available, I have still, with
some regret, to restate my original view, that we know little as to the rule that
dictated to the old artists what colour they should use.

Light will doubtless be thrown on this by Mr. Howard Carter's book when it
is published. Those who have been privileged to see parts of it know his extra-
ordinary powers of observation, exact illustration, and artistic handling, which
make them await the work with the utmost interest. What one, however, almost
fears must necessarily be impossible to elucidate is, why the same bird or what
on every method of judgment one would say is the same bird should be in one
case coloured red, and in another blue, while the real colour in nature is neither
red nor blue. We know, or seem to know, that certain classes of objects were
always by some convention to be coloured one regulation colour, for instance, wood
(or wooden objects) are nearly always red, whilst water is blue ; but in the matter
of birds there seems no fixed rule of this sort. All are aware that, over the vast
period of time which one is considering, artists and schools were succeeding one
another constantly, and that certain periods were artistically infinitely preferable
to others. That, however, will not help us over this particular difficulty, because
on the same wall, and of the same period, I have found such different renderings
of the same bird that, judging by the colour, you would have to place them as
.scientifically different species. I still remain in this view, which was arrived at
long before I had read the following : " In studying Egyptian wall-painting the
" question immediately arises how far the faithfulness and realism of the artists is to
" be depended upon. Their bad work was often very bad ; but their best work
" also was done principally with a view to decorative effect, and thus we see, for
" example, that the fins of the fishes are often misplaced, the colours of a bird may
" be taken from one species, and the form from another, while everything is
" considerably conventionalised " {Beni Hasan, Part III).

From my own notes I have selected some cases to make this clear. The

first is this figure of ^^ the Egyptian vulture used alphabetically as A.

In the frontispiece. Fig. i, you have for comparison a sketch of the actual
bird, as rendered by a modern draughtsman from the living example. In
Figs. 2, 3, 4, are shewn three copies of this same sign which were painted in
colour, each differing considerably the one from the other, but all three being

2 Birds in Ancient Egyptian Art.

selected because of the careful work shewn in them. No. 2, from the tomb of
Ameny, Beni Hasan, is coloured blue, red, and white, as indicated by lettering.
The markings on head and neck, which presumably represent the ruff of long thin
feathers which adorn the neck, are painted in reddisli colour, as are the beak and
the face, which is bare skin. In nature, the ruflf of feathers is pure white with no
suggestion of red, and the bare skin of face, with the base of the beak, is bright
yellow. The white parts in all three figures are correct as in nature but the

2.
He*-*-

1K&.U5S

^2?$^

YcUowT

^K'^U^4 XkKUux

wings in this Fig. 2 are blue with black primaries, and there is a curious white
square on the point of the wing, which one is most uncertain about. In nature
the wing is, as you see by Fig. i, white, with dark grey secondaries, which at
a distance look absolutely black, and with black primaries. In No. 3, which is
from the inside of a painted wood coffin of the Ilird to IVth dynasties, the bird
has what looks like a crest of feathers on top and back of head and is shewn with
quite bright green wings, and its legs are yellow, as they are in Fig. 4, from a Xllth

w-White:

dynasty tomb. In nature the legs are a sort of chalky pink-red. In Figs. 5, 6, are
shewn two wooden hawks ; Fig. 5 is in the Petrie Collection, Fig. 6 is my own ;
both are practically as far as shape and size go identical ; but the colouring, as
I have shewn by my lettered diagrammatic drawing, is about as markedly different
as well could be imagined.

Birds in Ancient Egyptian Art. x

Incidentally most will agree that the lot of the poor bird expert, who is called
in to name certain birds, is not quite a happy one, and the writer has had more
than one experience, where the questioner has looked upon our cautious answer as
a mere subterfuge of ignorance, and seemed doubtful if one were not posing as
having knowledge while being really a regular fraud. Still one goes on, and does
not regret the long hours given to this side of Egypt's story ; every season
something new crops up, and onl}' this year Prof Petrie asked me to look at
a very perfect little work of art.

7. Night-Jar. From Nature.

8. IvoRV Carving of Night-Jar. Garnet Eye.
Prehistoric.

This little ivory is just about 2 inches long, and is in no way remarkable for
any detail of markings of wings or feathers. The first point seen is that the eyes
are of a difterent colour and substance to the rest. They are small beads of garnet,
with the darker iris plainly shewn, and the same dark colour surrounding the eye
gives the appearance of the heavy eyelids peculiar to the bird.

Now it may be asked, after looking at our two illustrations. Fig. 8 being of the
little ivory itself, and Fig. 7 a sketch of my own of the bird from nature, whatever
is it you see in this ivory to so admire ? My answer is, first, that of all birds I know
the nightjar is peculiar in this identical .squatting position ; and that, when seen,
the eye is the most marked thing visible. Indeed, it is a commonplace amongst
field naturalists that it is extraordinarily difficult to discern this bird at all, as it
lies or squats on the ground, possibly not a yard away from you, until you catch
sight of the great luminous eye. This is because it crouches rigidly motionless,
and because of the delicate markings blotches and pencillings of brown and grey
and buff, which harmonize and blend with the surrounding soil and stones, so that it

A 2

4 Birds in Ancient Egyptian Art.

looks merely like a rounded bit of the adjoining earth. The old time artist knew
this very certainly, and made a point of it. Then the ne.xt peculiarity is that the
broad head ever lies close in on the shoulders, and the body and tail make one
continuous line, with the feet hidden underneath, and in broad simple fashion all
these characteristics are given, so that though in white ivory which cannot shew the
delicacy of pattern of its brown and buff plumage, it is possible to at once identify
it as being meant for the Egyptian nightjar {Caprimulgus aegyptius). This form is
an inch smaller than the European species, which is a comparatively rare visitor to
Egypt. And the Egyptian bird is again a rarer visitor still to our own country ;
only one case is known authentically, and that was in 1883, when, with regret it has
to be stated, it was promptly shot ; this was in the heart of England,
Nottinghamshire.

Both species are marked with very similar delicate grey buff and brown
blotches and pencillings, but our English one has the markings rather more
positively, and distinctly darker blotches. Its curious note, which is perhaps the
most singular of all our native birds, once heard is never forgotten. It harmonizes
completely with the wild moorlands and waste places that it loves and loves so
consistently that it returns annually, as a summer visitor, to the exact spot where it
nested the previous year, and where probably itself was born from the eggs laid on
the bare ground under some mass of bracken.

Two outstanding points, which are to the artist points of great merit, are, first,
the extraordinary individuality of all Egyptian art from any other art ; and, second,
that quite apart from the actual scale of the work of art (as in this little gem of a
sculptured nightjar), it is ever ^in studio parlance " big." If you have any doubt
about the first, try and paint or sculpture any bird or inanimate object to make it
look like the work of some good Egyptian period. Your first essay will at once
reveal to an expert that it is done by Western hands ; there will be some tell-tale
peculiarities, of which you yourself are quite unconscious, that will certainly, as we
say, "give the show away." Even if you simply attempt to copy direct from some
Egyptian work, you will be astounded at the difficulty of getting just the identical
type of line and contour that is everlastingly to be found in everything they did.
Then the other point is equally certain, that theirs was the godlike gift of making
everything big. Take those little wee statuette figures, only an inch or inch and
half high, they are still great, big with the same dignity, reserve, and masterly
seizing in their own way the simple necessary contours and broad forms and
masses. Needless to add, here reference is only being made to the great and good
periods. Their bad work, as already has been pointed out, is very bad ; and it is
curious that bad work is points easier to copy than good. Some of the work of the
worst periods might really just be the work of a badly-taught board school child of
to-day, the resemblance, indeed, often is really striking. But for the rest and it is
a very big remainder all their work ever has this individuality and this bigness,
just as this little bit of ivory is a complete work of art, and the cleverest representa-
tion of a nightjar that I have ever seen.

To. go back to our frontispiece, in old books of travel this bird is often referred
to as f'haraoh's Chicken ; travellers tell how it was to be seen in every village
walking about amongst the domestic poultry, and describe how it would eat and
clean up the most unsavoury filth and nastiness, that even a poor skinny Egyptian
fowl would scorn. The name has some interest, because nowadays all that has
changed, and in all the years I can remember Egypt I have only once seen it.
This was at some small settlement of huts not worthy even of the name of a

Birds in Ancient Egyptian Art. 5

village midway on the old road between Keneh and Koseir. From a group of what
at a distance looked like all geese, two birds flew up and circled lazily round, and
I saw they were Egyptian vultures. The geese did not seem disturbed or notice
them, and I remember the whole incident because of the unsuitability of the place,
a desert, for a water-loving bird like the goose. Still Egypt is full of these
surprises, as all toavellers must have been startled to hear for the first time the
" goble, goble, goble," of the ubiquitous turkey-cock from the roof of some high
building in town or city.

It would be most interesting to bird lovers if we could reach some smallest
direct knowledge of what reason dictated their choice of birds as hieroglyphs, which
seem to us to have no possible connection with the ideas they are supposed to
embody. Why should a vulture, which is the most repulsive looking and most
foul feeding bird, and far from the best and highest type of good parent, be used as
a symbol of motherhood, with all its delicate and sacred associations ? Again, why
should an ibis be chosen to head the embodiment of the great master mind and
deity that presided over the arts, letters and literature ? Above all why a duck or
a goose should be chosen as the sacred and royal symbol of an earthly monarch's
sonship with the greatest of their gods? In not one of these three leading cases
can an ornithologist see the slightest suitability or propriety whatever. Although
one has to record that, it may well be that nevertheless there may be some sound
reason, which in due course will be gradually discovered, and that is the hope and
inspiration of every scientific worker in this particular furrow of the great fascinating
field of Egyptology.

Charles Whymper.

[Unusual as the golden-headed vulture may be in most places, it is still frequent
in others, as at Dendereh, where I have counted thirteen all within a stone's throw
of our courtyard ; they frequented that as they always found there a peaceful supply
of scraps. W. M. F. P.]

A 3

( 6 )

EXCAVATIONS AT SAQQARA.

The excavations of the past season at Saqqara were conducted in a quarter of the
necropolis well known to every visitor, close to the tombs of Mereruka and
Kaqemni and to the pyramid of Teta. When these tombs were formerly cleared
the use of light railways had not begun, and all the sand and stone, carried in
baskets on boys' heads, had been banked up in close proximity to the mastabas.
Underneath this equally good inscribed tombs might possibly lie concealed.
Accordingly, in the last two seasons, in accordance with the wish of Sir Gaston
Maspero, a beginning has been made with the task of clearing a considerable space,
including the area between and surrounding the accessible tombs. No great
mastaba has yet been found ; a large bulk of top stuff had first to be moved, then
three well defined layers of interments had to be worked through before the Old
Kingdom tombs were reached, and in the limited area as yet cleared to ground
level only one tomb of the earliest period has been found in good condition.

The uppermost layer was of Roman date, of the 3rd century. The super-
structures were oblong benches of brick, lying north and south, higher at one end
than the other, covered with plaster, and sometimes decorated with simple patterns
in red and black paint. In the raised end was a niche, in the back of which there
remained, in one case, a human head roughly painted in red. The graves were
shallow, about 30 inches deep ; in them lay bodies fully extended, loosely wrapped
and bandaged. There were hardly any small objects. A coin of Marcus Aurelius
had been placed in one child's mouth ; this was found in the previous year (1912-13).
Two interesting pieces of faience a sphinx and a vase with decoration in relief
and a marble head of a boy, a good piece of portraiture, were the most important
single objects.

In the bodies themselves the most obvious point of interest was the curiously
bad condition of the teeth ; not only were these generally worn down veiy flat, but
decayed molars, and jaws almost devoid of teeth, were very common. The contrast
between these people and the present population of the villages is, in this matter,
most striking ; but of course our interments may have been those of a poor class
of townspeople from Memphis, and not countryfolk at all.

In the tombs, and still more between them, at this level, a considerable
collection of pots was made, and these were carefully drawn and worked up by
Mr. and Mrs. Hayter, who, this year as last rendered us most valuable volunteer
assistance in every way.

The second layer of bodies was at about three feet depth below the Romans.
They were oriented at right angles to those above them, the heads being to the
west. Here again a poor class of the population was alone represented. Some
hundreds had to be examined, so closely did they lie together, and dated objects
were non-existent.

Excavations at Saqqara. 7

The coffins were of anthropoid form, but very roughly made of planks daubed
over with mud : the faces were sometimes carved in wood and pegged on, but more
often moulded in clay roughly painted. The class is but too well known to diggers,
and is most difficult to date.

The third layer contained fewer bodies and was less uniform in type. Most
were in oblong boxes, of greater height than width. One group with gable lids,
and bands of red and yellow (a red central stripe with yellow edges), was well
defined. All these were probably of the early New Empire.

One of the square-ended plain coffins contained an unexpected prize. There
were two bodies in the coffin, both wrapped in plain cloth, and without so much as
a bead or a pot to reward our search. The cloth was in fairly good condition,
however, and as I threw one bundle of it aside it broke and disclosed, to my surprise,
the head of a small wooden statuette. It is about 2i inches high and represents a
very young boy, hardly more than a baby. Two of the ordinary flower-shaped
carnelian beads were suspended by gold wire to the ears : they are oddly out of
scale, the child's earring being as long as his forearm ; but the sculpture is very
delicate and subtle, and such a charming study of a child is certainly of great rarity.
Even in the Louvre the work would attract attention ; in our scantier series at
Cairo it is very valuable.

Another piece of fine sculpture was a wooden spoon, with an openwork handle
representing a girl standing in a boat and gathering papyrus ; this was only in fair
condition. Wooden objects at Saqqara are rarely, if ever, in the perfect state so
usual at Thebes.

At a still lower level was a set of boats from a Middle Kingdom tomb, and
soon afterwards an untouched shaft of the same period was discovered. It had
been sunk close by a large mastaba of the Old Kingdom, the masonry of which
formed one of its sides.* The massive wooden sarcophagi were in the shaft itself:
the model boats, granaries and workshops in recesses at the base. There were no
objects of intrinsic value, but the staffs and bows, the cartonnage masks and the
sandals inside the coffins, and the models and statuettes outside, formed a rich
group, and were in good condition. The types are well enough known, wooden
boats propelled by oars, papyrus boats which were paddled, groups of brewers, and
granaries. Less common is the carpenter's shop with a large set of model tools,
and the model loom is perhaps unique. The canopic vases had wooden heads, all
human, three representing men, one a woman.

The names on the two coffins were Anpu-emhat and Nekh-hetuser. Each of
the groups when exposed in a museum necessarily takes a great deal of space, and
it is very possible that we shall not be able to keep both of them at Cairo
permanently.

This completes the tale of the interments. Of important superstructures we
discovered two. At the lowest level was the mastaba of yet another Ptahshepses :
it lies close to Kaqemni, to the north. The stela is a fine block of stone, with a
rather roughly incised inscription ; perhaps it had been usurped. The chamber is
of crude brick, covered with mud plaster and painted. The scenes are commonplace,
only the slaughter of oxen, but the colours are rather well preserved, and the dark
slaty background is striking. It is regrettable that the tomb cannot be left long
open ; but there is no doubt that the damp air in winter would soon disintegrate
the plaster unless it were protected by sand.

The second tomb stood above this ; it must have been an extensive structure
of the late XVIIIth or XlXth dynasty, and commemorated a certain Aapudu.

A 4

8 Excavations at Saqqara.

The walls were of brick, faced with stone, but stood only a yard high when we
found them, and had been stripped of all but half a dozen blocks. These, however,
were of merit. There is a stela with a long text, a hymn to Ra ; and another stela,
brightly coloured, with the figures of the whole family depicted on it. Two other
blocks, which fit together, show a funerary scene boats upon a lake, and shrines (?)
around it. More interesting artistically is a scene of led horses, drawn with great
vigour and spirit.

There must once have been a great deal of this fine New Kingdom work at
Saqqara, but it lay too accessibly, and the Copts used it as a quarry, building the
whole monastery of St. Jeremias from it.

J. E. QUIBELL.

( 9 )

PART OF COPTIC SERMON.

[I have asked SJr Herbert Thompson to allow the publication of this, in hope that the author
^ of it may be identified. W. M. F. P.]

The following text is written on a strip of vellum 8J inches high by 4 inches at
the widest point, in a single column on obverse and reverse. The fragment is
complete at top and bottom, but has been torn away on the left-hand edge of the
obverse from what was originally probably a page with two columns of writing.
One or more letters have been lost from the beginning of each line of the obverse,
and from the end of each line of the reverse. I have filled up most of the gaps,
but some of the restorations are conjectural.

The text is apparently the close of a sermon, but I have not succeeded in
tracing its origin :

Obv. . UUpJpG MMCAMIC BUJ.V

eunATjMTiou en.MUHM
enoJroM oxn zuu

UKIJTO^COT fiOOOT
. . JWTUMTe^lOT
MAJAIKOKJ GAM+OH

uhaJiaboaoc ecuiBe
uuoJm amuki Ae Mpiue

MTjMeikie C32CCl)M
eT]AAM MeMAiUUipiA
Un]00T X6KAC NMenAI
^tOJnO UUOM UApONUp
ua] MCACA MIU ATU) om
UAJpaMKUl MCtUKI MU
nJAeOC MIU MTMWOTSfi

oJbo.v uuoki MTimeieruiA
wjTUWTpnuuAO unai

UA SOKAC tro nW(3UAT6
klJMAKAeOkl GTKIAjytO
n]o eiTMTfiXApiC UM
TjUKITUAipCtJUO UnHKI

x]oeiG To ntjxc nesMctoTup
nA]i eB[o]A eiTOOT[q] OpBH
oo]t iii[u Jnpenei MAq um

, , . UMTOnpOOKTMMCIC

uujTerxApioTiA

Rev. UMn6qeicjuTw[ArA
eoc uwrieMA (3[tot

AAB TexpiAC [e;T2M
OTUMTOTAA[b MTU

MTTOTA ec[ew

OTTpiAC NAT[tl)
XM AT^IBG [ccp

i;iJuo unTH[pq Ki
KiATne uokiki[a

HKAe T(5WOT A[TtO
MOTOei^ KIIU [^AM

euez 6NeM62
;auhki

lo Part of Coptic Sermon.

Translation :

"... [lest the ties ?] of the planks [be ?] loosened [before ?] we have reached
the harbour, the hull(?)' [being] laden with bad merchandise (?) . . . unjust
merchandise, we having given occasion to the devil to mock us. But we weep-
and we undertake to yield us up to punishments to-day (?) in order that this may
not happen to us. Let us hasten (?)^ in every direction and also leave behind us
all passions, and let us cast away from us desire of riches in this place,* so that
also we may obtain the good things that shall come to us through the grace and
loving kindness of our Lord Jesus Christ our Saviour, through whom all honour is
due to Him and . . . and worship and thanks, together with His Good Father and
the Holy Spirit," the Trinity in a holiness of Unity" which is [in ?] an unfailing and
unchanging Trinity, which ruleth the universe of things in heaven and things on
earth now and at all times for ever and ever. Amen.,"

' 1. otomt(?)

- Probably the scribe's error for UApGUpiUfi, "let us weep and let us undertake," etc.

= 1. upUA (?) ; one would rather expect 20pUA.

Or, of this place, i.e., this world. ^ 1. nonWA. 1. UMTOTA.

Herbert Thompson.

Part of Coptic Sermon.

Page of a Coptic Sermon.

( 12 )

THE METALS IN EGYPT.

It might be supposed that the introduction and use of the various metals in Egypt
had been sufficiently dealt with in original works and compilations ; but frequent
mis-statements that are met with show that a summary of the matter is needed.
Dating will be referred here entirely to Egyptian dynasties, to avoid the confusion
that has arisen from arbitrary shortening of periods.

Copper is the earliest metal of which we know anything in Egypt. It occurs
in the oldest prehistoric burials of Sequence Date 30, while gold, silver, and lead
have not been yet found before their appearance in the beginning of the second
prehistoric age, S.D. 42. The nearest important source of copper was in Sinai,
where 100,000 tons of copper slag, in the Wady Nasb alone, shows what a large
industry was carried on there. Later, the more distant source of the North Syrian
mines yielded a supply to Egypt, as seen in the tribute from Alashiya or Asi ;
probably still later in origin was the overseas supply from Cyprus, which Dussaud
does not place till after the 1st dynasty. Unfortunately there are very few analyses
of metal and of ores in different neighbouring countries for comparison with those
in Egypt. At least we may note that a piece of prehistoric copper contained
r55 per cent, zinc and only "38 of tin (Naqadeh), while no zinc occurs in Cypriote
copper tools. Copper was certainly very scarce at first, as only small pins are
found, with the top turned over in a roll, probably to secure it by a string (Fig. i).
Such a pin was found with a body buried in a goat skin, without any linen, of the
earliest type of burial. The harpoon (Figs. 2, 3) and small chisel of copper both
came into use in the first prehistoric age. The metal became commoner continuouslj^
during the second prehistoric age, as shown by the increasing size of the tools ;
the adzes and, lastly, axes came in, reaching the full weight of later times at the
close of the prehistoric (Figs. 4, 5, 6).

In drawing conclusions we must not presume that we have all the means of
judging; our material is extremely imperfect, as we repeatedly find that only a
single example of some form is known to us. Only three Egyptian prehistoric
copper daggers are known (Naqadeh and El Amrah) ; only one prehistoric copper
spear-head has been found (Tarkhan). The copper helmets of early Babylonia
(Enneatum) and of Crete (Haghia Triada) are only known from sculptures, and,
without these, we should never have suspected that such forms were at all early.
The archaeological record is as imperfect as the geological, and whole classes of
products have dropped out of knowledge. Hence it is only when we have a large
amount of remains in our hands of one age that we can suppose that we have any
fair idea about it.

The first dynasty marks the greatest size of copper tools. The largest knife
and largest adze (12! inches) are of that age (Fig. 4, Tarkhan) ; even the great
adze (12 .inches), which a boat builder is shown using at Meydum {Meduin xi),
is scarcely as large. Exactly the same form has been found in Cyprus (Myres,
Catalogue, 501), but smaller (8 inches, see Richter-Cartailhac plate). As the form
hardly comes in the Egyptian series of adzes, and is not likely to have been
exported from Egypt to a copper region, it seems that Cypriote copper had reached
Egypt by the 1st dynasty. In this age a large use was made of copper wire, which
was produced by cutting strips of thin sheet copper and hammering them round.

The Metals in Egypt.

Copper and Bronze Work.

I. Pin, Early Prehistoric. 2, 3. Harpoons, Prehistoric.

4. Adze, Cypriote, 1st Dynasi y. 5. Adze of " Sa Neit," 1st Dynasty.

6. Axe of " Du-qa," 1st Dynasty (Royal Tombs, I, LXIII, W. 46).

7. Adze of " Snefru-.mer-hezt, Shemsu," IVth Dynasty.

8. Chisel of ".Senior Miner, Ambu," XIIth Dynasty?

9. Chisel, XVIIIth Dynasty? All above Copper.

10. Hollow Cast Bronze Ring, side broken away.

11. Thin Cast Figure, Bronze, 3'j-iNCH thick.

The Metals in Egypt.

Such was applied to fasten together boxes, to unite horn bracelets, and even to
secure large glazed tiles to a wall. Four samples of copper from the Royal
Tombs each contained a little bismuth, about i per cent, in a chisel ; a very small
amount is enough to harden copper considerably (Dr. Gladstone). The adze.
Fig. 6, is dated to the close of the Ilird dynasty by the name Snefru-mer-hezt.

(to

12. Four Men Beating Copper. Man Finishing Copper Bowl.
Finished Copper Vases in Background.

In the Old Kingdom the casting and beating of copper was fully developed;
scenes are shown of the beating out of bowls (Fig. 12), and the great statue of Pepy
and his son (see portrait at end) is of beaten plates. For the analysis, showing it
to be almost pure copper, see Dendereh, 61.

Of the Middle Kingdom are many fine tools ; four analyses of these from
Kahun show them to be nearly pure copper. Tin is only i per cent., e.xcepting
2 per cent, in a chisel ; arsenic is 4 per cent, in an axe, but very little elsewhere ;
antimony and iron are only slight impurities (Jllahun, 12); also in a piece of sheet
copper, of the same age, there was only i per cent, of tin {Dendereh, 61). It is,
therefore, puzzling to find in analyses of Berthelot a large amount of tin in four
Old and Middle Kingdom specimens. Either there were errors in settling the age
of the samples, or, perhaps, as they were small objects, they were cast in shape,
and the more fusible alloy was used rather than the plain copper which was beaten
for the tools.

In the XVIIIth dynasty, bronze came into common use, as will be noted
farther on ; but copper continued to be wrought for large beaten vessels in all
periods, down to the present time.

Examples of the refinement of casting are shown in Fig. 10, a hollow ring,
attached to some furniture, and now broken away round the outside ; also in
Fig. II, part of a statuette shewing the metal only a fiftieth of an inch thick over
the ash core. The heavy metal chisels were cast in open moulds of pottery, Fig. 13 ;
in Fig. 14 is a chisel from a similar mould.

Gold is generally credited with being the earliest metal used, and though it
has not yet been found in the first prehistoric age, that may be due to the graves
having been completely ransacked for it. It is well known that the eastern desert
and Nubia were gold-producing countries down to Roman times ; and whether
the metal was named nub from the country, or the country from the metal, is an
open question. Large quantities of gold rings were brought down as tribute in
the XVllIth dynasty. Other sources were, however, 'used in the Old Kingdom,

The Metals in Egypt.

as is shown by the mixture of silver, forming electrum. Such native alloy is found
in the Asia Minor stream gold (Pactolus, etc.) ; and as emery and obsidian came
from the Aegean in prehistoric times, it is to be expected that electrum would also

13. Pottery Mould for Casting Chisels.

14. Bronze Chisel, from such Mould, XVIIIth Dynasty.

15. Lead Figure, Prehistoric.

16. Lead Net Sinkers, XVIIIth Dynasty.

arrive. The alloy with silver was recognised as different from rmb, gold, hating
the name usiii, or zom, which is given in the Ilird dynasty {Mcdiwi xiii), and as
early as Aha in the 1st dynasty {Royal Tombs II, x, 2). The examples are :

Gold. Silver.

1st dynasty.

Zet

Royal Tombs I

Semerkhet ...

J) )

Ilnd dynasty.

Khasekhemui

Dr. Gladstone.

Vlth dynasty

Dendereh, 61.

(Berthelot.)

Much as gold has been sought for in the cemeteries, some is still found in
almost every place that is excavated. The principal examples, put in historical
order from our own work, are : Naqadeh, prehistoric beads ; Royal Tombs, Aha bar,
Zer jewellery, Khasekhemui sceptre and vases ; Koptos, bangle ; Riqqeh, pectoral ;
Lahun, great group of royal jewellery ; Nubt, gold plated scarabs ; Qurneh, mummy
with jewellery ; Gurob, gold pin ; Ehnasya, gold statuette, Pef-du-bast ; Defenneh,
Ra statuette, handle of tray, and much fragmentary; Memphis, Hathor head,
granulated earrings ; and Naukratis, Roman jewellery. Of course, it is not found
in excavations where the workmen are not properly rewarded.

l6 The Metals in Egypt.

Gold was largely used for gilding, covering entire tops of obelisks and whole
doors. The sheet gold weighs about one grain to a square inch, which is about
fifty times as thick as modern gold leaf.

Silver is found coming into use at the beginning of the second prehistoric
civilisation, with other Asiatic products. It was used for a cap of ajar, a spoon,
and other small objects. Later, some were placed in the tomb of Semerkhet, of
which traces of chloride remained after it had been robbed. Some silver jewellery
is found in the Xllth dynasty, such as the royal hornet, with inlaid wings, and
pieces of pectorals, from Harageh. Of uncertain age were the great feathers of
silver from a statue of Min, found at Koptos. At Qurneh bangles of the XVIIIth
dynasty were made with a row of small tubes of silver. A great quantity of silver
vases are recorded in the papyrus of Rameses III. In later times silver is
occasionally found, as at Zagazig and Defenneh, and a large silver chain at Tanis.
As a whole, silver is quite as rare as gold in cemeteries and towns, although gold
would have been sought for and removed more eagerly by robbers. Though the
proportion of gold to silver coming from any one source would be determined mainly
by the produce of the land, the totals given to the various gods by Rameses 1 1 1
during his reign must show fairly the relative amounts of the precious metals in
use. It is not quite clear how far totals recapitulate ; but the totals offered to the
various gods amount to 9 cvvt. of gold and 30 cwt. of silver ; the grand totals named
later are 20 cvvt. of gold and 33 cwt. of silver. These are in the ratio 3 to 10 and
3 to 5. Roughly, therefore, the weight of silver was two or three times that of
the gold ; the relative values were probably not far from this. The value of gold
to silver is said to have been as low as 2 to i in ancient India, and 6 to i in
mediaeval India. In other lands it has usually been between 10 and 17 to i,
at present it is 33 to i. As we know that gold was obtained in Nubia, and in the
form of electrum from the stream washings of the Aegean, while silver could only
be got by mining in North Syria, it is not improbable that the values may have
been as 3 to i in Egypt.

Silver was probably commoner in Babylonia, as is shewn by the great
engraved vase of Entemena, 14 inches high. This is a couple of centuries before
Naramsin (4000 B.C. according to Nabonidus, or 2850 B.C. according to Berlin
dating), contemporary with the Old Kingdom in Egypt.

Lead is found almost as early as silver in prehistoric Egypt, being used
for sacred figures (Fig. 15). Probably it was looked on as an inferior kind of
silver. The sulphide of lead, galena, which is the commonest ore of lead, is found
as an eye paint almost as commonly as malachite, in the prehistoric and
1st dynasty times. Both galena and lead are rarely found in the Old and Middle
Kingdoms, but lead became very common in the XVIIIth dynasty. It is often
mentioned in the tribute from Syria, and doubtless came from the Taurus,
associated with silver, which is now found there. It became so common that
country fishermen used it regularly for weighting the edges of fishing nets (Fig. 16)
as is done at present, and it continued to be thus used in the XXVIth dynasty and
Roman times. It is also found used for filling hollow bronze weights, and for
adjusting a haematite weight by plugging a hole drilled in it. In the palace of
Apries at Memphis, we find, as early as the si.xth century B.C., lead was used for
a catchment tank to receive the washings of the palace floors.

Lead was very common in Roman times all over the Empire. In Egypt it
was used for a great variety of tokens, which are supposed to have been a small
currency of local usage, struck to supply the lack of regular small coinage.

The Metals hi Egypt.

Lead was used frequently in later times for alloying with copper ; the
cheapness of the lead and fusibility for casting were the advantages. The strength,
however, was very inferior to that of bronze, and it was only employed for
statuettes, nails, etc., where an edge was not used for cutting. Strangely it occurs
in Western bronze-age tools ; sometimes in small proportion along with tin ;
but also as muchftis 30 per cent, in Brittany celts. As celts are also known made
of lead only, and therefore certainly funerary copies, so it is probable that these
lead alloys are only ceremonial. A great disadvantage of lead alloy with copper
is that it separates when heated to the melting point of the lead, the latter draining
away and leaving an alloy of 30 per cent, lead ; obviously this property is what
determines the Brittany alloy of 28i to 32^ per cent. The alloy of 18 per cent,
lead occurs as early in Babylonia as Bursin, contemporary with the Hyksos
(Heuzey, Catalogue, 314).

Tin and bronze should be considered together, as, owing to tin being found in
few regions, its source is the important question. Of the pure metal there are no
early dated examples in Europe, some from the late bronze-age lake dwellings
being probably the earliest known. In Egypt the first examples of pure tin are in
the XVIIIth dynasty ; a finger ring of tin was found at Gurob, and a thin cast
pilgrim bottle of tin at Abydos (^Abydos III, xvii, 50). As bronze is sporadically
found at a much earlier date, the view is doubtless correct that tin was not reduced
separately from the ore, but the mixed ores of copper and tin were used together.
The weight of the great ingot of tin from Falmouth Harbour throws a little light
on its date. It is 138 lb., which is lOO of the mina widely known in Mediterranean
trade, formed of 50 so-called Phoenician shekels. This must not lead to supposing
it cast for Phoenician trade, as this standard was usual in Syria, Asia Minor,
Macedonia, Spain, and known as the Italic mina from use in Southern Italy. The
celebrated octopus weight of Knossos is 40 of these same minae. This connection
seems to show that the trade was earlier than the Roman occupation, during which
the usual Roman centum pondiuvi would be the standard.

Bronze. The earliest hardening material for copper was arsenic, doubtless
made by reducing an arsenical copper ore, such as Fahlerz, or one of the arseniates
of copper. Such was found in the copper from the 1st dynasty tombs, without tin,
lead, or zinc (Berthelot) ; in the Xllth dynasty hatchet with 3*9 per cent, of
arsenic {Illahun); and in the Cypriote copper with i'3 per cent, to 47 per cent.
(Dussaud). Another means of hardening was by bismuth, amounting in some
1st dynasty examples to i per cent. ; this was also doubtless produced by some
copper ore containing bismuth naturally, and discovered to yield a superior metal
for cutting purpo.ses.

The earliest piece of true bronze known is the rod found in the foundations of
a mastaba of the Ilird dynasty at Meydum, which contained 91 per cent, tin and
5 per cent, arsenic (second analysis of unaltered core by Dr. Gladstone).

The ages of the Old and Middle Kingdom shew a curious contradiction of
evidence. On the one hand tools analysed from Kahun shew almost pure copper,
with never over 2 per cent, of tin.

Copper.

Tin.

Arsenic.

Antimony.

Iron.

Total.

Hatchet

.. 93-26

-52

3-90

-16

98-05

Chisel

96-35

2-16

98-87

Mirror

.. 95-0

Some

Little

Knife

Copper.

Tin.

. 86-2

767

8-2

692

9-8

. 68-4

163

85-0

18 The Metals in Egypt.

But analyses by Berthelot

Of a Vlth dynasty fragment give
Of Xllth dynasty, ring from mastaba, Dahshur
hook...

bracelet

nail of Fuabra

Thus if the ages of these samples are well authenticated they would shew
bronze to be usual from the Vlth dynasty ; but the only clearly dated piece, the
last one, has scarcely any tin.

The difficulty is not removed by looking elsewhere. The daggers of the
second Troy, contemporary with the Xllth dynasty, are of bronze with 8 to
II per cent. tin. As a whole, Dussaud tabulates Troy, Crete, Cyclades, and
Cyprus as using bronze in the Xllth dynasty, while Thessaly and Babylonia only
had copper, or copper-lead alloy.

The present conclusion until more analyses may enlighten us seems to be
that bronze was first brought down the Aegean in common use ; and often, but not
regularly, penetrated to Egypt during the Xllth dynasty. It did not come overland
either from Italy or from the east. This points to a northern source for the tin.
When we see how very important bronze work was later on in Hungary, how copper
abounds there, and tin in the surrounding Bohemia, Saxony, Zinnwald, and Galicia,
and that the bronze age in Hungary is placed as early as " the beginning of the
second millennium," or 1900 B.C., when it was certainly not common in Egypt, it
seems not improbable that the Hungarian regions were the earliest source of
European and Egyptian bronze. There was a well developed work in polished
stone earlier in that region, which would provide a basis of culture for the early
adoption of metal. Of the other possible sources of tin, Cornwall, Brittany,
Portugal, and Spain are too distant, Italy is barred by the lack of bronze in early
Thessaly on the road to the Aegean, and Persia would have supplied Babylonia
and Egypt long before Europe, whereas they had bronze later than the Aegean.
The Austro-Hungarian .sources seem therefore to be the most likely for the earliest
continuous use of bronze. No doubt it was produced occasionally by chance finds
of ore, in the pyramid period and onward, but it was not regularly used in Egypt
till the XVII Ith dynasty. Examples of wrought bronze are shown here in the very
thin vases. Figs. 17 and 18, and the patterned bowl, Fig. 19. Fig. 20 is of rough
hammered copper, probably of very early date.

On reaching the XVIIIth dynasty there is no question that bronze was the
standard material in Egypt. The analyses are :

Copper.

Tin.

Arsenic.

Antimony.

Iron.

Total.

Hatchet 89-59

6-67

Trace

9775

90-09

7-29

97-60

Ring, XlXth ... 77-5

9-6

757

1 6-2

Vase,XXth ... 76-8

15-1

Arrow head, XXth 81-9

122

Statue base, XXI Ind 77-9

5-0

Yet copper was used for some purposes, as in a foundation deposit of Sa-amen,
XXIst dynasty. These alloys with 5 to 16 per cent, of tin vary as those of western
bronzes, which contain 7 to 14 per cent, of tin.

Iron has had more contradictory statements made about it than any other
metal. The recent discovery of the earliest iron, by Mr. Wainwright, gave occasion

The Metals in Egypt. 19

to sum up all the known examples, and here we may repeat them with some
comment.

The earliest examples are the Gerzeh beads, of S.D. 60-63 {^Labyrinth and
Gerzeh, p. 15). These were made of hammered iron, and so scarce was it that the

Hammered Bronze and Copper Work.

17. Vase with Lotus Handle. Bronze, ^-inch thick.

18. Vase " Washer of Sandals of Amen, Tehuti-hetep." Bronze, ^V-'nch thick.

19. Bowl with Hammer Pattern. Bronze, ^jV-inch thick.

20. Copper Bowl Roughly Hammered. Vd-'NCH thick.

17-19. XVHIth Dynasty. 20. Early Dynasty.

B 2

20 The Metals in Egypt.

beads were threaded alternately with gold beads. Next is the well known piece of
sheet iron, declared by Perring to have been found between blocks of stone of the
pyramid of Khufu at Gizeh. Then Sir Gaston Maspero cursorily mentions in his
catalogue of the Bulaq Museum, 1884, that in 1882 he collected many fragments of
picks of iron in the black pyramid of Abusir, of the Vth dynasty. In both of these
cases there is lacking a certainty that the iron was not left by some later destroyers
of the buildings. An absolutely dated case is that of the mass of rust, apparently
from a wedge of iron, found stuck together with copper adzes of Vlth dynasty tyj^e,
at the level of floors of that age in the early temple of Abydos.

Coming to the Xlllth dynasty, there is the iron spear head (Fig. 21) found in
Nubia by Maclver, in the inner chamber of a multiple tomb, which contained
altogether fifteen skeletons in position, with gold ornaments and a copper dagger,
and therefore was apparently quite unplundered. From the pottery and beads,
this tomb (K. 32) like others near it was of the Middle Kingdom ; it is said to
be of the s^me age as K. 8, which contained the name of Neferhetep, the twenty-first
king of the Xlllth dynasty. Contemporary with this is probably the iron stated
to be found in the second city of Troy.

Attributed to the XVI Ith dynasty, on unknown grounds, is the pyramid of
Muhammeriah, near Esneh, where Maspero records finding a point of an iron chisel
and a ferrule of a handle, in the mortar which united two blocks of stone {Bulaq
Catalogue, as before). Attributed to the XVI I Ith dynasty is an iron stud from
a box, and an iron finger ring, in the Ashmolean Museum. Most unquestionable
of all is an iron sickle which was found by Belzoni beneath a sphinx of Horemheb,
in the avenue leading from the temple of Mut to Karnak. This is therefore fixed
to about 1330 B.C. At Troy an iron knife is said to be about 1500 B.C. This is also
the very vague date given for tombs by the Indus containing iron. The sculptures
of this age, representing double bellows and beating metal (ROSELLINI, Mon. Civ.,
plates L, LXIII), have no connection with iron working. The beating is evidently
being done in the cold, as a man holds the metal with his hands ; and a finished
vase, of the usual form in copper, is shown beyond him. The bellows are only an
improvement on the older reed blowpipes, used always before this time for smelting
work.

We can now review what may be called the sporadic Iron Age. The supposi-
tion often put forward that iron might entirely disappear in course of time, is
a mere fallacy. When buried in earth iron rusts much slower than if exposed to
air, and in many situations it is remarkably preserved. When it has at last been
turned to rust, it has become a material which can never disappear. A lump of
oxide of iron is practically insoluble when buried, and its strong colour and staining
power make it very obvious. To remove all trace of it when buried would be
impossible within the human period by any conditions.

The relative number of examples of iron to those of copper and bronze must
therefore give us a fair idea of the proportion in which they were used. The iron
was always sporadic, in no period or place has anything like a large proportion of
iron been found in the period before us. It seems impossible therefore to suppose
that it was intelligently produced by an understood process as a regular manufacture.
If men could produce at will a pound, they would produce before long a ton, and
iron would be freely used where it was applicable. Yet this was not the case at any
time before 1200 B.C. It seems therefore that the sources of the sporadic iron must
have been either native iron or else casual production by accident. The great
quantities of pure haematite in Sinai, and the enormous eruption of ferruginous basalt

The Metals in Egypt.

there, which probably burnt up forests in its outflow, are ample material for
producing either accidental or native iron. Two other points are clear : that the
iron was not meteoric is proved by its malleability in the first instance ; that there
is no reason to question the less indubitable cases is shown by the completely
proved and recorded cases of the prehistoric beads, the Vlth dynasty lump, and the

9 : 20

Iron Tools.

21. Spear Head, XIIth Dynasty. (Macivek, Buhen, PI. 88.)

22. Knife with Cast Bronze Handle, X.XIIIrd Dynasty?

23. Knife, XXIIIrd Dynasty? Ramesseum, with 22.

24. Double A.xe.

25. Sickle with Inserted Steel Teeth. '

26. Sickle with Groove for Teeth.

B 3

22 The Metals in Egypt.

Xlllth dynasty spear head. No shadow of doubt seems possible about these, and
so all the other instances may be accepted.

Now we may turn to the developed Iron Age, when the use of the metal was
continuous and extensive. It began to be used in P^gypt at about 1200 IS.C. There
is the halbert from the sand bed of the foundations of Ramessu III at Abydos
(^Abydos II, 33); the iron knives found in the brick arches of the Ramesseum,
where the objects of living use ceased about iioo B.C. One knife is very slight in
the blade, but has a bronze handle cast upon it (Fig. 22), showing that bronze was
the more usual material. Another knife (Fig. 23) is entirely of iron.

The very important instance that has lately come to light is the iron sword
with cartouches of Sety II, 1214-1210 B.C., now in the Berlin Museum {Zeitschrift
Aegyptische Sprache, L, 61, plate V; and British School Athens, XVIII, 282).
This sword, though much rusted, appears to be of the .same type as a more
perfect iron one from Egypt, which is of the European type, of Hungary or the
Balkans. It occurs also in Cretan tombs of the age just after the Mykenaean and
before the geometric style, e.Kactly agreeing with our previous dating of the
Mykenaean age. Now one important point is that this type of sword is more
commonly found of bronze than of iron, in Crete and Europe; hence 1200 B.C.
must be about the beginning of the free use of iron ; had it been common before
that in Europe such swords would have all been of iron. Also at 1200 B.C. comes
the great overthrow of the Libyan invasion, when 9000 bronze swords were taken,
showing that iron was not yet usual. This agrees with the previous, and quite
independent, assignment of 1200 B.C. as the date of iron beginning to be used in
Crete. There is thus a fairly close fixing of the turning point, from archaeological
evidence.

The next great stage is the free use of iron in Assyria. In 881 B.C. iron came
as tribute from the Chalybes region, south-east of the Black Sea. About the same
date it was obtained near Carchemish. At 800 B.C. 5000 talents of iron were
captured at Damascus. About 700 B.C. there was the immense store-house of iron
in crude ingot, estimated to contain 160 tons of metal, as well as finished articles.

In Egypt, a group of iron tools found at Thebes is dated, by an Assyrian
helmet, to the invasions of 668 or 666 B.C. {Six Temples). These are the parents
of many modern forms ; and most of them are of steel, sufficiently to take
permanent magnetism. Rather later iron tools are common in the Greek settle-
ment of Naukratis, but they do not appear in purely Egyptian sites.

Many suggestions of an Ethiopian source of Egyptian iron have been put
forward. Had iron been usual there at an early date it would probably have
become familiar in Egypt. So far there is no ground for supposing that any of the
slag heaps at Meroe and elsewhere in Ethiopia are earlier than the considerable
civilisation of that region, which began with the XXVth dynasty and continued
from 700 B.C. onwards.

The sources of the European and Euphratean iron would be quite sufficient to
account for the iron found in Egypt, even apart from the Ethiopian. Yet iron slag
is often found in crucibles at Memphis, Defenneh and Naukratis, showing that in
Greek times the ore was reduced in Egypt, from whatever sources it came. For
Western Europe doubtless Noricum was the main source, as that region the
modern Styria is one of the greatest and earliest centres of iron working. For
Assyria the Chalybes region, south-east of the Black Sea, and the Tiyari mountains,
north-east of Nineveh, would be the sources. It is almost certainly through the
Chalybes that the Greeks first knew this iron, as they called it khahips, a word that

The Metals in Egypt. 23

seems foreign in its form. There were two tribes of Chalybes, which are most fully
mentioned in the Anabasis, and by Strabo. One was in the north-west of Armenia,
the most warlike people of the region, wearing helmets and greaves, and armed
with a long spear and a falchion. Across the mountains there were the other
Chalybes along the Black Sea, behind Cerasus, who lived by working iron, and a
little west of thaJ,iron working has continued to the present time.

The name of the Chalybes, from which the Greeks took their name for the
metal, is apparently Semitic in origin. It seems obviously connected with the
Arabic halaby, a tinker ; and with the well known mutation of h and s we can
hardly refuse to see in this the soluby or steel-worker of Arabia. This word solb for
steel is Semitic, as it is clearly derived from iron being the strongest material ; solb
is loins, the strongest part ; salib is firm or hard ; salebah, solidity ; solb, steel ;
soliiby, a steel-worker ; halaby, a tinker ; Chalybes, the iron workers ; Chalups, iron ;
and our own word chalybeate ends the chain.

Whether the distinction between sideros and khalups was that of iron and steel,
deserves to be considered, certainly the Assyrian tools found in Egypt are mostly
mild steel, as they can be permanently magnetised. The distinction in use of iron
and steel is most marked in the sickles of Roman age, where the body of the sickle
has a groove all along it (Figs. 25, 26), in which is fitted the thin strip of the more
valuable steel cut into a saw-edge {Ehnasya, 23). One of the finest iron tools is
the large double axe, Fig. 24 ; unfortunately the date of it is not known.

Antimony was worked in Mesopotamia, where it was used pure, and also as an
alloy in copper. In Egypt beads of antimony are found, of the XXIInd dynasty,
and therefore they may have been brought in from the East. It is generally
reputed that the kohl eyepaint is sulphide of antimony, but that is the rarest
material. In prehistoric times galena and malachite were regularly used for the
eyes. In historic times, out of 34 analyses 21 are of galena, 5 ochre, 3 malachite,
3 manganese, and only i each of magnetite and antimony. It does not seem,
therefore, that the Egyptians had any ready source of antimony.

Zinc has only been reported once, as i| per cent, in a piece of prehistoric
copper. Probably if looked for it would be found in metal of the Roman period, as
the Roman coinage is mainly of brass. Coins of the first two centuries of the
empire average 12 per cent, of zinc, and only 2 per cent, of tin, and i^ per cent.
lead (Smyth, Catalogne of . . . Large- Brass').

Osm-iridium is found occasionally as an impurity in gold of the Xllth dynasty,
in the form of small hard white specks. The object of the Egyptian would
certainly be that of the modern worker to get rid of it if possible.

Some of the above material is due to Prof. Gowland's lecture on " The Metals
in Antiquity" {Journ. R. Anthrop. Inst., 1912, 235), which is valuable for the
accounts of known sources and processes, though not so complete on the historical
side. Dussaud's Civilisations Prchelleniques, De Morgan's L'Age de la Pierre et les
Mc'taux, and the records of my own excavations have supplied the main facts. It
still remains most desirable to have a much larger number of analyses of exactly
dated examples. A spectroscopic examination of ores from different sources, for
detecting rare elements, might give the clues to the origin of the various ancient
supplies of metals.

VV. M. Flinders Petrie.

B 4

( 24 )

PERIODICALS.

Recueil de Travaitx relatifs a la Philologie et a rArchdologie
egyptiennes et assyriemies, Vol. XXXVI, 191 4. Liv. 1-2.

und f^ ^. Hermann Kees. In the frequent figures of the ka

following a king, with the falcon-name or ^rt-name on the head, there is usually the
inscription over it describing it as " the king's ka, life of the lord of both lands,
khent zebt khent per duat" It has long been a question what localities are
described by these names zebt and per duat. One inscription at Dendereh adds
per dua etn het seshesht, " in the temple of the sistrum," i.e., of Dendereh. This
implies that the localities belong to a temple. Further, at Dendereh and at Edfu
a chamber is called the per duat. It is too small for active ceremonies, and was
probably a wardrobe. The scenes on it show the king purified with water and
incense ; the king's ka purified with incense ; and the king's bones with natron.
It appears also to be the name of part of the palace, as there is a title in the Old
Kingdom Her seshta ne per duat, " over the secrets of the per duat." When
Sanehat returned to court the king ordered his officials " Go ye to the okhenuti
duiit that he may renew his position," suggesting that it was the wardrobe of the
court. Regarding the zebt, there is a title shemsu ne zebt, also seliez zebt and mer
zebt. The first occurs on the temple of Ne-user-ra. From these evidences, and
much collateral material of less direct weight, it is concluded that the per duat and
zebt were parts of the primitive palace ; like all other parts of the palace they
became transformed into the temple system.

Saltier II, p. i, 1. 8. G. Maspero. A short note points out a mention of
a place for combats of bulls, a regular arena. This agrees with the mention by
Strabo of regular bull fights in the dromos of the temple of Ptah at Memphis.

Notes on the Story of Sinuhe. Alan H. GARDINER. This is a supplement to
Dr. Gardiner's edition of the story, giving parallel text of those parts which are
duplicated in various sources. There are now thirteen sources known, most of
which are of only a short passage on ostraca, probably writing exercises.

Das Felsheiligtum des Miti bei Aclimim. HERMANN Kees. This is an
account of the rock shrine in the cliffs north of Ekhmin, with hand copies of the
inscriptions compared with those of Lepsius. It dates from Thothmes III, with
additions by Ay and Ptolemy I and II.

Refherches sur la famille dont fit partie Montouenihat. GEORGES Legrain.
il""* partie, Les en/ants de Khaemlior. Chap. III'="ie, Branche Nsiptah. This is
a continuation of the list of monuments reported in ANCIENT EGYPT, 1914, p. 37.
The list continues :

XLVI. Chapel of Tahraqa in the temple of Mut.

XLVII. Statue of Grant collection.

Recueil de Travaux.

XLVIII-LIX. Funeral cones of Mentuemhat.

LX. Base of statue of Mentuemhat.

LXI. Stele of adoption of Nitoeris.

LXII, LXIII. Group of Mentuemhat and Nsiptah II.

LXIV. Table of offerings of Nsiptah II.

LXV. ^tatueof Nsiptah II.

LXVI. Statue of Psenmut dedicated by Mentuemhat II.

N.N. Bronze fitting of gate of Da-ast-hebu, dau. Mentuemhat.

Black Granmte Head of Mentuemhat. Temple of Mut. Cairo.

The relationships of all the persons named here are as follow :-
Astkhebt

> Da ast hebu II ?

Neskhonsu

) Nesptah.

Astkhebt

Nesptah I . Mentuemhat I \ ,, , ,t

\ \ Pa sen mut Mentuemhat 11.

/ Uzarans /

cu ^ / Zed khonsu afonkh ?

Shepncmut /

-Nesthoth.

-Horsaast.

-Da ast hebu I.

26 Reateil de Travaux.

Mentuemhat the great ruler had four wives ; the children of two are known,
but the mothers of the other two are uncertain. The total limits of the above four
generations is about 750 to 600 B.C. Mentuemhat had concentrated most of the
great titles ; hereditary noble, prince of Thebes, keeper of the royal city and of
Nekhen, sealbcarer of Upper Egypt, fourth prophet of Amen, scribe of the temple
of Amen, instructor of the priests in the temples, keeper of the royal land to its
limits. In official acts he and his son took precedence of the high priest of Thebes.

Bemerkimgen zum Atonhyitmus. Fr. W. von BissiNG. This is a criticism
of small differences in the various examples of the Aten hymn at Tell Amarna.
The conclusion is that most of the errors and variants arose from the sculptor
rendering in columns of hieroglyphs the documents written in lines of hieratic.

Note additionelle sur " Lc X' iiome de la Hatite-Agypte." V>. TOURAIEFF. A
description of a stele at Moscow giving figures of six divinities of Aphroditopolis,
the Osiride family and Atmu. The latter god seems to have been represented as
two hawks on a standard, like the ensign of Koptos. The stele was for a priestess
of Atmu Ta-khredt-ast born of Ta-khredt-khonsu.

Une stele de Hawara. G. DARE.SSY. This stele of the Ptolemaic age bears
long inscriptions, which are here given in full. The person was a prophet of Neit,

Pedasebek son of Peda and Nefru-sebek. The father's name contains that

of god walking holding the icser. The longest text is a copy of the Book of
traversing eternity, of which but few copies are known. The usual text is printed
here in duplicate with the stele. Another long text is an appeal to be remembered,
not of the old vigorous kind of the Middle Kingdom, but very diffuse and vague.
He boasts that he did not sit out and gossip on the mastaba. He was a councillor
to his district, no girl wept because of him in the time of prosperity, but each
mourned when he was enfeebled. He made every one that he instructed to know
his duty, purified and guided him. There is a nesut da lietep to Amenemhat IH,
in which Pedasebek is written Pen-sebek.

Monuments cgyptiens divers. RAYMOND WEILL, i. An archaic cylinder
of grey glazed pottery. The inscription is rudely incised, " Horus mery taui{?~),
vulture and uraeus nebty, Horus, Aty the king standing." It appears as if after
mery there were ta with two strokes of earth sign. If so this would be of Pepy I,
which would be likely enough otherwise. A cylinder of the MacGregor collection
is compared with this, but there are no signs in common, except Horus and mer,
and it is certainly of a different king. Another cylinder of white pottery has a stag
twice repeated on it.

2. Clay impressions of the basalt cylinder of Khufu, which has been for some
years in University College, London. These clay impressions were made by the
Arabs, and were commonly to be seen on sale. Capt. Weill supposes that two
different cylinders were used to make the impressions, and that the impressions
came fhbm some ancient group.

3. A cylinder of dark blue glaze of Assa, curiously cut off short at the top,
leaving only the feet of the falcon. It was for a "nesut rekh chief of the prophets
in all places, prophet of Neit north of the fortress." This title was parallel to that
of Ptah south of the fortress, both referring to the positions of the temples to the
Memphis fortress.

Reaieil de Travaux. 27

4. Another example of a dog with the Berber name Behit, Hke the dog BeJmka
of the Antef tomb, has been met on the remains of a tomb cut up for sale. It
appears to be of the Vth dynasty.

5. A piece of a limestone tablet, with squares ruled on it, and the cartouche
Ra-maot engraved. This is connected with two scarabs which have the name
Ra-maot Sebek-hetep. This name is not yet known on any larger monuments,
and the position of it is obscure. It is probably of the XlVth dynasty.

6. A wooden stamp has a cartouche on it, surmounted by feathers. It reads
Amen neb and a uraeus.

7. An order scribbled in hieratic on a potsherd, refers to a case to be made by
a carpenter, of which a sketch is put below the writing. The sketch has by it, at
the side " Height 5 palms," along the top " Width 4 palms," and the proportion of
the sketch agrees to this. F'urther out on one side is "4 in the ineiui " \ hence menu
is the name for the horizontal distance away from the eye, what we call " deep back."
The proportions are familiar enough in the boxes for funeral objects, about a foot
square and fifteen inches high, with a small cornice. Capt. Weill, however, supposes
it to have been the stone basis for a statuette.

8. An account is given of a fine tomb at Tuneh, which contained a sarcophagus
now in the Cairo Museum, and many ushabtis now scattered. This was of Tehuti-
ardas, son of Shepses-ardas, both high priests of Hermopolis.

9. A broken lid of a stone box, with a bound captive lying on it, bears the
name of Sheshenq III.

10. A small ivory pendant, in the form of a couchant bird, has on the base a
figure of a king squatting, and a blundered cartouche of late time.

1 1. A throne of a seated figure, coming from Saft el Henneh, bears inscriptions
of Kharu (the Syrian), born of Pa-un-nekhti and the lady Tadaher.

12. Some of the inscribed blocks are described that have come to light in the
recent cleaning of the Deir Amba Shenudeh, or Deir el Abyad or White Monastery.
They are of Aahmes, and a shrine of Hakar of black granite. Strangely no notice
is taken of the great red granite shrine of Naifaarud, which has anciently been cut
up and used to floor the nave of the basilica. A reference to the Research Account
volume Athribis, p. 14, would have supplied this, and also explained that the ruins
near the monastery are those of an earlier Christian church and town, and not of a
pagan temple, as is suggested in this paper.

13. Some pottery stands are formed of three closed vases, joined by cross
pieces ; they are of Coptic date.

Einige Bemerkungen iiber den Thronwechsel ini Alien Reich. Amelie Hertz.
This paper calls attention to the uniform formula of the beginning of each reign on
the Palermo stone, which was already noticed some years ago. First is nesut bait
khou, the manifestation of the king of Upper and Lower Egypt ; then the union of
the lands, shewn by entwined plants around the sina ; then deben liA anb, " procession
round the wall " as it has been rendered. Perhaps " procession behind the fortress "
would be a closer idea. It is again proposed that this is a ceremonial at the
beginning of a reign, a perambulation of the boundaries to take possession. There
follows a discussion of the months and days named for the fractions of years
beginning and ending reigns. Unfortunately they have been wrongly extracted,
10 for 9 months, and ignoring the months lost in fractures of the stone. The

28 Remeil de Travaux,

intervals really appear as follows, those with a ? being inferred from the space now

damaged :

Mena(?) 6 m. 7 d.1 ^. . ^ ,,

^ ' ' . > 10 m. 20d., mterregnum 45 d.

+ 4m. 13 dj ^ ^^

Shepseskaf 3 m. ? 24 d.l , 1 . , j

^ -^ ^ , > 1 1 m. 5d., mterregnum ^od.

+ 7 m. ? II dJ ^ ^ ^

Neferarkara om. 6d. "1 j,. i

^ S- 1 1 m. I ^d., interregnum 22 d.

+ 2m. 7d.J ^ ^

Note sur l' Isthmus de Sue::. Jean Cledat. This paper describes various
objects from Tell el-Maskhuta.

1. The upper and lower end pieces of a door, cast in bronze, with a dedication
" Bastet give life to Peda-atum son of Peda-khonsu, born of the lady of the house
Tada-hernepe, year 6."

2. Bronze base of a statuette with inlaid silver inscription of Nepat the
goddess of grain, dedicated by the scribe of rolls of the palace Zed-neit-auf-onkh.

3. Head of rose granite of Saite period, of a servant of Bastet, uartii of the
, named Uakaremen. A large scarabcus rests on the head.

4. Handles of green glazed sistra of Aahmes and Nekht-nebef; one names
the temple in Paqerhet.

5. Fragments of a blue paste cup of Aahmes.

6. Fragment of a green glazed plaque with falcon name of Nekht-nebef.

7. Fragment of black granite, mentioning either Pankhy or Cambyses.

8. Bronze Osiris, with dedication by Nesptah son of Tayfdcn.

9. Bronze Harpocrates, with dedication by Aoha-ardas son of Penefu-da-
bastet, born of Peda-uazet-pe-nefu.

10. Bronze Osiris, dedicated by Peda-pep(?).

11. Fragments of sculptured limestone, of Nekhthorheb, one with the head of
Nut, and naming the gods within the temple of Paqerhet.

29 )

REVIEWS.

Les Civilisations P reliellcniques da?ts le Bassin de la Mer Egce. Rene
DUSSAUD. Large 8vo, 482 pp., 325 figures, 13 plates. 24 frs. (Geuthner, Paris.)
2nd edition. 1914.

This work, which appeared a couple of years ago, has here been re-issued with
revision and many additions. It was much needed as a general view of the
subject for those who cannot have the large number of scattered publications in
which the discoveries of the last decade have appeared. The requirements have
been well met in general, without neglecting any part of the wide field. It is only
to be expected that in such a range some part of the facts or reasons should escape
the summarist ; and such points that we may notice here do not reflect on the
construction of the work as a whole. VVe hope that future editions will give scope
for rendering it still more suitable and exact. It will perhaps be most convenient
here to give an outline of the volume, noting minor matters by the way, and then
to deal with some larger questions at the end.

Reliefs o.n the Stone Vases of Haghia Triada. Sc.ile 2 : 3.

The work is divided into six chapters on different regions, and two general
chapters on the religion and ethnology. Crete naturally comes first, with 81 pages,
as it has yielded a more continuous view of the early civilisations than any other
of the regions. The main sites are described, Knossos, Phaestos, and Haghia
Triada, following well known details. No attempt is made to explain the remark-
able feature in these palaces of the very wide flights of steps, 35 to 45 feet wide ;
they seem to point to large groups or fraternities in procession having been a main
feature of the religious festivals. The tombs are described, with the strange
ossuaries, which seem to show the same custom as in modern times, of removing

Reviews.

skeletons from graves after two or three years and placing them in an ossuary.
Nine types of grave are now recognised, no one of which extends over more than
three of the nine Minoan ages.

The discussion of the pottery, metal work, painting, and other arts is arranged
by periods, and is fairly complete. The only regret is that some of the supreme
examples are poorly rendered. The figures of the great conical vase of Haghia
Triada do not shew the very important details of the helmets, nor other points ;
and the cup is in bad perspective, shortening the figures. We here give photographs
from casts of these, as they are not sufficiently known (Figs, i and 2). Another
matter which yet claims representation is the beautifully varied series of stone
vases from Mochlos, which give a marked character to the early period (Figs. 3-7).

Coloured Marble Vases from Mochlos.
3, 4. Copied from Egyptian. 5. Egyptian, VIth Dynasty.

6. Influenced by Egypt.

(Front Seager's Mochlos.)

7. Typical Cretan.

The exquisite blade of a dagger from Mochlos, with its fine arched ribbing and
trefoil ornament, gives perhaps a more vivid sense of the taste and feeling of its
period than anything else that has survived.

The table of stratification of Knossos shews the astonishing fact that the whole
of the nine classified periods occupy less thickness than the great neolithic stage
beneath them. It is tfue that in some periods a great deal was swept away when
founding new buildings, but yet the classified age of probably four thousand years
cannot be much longer than the neolithic. We are thus faced with a continuous
settled life in Crete quite as ancient as that of the pre-historic Egyptian. In the
table of chronology it is strange how the consistent and detailed history left by the
Egyptians is ignored, as if it had no more foundation than the vague guesses which
modern writers try to substitute for it. The Egyptian history is not a supposition

Reviews.

of any modern writer, but a consistent mass of national record preserved by many
sources, which very few people take the trouble to understand.

In dealing with dress, a strange remark is made that the appearance of the
corset must be relatively late because it supposes the use of copper. It is very
doubtful if there fver was a metallic corset till a century ago ; probably all the
peasant corsets of Eastern Europe now are built with beech-wood busks. The
curious baggy dress shewn on a Cretan seal is closely like a dress which came into
fashion in the XlXth dynasty in Egypt ; it is unlike anything before it in either
country, and perhaps therefore due to some third centre (Figs. 8-1 1). Unfortunately

~r i..^ ' jftt

\\y

Baggy Dress, Greek and Egyptian.

, 9. Sealings from Zakro.
10. Cretan Sealing.

II. Egyptian, XIXth Dynasty.

no authority is given for the assertion that the female sphinx is represented in
Egypt from the IVth dynasty; it is usually believed that such are not known
before the XVIIIth dynasty. Surely, also, the well-known octopus weight is of
red gypsum and not of porphyry.

The second chapter is on the Cyclades, and here the material is not so
hackneyed as that of Knossos. A general outline of the system of tombs, and the
u.se of obsidian and metal, comes first. Then the remains of Thera, Delos, and
Melos ; where Phylakopi with its succession of three towns is described. The
pottery series of these towns is quoted and figured from Mr. Edgar's researches.
It is expressly stated that Melos is the sole source of obsidian work in the Aegean ;
if so, it is remarkable that some found in Egypt is referred to Samos by the
Mineralogical Department of the British Museum. Obsidian was used together
with metal, and was given up only in the latter part of the bronze age. The
discussion of lamps leads to a misunderstanding of a lamp with a sub-chamber,
which is supposed to be for catching drippings of oil. Any oil that dripped
through the pottery oil-holder would as readily soak into the body beneath. It
can only be explained as a water chamber not to keep the lamp cool, but to

32 Reviews.

saturate the pottery, so that the oil should not soak into it. Such a system in
Egypt is described by Herodotus, and found provided in the limestone lamps of
the Xllth dynasty.

A brief chapter is given to the Trojan discoveries, stating the stratification of
the successive cities and their ages. The dates are unfortunately given in the
arbitrarily reduced chronology ; it is much clearer to keep to the dynastic
equivalents. The first two primitive towns were of the Old Kingdom (IV-VI) ;
the great second age, to which belonged all the gold jewellery of Schliemann, is of
the Middle Kingdom age (XI-XIV) ; three villages fill up the Hyksos age; and
the Homeric Troy is of the XVII Ith and XlXth dynasties.

The fourth chapter treats Continental Greece pretty fully. The great sites are
described ; and Malta is also brought in, illustrated by pottery and a figure, though
no plan or description is given of the great structures there. The glass from Spata
is described as usually white, more rarely blue ; the white is really a decomposed
blue. It is stated to have been poured liquid into moulds, but all early glass was
worked in a pasty state, and pressed into moulds. In the third period of
Orchomenos, called Minyan by the excavators, and dated at Phylakopi to the
Middle Kingdom (pp. 182-3), the tall-stem cups (p. 186) occur which are much like
the Hittite "champagne-glass" cups of the same age (see Ancient Egypt, I, 172).
This strongly points to some connection, of trade rather than of race, which also
extended to Egypt, where such long-stemmed cups or bowls were made in the
early part of the Middle Kingdom. Another remarkable occurrence is that of the
steatopygous figure in Thessaly with purely neolithic work of an early type. This
is probably later than the steatopygous figures of the French caves, but perhaps
before the similar figures of Malta. An interesting remark is that the mainland
buildings have fronts with two pillars and three openings, whereas the Cretan style
is with one pillar dividing the entrance in two. Such is also the style of rock
tombs in Palestine, perhaps derived from the Cretan invasion. The supposed
Phoenician sources of the Mykenaean culture is rightly repudiated ; the Phoenician
power arose much later than growth of any pre-hellenic civilisation. Some brief
notice is given of the Sicilian, Italian, and Iberic connections, the latter of which is,
however, very uncertain.

Cyprus is treated at length ; as a land of such a secondary art it receives undue
notice compared with the original styles of other lands. The miserable mismanage-
ment of its antiquities during British occupation is described, as well as the earlier
frauds of Cesuola. Prof Myres' work is recognised as the basis of scientific
classification, and the different periods of the pottery are fully stated. The metal
work is also well described. The largest copper adze found in Cyprus (Fig. 185, 12)
is of exactly the form of the copper adzes of the 1st dynasty in Egypt, some of
which are half as large again. This points to Cypriote copper being already worked
at that date.

The whole question of the thrusting and cutting weapons is hardly put in
shape. An entire distinction should be made between the rapier and dagger
with piid-rib, which are for thrusting, and the flat sword and flat dagger with
rounded end, which are used for cutting. The mid-rib type belongs to pre-historic
Egypt, Cyprus, and Mykenae ; the flat blade is found in Syria, and the Hyksos
and XVIIIth dynasty periods. The varieties of attachment are noted by rivets or
by a tang, but the meaning of the difference is not noted. The rivets are required
for attachment to handles of ivory or horn, the short round handles generally used
for thrusting ; the tang is intended to fit through a longer handle of wood or bone.

Reviews.

grarf)ed bj' the whole hand, and more generally used for slashing. A doubt is
expi jssed whether the Aegean smiths influenced those of Europe and Scandinavia ;
the evidence of the diffusion of spiral design should suffice to shew such influence,
if not, indeed, a real family of work.

In the chapter on the Aegean influence in Egypt and Syria the author seems
to be less at home 'in his material. He states that in the 1st dynasty the Egj'ptian
texts call the population of the Aegean isles Hanebti. Certainly there is nothing
until late times to shew where the Hanebii lived, and it would be interesting to
have any reference to the Hanebti so early as the 1st dynasty. The black ware of
the 1st dynasty at Abydos, which is absolutely identical with that made in
Knossos, is quite ignored ; as also arc
the northern decorated vases found in
the Royal Tombs and at Abusir. What-
ever may be their source Aegean,
Asianic or Syrian, at present unfixed,
they shew an important trade connection
with the no. th. Also the great mass of
fragments of over 700 Mykenaean vases
found at Tel. el-Amarna is barely hinted
in a footnote. Thus the most important
connections, 1 y their age, and by their
numbers, scar^ ^ly appear, and the pro-
jxjrtions of the historical connection with
Egypt are not shewn. With a char-
acteristic disregard of the reader, not a
single illustration is given of the Old or
Middle Kingdom connections, e.xcept one
at the end of the chapter ; while pottery
of the iron age, 'Vom Cyprus, is thrust
into the early Egyptian discussion.

The Egyptian gryphon of Mentu is
said to be derived from the Mykenaean
gryphon, but the derivation is clearly
from Egypt to Greece. Less than eight
pages are given to the Egyptian relations,

although they are the basis of the history; and only four illustrations appear,
which are quite insufficient.

The Syrian and Cypriote connections are much more fully handled. There is
no hint as to the abundant Egyptian dating of the brown bilbils; these are here
classed as Cypriote, with imitations from Syria. The best part of the chapter is
the discussion of the bowls with rows of imitations of Assyrian and Egyptian
subjects, dating from about 700-550 B.C. While Poulsen would put them to the
credit of the Phoenicians, Dussaud gives reasons, from the Aramaic dedications
and the subjects, for their being Cypriote. Some assertions seem to need support.
That " the primitive potter was often a nomad " is hard to reconcile with the
regular use of skin, wood, and basket vessels by nomads, ancient and modern.
There is not a chip of pottery to be found on the South Palestine sites, even
though they were settled towns for ages, because the nomad usages prevailed.
The long series of types of Syrian pottery published by the Palestine Fund are quite
ignored. The Gezer game-board (Fig. 217) is called an idol, although it is a

12. Pottery Game-board ok 60 holes.
XIIth Dynasty, Kahun.

34 Revinvs.

well known type found in {x;rfection in Susa, with exactly the same system of holes
for recording like a cribbage board ; and it is also found with the same holes in
Egypt (Fig. 12). That a counting game-board was modified to a suggestion of the
human figure does not imply any religious meaning. The body of the chariot on
the Enkomi ivory is said to be derived from Assyria ; but just the same form
occurs long before, from the tomb of Amenhotep II at Thebes. The Tridacna
shells with Assyrian motives are illustrated, and their Cypriote origin considered.
A fine plate shews the strongly Assyrian style of the votive bucklers from Crete ;
this was perhaps due to direct influence through A^ia Minor, as there is nothing of
Cypriote style traceable. On the whole, M. Dussaud inclines to give Cyprus
a much more important place than would seem warranted by the entirely borrowed
sources of its work, from Egypt and Assyria. It was only original in its
clumsiness and poverty of design.

The chapter on Cults and Myths takes us back to the refreshing originality of
Crete. The seals, frescoes, and figures of religious subjects are fully given, and
their meaning discussed, in a chapter which is the longest in the volume. Of
course the Cretan cross is figured, but no mention is made of it in the text ; at
least it should be remarked that the stem of it is a conjectural restoration.

The last chapter, on the Aegean Peoples, deals with different branches of the
civilisation, as well as the ethnology. The shipping is well illustrated ; but in the
alphabet question, which occupies sixteen pages, there is apparently no consciousness
of the fact that the signs discussed were all used by the Mediterranean peoples and
in Egypt long before the Phoenicians. The Phoenician tradition dominates, and
it is said that the prototype alphabet must have been composed of twenty-two letters
identical with those of the Phoenician alphabet. The regular scheme of repetition
which is imbedded in the alphabetic order proves that much is missing, and that
much has been added to the prototype alphabet. Further on, we find a similarly
antiquated point of view as to the identity of the Mediterranean peoples named in
Egypt ; for we here see Sagalassos, Sardes, Ilion, Dardanians, and others doing
duty as they did fifty years ago. Modern work has put the whole subject in
a different point of view.

We may now turn to some of the general questions involved in this work.
There are important historical data as to the rise of the civilisations of certain
lands. In the Cyclades there is no neolithic period, and they do not appear to
have been inhabited before the copper age (p. lOo). The western coast of Asia
Minor, excepting the Troad, does not seem to have had any civilisation before the
age of the XVII I th dynasty (p. 203). The Akhaian invasion of Greece, about the
XVIIIth dynasty, brought probably the earliest Indo-European speech to that
peninsula (p. 441). These are all landmarks of importance in the early ages.

An unexpected boundary to the Aegean culture is presented by Thessaly,
where there is no link with the south before the XVIIIth dynasty, but on the
contrary a neolithic age and a copper age which are a whole cycle later than
elsewhere (p. 190). Moreover, Sicily and Southern Italy are linked with the style
of Njorthern Greece down to that time. It is only in the Mykenaean stage, late
bronze age, that Northern Greece and the West, with the whole length of the
Adriatic, came into line with the Aegean (p. 212). We must realise, therefore, that
the Cretan civilisation touched its bounds on the west and north, near by in the
Peloponnesus, while it stretched out on the other side to Egypt and Syria.

A valuable table at the end shows the relative periods of nine different regions ;
the equivalence of the stages side by side enables the comparisons to be readilj*

Revieivs. 3 5

grasped, and we need not complicate it by the very questionable dating in years.
One of the most significant results is the difference in the introduction of bronze.
In Crete, the Cyclades, Troy, and Cyprus bronze appears in the age of the Xllth
dynasty ; yet Egypt then remained in the copper age, and bronze does not
regularly appear there till later. This bears strongly on the origin of bronze,
shewing that the un came from the north, and not from the east. The abundance
of bronze at an early period in Hungary suggests that the Zinnwald may have
been the source of tin then, as it has been in later ages.

Regarding the chronology followed in the table and elsewhere, it is a remark-
able admission that the strongest reason to be found for the short dating is that
the palace of Knossos of the XVIIIth dynasty age is built upon the foundations
of that of the Xlllth dynasty (p. 56). As the whole ground was cleared for the
later building the superposition must be expected, whether the interval were one
or ten centuries ; and it no more shows a connection of age than do our modern
buildings of London which cut into the Roman wall. Each case only shows that
a thorough clearance of loose soil was made. There seems to be not a single clear
piece of evidence to set against the solid and consistent history given by the
Egyptians. An excellent warning against assuming that similar things are
contemporary is given on p. 62 ; to which we may add that the larnax, or pottery-
box coffin, belonging to about 1200 B.C. in Crete, is identical with that made at the
beginning of the 1st dynasty in Egypt, two thousand years before, even on the
shortest reckoning.

A very important assumption is that of Alashiya (which is so frequently
named in the XVIIIth dynasty) being the same as Cyprus (p. 248). The question
of the position of Alashiya is not discussed, and the minute study of all the
evidence by Mr. Wainwright is never mentioned. That writer's exhaustive con-
sideration of the land of Keftiu is summarily rejected without any reason (p. 199).
The whole question should be much more thought out by M. Dussaud. He
attributes much importance to Cyprus, while Mr. Hall has lately shown that
Cyprus and Egypt had very slight contact. We find continually the assumption
that Kaphtor, Keftiu, and Crete were all identical, and that Alashiya was Cyprus,
one word being substituted for the other without any hint that the author is
translating his facts by surmises. We see that Mr. Wainwright exhaustively
using all the facts and keeping strictly to them finds that there is no confusion or
mistake in the Egyptian paintings of details. His results are therefore certainly
preferable to those of our author, who concludes of the Keftiu that " the detail is
not always comprehensible " (p. 285), and "often the artists put more haste than
conscience in their work, and we have the proof of it when they mix, in the hands
of foreigners, Egyptian with exotic products, or when they attribute Aegean vases
to neighbouring peoples such as the Retenu of Syria" (p. 287). When assumptions
are so freely made as to identifications, it is to be expected that the confusion of
the modern writer should be attributed to the ancient painter.

The reader's difficulties have been thoughtfully met in one way, by giving a
warning when two sites of similar names might be confounded. Other difficulties
are not sufficiently considered, as there is hardly enough systematic grouping put
forward. Tables of the periods and localities, placed before each chapter, would
enable a reader to grasp the meaning of descriptions much more easily. In one
case it is needful to track from a description on p. lOl to find the types stated on
pp. 107-8, and then to go back to the illustration on p. 85. The general description
seems to have been written first, and the precise facts and figures dropped in

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36 Reviews.

afterwards. The main grievance is that the figures and text so often part company ;
the view of Phaestos is put into the account of Knossos, the plan and view of
Haghia Triada into the text of Phaestos, the most important subjects o!i pp. 67-70
have nothing to do with the text there, the weight from Knossos is put into the
Cyclad tomb chapter, the descriptions on pp. loi, 169, and 313 have no references
given to the illustrations, which are strayed far away, and there is no description to
Fig. 279. The whole adjustment of figures and text should be sternlj- kept in
hand by the author, and the printer not allowed to make such confusion. The
publisher keeps to the disastrous custom of paper covers that will not hold together.
A volume of nearly 500 pages of thick heavy paper, lightly stitched and unbound,
will not bear any opening without falling to pieces. When will French publishers
put a sixpenny board cover on books costing a pound, so as to save them
from ruin ?

It is greatly to be hoped that the present troubles will not long dela\- a third
edition of this valuable summary, improved by more systematic treatment and
further study. There is no other work which gives so useful and complete a survey
of one of the greatest advances in ancient history.

Aegean Archaeology. By H. R. H.\LL. 8vo, 263 pp., }ji plates, 112 figures.
\2s.6d. 1914. (Lee Warner.)

This volume gives a well-ordered and systematic account of the pre-Hellenic
civilisation in its various branches. The material is of course familiar to those who
have read recent books, and there is no fresh light on the subject ; but for many
readers who wish for a connected view of what they only know by straj- fragments,
this will be a valuable handbook. The full references will serve as a key to the
more detailed publications. One may only regret that so many things are mentioned
without any illustration ; really a portfolio of everything that is known in this
subject is what is much wanted now for students.

An outline of all the e.xcavations and sites serves first of all to put the reader
in touch with the localities and course of discovery. Early Troy is carefully fenced
out, as not being Aegean in culture ; yet, as it is on the Aegean, whatever is there
found is in "Aegean archaeology," and deserves to come in as much as an)' other
culture. The stone and metal work occupies the next chapter, noting especially
the vases with reliefs. A full account is given of the varieties and styles of pottery,
both of Crete and the Cyclades ; and the importance of pottery is emphasized, as
being continually changing, abundant, and not worked up again like metal objects.

The town and palace plans are discussed in detail and illustrated. Another
chapter deals with the shrines and tombs. Decoration, painting and sculpture are
fairly exemplified. The writing is described, but some example of the Cretan
language, as preserved in Greek letters, would have been of interest, to give an idea
of the sounds actually used. Lastly the surprising costume is described, and the
weapons and tools. Thus a comprehensive view of the type of life and methods of
the civilisation is fairly given.

Some slight oversights may be noticed. Red porphyry is named more than
once, though on the next page (66) it is correctly called purple gypsum. It is
suggested that the Egyptian " neolithic " potters turned to making stone vases on
the introduction of metal (p. 72) ; but metal has nothing whatever to do with the
grinding of stone vases, and the stonework fell off along with the pottery, and
decayed as metal came into use. The lustrous black ware is not turned red by
overfiring (p. 74) but by access of air in the burning. The sloping-sided door is

Reviezvs. 37

not " Egyptian " (p. 122), being never found in Egypt. Grey colour was often used
in Egypt (p. 179), generally for grounds, as at Saqqareh, Meydum, and Qurneh.
The sword and rapier are confused, as is usual (pp. 247-9) ; the dagger can scarcely
be derived from the spear-head, as it is much older in Egypt, and was probably a
more primitive form of flint weapon.

In general, we may welcome the prominence of the real bases of archaeology
the importance of pottery as a dating material the partial repudiation of the fable
that objects " work down " in strata, the supposed instances shewing merely
unobservant digging the remark that it is easy to go wrong over the time intervals
between strata. Mr. Hall condemns the German habit of framing theories regardless
of facts, as illustrated by the solar theories of Max M tiller and his school, which
captivated an ignorant world ; and it is well said that " Archaeology then came to
the rescue of history from the morass into which philology had dragged her."
There is, however, another Germanism which strangely is still in full force in this
book the Berlin theory of Egyptian chronology, which defies all the history and
the collateral facts which support it. Archaeology will not come into her own
until facts rule and theories serve. Mr. Hall shews in this book a freer style than
usual, with more comparisons, and more enthusiasm, which well befits the intro-
ductory purpose of such a volume.

The Tomb of Hesy. By J. E. QuiBELL. 4to, 40 pp., 32 plates. 56 frs. 25.
1913. (Cairo Museum ; Quaritch.)

It is singular how little has been known of the tombs from which the most
celebrated works have been brought. The figures of Rahetep and Nefert came
from tombs at Meydum, which were left neglected till the beauty of the sculpture
was ruined, and were afterwards largely destroyed ; the tombs of the Sheykh
el Beled statue, and of the panels of Hesy, at Saqqareh, had been lost to sight, and
it is only by hunting up memories of half a century ago that Mr. Quibell has
recovered the clues from the last surviving workmen of Mariette.

At the north of Saqqareh, above the village of Abusir, a cemetery of some
500 mastabas has been recently cleared ; they were nearly all small, and not of
individual interest. Among the few large ones, that on the top of the hill was the
most important, built at the beginning of the Ilird dynasty for the great official
Hesy, or Ra-hesy, "rewarded by Ra." This is 141 feet long and 69 wide; but at
first it was only about half that size each way, and was enlarged twice or three
times. It still stands si.vteen feet high, but was originally much higher. In the
second facade which was built were placed the celebrated wooden panels in the
recesses of the false doors. There were originally eleven, but only five and a
fragment of another remained undecayed. Of these panels excellent photographs
are given in this volume, of which we reproduce, in our portraits, one which is not
usually known. The wall which enclosed this facade, forming a narrow corridor,
had painted on it a series of offerings ; the.se were discovered by Mr. Quibell,
and the careful drawings of the paintings form the most important part of the
publication.

The first question that arises is whether this long series of elaborate paintings
are of the actual size of the object.s. As these are by far the earliest paintings of
property, and are remarkably detailed, it seems not unlikely that they would be
made like the objects, not only in form and colour, but also in actual size. A
difficulty in the enquiry is that not a single plate has any scale on it, except the
plans ; nor is any scale stated in the text except that of a plate of fragments and

c 3

38 . Reviews.

one of patterns, not even the stone and pottery vases have any hint of size to
them. From three chance mentions of the length of objects it may be gathered
that the scale is i to 1 14 of reduction from the wall drawings in the plates. The
scale of the detailed figures in the text, and of the coloured plates, varies without
any rule, or any scale attached. This omission is a serious bar to making use of
so elaborate and costly a publication. Taking, however, the scale of i to ir4 for
the wall plates, it appears that the actual sizes of some paintings are as follow :
copper axes, 3! to 4 inches wide; handles, 19 to 20 inches long; balance beams,
8 to 13J inches long; alabaster tables, i6'4 inches diameter, 57 to 6'4 inches high ;
tent pole, 83 inches long; boxes, 15J to 16 inches square; seat, 13 inches wide,
iii inches high seats are usually narrow, those from Qurneh were 17A inches
wide, 10 inches high, others I2i and 11 inches wide; bed-frame poles, 57,40, 65^,
6t, inches long actual bed poles are, half of them, about 70 inches, and the other
half 38 to 62 inches; sekheiii sceptre, 238 inches long, agreeing with usual pro-
portion to a figure ; head rests, 73 inches high, 60 inches wide actual head-rests
average 7-5 inches high, and S"0 to 77 inches wide. Thus in each case the painted
figures seem to be well within the usual variation of the actual sizes of such objects,
and we may be justified in regarding them as having been directly measured off
from the objects themselves. The importance of this we shall see presently. We
will now follow Mr. Quibell's description of the paintings, with further discussion
of their real meanings.

All over the false door front of the mastaba are painted the elaborate chequer
patterns which are well known on early tombs ; they are here shown with a row
of loops along the bottom edge by which the coloured material is lashed down to
a bar along the top of the dado. Evidently they were originally woven hangings,
the detail of which is here copied. The strange white-on-black chain pattern is
here, but is still quite inexplicable.

At the dark inner end of the long corridor are painted four lamps on tall stands,
40 inches high, in the position where such lamps would be needed. The outer
wall of the corridor has, at the inner end, just the foot showing of a life-size figure
of Hesy. At his side are three cases for papyri, doubtless the registers of his
property. Before him is first the serpent game ; it has seven coils divided into
over 500 sections. Before it is a tray with three lions and three animals, which
are most like lionesses, yet they wear collars as tamed animals. With these are
six groups of six balls each, apparently twelve black, twelve red, and twelve yellow.
There is at Saqqareh a scene of playing the serpent game with balls on the divisions
of it ; these balls and lions belong, therefore, to the game here.

By this is the usual 10 x 3 game board, with numbering beginning at the
bottom right hand, as in later times. The tray of pieces contains two rows of
seven men of the usual thimble shape, and four gaming reeds, two with black cross
lines and two with red. These reeds were, therefore, used to throw like dice to
show a chance number.

A third game is a long narrow board divided across in si.xteen yellow bands,
alternating with si.xteen narrower green bands. The tray of pieces with this contains
five black and five white tablets, like blank dominoes.

Three trays of tools lie beside the games; they are nearly alike, and the best
preserved painting shows the saw, axe, three chisels of different widths, drill, bow
for drill (?), drill cap, and two stone hammers, or polishers.

Below the tools are two trays, each containing two balance beams of different
lengths, and two sets of weights (Fig. i). The .smaller set, of 11, is too much

Reviews.

damaged to trace its system. The larger set of lo is numbered from lo up to lOO;
the sizes imply that the thickness of the weights increased proportionately to the
length and breadth. Taking the largest, of lOO units, it is 5'22 x 2'88 inches by
the drawing, or exactly 15 square inches ; at the usual gravity of hard stone, 27,
this would be 10,200 grains for each inch of thickness. The usual thickness for
such stone weighd^ is about half their width, so that it would be about 14,000 or
15,000 grains. This is just the lOO cjedet weight. If of the gold standard it would
need to be 2 inches thick, which is a less likely proportion. In the second tray the
set of small weights seem to be replaced by a set of small measures of capacity.
That very small bulk measures were used, we know by the set of bronze cups from
Nubt, which were for measuring gold dust, in a long binary series from h to ^4-^^^ of
a dchen. {Xagada, p. 6y.)

I. Tray with Balance Beams AiND Weights Numbered 10 to 100.
Tomb of Ra-hesy.

Next arc two mysterious objects, nearly 12 x 14 inches, which might possibly
be a kind of sieve formed of narrow strips of wood, used in searching for precious
stones. Beyond are two red leather bags of about the same size, with necks falling
over and tied ; perhaps used for .storing precious stones or gold. Two circular
stone tables on conical stems, which follow, are of the type usual in the early
dynasties.

The most remarkable group of the whole now appears, two series, each of 14,
of graded measures of capacity : the upper series made of wooden staves, coopered
with top, bottom, and middle bands (Fig. 2) ; the lower series, coloured red, probably
of thin beaten copper. On comparing these two sets they are seen to be of the same
series of sizes in both materials. As the copper must have been thin, the wood
must also have been very thin for the contents to be alike. The wooden set is
evidently for dry measure, the metal set for liquids. Each measure nearly follows
the modern rule that the depth is equal to the diameter. As we have already seen
that the sizes of the drawings are probably the same as that of the objects, and that
this is strongly confirmed by the weights, we may now apply this result to the
measures. The diameter is obvious, and the thickness of the metal would not
appreciably alter the capacity. The depth should be measured from the top of the
bottom band, as probably showing the internal depth. On extracting these, and

C 4

Reviews.

taking the average of the two series (or stating both if very different) we have the
following results in cubic inches:
cubic inches.

960 32 X 30-0
502 16x31-4

960
502
378
190

58-2
27-5

21-8

5 "9
. 3

r8-6
\ri
5-3
37
3-0
2-4

{:^

{

582
275

2 X 29-1
I X27-5

\ X 29-2
\ X 29-6

378

190

16x23-6
8 X 23-7
4X 22-7

2rb

f.5-'
In-.

I X 21-8

A X 2;

5-3 ix2r2

2-4 ixi9-2

In the first column are the whole of the measures. In the second column it is
seen how si.x of them closely agree in a binary series ; and in the third column
seven others agree in another binary series, as nearly as can be expected from the
wall drawings and modern copies from them. The unit of the second column is
between 29 and 30 cubic inches ; that of the third column is about 23 cubic inches.

J. Ukawings ui- Two Wooden .\li:A.ii;i;ii^ oi- 16 am; j2 IIo.ns. Tomu ok Ka-hl.^v.

Tlie Egyptian Iwn was 292 + "5 cubic inches, agreeing with the second column.
The Syrian saton or sabitha was 740 cubic inches, which -~ 32 is 23-1 cubic inches.
This is also yV of the issaron, or j^^ of the ephu of Hebrew measure. As the tomb
is filltid with sand to preserve it, an exact measurement of these most important
points cannot be made until some day when it may be re-opened. Even as the
facts now stand we seem to have here data of the first importance for ancient
metrology, as there are few good determinations of capacity measures, and those of
a late date. We need now exact measurements to a hundredth of an inch of all
these drawings of weights and measures.

Reviews.

Beyond are four chests on legs ornamented with rows of zed and tliet signs
(Fig. 3) ; the latter was also found as an amulet of yellow glaze and of blue glaze.
With the chests are four larger chests or trays. Above these are 8 poles, from 41 "5
to 64'6 inches long, and 5 tent poles of 83"0 and 87 inches long.

Next are three high chairs, one with a back ; also a low seat with a back and
one without, both-laving bulls' legs as in the 1st dynasty. A bed frame, 61x22 inches,
is over these ; it has the sacking stretched by a cord,
looping it to the frame all round. Following this are
two sloping wooden bedsteads (?), 62 inches long ;
a sloping couch with stretched sacking, 37 inches long ;
a sloping bedstead of 62 inches ; and four bedsteads
with head frames, 63 inches long. It is a surprise to see
how generally the actual couch frames found in graves
are much shorter than the height of a person. We are
driven to suppose that the early Egyptian usually slept
contracted on the side, in the attitude of the burials.

There next follow two rows of boxes and baskets,
of which eighteen remain. Among the articles in them
are two sekketn sceptres ; three headrests, one carved in

one piece, one with a column and abacus stem, and one with two columns, an
interesting variety all dated together ; a tray of eye paints ; a tray with scribe's
palettes, colours, and water pots ; two trays with tweezers of the 1st dynasty shape,
and wig curlers (?) ; coils of thread and string, and stone vases, come next ; bc.xes
with domed lids that cover them over contain stone bowls of the gap-mouth type of
the Old Kingdom, and circular stone tables.

This tomb, dated to the beginning of the Ilird dynasty by a sealing of King
Neter-khet, forms a landmark in the early civili.sation ; it fixes the forms of vases
and tools in the intermediate time between the Royal Tombs and the pyramid
tombs ; it also gives a most unexpected light on the metrology. Every detail of
woven pattern in the cloths, of the form of furniture, of the shapes of hieroglyphs,
is full of interest in the history of Egyptian civilisation. Happily, thanks to
Mr. and Mrs. Quibell, it has all been published almost as fully as we can wish, and
we hope that the questions remaining will be settled ne.xt time that the tomb can
be unearthed.

3. Casket Shewino zi:d
AND TffiiT Decoration.

Tomb of Ra-kesy.

T/ic Life and Times of Cleopatra, Queen of Egypt, a Study in the Origin of the
Roman Empire. IK. E. P. B. Weigall. 8vo, 410 pp., 14 plates. No Index.
165. (Blackwood.)

Romance is delightful, and so is History, but the combination of the two may
not improve either. Scott happily labelled his history as romance ; but Mr. Weigall
labels his romance as history, seriously calling it a study in the Origin of the Roman
l'2mpire, and we must therefore take it from this point of view. Yet the preface
argues against giving any of the evidences on which a new reading of history is
here presented. If a writer is accepting the usual views and lines of thought, it may
not be needful to give reasons for what is generally known ; but when a fresh view
is urged, and colours most of a volume, it is essential to .state all the grounds for it,
and not to refer to quotations as a "jargon of scholarship" to be "swept into the
world's dust-bin." A romance is a romance, and its illusion is ruined by the horrid
footnote, " This is a fact." But a "study," which claims to show a new standpoint

42 Reviews.

must be justified by facts, and that justification is unhappily lacl<ing at the most
critical points.

Wc must sympathize with any endeavour to put a period of the past into its
work-a-day terms, and for such a purpose enough general references are here given
to enlighten an ordinary reader. For a popular restoration, to give a living sense
of a period, such a treatment is sufficient. Taken as being intended to make the
public have some understanding of one of the greatest crises of the world, it would
be a meritorious work, however some matters of taste may jar on us. But when
a new rendering of the great politics of the time is thrust forward as a main subject,
we need to take it criticall}', and not as matter of light reading. Mysticism in
Religion may be in its place, as that concerns the individual only, and may be the
key for his character; but Mysticism in History, reading the author's suppositions
into the springs of action of the past, is a dangerous process unless it be verj- fully
supported by plenty of evidence, and unless the writer shows also his care not to
exceed the scope of his material.

The position of Cleopatra has been largely misunderstood in all ages ; in some
respects Mr. Weigall rightfully states it, but the most important legal position he
ignores. It hardly needs emphasis now, that the moral standpoint of our age is
peculiar, and will not fit any other period of history. We stand apart from all other
times in making various professions which are ignored in practice. To appl)- our
professions rigorously to the acts of the present majority would be fatuous, to
apply them to the acts of the i)ast is still more absurd. But because partly from
political prejudice, partly from later changes, the acts of Cleopatra have been
misunderstood, that does not justify us in trying to misplace her in a different
direction, proclaiming that because she was not Phryne she was therefore Egeria.

The basis of her whole status and actions was that she was hereditary queen of
Egypt. The Egyptian throne, like other property in that land, descended by female
right. In the earliest times wc find that kings were seldom, if ever, the sons of their
predecessors. The royal daughters were brought forward at the great feast of the
deification of the king, apparently to be married to his successor. This matriarchal
system naturally led to a compromise with the patriarchal descent, by which the
royal daughter was married to her half-brother, a son of the king by another mother.
Such marriages were usual in the system of the early Hebrews and the classical
Greeks, and even the full-brother marriage was allowed in Roman Egypt. Through-
out the Ptolemaic dynasty the queens had led a predominant part ; political action,
intrigue, and the raising of armies were their special sphere, and only matters of
trade and actual fighting seem to have been outside of their management. The
brother and sister marriages were the rule ; and in the close of the dj-nasty the two
sisters Arsinoe and Cleopatra were so much older than the boy brothers that all
political action rested with them. When Arsinoe was once removed, Cleopatra
remained the sole real ruler of the land. What was thus to happen if a foreigner
intruded and took possession of her rule? When the Persians conquered Egypt,
a fiction was at once put about that Cambyses was descended from the daughter of
the last legitimate king, Apries. When Alexander took Egypt, his maternity could
not be falsified, so a fiction of his descent from Amen was framed to satisfy Egyptian
ideas. Though the Ptolemies appear to have kept their family entirely in the
Macedonian race, yet three centuries of occupation, adopting the Egyptian adminis-
tration and system, would put Cleopatra in the full status of hereditary ruler, and,
through marriage with her, any man would be legally established as king of
Egypt.

Reviews. 43

The connection of Cleopatra with the successive rulers of Egypt, Cn. I'ompey,
Caesar and Antony, and her wish to pacify Augustus for the same end, was
therefore her peremptory duty as heiress of Egypt. Such a political duty was
nothing new in the land. The heiress-rulers of the Thebaid, Shepenapt, Neitaqert,
and Ankhnes-ra-nefer-ab, were all political consorts of the kings of the XXVIth
dynasty, even \*ithout being their co-habiting wives. The political duty of
a marriage was quite familiar to Egyptian ideas. The political position of itself
produced such marriage.

It is therefore quite irrelevant to the private character of Cleopatra to insist
upon her having been married in the European sense to the de facto ruler of Egypt.
Her public character was vindicated by her devotion to the lord of Egypt, whoever
he might be ; she had done her duty to her country and to herself as ruler, when
she took her place as spouse of the conqueror, and bore children to him. To have
deserted her position, and refused to follow the fortunes of her country would have
been political infamy. For us to insist in calling her wife, in assuming that some
ceremony of "a purely Egyptian marriage " took place, in speaking of her as being
"deserted by her lover," is to put her in the place of a western woman instead of an
Egyptian heiress, to rule her conduct by the European laws of private life instead
of by the Egyptian laws of public life. The whole subject of marriage law in
Egypt appears to be one of a contract concerning property, in hand or prospective.
No religious sanctions or ceremonies are known to have accompanied it. Even
under Christianity, and in the family of a priest, a marriage contract was onl}-
concerned with the liberty of action, and of divorce by either party for a stipulated
sum. If such was the case with ordinary private marriage, obviously no ceremonial
was needed when the status of the parties was already fixed by the force of events,
quite irrespective of any ceremonial marriage. Should we have had such glowing
accounts of the magnificence of Cleopatrean banquets, and yet not a word of
a festival which would have been the most important of all to western writers, if it
had ever taken place ? There was no such marriage ceremony, because it would
have seemed entirelj' superfluous. The heiress of Egypt was at once de facto and
dejure the spouse of the lord of Egypt by her position alone. She did not desert
Antony at Actium, she merely followed her duty as heiress of Egypt to retreat there
when the lordship was to be changed, and prepare her land and herself for a new
lord. If added to her political situation there was a wealth of private feelings and
a world of passion, she was bound to restrain that in its results as completely as
a modern princess, who is condemned to marry politically and not as a private
woman. Any other view of tlie western kind is merely misreading the situation
by not understanding it.

The personality of Cleopatra is one of the most interesting on record. There
.seems to have been a fresh element beside the regular Ptolemaic stock. Iler
forefathers for centuries had never learned the language of the country they ruled,
and some even forgot their native Macedonian, and could only speak Greek.
They showed no trace of linguistic faculty ; yet Cleopatra could speak seven
languages, of all the countries with which she had to deal. The kings had been
latterly notorious for gross bulk and pleasures of the table ; Cleopatra was lithe and
sprightly. Who was her mother ? Her father seems, by the family history, to have
made a second marriage, but with whom is not on record. Perhaps with some princess
of Syrian stock, who could show a Ptolemaic descent, and so keep up an hereditary
claim on Egypt. The clue to the character of Cleopatra seems to lie in the history
of her unknown mother, and it is beside the mark to term her a pure Macedonian.

44 Reviews.

The characteristics which struck the public attention were her magnificence of
design, shewn with good taste supported by profusion, her wit and fascination of
address, her wisdom in practical matters, all blended by an incalculable versatility,
' she gamed, she drank, she hunted, she reviewed." There is but one comparison
with this brilliance, the great queen of Palmyra who harangued her soldiers with
a helmet on ; with the severity of a tyrant when necessity required, and all the
clemency of a good prince ; born with the tenacity of a Spaniard ; sober, yet
having no scruple to drink with her officers ; with a magnificent tabic and service ;
speaking at least four or five languages, fond of literature ; having black eyes
incomparably lively and glittering, a divine spirit, and most delicate shape and
presence, v/ith a clear manly voice, as Pollio tells us. These two greatest of queens
may well have had a common ancestry in some Syrian princess.

Whatever folly attaches to the history of Cleopatra is due to the childishness
of Antony, his vacillation, conceit as a general, lack of foresight and bad manage-
ment. The queen tried to laugh him out of his hanging upon her, but in vain.
Her sound sense and good feeling was shewn in her care of her children, and equal
nurture of them all. In every turn of affairs her personality was the main element ;
and even at the age of thirty-eight old for a Levantine she bewitched the envoy
of Octavian.

The characters that have stamped themselves on the mind of the world were
all marked out by their intense vitality. Alexander, Julius, Cleopatra, Zenobia,
in a lesser degree Charlemagne and Henry VHI, all were versatile, and yet
excelled in every kind of action. It was their number of activities, all things to all
men, and their supremacy in all directions, which has justly made them each more
important than a myriad million of common mankind.

We may now look at the position of Julius as regards Egypt. To get the
riches of the most wealthy land around the Mediterranean had long been an object
of his. He tried to get appointed to Egypt when Cleopatra was only four years old.
Blocked from the east by the ambitions of more powerful men, he turned to make
himself a power by the conquest of Gaul. For eight strenuous years he built up
a military strength, greater than that wielded by any Roman before ; and then
returned with that to subdue Rome and the world to his will. To suppose that
such a will, so tenacious, so ambitious, should after those long years of undisputed
power, suddenly find at the age of fifty-four a new scope of life at the bidding of
a young woman, is too much for our author to require of us. The vision of
Cleopatra teaching Caesar ambition, and moulding his politics, is so improbable
that very clear facts would be needed to support it. But there is no evidence
whatever for the idea of Caesar crossing to Egypt to learn his business. He came
so soon as he could, to grasp the wealth which he had tried to reach seventeen
years before, and his intended Parthian expedition was but treading in the steps
of Sulla and Crassus.

The position of his son Caesarion is obscure. That Julius owned him is
certain, that he regarded him as his heir is very doubtful. It seems fairly shewn
by Mr. Weigall that Caesar stayed at Alexandria till the birth of Caesarion,
whether for that or for political reasons cannot be settled. The position of
Cleopatra with her infant son at Rome, by no means implies that Caesar could
have made her queen of Rome. It is doubtful if even his will could have put
a foreigner into that position. A century later, when all kinds of foreign mixture
and looser marriage prevailed, Titus had to dismiss Queen Berenice from Rome
when he became Emperor, and could not invite her to a joint throne for which

Reviews. 45

there was no other legal occupant. That Caesar wished to legalise his oriental
union for Egyptian purposes is doubtless true ; the proposal, however, was not
a law to put away Calpurnia, his Roman wife, but to sanction the recognition by
Rome of his having two wives, one in Rome and one in Egypt. For that end it
was desirable to familiarise the Romans with the fact of his only known descendant
being the son of leopatra, and her stay in Rome was for that end. But it does
not in the least follow that if Caesar were to be formally king, in name as well as
fact, that Cleopatra would be therefore queen of the whole Roman world, as
Mr. Weigall assumes. She would then be queen of Egypt indefeasibly in Roman
law, but not more. If the object were to make her queen of the Empire, nothing
more was needful than for Caesar to have repudiated Calpurnia and taken
Cleopatra instead, as readily as dozens of other political divorces and marriages
were then arranged. That he did not do so is proof that there was an entire bar
to Cleopatra becoming queen of Rome, a bar in law or in the good sense of Caesar,
who after all watched his democracy very carefully.

The powers that Caesar assumed are quoted by our author as hereditary (i 59) ;
yet the imperatorship was not hereditary. Mommscn says : "It is only in the
case of the supreme priesthood that we have express testimony to his having made
it hereditary." (V, xi.) The idea that without Cleopatra and Caesarion " the
creation of a hereditary monarchy would be superfluous " (p. 168) is to import our
ideas into Rome. In Rome, as in Babylonia and China, adoption was so
important a function in social and family life, that it often took the entire place of
descent. The hereditary laws of Caesar's position would only apply in Roman
eyefs and Roman law to his Roman heir, the adopted nephew Octavian, and could
never be applicable to the son of a foreigner. To argue that a law of inheritance
of an office would apply to Caesarion, is to suppose Rome ruled by English law.
The heir was obvious and well known, the adopted son Octavian, of years for
politics, and not the foreigner's baby who could not be of account during any
likely survival of Caesar. No evidence whatever is given for the assertion that
Julius had a "scheme for training up Caesarion to follow in his footsteps " (p. 170).

The next great possessor of Egypt was Antony ; and it was his policy to
support Caesarion, as a harmless infant, to balance the immediate political claims
of Octavian as Caesar's heir. It is remarkable how none of the Julian family were
.succeeded by a son : it was only the Xlth and then the XVIIIth Emperor who
inherited a father's throne. Yet Antony was the ancestor of three emperors, his
grandson Claudius, great-grandson Caligula, and great-great-grandson Nero.

The account given of Octavian is strangely spiteful ; all the infirmities and
valetudinarian habits of an old man in the seventies, as he was remembered and
described to Suetonius, are here attributed to the youthful conqueror of thirty.
We might as truthfully describe George III during the American War as blind
and wearing a black skull cap. Some other mistakes are surprising. On p. 185,
we read that Ale.xander IV was murdered "soon after his father's death," yet he
survived thirteen years. On p. 258, the daughter of Sextus Pompey is described
as " marrying Marcellus, the son of Octavian," whereas she was betrothed to
Marcellus, the infant son of Octavia. On p. 353, the isthmus of Suez is described
as 35 instead of over 90 miles across. Misprints occur in Myt^lene, Sjstra,
Ptobmies, and Ant/rany, which have escaped the proof readers named in the
preface.

It would require more accuracy than we have observed to give us confidence
in the flow of assertions which carry on the narrative. Akhenaten is said to have

46 Revieivs.

been epileptic (p. 141) of which no evidence is known ; and on almost every page
" must have been," " must have come," or " must have realised," do duty for
connective facts that are missing. It is hard to forgive the cynical degradation of
the story of Arria, of which Lecky rightly says " her death was perhaps the most
majestic in antiquity " ; it is here said to be a light matter, Arria " coolly handed
the weapon " to Paetus, her exclamation is wrongly quoted as if Paetus was going
to hurt her, and it is spoilt in translation. The author might qualify for managing
the affairs of Cleopatra as major-domo or vizier in Amenti, rather than in
expounding her life and policy that is pa.st. Far more would we wish to see the
solid stores of information that Mr. Weigall has garnered during his strenuous
work as Inspector in Egypt ; more volumes such as his on the monuments of
Nubia would be most welcome, and build a permanent place for his reputation in
Egyptology.

Ritual of the Mystery of the fudgment of the Soul.^y M. W. Bl.^CKDEN.
8vo, 36 pp., I plate. 5^. (Quaritch.)

The confused mass of documents of various ages and sources, which are
commonly grouped as the Book of the Dead, form the greatest task that criticism
has yet to handle. The restoration of the early texts is the first necessity, and no
one has yet attempted to connect the scattered material. The assigning of relative
periods to the various portions might give generations of critics a fighting ground.
Some parts are of so plainly a question-and-answer construction that it is natural
to suppose they may have been actually recited, and not only be for a guide book
to the future world. In this work Mr. Blackden has boldly re-arranged some parts
so as to frame a usable ritual. The question is how far this is justified : certainly
the arrangement has no kind of proof for its plan ; how far does it justify itself by
internal evidence ?

The system of this arrangement is as follows. Chapter 125 is compiled in
portions from three sources (Ani, Nu, and Nebseni) ; in it are inserted at different
places Chapter 3015 of Ani, later the remainder of 30B from Nebseni, together with
part of the Introduction. At the end is the rest of the Introduction, and part of
the First Chapter. Now we do not know how early the chapters were arranged in
the order in which we number them ; but there seems no evidence that any
such patchwork as this was the original connection of the documents. As a
suggestion of the author's appreciation of the possibilities of a ritual arrangement it
may stand ; but if we wish to reach the historical development very different criteria
are required.

( 47 )

NOTES AND NEWS.

The terrible disaster to civilisation is stopping research in every direction.
Excavations both fn Egypt and in Mesopotamia are at a standstill. Not only
English but American work is arrested. Dr. Lythgoe and Mr. Mace are not trying
to reach Egypt this winter. Prof. Whittemore is actively supplying necessaries to
the French .Medical Corps at the front. The British School of Archaeology, and
also the Exploration Fund, are both waiting till a safer situation is reached.

Mr. Engelbach is in the Quartermaster's Department, behind the British lines.

Of our former workers, Mr. K. T. Frost fell in action in the beginning of the
war ; of course no details are known. Mr. Angelo Hayter is now interpreter to the
camp of German prisoners of war at Llansannan, Abergele, North Wales.
Mr. North is in training in the East Surrey Regiment. Our other friends are
continuing in their training as reported in our last Journal.

Recognising that most of the subscribers to the British School will feel the
present emergencies to be the urgent call, our Committee has decided to ask all
the subscribers who wish to help, to contribute through our Hon. Sec. to the Officers'
Families Fund. This Fund, established, in the South African War, has experienced
management, personal care and watchfulness to meet all cases, and no waste on
offices and staff; as one of the most admirable of such auxiliaries to our afflicted
people, we hope it will have full support.

Meanwhile let us keep our Journal going, as that is so slight a cost that it need
not impair any other good work. The present number deals with European
relations of Egypt specially ; the next will give entirely new material on the
palaeolithic age in Egypt and its relation to the glacial periods in Europe.

THE EGYPTIAN RESEARCH STUDENTS' ASSOCIATION.

Some of the branches are in full working order this winter, and bravely continuing
their Monthly Meetings. Others are suspending their activities for the present, but
perhaps we all need to have our attention turned for a brief hour to some subject
other than that which absorbs us all, and I commenrl the resumption of meetings to
the branches which have flagged. Knitting can be pursued by all the members
except the lecturer, so the meetings need not mean waste of time.

London. (Hon. .Sec, Mrs. Sefton-Jones, temp, address, c/o Edwards Library, University
College, Gower .Street, W.C.) Meetings, monthly, at 8 p.m., lecture, 8.30 p.m. Oct. 29, at
University College, Prof. Flinders Petrie, on " The Use of Metals in Egypt." Nov. 5 (by
kind invitation of Mrs. Purdon), paper on "The Flint Age in Egypt," by Prof. Flinders
Petrie, read by H. F. P. Dec. 10 (by kind invitation of Mrs. P. Bigland), Mrs. Sefton-Jones, on
" The Bogomils."

Gl.asgow. (Hon. Stc. pro. tern., Miss D. Allan, 15, Woodside Terrace.) Meetings, open to
public, at University, 8.30 p.m. Dec. 7, Prof. Milligan, on "Thousand Years on the Nile."
Feb. 15, Prof. Gregory, on " History of the Climate of Egypt.''

Hastings. (.Mrs. Russell Morris, Quarry Hill Lodge, St. Leonards.) Major Davenport,
on "Ancient Egyptian Jewellery." Dr. Spanton, on "The Egyptian Water Lily." Rev. J. D.
Gray, on " Neolithic Man." Mrs. Court, on " Sign Language."

Ross-on-Wye. (Mrs. Marshall, Gayton Hall.) Oct. 21, 3.15 p.m. (Mrs. Cobbold), subject,
.Schedule F. Nov. 18, 3.15 p.m. (Mrs. Schomberg), subject, Schedule G. A small lending library
on Egyptian and Ancient History, free for members' use, is established in Ross.

Hilda Flinders Petrie.

( 48 )

THE PORTRAITS.

Among the few of the great works of early art that have survived, the wooden
steles of Ra-hesy are justly celebrated. Some of them have been frequently
published, and can be easily obtained in photographs. The one here given has
remained practically unknown until the recent publication by Mr. Quibell from
which we copy it. In the other steles we see a fiercely active figure, or one of hard
determination. The present figure is apparently older, and with a more suave
subtilty about the expression. How the early art could realise the diplomatic
cunning of age is familiar to us in the primitive king of Abydos, so astonishingly
rendered in ivory. Here we see much the same character, of refined caution and
reserve, which would well befit an ambassador or an archbishop. The titles read
in four vertical columns. Many of them arc still unintelligible to u.s, but we can
read of his being chief of Bute, prophet of Horus of Edfu at Buto, leader of the
march, and architect.

The second head is that of the small figure at the side of the copper statue of
Pepy I. Some have thought that it represents his ka, but the ka was of the same
age as the person ; this probably is the son of Pepy, afterwards king Merenra.
The two figures were found, taken to pieces and packed one inside another, in
a pit in the temple of Hierakonpolis. Mr. Quibell, who found them, states that the
smaller figure was in three pieces, packed inside the larger. Yet the figures were
made by hammering sheets of copper, and attaching them by copper nails,
apparently to a wooden core. If there were such a core it is difficult to see how
the pieces could be put one in another ; and certainly the metal had not been
removed from a wooden core, or it would have been strained open and bent. The
rows of nails at the junction of the beaten plates are evident, and certainly there
must have been a solid mass to form the top and back of the head, and the waist
of the larger figure, which parts are not executed in copper. The wooden core as
in the royal statues in Westminster Abbey seems necessary for such a method of
work, with nailed sheets of metal ; yet it is very difficult to see how the pieces
could have been placed one inside the other when the figures were taken down and
dismantled. Had the wood been burnt out, the condition of the metal, and the
white limestone eye of the statue, would have shown the effect of heat.

What we must admire as a masterpiece of technical and artistic skill is the
hammering out of such a portrait head in beaten copper. The life-like vigour of
the head could not have been exceeded in the most facile material, and it shows
that in metal working, as in masonry, the Pyramid age had reached a perfection
that has never been exceeded. The face and neck are worked in one piece; the
hair was made separately, and then the two parts joined. The head is closely the
size of the photograph here, the whole figure being two feet high. The thickness
of the metal in the limbs is yV^h of an inch. Though the hands of the figures
would be the most difficult part to work by beating, yet on examination there was
no evidence that they were cast. The whole of the figures was wrought by the
hammer. As one of the supreme pieces of metal working we give it here in the
history of the metals in Egypt.

-r^V> j.^ , 1 1 - f w g^w.ia^i

:::ilii(

WOOD.

STELE OF RA-HESY. Ilird DYNASTY.

SAQQAREH. CAIRO MUSEUM.

BUST OF STATUETTE OF PRINCE MERENRA. Vlth DYNASTY.
COPPER. HIERAKONPOLIS. CAIRO MUSEUM.

IVORY AND GOLD CRETAN STATUETTE, BOSTON MUSEUM.

ANCIENT EGYPT.

A CRETAN STATUETTE.

We are enabled by the kindness of the Secretary of the Museum, Mr. B. J. Gilman,
to present to our readers some pictures of the remarkable statuette which is now
in the Art Museum at Boston, and was published in the Museum Bulletin for
December, 19 14. Beyond its presentation to the Museum, nothing is recorded as
to its history. See the Frontispiece and Portraits at end.

The statuette is six and a half inches high, and is made of ivory with gold
ornaments and details. The body is in two f)ieces, the join partly covered by the
second flounce and its gold band ; the arms were also made in separate pieces ;
the right arm, and the portion of the snake twisted round it, are a restoration, as is
also the lower part of the dress on the right side.

\\\ vw

1/1 "^

Coloured Faience Figure, Knossos.
Holding -Snakes.

Wooden Figure, Thebes.
Holding Snakes.

The resemblance of the figure to the famous Snake Goddess and her votaries,
found by Sir Arthur Evans at Knossos, is obvious at first sight, and it cannot be
doubted that we have before us a product of Cretan art. But the style of the
figure, both in face and hands, is extraordinary, and differs in artistic character

50 A Cretan Statuette.

from any representations of the human form hitherto found in Crete. The head,
in particular, is quite unlil<e anything icnown to us in early Aegean or in classical
art ; it recalls rather the sculptures of Gothic cathedrals of the thirteenth century,
such as Rheims and Bamberg, but that it looks more modern. Under these
conditions the question of the genuineness of so remarkable a work must occur at
first to any critic. But the possibility of modern forgery appears to be precluded
by the materials and their condition ; and there were no opportunities for any
such imitations of Minoan art between the destruction of the palace at Knossos
and its modern disinterment.

In pose, the statuette resembles the Snake Goddess of Knossos ; but this
resemblance only accentuates the essential difference between the two. The
Knossian figure is stiff and conventional ; the new ivory statuette is fresh and
full of life, in the sway of the skirt and the poise of the waist, as she throws back
her shoulders to balance the extended snakes. For the subject, beside the Cretan
goddess, we may compare the figure, of uncertain origin, found in Egypt, and
published in Quibeli, Ramesseum, pi. Ill, 12. This figure, however, has no artistic
connection with the Cretan. The two Cretan " votaries " brandish their snakes
in the air.

The dress is of the well-known Cretan type. The flounced skirt resembles that
of the Knossian " votaries," except that each flounce is brought down to a point in
front, as in the Mycenaean seal-ring and other intaglios. Each flounce is bordered
with edges of gold, ornamented with zig-zag or " figure-of-eight " designs. The
gold girdle is of the hollow Cretan pattern. The surface is so much damaged
about the shoulders that it is not easy to make out the jacket ; doubtless it, as well
as the skirt, was indicated in colour. The gold-bordered ends of the short sleeves
still remain ; the rest of the jacket was, doubtless, as in other Cretan figures, of the
" zouave " or " eton " type, leaving the breasts bare, and fastened down the front
below them by a broad gold clasp. The nipples are indicated by gold pins ; and
there are holes on the neck for the attachment of a necklace, and on the upper part
of the skirt to attach gold pendants from the girdle, or perhaps, as suggested in the
Bulletin, a gold apron.

The headdress is remarkable : it consists of a high crown, which rises at the
front, at the back, and on each side into a high curve, pierced near its apex by
a round hole. These holes may have served to fasten a gold ornament or plating ;
but from their size and shape they suggest a decorative purpose. Round the edge
of the hair, above the forehead, are holes for the attachment ol a gold wreath or
diadem, or possibly of extra curls. The most remarkable piece of work in the
whole is the face, with its life-like expression and its delicately modelled features.
The eye is actually sunk into its proper depth below the brow a method of treat-
ment practically unknown to ancient art of any kind before the fourth century B.C.
One has only to look at the staring eyes, flush with the face, in any early sculpture
to see the difference. And not only does the eye recede from the brow, but the
lower eyelid is set in from the upper, and the resultant shadowing of the eye socket
adds greatly to the expression. The left hand also is beautifully and delicately
modelled, with none of the exaggeration and distortion of the thumb which is
common in Cretan as in Mesopotamian art. The snakes held in the hands are
bent together from thin plates of gold.

The gold and ivory statuette shows us for the first time a treatment of the
human figure in Cretan art which is comparable in artistic excellence with the
admirable studies of animals, which are of Cretan or Mycenaean origin. If

A Cretan Statuette.

possible, it would be desirable to fix the period of so remarkable a work in the
development of Cretan art. But here unfortunately the data fail us ; so exceptional
a work does not easily lend itself to comparison, and may be a freak of individual
genius. The inferior style of the faience figures from Knossos, which date from
the first period of the later palace, does not necessarily imply a later date, though
they look like a degradation from such work as we see in this statuette. If it
marks the high-water mark of Cretan sculpture, it might be placed not far from
the high-water mark of Cretan pottery, and so go back to the Middle Minoan age ;
but such conjectures must remain for the present uncertain.

Head of the Ivory and Gold SrAiuETTE.
Thrice Actual Size.

The new discovery emphasises more than ever the contrast between the art of
Crete and that of historic Hellas. The comparison made at the beginning of this
article was not altogether fortuitous, for such Cretan work is really separated by
a greater gap from the classical perfection of Greece than from the exuberant but
undisciplined imagination of mediaeval or modern times.

Ernest A. Gardner.

D 2

pt^o

t(\E H

LENGTH

CLABCI-VJ3-0CCIPITAI.
MALE

BREADTH

MAXI MUM

( 53 )

SKULLS OF THE XIIth DYNASTY.

In the course oP^he cemetery excavations at Harageh and Lahun last year,
a large number of skulls were found, and I had joined the excavating camps in
order to carry out the standard routine of measurements on the spot. Many skulls
will not bear the risks of transit, and immediate measurements are free from any
subsequent distortion, and therefore the more satisfactory. In all, there were
measured 26 skulls before the XIIth dynasty too few to give results by
themselves; 113 male and 132 female skulls of the XIIth dynasty, beside 38 of
uncertain sex; 16 male and 17 female skulls of the XVIIIth-XXth dynasties;
20 male and 17 female skulls of the XXIIIrd dynasty, besides a few of uncertain
sex. The detailed measurements of all these will appear in the volume on
Harageh, by Mr. Engelbach, which we cannot hope to see prepared till after the
war. Meanwhile, the general results may be seen in the curves of distribution in
the present account.

The following are the measurements taken in accordance with the International
agreements for the unification of Craniometric and Cephalometric measurements :

1. Length, maximum, antero-posterior ; from Broca's glabella to the point on

the supra-occipital part of the occipital bone.

2. Breadth, maximum ; in a horizontal plane above the supra-mastoid crests.

3. Breadth, minimum, frontal ; shortest horizontal diameter between the

temporal crests on the frontal bone.

4. Bizygomatic breadth ; maximum diameter between the external aspects of

the two zygomatic arches.

5. Height, basi-bregmatic ; between the basion (median point on anterior

margin of foramen magnum), and bregma (median point of coronal
suture).

6. Naso-basilar diameter ; between the nasion and the basion.

7. Alveo-basilar diameter ; between the prothion (mid point of anterior

border of the alveolar arcade) and the basion.

8. Naso-alveolar diameter ; between the nasion and the lowest point on the

alveolar arcade between the two upper median incisor teeth.

9. Naso-mental diameter ; between the nasion and the lower border of the

mandible in the median plane.

10. Orbital width ; between the dacryon (point of confluence of the sutures

formed between the lachrymal and frontal bones, and the nasal process
of the superior maxilla) and the outer margin of the orbital aperture,
where it is crossed by a line drawn from the dacryon parallel to the
upper and lower orbital margins.

11. Orbital height ; between the upper and lower orbital margins, avoiding

any notches that may be present ; maximum vertical diameter perpen-
dicular to the line of orbital width.

12. Nasal height ; between the nasion, and below to the point in the median

sagittal plane of the skull, on the line tangential to the two notches of
the pyriform aperture of the nose. When the margins of these notches
sink into grooves, then the level of the nasal floor has been taken.

D 3

Skulls of the Xllth Dynasty.

ALVEOLAR INDEX

rA A LE

FACIAL IMDEX

(N^6-ALV/ALV-BAS)
M A UE

FEMAUE

1 3. Nasal width ; maximum transverse diameter between the lateral margin

of the apertura pyriformis nasi.

14. Palatine vault, width ; at the level of the second molar teeth measured

internally.

Skulls of the Xllth Dynasty. 55

15. Palatine vanlt, length ; between, in front, the point in a middle line and

on a line tangential to the posterior surfaces of the median incisor teeth,
and behind, the point in the middle line and in a line tangential to the
deepest parts of the notches on the posterior palatine border.

16. Circumference horizontal, maximum ; measured with a steel tape.

17. Bigontbil breadth ; between angles of the jaw on the external surfaces.

18. Symphysial height, in median plane; between highest point of alveolar

border, and the inferior margin of the symphysis.

19. Ascending ramus, right; between lowest part of notch to lower margin

of jaw.

Walter Amsden.

Unfortunately, the military duties of Dr. Amsden, as a Medical Officer, have
prevented his reaping the harvest of results from the mass of about 6,000 measurements
which he took and tabulated. Some brief notes are therefore added here to
explain the three pages of diagrams, which show the more important points. To
form these curves, the total number of e.xamples in each group of five millimetres
has been taken, at steps of every millimetre, in accordance with the .system followed
for the Tarkhan skulls. The length and two breadths are shown as directly
measured ; but for the other dimensions, indices have been extracted, as the only
other series of the same age from Dendereh has only been published by indices,
and this is therefore the only way to compare results of the two sites.

In all these diagrams the male and female curves are separate. The full line
is the result of the present work ; the letter M shows the median point of that curve.
The points 18 and 23 are the medians of the groups of the XVIIIth and XXIIIrd
dynasties from the same district. The dotted curve is that of the Xllth dynasty
skulls from Dendereh. The interest in comparing these is to see whether the
foreign invasions between the Vlth and Xllth dynasties had left any distinct mark
on the more northern people of Lahun compared with the people 260 miles
further up the valley at Dendereh. Some day we may hope to see put together
a complete view of the changes in the Egyptians in all periods and districts.

On comparing results, it is seen that, in length, the Xllth dynasty was the
age of the shortest skulls, equally at Riqqeh and Dendereh. In the ist dynasty
they were even longer than in the XVIIIth, male and female alike. In breadth
there was very little difference, the Ist dynasty being like the XVIIIth. So far
from any local influence appearing, the northern and southern are alike in length,
and differ from all other periods, in the north, but continue nearly the same at
Dendereh in Roman times. There is no trace of an invading influence being
greater in the north than in the south. The Bizygomatic breadth similarly shows
the unity of north and south, and differences in later periods.

In the Alveolar index the south (dotted) is more upright in profile than the
north, orthognathic south, mesognathic north. The Facial index (height of faces)
north and south agree in a tall face, later periods showing a shorter face. In the
proportions of the nose there is no notable variation. The eye also is alike in
north and south, but in later times the men's eyes became longer and the women's
eyes rounder. Altogether the evidence is that the Egyptian people were unified
in Middle and Upper Egypt in the Middle Kingdom age, but they were clearly
different in both earlier and later periods.

W. M. F. Petrie.
D 4

Skulls of the Xllth Dynasty.

N ASAL INDEX

MALE

V'n orbital index

\ MALE

rtfAALE

( 57 )

ALEXANDRIAN ARCHAEOLOGY.

Dr. Breccia, the Director of the Alexandria Museum, has issued his report of the
antiquities added to its collections during 191 3. This year was a special one
because, with the object of augmenting the relics of Graeco-Roman times, illustrating
the most flourishing period of Alexandria's prosperity, the municipality defrayed
the cost of excavations upon the site of the ancient town of Theadelphia, in the
Fayoum. This place was selected because, in 19 12, the fellahin had there
disinterred the doorway and pylons of a temple dedicated to the Crocodile-god
Pnepheros. This was evidently the edifice for which a long Greek inscription,
published by M. Lefebvre in 1908, set forth the grant to it of the privilege of
Asylum.

The temple was buried beneath great accumulations of sand, and was of
considerable size, but Dr. Breccia has completely uncovered it, and in so doing
made some remarkable discoveries. It was constructed of crude bricks and
limestone, and oriented to the north.

Upon a large stone above the entrance doorway an important inscription,
dated in the thirty-fourth year of Ptolemy Euergetes, i.e., 1 37 B.C., stated that the
pylons and stone ve.stibule had been dedicated to the deity Pnepheros, in honour
of King Ptolemy and his consort Cleopatra and their children, by a certain
Agathodorus of Alexandria and his wife Isidora.

Two crouching lions, sculptured each from a single block, guarded the entrance
which led into a large court, having many doorways at the sides leading into
various chambers. In several places in the walls were rectangular niches, and in
these had been painted frescoes, almost all destroyed. One, however, shows
a procession of Pnepheros. He appears as a mummified crocodile, wearing a crown
on his head, and is placed on a sort of barrow, or litter. The priests march
between others bearing palms and flowers, and some walk in front of the bearers.

The first court has an exit into a smaller one, and on each side of this are
stone sphinxes. Upon one side is a column, still showing the brackets for
supporting torches, to illuminate functions held at night. This column bears an
interesting inscription stating that it was erected in honour of Ptolemy (X) and
Cleopatra (III) by the guild of the Chenoboskoi, or breeders of the waterfowl,
which doubtless abounded in Lake Moeris and the many canals then existing in
the Fayoum. Another pylon gives access to a still smaller court, and in it
fortunately was found the litter for carrying the deity. It was in perfect preserva-
tion ; also the platform in .sculptured wood used for its stand, and a fine crocodile
mummy. Upon one of the pylons, which had been covered with stucco, a scene
is painted depicting a military officer standing beside his charger. He is
represented with the full army equipment of a warrior, wearing a cuirass, with
Gorgoneion ornament, and a rich mantle. One hand holds a spear, and the other
reaches forward to offer incense towards a small altar. The head bears a crown,
and above his horse a winged Victory flies, as if to present another coronet to the
soldier. A most valuable detail is that the head is surrounded by a radiated

$8 Alexandrian Archaeology.

nimbus, identical with those depicted around the heads of apostles and saints by
primitive Christian artists. This discovery tends to show that the origin of this
symbol, like many others of early Christian iconography, may be traced to Egypt.
Beside the warrior is a text giving his name Hero Sonbattos.

Upon the other pylon a mounted soldier is painted, but the figure is much
damaged ; he also has the same style of nimbus, a tree with a serpent coiled
around it is visible, and a marching soldier bearing an ensign, like a double axe.
Beside him appears a mummified crocodile ornamented with the insignia of
Pnepheros.

From the third court Dr. Breccia made his way into the deity's chapel. The
walls of wood and brick had been decorated with figures of human bodies with
animals' heads. Another room was almost filled by an altar, which has been
removed to Alexandria. The description of it is too long for repetition here, and
awaits the assistance of a photographic representation. It will be a most important
relic for illustrating the pagan cult of Pnepheros as carried on from about 140 B.C.
to A.D. 170, the period for which inscriptions vouch for the continuance of worship
at this temple at Theadelphia.

Turned face downwards among the ruins of a neighbouring house. Dr. Breccia
found a Greek inscription of as many as fifty-three lines. It is dated in the
twelfth year of Ptolemy XIII, Neos Dionysus, and his queen, Cleopatra Tryphena,
about 69 B.C. It contains a decree awarding the right of Asylum to the temples
of Hercules and of Isis at Theadelphia. Its utilisation for the floor of a house
precludes the hope that its resting place is the site of either of the shrines its text
concerns, but no doubt proper search would succeed in finding them at Theadelphia.

This inscription, with the exception of the longer Greek versions of the
trilingual records of the Rosetta Stone, and Decree of Canopus, is probably the
longest Greek text yet found in Egypt.

The report gives a summary of discoveries at Alexandria, chiefly those at the
long three-galleried catacombs found in 19 12 near the Ras et-Tin Palace. The
mummies therein were much deteriorated by moisture, but many of the face and
breast masks, with most interesting decorations, have been rescued from further
destruction. The burials date from the commencement of our era.

Joseph Offord.

( 59 )

THE STONE AGE IN EGYPT.

Various isolated papers have appeared from time to time dealing with wrought
flints found in Egypt at one locality or another, without placing the material in
direct connection with that of other periods or other countries. It seems time now
to attempt some co-ordination, as lately the subject has been hindered by our not
being able to recognise what is critical and needing observation among the vast
quantity of material available. We cannot attempt in a journal to deal exhaustively
with even one branch of the subject ; our object rather must be to give an outline
showing the relation of the various parts, and dealing only with obvious types.
For a full and definitive study of any of the periods, the first requisite is a regular
search for evidence at first hand in Egypt. That has never been undertaken,
except for a few weeks of surface collecting by Mr. Montague Porch, in which I
specially requested him to record the level (by aneroid over the Nile plain) and the
locality of every specimen. Stratigraphical
search in the gravels is urgently needed to
obtain material connected with the physical
changes of the country.

Here we shall only notice the most
definite types, especially those related to the
European types. There are also a great
number of irregular forms, which might be
grouped into classes ; but it would be much
more satisfactory to do that after some col-
lecting has been done from definite horizons
of the gravels. The material here dealt with
is that which I have collected at University
College ; after weeding out duplicates, that
comprises about 300 selected palaeoliths, 300
Solutrean from the Fayum (chosen from
many thousands), 100 from early settlements,
and 300 from the prehistoric graves with
relative dating.

Flint working like each of the arts
began with archaic ages which blossomed
into the grand style of the magnificent,
massive, symmetrical forms of the Chellean

(Fig. ioa) and Acheulean periods.^ Nothing made since has ever equalled the
satisfying magnificence of these types, with their bold large flaking, producing

IOA Early Ciif;i.LEAN Pick.

' As this article is intended for readers not familiar with recent geology, the series of terms
for periods of work are here added. Early ^ Mesvinian, Strepyan, Chellean, Acheulean, Mousterian,
Aurignacian, Solutrean, Magdalenian, Late.

6o The Stone Age in Egypt.

real works of art. The miserable poverty and rudeness of the Mousterian and
Aurignacian ages reflect the overthrow which European man suffered in the third
Glacial period, when life was a struggle in chilly islands isolated by high sea levels.
The only later age of supreme work is that bordering on the use of metals, when
the mechanical art of ripple-flaking rose to its highest perfection in Egypt and in
Denmark. But marvellous as that was it never reached the supreme quality of
the early work in producing perfect forms by large handling, like a detailed picture
produced by the skilful use of a large brush.

A broad distinction must always be observed between the characteristics
produced by mere necessity, and those due to aesthetic feeling the utility types
and the artistic types. Though they merge together, yet they need to be
distinguished as far as possible, because they separate between forms which may be
expected to recur, and types which may be expected to be distinctive of a period.
Mere necessity will produce similar results in many cases ; the Mousterian and
Aurignacian edge-chipping, for instance, is much of it like that produced by a
habit of scraping different materials. On now using old flakes with clean edges to
scrape bone, leather, hard wood, pottery, etc., chipped edges are produced exactly like
many ancient examples. Such an edge may be distinctive of date in one country,
because certain materials may have been usual at one period. But such details are
useless in comparison between countries, as materials may be usual in one land at
one time, in another land at another time. So in Egypt this utility form of chipping
occurs commonly in the prehistoric graves which are certainly after the Solutrean
period.

The case is quite different when we touch on artistic taste. The fine regular
forms do not recur in different ages of any one country ; and there was nothing to
lead man to re-adopt particular curves or styles which were no better than others
for any practical purpose. In these cases we must give credit to style as a prime
indication, to be accepted unless contradicted by definite evidence of stratification,
or association with organisms. There might be a hesitation about types being the
same in lands so far apart. But if we grant that a style might travel from hand to
hand five miles in a year, it may travel all over a continent in a thousand years ;
and that is a mere fraction of the extent of period of any of the great styles of
stone working.

For comparison with European types, the examples are here taken from the
illustrations of the Musde Prehistorique, l88l, drawn by Prof. Adrien de Mortillet,
whom I have to thank for most cordially allowing the use of them here. References
are given with the letter M., and the number of the illustration. Other figures are
from Die Diluviale Vorzeit Deutschlands, by R. R. Schmidt, 191 2. For the use of
these I could not ask the author's permission, owing to the present war ; but as in
the most original and important part of his work, there is the statement that
reproduction or extracts are only permitted with statement of the source, it is
hoped that with this acknowledgment the use of some twenty figures here for
purpose of comparison, may not be thought objectionable. References are given
with the letter S. and Fig. for text blocks, Roman numerals for plates. The
specially German material of Schmidt is less comparable with Egyptian forms than
is the French material given by him and Mortillet. The German types are
generally much less finished, and the great Chellean stage so largely developed in
Egypt does not appear at all in Central Europe. All objects and book illustrations
here are reduced uniformly to half the size of the actual objects, excepting Nos. 21,
23 and 25, which are slightly more reduced.

1-3 Mesvinian? 4,5 Strepyan? 8,9 Early Ciiellean.

62 The Stone Age in Egypt.

In studying this subject we must first place the Egyptian examples side by
side with the European, to see the similarity of form. Then, if no other facts
disagree, we cannot do otherwise than assign the types in Egypt to the same
general period as those types in Europe. This will give a provisional classification
of most of the Egyptian examples, and a basis for future study to confirm or
disprove the history thus suggested. Further may be stated here the evidences for
alterations of sea level in Egypt, the possible relations to similar changes of level
in Palestine, at Gibraltar, and in the west of Europe, and the implied connection of
types of flint work with those changes in Egypt. Thus there will be a definite
ground for future research in Egypt, showing what are the critical observations
needed to define the facts more certainly. It is impossible to advance any
subject without knowing whether each detail is merely a useless repetition of
what is well known, or is valuable as a contradiction or corroboration of what is
supposed.

It need hardly be said that the conditions in Egypt are very different
from those in any European ground. The flints lost on the surface lie on the
rocky desert plateau as they fell, not covered by any bed of humus. Whatever
soil may have there supported vegetation during less dry periods has been
completely denuded away by the arid blast. Hitherto this denuded plateau has
been almost the only gathering ground for worked flints ; very few sections have
been searched, and none of the gravels have been dug through and the material
examined.

Figs. 1-3. The first three illustrations show a class of flint of the rudest type ;
naturally thin worn pebbles, half an inch to an inch thick, have been selected, and
trimmed by striking flakes off from each edge, so leaving a jagged, wavy, cutting
edge. So rude are these that they might belong to any age of degradation ; and
as they are all found about twenty feet over the plain on the low ground at Lahun,
their source proves nothing. Fig. i is much water-worn, showing that it is older
than the last high-water age, or pre-Aurignacian. Figs. 2 and 3 are quite sharp,
but that need only imply that they were buried until recent times. As the style
most nearly resembles the Mesvinian of Rutot {see S., Figs. 35, 37), these may
provisionally be assigned to that late eolithic age.

Figs. 5, 6, 7, are from a bed of gravel at the foot of the cliffs at Naqadeh,
found undisturbed at 2, 3 and 5 feet down, respectively. This gravel is about
20 feet above the present Nile plain ; and as the bed of the Nile has risen some
20 or 30 feet by deposits in civilised ages, this bed of gravel cannot be later than
the high water of pre-Aurignacian times. The type of 5 is not unlike 4, which
is the Strepyan type of Rutot (S., 39) ; a natural thin pebble chipped to
a moderately even edge. But the amount of regularity of 6, and the long flakes
of 7, show that the gravel is probably Mousterian ; and No. S may be an older
work, re-deposited in later times.

Fig. 9 is a partially formed implement of the Chellean type, the butt end
being left in the natural pebble condition ; it is closely parallel to European types,
such as one from Toulouse, Fig. 8 (M., 42). This borders on the pre-Chellean type
(as S., Fig 22), akin to Fig 5 above, in which the rounded natural surface is left
where an edge is not needed. It seems as if this would be far more convenient to
hold than an entirely chipped surface ; it is therefore a question whether the
chipping of the butt, as in the succeeding types, is not due to an artistic feeling,
like that of later times when smooth-ground blades were subsequently ripple-flaked
solely for the sake of appearance. It may be that the all-chipped butts are the

10-14 Mid Chellkan.

64 The Stone Age in Egypt.

earliest known sacrifice of convenience to appearance. The example 9 is of brown
flint, quite fresh and unaltered, without the slightest rounding. It was found at
Nile level in the mouth of a small valley near El-Amrah, and must have been
buried until recent times.

The regular types of Chellean work are given in 11 and 13 (S., Figs. 25, 24),
comparable with 10, 12, 14 from Egypt. These are boldly worked with large
flaking, which is exactly chosen so as to need but little chipping or trimming.
No. 10 was found at Erment at 210 metres over plain, or about 940 feet above
present sea level. No. 12 lay on a spur of the cliff between Dendereh and
Naqadeh, 800 feet over plain, or 1,030 feet above sea. No. 14 was found by
Mr. Seton-Karr at a low level, at El-Ga'areh, S.E. of Dendereh. The two above
have the dark brown colouring of the plateau ; the lower is a honey flint partly
whitened. Similar types to the last were found, much water worn at a low level
north of Naqadeh, and quite white and porous at Thebes.

The early Acheulean style, 15, 17, 19 (back of 17), is coarser, and seems to
show a decay of the previous style (S., Fig. 29, xxvii, i). It is closely paralleled
by 16, 18 and 20. No. 16 is from the Valley of the King's Tombs at Thebes, at
240 metres over the plain, or 1,040 feet above sea. It is moderately water worn,
showing that the sea has been above that level since it was made. The other
examples, 18, 20, are from a class of similarly rude work, some partly water
worn, which have been found in various low levels between Abydos and Thebes.
They are not very distinctive ; but their rolled condition shows that they
are pre-Aurignacian, and they do not agree to any of the well-developed types,
so it is most likely that they should go with the similar early Acheulean of
Europe.

The regular Acheulean types of the massive ovoid 21, the pick with very
large coarse flaking 23, and the badly dressed pick 25, are all paralleled in Egypt.
These three types are assigned to the early middle and late Acheulean respectively
(S., Figs. 27, 30, 32). Other authorities would space them further apart, putting
22 as late Chellean, and 25 as early Mousterian, and also put back 22 and 24 into
the Chellean age. These figures are a tenth smaller than all the rest here, being
I : 22 instead of I : 2. The heavy ovoid 22 is from Erment, at 200 metres over
plain, or 900 feet over sea ; and a larger and thicker one is from the Valley
of the King's Tombs at Thebes. No. 24, from the low plain, 5 miles north of
Naqadeh, is much water worn, yet it shows the very coarse large flaking like the
European. No. 26 is feebly worked with poor flaking ; it comes from a low level
at Dendereh.

A very marked form of Acheulean period is the narrow pick 27 (M., 27) ; and
this is even more marked in two Egyptian examples, 28 and 29, which have been
discoloured in gravels, but not perceptibly water worn. The purpose of these
was probably the same as that of the other great palaeoliths, for breaking up the
soil in search of edible roots. Such is the only kind of work suited for the pointed
pick (otherwise called " hand-axe," coup-de-poing, or faustel) ; and this narrower
pick would be fit for a harder, more clayey, soil. The earliest great picks, like
crowbars of flint, from the base of the Crag, would be exactly suited to earth-
smashing ; and the only position in which the hands can well grasp them is with
the point toward the holder. To use the ordinary pick (hand-axe) for cutting
wood is almost impossible ; the edge would neither slice nor saw wood, and the
pointed form would never allow of striking a blow at a branch, and cutting like
an axe or adze. Fig. 30 we shall notice with the next page.

15-20 Early Aciieulean.

21, 22 Early, 23, 24 Mid, 25, 26 Late Achkulkan.

27-29 ACHEl'LEAN. 30 HOOF. 3I, 32 LuNATE. 33, 34 DiSC FLINTS.

E 2

The Stone Age in Egypt.

31 and 32 are two lunate forms that are certainly early, from their condition.
31 is from the Valley of King's Tombs at 230 metres, or 1,000 feet over sea ; it is
deeply stained dark brown by exposure. 32 is of a beautiful fawn-coloured flint
on the flat under side ; on the upper side stained a deep brown, except where the
white crust remains. These seem as if intended for scraping over wide curves, as
in removing bark from trees. Narrower scrapers of well-defined form are found
also of early period, as these (32 A, B) from Erment, found at 200 metres, or
900 feet over sea. They are stained a very deep brown by exposure. Their curves
would be suited for scraping poles of 3 or 4 inches thickness.

33 and 34 are examples of a tjpe which is commoner in Egypt than in
Europe, where it belongs to late Acheulean times ; it is also very usual in South

Africa, together with the flakes (as
35. I7y 39). the thin flat Chellean
forms, and the small thick oval
flints (54, 55), all of which are
recognised by Mr. Mennell as
being common in Africa. These
disc flints in the best formed
examples are equally sharp all
round, and convex on both faces.
It seems likely that they were
used for hurling at animals, a
purpose which may probably be
the origin of the Greek diskos
and modern quoits. They are
found 1,500 feet up at Thebes
(No. 33), and at various sites
northward to Abydos.

The largest class of Egyptian
flints is that of the flakes, as 35,
37, 39, which are found in great
quantities on the high plateau.
Another considerable class is that
of the thick domed flints, as 30
and 45, which are usually deeper
than half of the breadth. This
type is called by the Egyptians
diifr el-homar, "' donkey's hoof,"
and may well be termed the hoof type. No connection had been observed between
the hoofs and the flakes until Mr. Reginald Smith showed me the Northfleet
flints large blocks trimmed around, in order to strike off a thin sharp-edged
implement from the flat side. On examining the hoofs this did not seem at first
to be a parallel case, as they do not show a single wide flake face. But on
comparing the flakes with the hoofs the connection became evident. No. 36 is the
flat side of a hoof (Thebes), 37 is a flake (Naqadeh) which is closely alike in form ;
on superposing them, in 38, it is seen how nearly the planes of the flake lie in line
with the planes of the hoof. Similarly on placing flakes upon the largest flat face
of the hoof in Nos. 40, 41, 42, it will be seen that though none really belong the
character of the planes on the flakes closely agree with the planes on the hoofs.
The long narrow end to flake 39 is seen to be exactly what must have come off"

32 A, B, Concave Scrapers.

35-45 Hoof Flints and Flakes struck vrom them.

E 3

The Stone Age in Egypt.

46,47 Late AcHEULEAN. 48,49 Early ; 50, 51 Mid Mousterian.

The Stone Age in Egypt. 7 1

hoof 40. No. 45 is a very deep hoof, the thickness of which is two-thirds of the
width. Flints of similar character are found of the Aurignacian period in Europe,
compare 30 with 43 and 44 (S., xxxiii, 9, 10) ; but they are much smaller and
used for scrapers, as will be seen by the figures, reduced to the same scale of
one-half the okkject. The deep staining on the flakes and hoofs shows that they
cannot be dated as late as Aurignacian times, and the system may perhaps be of
the same age as the Northfleet blocks, mid or late Mousterian. The sites of the
examples here are from Thebes to Abydos, and the flake of 41 as far north as
Sohag. Most of the flakes come from the high plateau 800 to 1,400 feet up
(1,000-1,600 feet over sea) ; the blocks have often been found at lower levels.

The next European examples are, 46 late Acheulean to Mousterian, 48 early
Mousterian, 50 mid Mousterian. These forms are pretty closely equal to the
Egyptian form placed opposite to each. No. 47 has a single-face back struck with
one blow, as also is the parallel 46. It was found on the low desert 8 miles south
of Semaineh. No. 49 is a pale fawn surface flint, found 4 miles south of Marashdeh.
No. 5 1 is light brown, of a type found on either side of Dendereh. The much
lesser amount of brown coating on 49 and 5 1 seems to mark a more recent age
than the Chellean and Acheulean, which are dark brown in general, if they have
been exposed. None of the following flints have more than a pale brown or fawn
colour, only about a tenth of the depth of the coat on the early palaeoliths.

A large class of flints are the ovoids, as Nos. 53-55. These are found in
a settlement at Naqadeh on the desert slope about 30 feet over the Nile ; the site
is marked by a hollow sound on walking over it, due to the large proportion of
ashes in the ground. At the time when these were found it was supposed that
they belonged to the same people as were buried in the adjacent cemetery of the
prehistoric Egyptian civilisation. It was noticed at the time that this type was
never found in the graves, nor were the types in the graves ever found in the
settlement, but only some scraps of the grave pottery. As since then thousands
of prehistoric graves have been recorded, and never any of these flints in them, it
is evident that they belong to some period before the age of the cemeteries, that is
to say, before about 8000 B.C. Yet the settlement was formed since the cessation
of rainfall and retreat of the water level ; for had it been long submerged it would
have become solidified and not have had loose, dusty, resounding soil. The type
is paralleled by a Spanish flint from Calvados, 52 (M., 419), which does not seem
to be dated, but it most suggests the early Aurignacian age. There is no proof
that the retreat of the water level might not have been, say, 50,000 years ago, and
the settlement of that age, perhaps contemporary with the European Aurignacian ;
but I should not expect it to be of half that age. The form is so unhandy for
nearly all purposes, that it is hardly likely to be invented in very difterent times.

Cores have been formed in all ages when flakes were required, and have
therefore a wide range in all the later periods. Examples of French forms are
given here in 56, 57, 58 (from Landes and Pontleroy, M., 252, 246, 247), and such
are also known in Egypt. The thick prismatic core, flaked on all sides. Fig. 59, was
found at Quft. Oblique cores, as 60, are specially Egyptian : this example is from
Thebes, about 60 feet over plain. 61 is partly oblique, from a prehistoric grave;
a similar core was found at Sohag, 600 feet over plain. From their forms they
might be supposed to be Magdalenian, but 60 is considerably browned with age.
Another type of core is acutely underhung, Nos. 65-67, the flaking planes being
at only half a right angle to the striking plane. This angle is seen in the late
Aurignacian scrapers in Europe, as 62, 63, 64 (S., vii, 11,8, 9).

E 4

52-5$ AURIGNACIAN ? 56-67 CORES. 6S, 69 WeDGE FORMS.

T]ie Stone Age in Egj-pt.

70-90 SOLUTREAN.

74 The Stone Age in Egypt.

A strange wedge-shaped type 68, 69, belongs to the age of the ovoid flints,
53~S5. as 68 was found in the settlement with those. The purpose of it is not
clear, as it would neither cut, scrape, nor dig.

We now reach one of the clearest stages in the Egyptian series, that of the Fayum
flints, found at Dimeh and other sites to the west of the Lake. Here, unhappily, as
to records, we are even worse off than in the Nile Valley. The whole of the 300
specimens in University College have been found by natives, and are without any
history. Most of them I selected at a dealer's from a barrel-full of many thousands,
in order to show all varieties of types. The main fact which seems obvious about
them is their close equivalence to the Solutrean family of Europe. The total
absence of these types from the cemetery age of pre-historic Egypt shows that
they must precede that period. The peculiarities of the Solutrean types are as
follow : (a) The thin leaf-shaped blades, as in Fig. 70, from mid Solutrean age of
Laugerie (Haute?) (S., Fig. 62), parallel with Fig. 71, from the Fayum. This and
many other Fayum forms were made from thin natural layers of flint, which saved
the trouble of making a flat plate of flint to begin with ; but the faulty surface of
the layer could not be removed, and spoils the appearance of the face, (b) Flakes
were worked down to pointed forms for boring, as 72 (Grotte de I'Eglise, M., no)
and 73 (Solutr^, M., 122); the same type appears in 74, 75, and 76. (c) The
vesica form, equally pointed at each end is also found, as 77 from Grotte de I'Eglise,
Dordagne (M., 106), and from the Fayum 78 and 79. (d) Thin flakes, pointed,
and with a rounded butt are found at Solutre, 80, 81 (M., 118, 119), and very
commonly in the Fayum, as 82 to 85, and 89. (e) Thicker flints, roughly
chipped on the face, as the mid Solutrean 86 from Kleine Offnet (S., xvi, 7),
are also found in this group, 87. (f) The small curved knives 91 to 93 are
usual, and many have a thick unworked handle, as 93, 94, 95, left with a thick,
flat, edge to bear against the hand. This is the best adaptation for the hand
that is found in flint work. The narrow worked blade, 96, is like the forms from
the Grotte de I'Eglise, 97, 98 (M., 108, 109). (g) The prismatic rods of flint
worked on all faces, are characteristic of this age, as 99 (Denmark, M., 396), 100
and loi (Mentone, M., 117, 116), and such also belong to the Fayum, 102.
(h) Small equal-ended forms are often found minutely chipped over the whole
surface, as 103, 105, 106, 125, 127, 129; and parallels to these come from Solutre,
126, 128 (M. 99, 95).

Of arrowheads the nearest parallels to the Fayum types are 109 Aveyron
(with bronze (?), M., 387), in Denmark (M., 397), 120 Aveyron (M., 386), 123
Aveyron (M., 379). Most of these are worked over both faces; but n2 and n6
are flat on the back. Of the smaller forms, 133-135, there are very few in other
countries; the nearest forms being 132, from Lago di Garda (M., 391), 134 from
Mayence (M., 371), and the elaborate work of 141, from Portugal (M., 374).

Saw flints are common in the Fayum, as 147-149, and are nearly like the
Danish type, 146 (M., 352). Such saw flints probably continued to be made into
later times. Sickle flints, with smaller teeth and curved edge do not appear in the
Fayum, but were very common in historic times, even down to the XVHIth
dynasty. The handled knife, 150, 151, appears in the Fayum group; but it looks
as if it must be an intrusion, picked up by the native collectors from some source
different to the rest of the series, as it borders on the type of the 1st dynasty.

153 to 157 are peculiar forms, of which the sources are unknown. The small
flints with a straight base are found in Europe, 158 at the Lake of Constance, 159 at
Doubs (M., 369, 370); they are curiously close to 160 from the settlement at

93 94 95 96

>97. 1 98;

99 100 101 102 103 104 105 106 107 ^^^ 109

110 m

117 118119 120 121

122 123 124

112113114115116 4 4 4 A A

127 128 iraS 130

125 126

131

91-145 SOLUTREAN.

76 The Stone Age in Egypt.

Naqadeh. This borders on the flat-based and round-ended type i6i from the same
site, and 162 to 164. The latter two are finely worked, with the under side a
remarkably flat fracture ; the purpose of this type is unknown.

The round scraper is common in Egypt. 165 to 168 all have a single flat face
below, and are almost flat above, with well rounded edge chipping. 165 is from
the settlement at Naqadeh, i66 from 1,000 feet over the plain at Thebes.

W. M. Flinders Petrie.

( To be continued^

146-149 SOLUTREAN. 15O-168 UNCERTAIN.

( 78 )

MORE OF THE EARLIEST INSCRIPTIONS.

Since the account of the earliest inscriptions, on the cylinders, was given in
Ancient Egypt (1914, p. 61), a large group of twenty-eight more such inscriptions
has been brought forward by Mr. Blanchard of Cairo, who has collected them for
some years past. I have particularly to thank him for making a set of casts, which
he has kindly given me for study ; from these the present drawings are made, and
I hope to publish them in photograph when the general catalogue of cylinders may
be issued.

For facility of reference these fresh inscriptions are numbered on from the
previous series which ended at No. 75. Beside the twenty-eight here of the earliest
class there are a few of historic times, continuing the numbers to 108.
Mr. Blanchard's cylinders, being obtained from natives coming to Cairo, are mainly
derived from Lower and Middle Egypt, and some are known to come from the
Delta. In accordance with this there are twelve with the seated figure, which we
have already noticed (1914, p. 66) as being the prototype of the Memphite steles ;
while there are only two of the adkhu bird.s, which are like those on the steles of
Abydos. The distinction of these types, belonging to the North and South
respectively, is therefore confirmed. The inscriptions are here grouped in the same
manner as those before published.

Seated Figures, 76-87.

No. ^6 apparently only bears the personal name Nebsneit, a name given as
dedicating the child to the goddess, " Her mistress is Neit."

No. -jj has the theth formula, ' May she be like unto Neit ; " and the name
Hekasen, meaning " Magic conforms or unites the worshipper with the gods."

No. 78 has only the theth formula, " Like unto Neit and Hen." In No. 38 Hen
occurs, apparently as a deity parallel to Neit. It may be an early form of writing
the god Henena who is named in the Pyramid Texts (Pepy I, 636).

No. 79 bears the name Kanebneit, referring like No. 76 to a child being
dedicated to Neit " The mistress of the ka is Neit."

No. 80 is another Neit name, Auotesneit, " Neit is her inheritance."

No. 81 appears to read Pekhetneit, meaning, "This offering to Neit," or "This
thing is of Neit," or " It is a thing of Neit," another form of dedicating a child to
the goddess.

No. 82 reads, " Like unto Ahat, like to the circulating moon." The cow Ahat
was the divine mother, identified with Isis as mother of Horus, and hence connected
with the moon. This suggests that the favourite early names Beb, Beba, Bebu,
Beba-onkh, Beba-res, Beba-senb, and others, may all refer to the moon-mother
goddess.

No. 83 appears to read as the name Zesa, meaning " to revive," with sa sa,
repeated parts of the name.

More of the Earliest Inscriptions.

1] ^ ^

i u i

LIKE NEIT

'^ -I- I \ /VWSA ' I

i_iKE HEN - NEIT

f 1 el

NEIT IS HER IMHEKITANCE

^A%ur^^

^.^^

:r^^

TO KEVIVE __^

OFFERING

y^iOVX

%.^'^^

SHEPSES o/</^

'^^.^..

i-ffi^t

8o More of the Earliest Inscriptions.

No. 84 is partly broken, but the imperfect signs point to there being three
repetitions of the same group.

No. 85 is an invocation to Mut, " May she be united to Mut, grant her union."
The name Sen-mut, " united to Mut," occurs on another cylinder. No. 74, and is
familiar as that of the well-known architect in the XVIIIth dynasty.

No. 86 begins with a sign which is not certainly identified. It is probably the
sethet sign, the early form of which is seen on the ivory gaming slip of King Qa
{Royal Tombs, I, xvii, 30) ; this may be the same as the sign o used for " a caravan."
As set/tet designates both the people of the First Cataract and the Asiatics, it may
well be that the two signs are identical, and mean " nomads " or " desert dwellers."
This cylinder belonged then to the sealer of the caravan goods, or customs officer,
named Shepses. The sign in question seems as if it was a bundle of goods rolled
in a cloth, and secured by tying it up at each end. Such a form of bundle is earlier
than a sewn-up sack, and would be suited for putting across an animal's back.
Bundles like this I have often made up when packing in Egypt. Another sign
which looks as if it might well be of the same origin is kep or kdp, meaning " to
hide " ; this may be derived from the rolling up, and so hiding, things in a cloth.
The good representation of the cylinder seal, with metal caps at each end, and a
loop for suspension, should be noticed.

No. 87 begins with an invocation to Neit, " May she be like Neit" ; followed
by the personal name Pekashed. This sign shed occurs in very few words, and
here it might mean, " May this ka be nourished," or " This ka of the Persea," as the
sign is used in writing the name of that tree, ashed.

Aakhu Birds.

No. 88 appears to bear only the personal name Aaba, repeated in different
ways. The adkhet bird is like those on cylinders Nos. 12 to 22.

No. 89 may probably be names repeated in difterent forms.

No. 90 belonged to a " Guardian of this house or temple of Neit."

No. 91 reads, " The gift of Sebek " with the name Nefer-hetem. This name,
meaning " E.xcellence of fulfilment," is evidently an exclamation at the birth.

No. 92 expresses another devotion to Neit, " Neit makes perfect." Here the
crocodile, Sebekt, is a form of Neit [see Lanzone, Diz. Mit., 1043-4); the
association of Neit nursing two crocodiles is familiar in glazed pottery amulets.
The personal name here appears to be Seba.

No. 93 reads, " Her ka is conformed or united to Bat." Here, in the place of
the god's name of the formula, appears to be the bee. As no god is known named
Bat, it seems that this is a prayer to be conformed to the king, so as to accompany
him in his life with the gods.

No. 94 is confused with many repetitions. It is a prayer for conformity or
union with the god Sa, who appears in the Pyramid Texts (Unas 439) and also later.
He was one of the gods accompanying Ra. As T or Tet is brought into the
formula, that is probably the personal name.

No. 95 bears a simple prayer, " Living gods give life" ; or perhaps, in view of
a minute acikhu bird between the neter signs, it might read, " Gods of the Living
Spirits give life."

No. 96 has the name of a high priestess, " The Divine Wife, Shedt." The sign
below may possibly be a form of the hand which usually is written along with the
shed sign.

More of the Earliest Inscriptions.

^f'^^T^.^^^

viT*^rP89

tm X n

/^II

*'"'^/V **^*-<<^ ^"""^ "'' SEBEK .>~w^ ^

V>v, ^>

NEIT MAKES PERfECr

-,> ">f^'3"t.

^'-r MlEf"

SHEOT

</;r^ *^^^<- UVING CODS

WIFE oriME COD

*l2*SP 95

^ ^yy. PMeST PMESTOT tOHKANDER

*0 ^"^^ '"' *^' TEHUTr OF THE KHENT HAUU

82 More oj the Earliest Inscriptions.

No. 97 is the largest early cylinder that is known. It belonged to an official
who was " Commander of the khent hall of the palace, priest of Tehuti, Ba, and
Anpu." It is noticeable that this earliest known writing of Tehuti is repeatedly
expressed by two birds, suggesting the dual, as in the termination of the name
Tehuti Similarly, the name of the god Mehti is written with two hawks ; and the
plural names Heru, Khnumu, and others, written with three animals.

No. 98 is not clear in its structure. It would seem to read, " May she go forth
conformed from the khent hall," with the personal name Sha. The klunt hall was
the portico of the palace ; and, from that, of the temple. In it the royal purification
took place before admission to the temple; and it is probable that the ordinary
worshippers were only admitted thus far. Here it was then that conformity or
union with the gods would be ceremonially sought.

No. 99 has apparently the personal name Erdanefer, " Being well given," like
the Greek name Eudoros. The title or prayer is not clear.

No. 100 has the same title as No. d^, the " Opener of the canal banks " at the
inundation. The name is Nuna, the devotee of Nun, the primitive water-god.

No. 101. The Maltese cross sign is probably , as in No. 58. The name
Unn-ka expresses the satisfaction at the continuance of the family ka re-incarnated
in the new-born child, " The ka e.xists," or continues to be.

No. 102 is much worn, and not intelligible.

No. 103 has a well-known title of pyramid times, the her seshta, or secretary,
in the form her khetm sesh neb, " over the sealing of all writings." The personal
name appears to be Seza, meaning to revive or make healthy.

No. 104 is of a different workmanship, and much worn in parts. It apparently
did not bear any inscription similar to those here considered.

No. 105 may contain the name of an early king beginning Ar ; he was

prophet of Hathor who presided over the duat hall of the palace, or of the temple.

No. 106 is of Khafra beloved by Hathor.

No. 107 is the same inscription.

No. 108 is a portion of a cylinder of Sahura. The inscription is too much
broken to be safely restored.

It is satisfactory to see that nearly all of these cylinders are intelligible as to
their structure, and most of them read as reasonably as the short expressions of
later times.

W. M. F. P.

More of the Earliest Inscriptions.

aviis=.

'^'r^'-".

urr^o

^t-^

?Lur:

100

KJ4i^lilQl

/TAi/t:H||||io2

103

Mta^^^b^J

J fe

MISTKESS PKOPHtTOF

IN THE BUAT
Q PA lace)

UOVEC BY ^'^'If.

HATHOR ^-1

>-&

I r

GOOD
COS

t r

KHAFRA LOVED BY
HATHOR

F"
^

SAHURA

Mil"*

121

105

--7

led t

106

101

107

(fir

108

F 2

( 84 )

REVIEWS.

The Rock Tombs of Meir. Vol. I, The Tomb-chapel of U kh-hetep' s son Senbi.
A. M. Blackman. 4to, 41 pp., 33 plates. 25^. (Archaeological Survey of
Egypt, Vol. XXII.)

This book contains a thorough account of one of the tombs at Meir, of the
beginning of the Xllth dynasty. The whole is given in drawing, which is of
sufficient scale in the key plates and the details ; while the more important parts
appear in thirty-four photographs, and six colour photographs. The general type
of the tomb is intermediate between those of Deshasheh and of Benihasan, as it is
also intermediate in both its locality and age. A catalogue of the tombs of Meir,
of the Vlth and Xllth dynasties is given ; and genealogies of three generations in
the earlier group, and seven generations in the later. Especially may be com-
mended the translating of the short sentences over the scenes, which have been too
often neglected owing to their obscure brevity. Many points of interest are
mentioned or discussed in the description. The nomarchs in the middle of the
Xllth dynasty assumed much of royal attributes; behind Ukh-hetep V is the
formula " All protection, life, stability, and happiness, all health, all joy, behind the
Nomarch, over the priests, Ukh-hetep, for ever," and he is shown holding the onkh
like a king or god. The type of the herdsmen is in some cases clearly not
Egyptian, and is identified by Prof. Seligman with that of the Beja tribes in the
eastern desert. The art of the tomb shows a peculiar development toward
naturalism, rising between the Vlth and Xllth dynasties ; as such a movement is
not traceable in the contemporary Dendereh series of sculptures it would seem to
have come in from the north, perhaps owing to the Asiatic invasion at the close of
the Old Kingdom. The figures are shown in side view, without displaying the
whole width of the shoulders, as in PI. XXI, 2, 3, 4. The men as well as women
are coloured yellow ; and though the copper-red Egyptian is not likely to have
been really modified, yet a Semitic rule may have made a yellow skin to be
regarded as the correct tone. A long spiral side lock of hair sometimes is shown,
which is not Egyptian. There is a discussion of the ukh emblem, which was
a fetish of Hathor, so sacred that the ruling family took from it their name of
Ukh-hetep. It seems to have been a disc with a pendent uraeus on either side,
crowned with two straight feathers, and supported on a lotus handle, decorated
with a bow tie and ends, or perhaps a menat collar as Mr. Blackman suggests.
Against the latter interpretation it should be noted that there was only one
pendent menat to a bead collar, not two ends as figured here. A point to
remember is that the hieroglyph of Kusae is not a man with two giraffes, but with
two long-necked panthers like those on the Narmer palette. One point may be
reconsidered ; in a footnote it is said that the reaper in the Kamara papyrus
(Ancient Egypt, 1914, p. 26) has his head protected by a sack. Such would
certainly not be needed by any Egyptian during the spring harvest season. It

Reviews. 85

rather seems to be a linen bag to hold the ears of corn, hitching on over the head
and hanging down on the shoulders ; this would be parallel to the linen bag worn
on the hip by harvesters in the Ilird dynasty {Medum, XXVIII, Tomb 22).

The terrible indictment of past neglect and injury, by plunderers and
authorised excavators, which is given without comment, is the best of reasons for
hoping that all the other tombs of this district will be fully published as in this
volume ; and that scientific excavation may yet save a fraction of the amount that
has been wantonly destroyed by the past generation.

Prolegomena zur Geschichte der Zwerghaften Goiter in Aegypten. VON Franz
Ballod. 8vo, 103 pp., 119 figures, with Russian abstract 11 pp. (Liessner,
Moskau.) 191 3.

One of the greatest needs of Egyptology at present is to form complete guides
to all that is known about the various gods. The study here of Bes and allied
gods, by a former Russian scholar of Prof von Bissing, is therefore welcome ; but
appearing as a doctoral dissertation published at Moscow it may escape notice,
and does not appear in Mr. Griffith's ample bibliography. We therefore give an
abstract of the work here.

The variou.s names of Besi-form gods are Bes, Hayt or Hatti, Ahti, Ohaiu,
Tettnu, Sept or Sopdu, and Segeb. The sources of these gods are stated from all
authorities. The usual opinion is for the Punite origin, probably South Arabian ;
and some connect Bes with the Semitic bus, "to tread down," bcsay, "a conqueror,"
referring to the warrior figures ; others with the Egyptian bdsu, " the panther,"
referring to the skin dress of the god. The various aspects of Bes are quoted, as
the god of dance, music, joy, toilet, of women, of birth and infancy, and of defence
with sword and shield. If we had to give a single expression for the god, we could
only call him " protector of domestic joy."

Next is given the chronology of Bes. First, with names. Of the Middle Kingdom
is the inscribed headrest (Brit. Mus.) and figures of Ohati (ivory wand). In the
XVIIIth dynasty is Ohaiu (Book of the Dead, XXVIIl). Ptolemaic figures are of
Bes and Hayt, Roman of Ahti, Bes and Hayt or Hatti. With foreign attributes is
Sopd, smiter of the Mentiu, Tetten, and Hayt. Bes is assimilated to other gods, as
Segeb, Min-Hor, Mafdet, and Omom. Second, are dated figures without names;
various dwarfs of the prehistoric in stone and ivory, and on seals ; Middle Kingdom
figures on ivory wands, and the box of Rifeh. In the XVIIIth dynasty, figures
abound, on an ivory wand, birth scene of Hatshepsut, amulets, scarabs, spoons,
furniture and vases. One of the finest examples here unmentioned is the ebony
and electrum toilet box of Amenhetep II at Edinburgh. Of later dynasties there
are scarabs, amulets (mainly XXIInd), rough vases (XXIIIrd-VIth), the Bes pillars
(XXVth and Roman), complex polytheist figures of Bes as on the Metternich stele,
the Serapeum bronze, and the great amulet (^Amulets, I35aa), and lastly, the Roman
terracotta figures. The Nubian forms follow.

The last section is on the types of Bes, classifying the above material by the
forms. The dates of appearance of all the details and varieties of the types are
stated, the best summation in the book. Then follows a classified list of all the
varieties of types used in different ways, with hundreds of references to publications.
The important female form of Bes is only glimpsed in seven lines ; it needs much
fuller treatment.

All this is termed Prolegomena to the history of the dwarf-gods, and we must
hope therefore that the study will be continued in various lines of research. Though

F 3

86 Revieivs.

continually speaking of the zwcrghaften gods, yet the whole subject of the real
dwarf-god Ptah-seker is not touched. That is a very com]3lex matter ; the obscure
relations to Ptah and Seker, and to the pataikoi, need much elucidation. In the
whole treatment we need to define the range of the meanings of the various forms,
the relations to other gods in Egypt and in other lands, the functions of the
dwarf-gods. The method needs to deal more with the facts on which all is based,
and not with copious quotations of opinions. It matters most what are the basic
facts ; how writers have understood them is quite secondary. The present work is
too mechanical in piling together references, which largely mean repetitions of the
same material, too much an "emptying of note books." As such it contains very
useful material ; but it needs much weeding. If the author will proceed to the
constructive task of welding his prolegomena, and producing a real history from
all that can be gleaned about dwarf-gods, fortified by parallels in other religions, and
with just enough of past opinions to show what is already accepted, he will do a
most valuable and permanent work. We hope also that future illustrations may be
larger and more distinct.

Palestine Exploration Fund ; Quarterly Statement, Jan., 1915. 8vo, 52 pp. 2s.

This number contains various papers of interest connected with Egypt.
Lieut. Trumper discusses the route of the Exodus from a personal study of the
region. The key of his position is that Marah is Ayun Musa. Thence he traces
back, three days' journey (Ex. xv, 22), and reaches a site which he proposes for
the crossing opposite Gebel Geneffeh, where he supposes Migdol to have been.
He fully accepts the position of Pithom, and takes the milestone found there as
proving that Clysma was eight miles from Ero, or Pithom, and therefore not to be
sought for at Suez. In all this there arc several matters which are not taken into
account. The Antonine Itinerary proves that there was a Clysma near Suez,
doubtless the present Kolzum north of Suez. But as the name Clysma merely
means a shore, the milestone proves that there was a shore, or edge of a lake or
sea, at eight miles east of Pithom. In the itinerary in Exodus it is certain that
undistinctive stages are not noticed. From Etham, which all agree was about
Ismailiyeh, there are but five days' journey specified in going south to Elim, which
must be Wady Gharandel. The distance is no miles, so probably three days at
least are not specified. This being the case, it seems more likely that Marah next
before Elim is the bitter Ayn Hawareh, a few miles north of Gharandel, as that is
three days in the wilderness from the last fresh water. Then the unspecified days'
journey were either before or after the crossing, and thus the position of the
crossing is not fixed, and may probably have been in the shallows near Sheykh
Henedik, rather than in the deepest part of the Bitter Lakes. As to Rameses,
which Mr. Trumper would place north of Pithom, there is no chance of its being
out in the open desert ; the only possible site for it is Tell Retabeh, where
monuments of Rameses II and III exist.

Prof. Macalister gives an account of a collection of pottery at Jerusalem,
with four photographs of groups by the owner, Mr. Herbert Clark. The open
dish lamp is of seventh-century Greek origin, as at Naukratis. The pottery
alabastra forms are Ptolemaic ; in alabaster they may be of Persian period but
not earlier.

Mr. Offord writes on the former extent of the papyrus growth in Egypt.

Mr. Stanley Cook gives a summary of an important paper by Prof Max
Miiller {Jewish Quarterly Review, April, 1914) on a papyrus of the reign of

Reviews. 87

Tahutimes III, now at Petrograd. This contains a list of envoys from a dozen
cities of Syria, which must have been the residences of petty chiefs. These places
are : (i) Megiddo ; (2) Kinneroth, near Tiberias ; (3) Yakasipu, Achshaph ;
(4) Shamaduna, supposed to be Shabbethon ; (5) Taanach ; (6) [Ru] ?-sha'ara,
supposed to be^-a Rosh-El, " God's Summit " ; (7) Tinni (unexplained), perhaps
Dan or Tipunu-Dibon ; (8) Sharon; (9) Ashkelon ; (10) Khusura, Hazor ;
(11) Hatuma, unknown; (12) Rakisha, Lachish, the first mention of that city.
We should note that these names appear to fall in two separate groups geographi-
cally, 1-8 in Galilee, 9-12 in S.W. Palestine. The Egyptian names (see Jewish
Quarterly Review) are transliterated in the system we use here, as follows, with
probable equivalents :

1. Maketa Megiddo.

2. Kinnaratu ... ... Kinneroth, near Tiberias.

3. Yakasipu ... ... Achshaph, Yasif, 6 N.E. of Acco.

4. Shamar(d)una . . . Shimron, 5 W. of Nazareth.

5. Taonaki ... ... Taanach, 4 S.W. of Megiddo.

6. Shaora ... ... Sh'arah, i| S.W. of Sarona.

7. Tinni ... ... Denna, 7 S. of Sarona.

8. Saruna ... ... Esh-Sharon, Sarona, 6 S.W. of Tiberias.

The furthest apart of these places are 3 and 5, 30 miles apart.

The southern group is to the south-east of Ascalon :

9. Osqaluna ... ... Ashkelon.

10. Husura ... ... Hazor, Hadattah, near Ashkelon.

11. Hatuma Etam, 12 E.S.E. of Lakhish.

12. Lakisha ... ... Lakhish.

Some of the identifications proposed by Prof Max Miiller differ from these.
Shamaduna, also read Shamaruna by Prof. Golenischeff, M.M. identifies with
Shabtuna of Thothmes HI, now Shebtin, 9 E. of Lydda, which does not belong
to the Galilee group. Saruna, now Sarona by Tiberias, M.M. connects with the
plain of Sharon, which does not agree to its position in the lists. Shaora (or
(Sha'ara), M.M. conjecturally reads Rosh-El, but does not identify it. It seems to
be Sh'arah by Sarona. For Tinni M.M. suggests Dan or Dibon, but Denna is
near Sarona. In the southern group the Hazor Hadattah is named by Eusebius
and Jerome as near Ascalon. Hatuma is not identified by M.M., but with the
weak h it may well be Etam, the position of which is not certain, but supposed to
be as above. The only way to deal with ancient names is to observe the
geographical grouping, and then to search the map exhaustively in the probable
region.

Cairo Scientific Journal, August, 19 14. \s. (Wesley and Son.)
Though this useful Journal is mostly occupied with modern questions, it
contains also some papers of archaeological interest. In the above number is
a valuable account of " Customs, Superstitions and Songs of the Western Oases,"
by Mr. Harding King. In Khargeh Oasis is a procession of a Mahmal, which is
claimed as being the origin of the Cairo Mahmal that goes yearly to Mecca.
A camel bears a tent in which is a hereditary occupant, who receives small
offerings from the people. It may well be that an early custom is thus preserved ;
and as the Cairo Mahmal is said to have originated in 1272, it was certainly
impKjrted into Islam, and probably had some earlier source.

F 4

88 Reviews.

The most striking custom is that seven days after birth the child is placed in
a sieve with salt and grains of corn ; these are sifted through and scattered in the
village. " The ceremony is then completed by the father of the child trundling

the sieve like a hoop through the streets of the village, the sieve is trundled

about so that when the child grows up he may be able to run quickly. This
custom is common to both Khargeh and Dakhleh." This exactly explains
a curious scene in the birth sculptures at Deir el-Bahri and elsewhere. After
the birth of the child it is nursed by the goddesses, and presented to the gods ;
after that appears Anubis, rolling a disc along upon the ground {Deir el-Bahari, LV).
Dr. Naville states (II, i8) that this scene recurs "in all the birth temples, except at
Luxor . . . From the text at Denderah I gather that this disc is the moon, and
that the god is presiding over the renewal of the moon." The earliest mention of
devotion to the moon, on a cylinder published in this number (p. 78), describes
it as Aoh ne heb, " the moon of circulating" ; and the very common names of Beb,
Beba, Bebu, in the earlier part of the history show how prominent was this aspect
of the moon. Thus the surviving belief that the rolling sieve is a charm to give
quick running to the child, agrees with the meaning of Anubis rolling along the
circulating moon as an emblem of motion. There may be some further connection
of the jackal-god with the three jackal skins which seem to originate the sign of
birth, nies ; but of this there is not connective evidence as yet. At least we can
now see the survival of the scene shown in the temples, and ascertain its import.

A custom agreeing with that in Southern Europe is that in order " To protect
a tree from the Evil eye and ensure a good crop, some animal's bone frequently
a skull, wrapped up in cloth is hung up in the branches, and sometimes small
doll-like figures are used in the same way." The bucrania for protection were
well known in Egypt ; they appear over the doors on a prehistoric ivory carving
{Hierakonpolis, XIV), over the shrine of the Fayum {Tarkhan I, ii, 4; Labyrinth,
XXIX, and ever after), and dozens of coloured skulls trimmed for hanging up are
found in the pan-graves {Diospolis, XXXIX). A curious illustration of the persistence
of native custom in the female line is seen in the use of songs. " There are a number
of songs peculiar to the Oases. They are all sung by women, while the men sing
only Bedouin songs." This agrees with other instances where intrusive custom is
restricted to the male descendants.

Mr. G. W. Murray gives a brief notice of the old mining camp of Bir Kareim,
which has been suggested as the site of Sety's establishment in the Turin mine
papyrus. The existing remains seem to be all Roman. He also mentions a
discovery by Mr. G. B. Crookston of ancient workings for amethyst near Gebel
Abu Diyeiba, between the phosphate mines of Wasif and Um Huetat. The
cavities with amethysts are in veins in the granite which run straight for hundreds
of yards. These seem like old faults filled up by gradual precipitation. Such
a source agrees with the abundance of amethyst in the Xllth dynasty when Nubia
was being exploited.

( 89 )

PERIODICALS.

Zeitschrift fi'ir Aegyptische Sprache, Vol. LI, 1914.

LacAU. Suppressions et modifications de signes dans les textes funifraires.
It is well known that in the Pyramid Texts and in inscriptions of the Middle
Kingdom certain signs are represented in a mutilated condition. This has been
recognised as due to the belief that such signs had in themselves a certain danger,
due to the fact that the objects, which the signs represented, had power to molest
and even to kill. M. Lacau points out that the mutilation, and even suppression,
of these signs was carried out to a considerable extent, and introduced many curious
changes in the orthography. He calls attention to the fact that these alterations
occur only in inscriptions in the actual burial chamber, or for the use of the dead
only ; and that the signs affected always represent living creatures.

Pyramid Texts. In these inscriptions, particularly those of Unas and Teta,
the human word-signs or determinatives, common in other Old Kingdom texts,
are suppressed, and the word is spelt out in alphabetic signs. This is not the
archaic method as is usually supposed, but an abnormal variation. In the texts of
Merema and Neferkara the earlier system is reintroduced, but with the signs
mutilated. Replacement of a dangerous sign by one which is harmless or neutral
is also found. These neutral signs are O I \ > often used instead of a human figure,
especially in the dual and plural. The human figure as a word-sign is also replaced

by another sign having the same phonetic value, e.g., M?i the pronoun of the first
person singular is replaced by (] ; in case of a determinative the human figure is
replaced by another sign which gives an approximate sense of the word.
Mutilation is the "killing" of a sign so as to render it harmless. The mutilation
of the human figures consists in retaining the arms and legs in the characteristic
attitude, and eliminating the body and sometimes the head. The same rules
appear to hold good as regards animals, with the exception of the fish-signs ; for
in the whole of the Pyramid Texts there is only one representation of a fish
(N. 537)- The taboo on fish may account for this fact; as fish appear to have
been considered peculiarly malevolent, they would be excluded from the near
neighbourhood of the dead king. The scorpion is always represented without

a tail, but for some unknown reason the ^^ and '^.=^ are never mutilated.

Middle Kingdom. It is remarkable that the suppression or mutilation of
signs is quite inconsistent at this period. Thus, the double sarcophagus of Mentu-
hotep, now at Berlin, contains human figures in the inscriptions on the inner
sarcophagus, and none at all in the inscriptions on the outer. Yet the two were
made for the same person and probably in the same workshop. In many instances
in Middle Kingdom texts the human figure is replaced by the vertical line |, which
is used for man, woman, or child signs ; for the bearded man the sign is rather
longer. The determinatives of the words for " enemy " or " death " are replaced by
the diagonal stroke \. For the animal signs there is no fixed rule. The birds
are often mutilated by the omission of the hinder parts including the legs. The
.serpents are represented with the heads divided from the bodies ; the scorpion is

90 Zeitschrift fiir Aegyptische Sprache.

without a tail ; and the royal wasp sometimes has the head cut off and is sometimes

replaced by its equivalent V- The sacred animals representing the gods are

occasionally omitted altogether, the god's name being then spelt out phonetically

and followed by H ; or the animal is replaced by another emblem of the god.

New Kingdom. The suppressions and modifications continue in the New
Kingdom, though the affected signs differ from those of the earlier periods. In
the words for " enemy " and " death " the human figure is replaced by the circle O
as in the Pyramid Texts. On the funeral cloth of Thothmes III all knife signs
are omitted and the bird of evil ''^^s. is sometimes suppressed. In other instances

the negative sign .>ju. is replaced by wv~vv, and the hand of force ^ /i by o.

M. Lacau's theory is that the idea underlying these changes is the belief that
certain signs would be able to work harm to the dead in the darkness of the tomb.

SpiEGELBERG. Eine Urkunde iiber die Eroffmnig eines Steinbruches juiler
Ptolemaios XIII (3 plates and i illustration). A demotic inscription in a quarry
in Gebel Sheikh el-Haridi. Above is a scene representing Ptolemy XIII standing
before Min, Horus, Isis, Harpocrates and Triphis. The inscription recounts that
in the eleventh year of the king's reign on the seventh of Tybi, the day of the
festival of Min, Psais son of Pe-alal, with his sons and brothers, opened the quarry.

SPIEGELBERG. Neue Denkmdler der Parthenios, des Verwalters der Isis von
Koptos ( ( plate and 5 illustrations). This Parthenios, son of Paminis and Tapchois,
is well known from the number of monuments dedicated by him. Several new
inscriptions of his have been discovered ; amongst others are the dedication of
a sandstone door at Koptos in honour of the Emperor Claudius ; the draft of an
inscription recording repairs done to the sacred boat of Isis; and two much
mutilated records, one referring apparently to some buildings in the temple of Isis
at Koptos, the other to the " j/rt-house," i.e., the shrine of Geb at Koptos.

Spiegelberg. Bin zweisprdchiges Begleitschreiben su einem Miimcentransport
(2 illustrations). A wooden label inscribed on one side in Greek, on the other in
demotic. This is not an ordinary mummy-label, but the invoice for the transport
of a mummy to Panopolis.

PlEPER. Untersuchungen sur Geschichte der XIII Dynastie {\ plate). Turin
royal papyrus. Some new and interesting readings are noted here. In column vii,

fragment TJ, I. 6, the reading of the name is undoubtedly ( O y ^^ "sea^. j ,

Ra-sekhem-hu-taui Sebekhotep, and not as it is so often read f O y _ 1,

Ra-sekhem-klm-taui. In I. 10 are the remains of a name which apparently reads

O LJ ffl W| ' R^-l^'a-Set. This king's name is already known on a bead published

by Legrain {Ann. du Serv., VI, 134). The arrangement of the fragments shows
that columns .xi and xii should contain the XVth and XVIth dynasties, and this
is borne out by the foreign names found in them. In column .x, however, there
are .some interesting names. In fragment 108, I. 3, the king's name is to be read

( O P *^9. Ra-sba , not r O R T j^^^, Rii-snefer ... In fragment 123,

1. 4, is a king |^^|| U J ^ ^^^^ ^^W^' Ka-aanaty ; a foreign name,

Zeitschrift fiir Aegyptische Sprache. 9 1

corresponding according to Burchardt, with the Canaanitish ant. In 1. 5 is

another king^^^ [_] 1 ^ij J J , , , ^^ ^' ^^^ '^"^'' "^"^^ '^ identified with
the Bi/wi' of Manetho. There are three Hyksos kings whose cartouches end with
t 1 , Ra-nefer-^&, Ra-nub-ka, and Ra-sma-ka. From the relative position of the
names on the papyrus it seems probable that Ra-nefer-ka and Ra-nub-ka are the
kings in question.

MoUer's palaeographical researches have made it possible to identify the
Turin Papyrus as a document of Lower Egypt ; it must therefore embody the
historical tradition of the Delta, which was not necessarily the same as that of
Upper Egypt. In studying the lists it is obvious that the names of Egyptian kings
fall into groups in each dynasty, both the throne and personal names. Taking,
then, all the Sebekhoteps and Neferhoteps, we find that their throne names fall
also into three groups, obviously closely connected. From this it seems evident
that we have to do here with one complete dynasty scattered among the names of
other kings. This can only be explained by the hypothesis that the Sebekhoteps
belonged to a dynasty of Upper Egypt contemporary with a dynasty reigning in
Lower Egypt.

Burchardt. Die Einnahme von Satuna (2 plates). This is a little-known
relief of an event in the reign of Rameses II, sculptured on a wall on the west side
of the temple of Luxor. It represents the fortress of Satuna, standing on a hill,
which appears to be surrounded by a forest of leafy trees and cedars ; in the forest
a bear attacks a fugitive ; the king and his army are shown advancing on the
citadel in the usual manner. The interest of the scene lies in the fact that, though
the fortress must by its surroundings have been in Syria, yet its defenders are
represented as Libyans, wearing the Libyan girdle, side-lock, and feathers ; and
also that the artist, having discovered his mistake, has attempted to rectify it by
altering the hair and beards into the Asiatic form. The inscription on the fortress
has also been altered, but the original signs have been so completely destroyed
that it is impossible even to guess at them. An unusual point in this sculpture is
the introduction of low-growing blossoming plants in the spaces among the figures.

Ember. Kindred Seinito- Egyptian words. A list of a hundred Egyptian
words with examples of kindred words in allied languages, chiefly Arabic and
Hebrew. In many cases a short discussion is added.

Spiegelberg. Die allgemeine Oris und Zeitbestimmung o im Koptischen.

The sign o, originally meaning " Hand " or " Arm," is often used to express

time, place, or condition. This use passes into Coptic, where the word becomes A.

Thus: AMTcooT "Mountain district" CZJ. The Coptic a, which means

" About," i.e., an uncertain amount, also derives from ^ a ; in this use it is often

preceded by a preposition, ^.^., MMAnwoTXH motiomo "About a stone's throw."
The temporal form is also ma ; maotmot cmts " About two hours " ; in this form
the Sahidic ma becomes mat in Boheiric. The third use is best exemplified in

the expression mauo, " In a condition of truth," ^\ "^ Q ^ ' '.

Murray. The cult of the Drowned in Egypt. The cult of the drowned being
known throughout the world, it is only natural to look for it in Egypt. It is

92 Zeitschrift fiir Aegyptisclu Sprache.

a form of water worship, and is therefore found in some of the cults of Osiris. It
seems also to have been connected with the sacrifice, actual or vicarious, of
the king.

Meyer. Konig Sesonchosis als Begriinder der Kriegerkastc bet Diodor. The
law-givers of Egypt, according to Diodorus, were six in number : Mnevis, Sasuchis,
Sesonchosis, Bokchoris, Amasis, and Darius I. The first two are legendary, the
last three are well known. Sesonchosis has generally been identified with Scsostris,
but in Manetho Staoiyxtii (Africanus) or 1tao-^\wais (Eusebius) is the form used
for the Egyptian Sheshank.

Miscellaneous.

Spiegelberg. A correction of a demotic inscription published in the previous
number. Tiie inscription should begin, " Afterwards it happened one day that
Pharaoh betook himself to the burial vault of Apis."

Spiegelberg. The Coptic date-word tctT- is derived from the ancient
^1 , and is not used for the Indiction ; the t is the remains of the word ha-t.

Ember. Sethe has called attention to secondary stems in Egyptian with
prefixed h. These are paralleled in Mehri, a language of Southern Arabia.

M. A. Murray.

( 9Z )

^ FLAXMAN SPURRELL.

1843-1915.

The notice of the death of Flaxman C. J. Spurrell will not convey much to the
present generation of workers in Egyptology ; but his help and influence had
largely to do with the wide and scientific treatment of the subject in England.
Living near the Crayford pits, he was devoted, forty or fifty years ago, to the
search for the mammalia in the brick earths there, and the study of flint implements.
He discovered a stratum of flints left in the course of working on an old land-
surface, and succeeded in re-constituting some of the flakes into the original blocks.
On my exhibiting plans of ancient earthworks in 1876, he took much interest in
them, and began a close friendship which led him to give his time largely to Egyptian
matters for nearly twenty years. In the work of the unpacking and arranging
collections, in studying the materials especially the colours and gums in sorting
and drawing flint implements, and in other subjects, he was indefatigable. Some of
the books of that time show his work in the plates, as in Kahitn, Illahun, and Naqada,
and in chapters written by him in the latter two books. In those years, before
the present generation of workers arose, he was the constant helper in all the
scientific questions that appeared, as well as in the hard work of handling the tons
of materials that had to be received and despatched in England.

The stimulating manner in which he encouraged research could hardly be
better shown than by a letter of his, dated in 1881. In that he wrote: "I do not
know a treatise on the Geology of Egypt, in fact it is very uncertain, but it appears
to me that the study of the evidences of a rainy time in connection with evidences
of man, offers a splendid chance of proving the antiquity of the race. There must
have been a time when the Nile Valley was excavated and the lateral valleys
poured down in torrents the gravels in which implements have been found, and
through which tombs have been cut. While this was going on, was the Nile
depositing the present style of mud? If not, when did the mud begin, and were
there no late periods of detached rainfall which might have overlapped and
ploughed into the mud? Is the drought of Egypt increasing now or not I mean,
what is the rainless region doing, contracting or enlarging, and is it capable of
being compared with the mud deposits ? I do not know if there are records of
more or less rain in ancient inscriptions. Is it possible that the rainy period
coincided with our later glacial times ? it has often occurred to me that the rainy
period in Egypt and Morocco was our glacial period the showery, or intermediate
period, was the heavy cold rain time which followed our glacial, and the rainless
time of Egypt is our time of reduced rivers and the dry valleys of to-day. It
seems probable that the pluvial period in this country was more likely to destroy
life than the dry glacial cold at least to me. Can you see anything worth
examining in these matters?"

After a discussion of festooning in drift strata, and the confusion of black and
blue in early colouring, comes a postscript: "Are you in town this week? If you
are near the Brit. Mus. and can meet me for an hour or so, I will join you but
not unless you have occasion to be there. I have lots of questions. F. C. J. S."

94 Flaxman Spiirrell.

The many questions raised in this letter are not answered yet, after a third of
a century ; but the article on the Stone Age in Egypt in this Journal will show
that a little has been done toward the research so eagerly sketched out long ago.
Personally, Flaxman Spurrell had a beautiful character. Abhorring all underhand
doings, he avoided most of the current affairs as being too much mixed with
cliques and wire-pulling. He was fastidious in his relations to men, as well as in
his methods of work. Utterly true in the loyalty of his friendships, he was always
ready to take up actively any piece of research presented to him, and to follow it
unsparingly. It was most regrettable that he could not be persuaded to go to
Egypt, and work with the stimulus of fresh material around him. But, as time
passed, the pessimism which appeared in an assumption of cynicism over the
intense kindness of his nature, grew into a melancholy tone. The entreaties of his
friends would not lead him out, and for the last twenty years he seldom came from
his retirement in Norfolk. Once and again in a few j-ears he would suddenly
appear for an hour or two, in a way tantalizing to those who remembered the keen
interests of the past which he could no longer be induced to continue.

W. M. F. P.

( 95 )

NOTES AND NEWS.

Owing to the exigencies of the war, our workers are scattered in various directions.
Mr. Guy Brunton is still in Red Cross work at Netley Hospital, acting as pay-
sergeant there. Mrs. Guy Brunton has been in Hospital work on the East Coast.

Mr. Engelbach has returned from the front, where he was despatch riding, and
is Lieutenant in the Royal Engineers, in training at Sheerness.

Dr. Walter Amsden is medical officer at Cooden Beach Camp, very closely
occupied with inoculation and testing work.

Mr. H. Thompson (in Oxford and Bucks L. Infantry) is digging trenches on
the East Coast, and came upon an ancient grave with Roman pottery.

Mr. G. R. North is now Lieutenant in 9th Batt. Queen's R. West Surrey Regt.,
digging trenches in Kent.

Miss D. K. Allan has been working on V.A.D., and joined the Scottish
Women's Hospital at Asnieres, as kitchen orderly ; she is now in a ward at the
Abbaye de Royaumont, nursing French and Turcos.

Miss Ruth Fry went to France as Secretary of the Friends' league for the
protection of war victims, and is now returned.

Mr. Philip Button has been at the front from the first, and is now Captain in
the 2nd R. Warwickshire Regt.

With the greatest regret we hear of the loss that Prof. Sir Gaston Maspero has
suffered in the death of his son, M. Jacques Jean Gaston Maspero, who fell at the
head of his division in the attack on Vauquois in the Argonne, on i8th February.
M. Jean Maspero was known by his work on Greek inscriptions, and we shall all
grieve at the loss of a scholar, and at such a blow to one of the leaders in
Egyptology, to whom all will render their sincere sympathy.

Collection by THE British School of Archaeology in Egypt for the

Officers' F"amilies Fund.

In December, I undertook to collect donations for the above-named war
relief fund, from the annual subscribers of the British School. The correspondence
has brought much satisfaction to us, so great has been the interest and the
enthusiasm .shown ; except for one dissentient the subscribers have been unanimous
in their approval, and have given hearty support to this cause. In the first month,
nearly ;^230 reached me, in response to the appeal, shortly followed by another
;^ioo. During January, yet another ;fioo came in; about .^50 more up to the
present time (15 March) makes a total of ;^486 iSs.

The Officers' Families Fund was established in 1899, and worked all through
the South African War under experienced management. The Treasurer is
Lord Milner, and the headquarters is at Lansdowne House.

Any contributions marked O.F.F., and sent to me at University College,
Gower St., London, will be thankfully received, and acknowledged instantly by
receipt, and will also be acknowledged in the Times and Morning Post on the
first Thursday of the following month.

Hilda Flinders Petrie.

( 96 )

THE EGYPTIAN RESEARCH STUDENTS' ASSOCIATION.

Some of the branches have bravely maintained their activity. Others have
flagged, but we hope that these will revive with the spring. It is still not too late
to conduct a season's meetings, and the duty of keeping up former intellectual
interests is more than ever felt by everyone. One or two of the branches mean
to extend their meetings late into the summer.

London. (Hon. Sec, Mrs. Sefton-Jones, permanent address, 74, Cadogan
Place, S.W.) Meetings, monthly ; at 8 p.m. tea and coffee, 8.30 p.m. lecture.
Dec. 10, at Mrs. P. Bigland's, an impromptu lecture kindly given by Mr. Sefton-
Jones, on " The Bogomils." Jan. 29, Egyptian play, by Mrs. Purdon. Feb. 25,
Mrs. Lewis, D.D., on "The Sinai Gospels." March 17, Miss M. A. Murray, on
" Osiris." April and May meetings not yet announced.

Glasgow. {Pro tern.. Rev. A. C. Baird, B.D., 14, Royal Terrace.) At the
University, Dec. 7, 8.30 p.m.. Prof. Milligan, on " A thousand years on the Nile."
Feb. 15, 8.30 p.m.. Prof Gregory, on " History of the Climate of Egypt."

Hastings. (Mrs. Russell Morris, Quarry Hill Lodge, St. Leonards.) Oct. 17,
Major Davenport, on " Ancient Egyptian Jewellery." Nov. 30, Dr. Spanton, on
"Water Lilies of Ancient Egypt." Jan. i, Mrs. Court, on "Sign Language."
Feb. 17, at the Public Museum, Mr. Thos. Wright, on "The Fascination of Old
Egypt." In April, lecture on Prehistoric Pottery. In June, garden (?) meeting.

Ross-on-Wye. (Mrs. Marshall, Gayton Hall.) Third meeting, Dec. 30
(Mrs. Cobbold), lecture on " Ptolemaic Period." Jan. 20 (Mrs. Cobbold), lecture on
" Graeco-Roman Period." Mar. 3 (Mrs. Schomberg), lecture on " Analogy of
African tribal customs to those of Ancient Egypt." A small lending library on
Egyptian and Ancient History, free for members' use, is established in Ross.

Manchester. Egyptian and Oriental Society. (Miss W. M. Crompton,
the University.) Monthly, 8 p.m., at the University. Oct. 5 (1914), Annual
Meeting, when Prof J. H. Moulton, D.D., was elected President, in place of
Prof Rhys Davids, retiring ; Prof Flinders Petrie, on " The Metals in Ancient
Egypt." Oct. 31, Principal Burrows, on "Recent Excavations in Crete." Dec. i,
Rev. D. P. Buckle, on "The Book of Wisdom." Jan. 15, Miss M. A. Murray, on
"Ancient Egyptian Literature and Legends." Feb. 17, Prof Elliot Smith, on
"Oriental Temples and Mummies." Mar. 19 (5 p.m.). Principal Bennett, D.D., on
" Archaeology and Criticism."

Hilda Flinders Petrie.

For the description of the Portraits see the first article by Prof Gardner, on
the supreme figure of Cretan art which we arc permitted to publish by the
authorities of the Boston Museum.

IVORY AND GOLD CRETAN STATUETTE, BOSTON MUSEUM,

IVORY AND GOLD CRETAN STATUETTE, BOSTON MUSEUM.

Fig. 4. LiiiYANS OF Bakt.
Shewing identity of Male and Female Dress.

{From Borchaidts Grabdenkiiial des KSnigs Sahn-re.)

^'^

ANCIENT EGYPT.

TA TE//EJVL/ "OLIVE LAND."

No interpretation of the geographical name '^'^^^1 ^ ^''t TeheuH, has yet been

given. Egyptologists usually understand the word to mean " Libya," but although
this meaning is undoubtedly correct, it is not a translation of the name. Countries
were often named by the Egyptians, as by other peoples, after the chief product of

the land. They called Lower Egypt '" ^If, Ta-meh, "Flax-land"; Middle

Egypt, =??^ -^ , Ta shemd, " Reed-land " ; Syria (in early times) | , Ta-neter,

" Neier-land," i.e., the land of the neier-pole ; and Nubia, === j , Ta-pedt, " Bow-land,"

because the bow was the principal weapon of the inhabitants. =^f?= | Q ,
Ta Te/ienu, is, of course, " Te/ienu-\and," but the question to be answered is, What is
I _0 , Tehenu ?

One of the most important products of =5?^= | O was an oil which is named

in Old Kingdom lists of offerings -^ 1 , ^ l.iaM tehenu, " Tchetiu-oW.' Some-

times this oil is named "^^^ 1 O , hdtet nt Tehenu, " Oil of Tehenu," and

often, in later lists, the r^-^^^ determinative is added showing that the Egyptians

recognised the oil as a product of 7V//^-land. -=^ ===== 1 , " Oil of

Tehenu-\a.nd" it should be remarked, is never found. Generally mentioned with
Tehenu-oW is '-=^ H, liatet ash, " Cedar-oil," and this name is also often written

^^ " O, hdtet nt ash, "Oil of Cedar." It is therefore probable that if

^ O is " Cedar-oil," "^ 1 ^ means " Telunu-oW " and not as it is usually

translated " Libyan oil." What then is Tehenu-oW ?

On some 1st dynasty labels for oil jars found by Prof Petrie at Abydos this
oil is named *| g),' and the tree branch determinative ^^-^^ of the word shows

that it was the produce of a tree. If we can identify this 'l O -tree,- then we have

the origin of the name of the country, =;=??= | O . What was this 1 O -tree ?

On an Archaic Slate Palette in the Cairo Museum {Cat. Gen. No. 14238) there
is sculptured a scene in relief depicting some domesticated animals, and below is

98 Ta Tehenu" Olive Land."

represented a plantation of trees (see Fig. i). These trees have thick trunks and

branches. On the right-hand side of this plantation is the sign \ which is certainly

the name of the tree. One of the readings of this |-sign is tehenu. The sign itself

represents a club (see Fig. 2) and when it is found in hieroglyphic inscriptions with
coloured detail it is sometimes painted yellow with black cloudy graining {Beni
Hasan, III, PI. V). We have therefore four facts to guide us in the identification
of the tree. First, it was a tree of sturdy growth with thick trunk and branches.
Second, the word-sign for its name is a club, from which we may presume that its
wood was used for making clubs, and consequently tough and hard. Third, its wood
was yellowish with black, cloudy graining. Fourth, it was an oil-producing tree.
Now there is only one Egyptian tree that will answer to the above description and
to the figure as shown on the Archaic Slate Palette. This is the olive-tree which,
as is well known, is of sturdy thickset growth, has yellowish wood with cloudy
graining, produces a valuable oil, and its wood was used in antiquity for the
manufacture of clubs.' Hence we may, I think safely, translate the geographical

name =?^ 1 ^ ' Olive-land."

Fig. I. Olive Trees and Cattle on Slate Palette.

There is one other fact which points to the identification of the tehenu-txe.^ with
the olive. The common name of the olive tree in Egyptian texts is 1 i<^^ -^A^

baqt, and for olive oil | ^^, ^^ A '^^ O . In lists of offerings, however, this

name is found only twice and these two instances are very significant. In the
tombs of Rahotep and Nefert at Medum^ we have a list of sacred oils, and

^ '^ (Rahotep), >^ ^ (Nefert), and "^ ^' f ^ "^ "J" (Rahotep)
g Q (Nefert), are mentioned together. The first is and nt a, " oil of a," the
second is, and nt baqt, " oil of olive," and these two names take the place of the
-=^ -~^ O and the -=^ | O of other and later lists.

It has been remarked that Ta Tehenu (which we may now call " Olive-land")
is usually understood to mean Libya, but Libya is a vague term. By some classical
writers Libya was understood to mean the whole of Africa west of the Isthmus of
Suez, by others, all the country to the west of Egypt including the Oases.*

Ta Tehenu " Olive Land."

Egyptologists generally hold to the latter definition, but there is evidence to show
that in early times, at all events, Olive-land included the Mareotis lake region
and all the country to the west of the Canopic branch of the Nile, possibly also
much of the Delta itself. There can be no doubt whatever that Olive-land was
a very rich and prosperous country. King Sahure of the Vth dynasty captured
from its peopfe no less than 123,440 oxen, 233,400 asses, 232,413 goats, and
243,688 sheep." This immense number of large and small cattle is evidence
that Olive-land must have included within its boundaries very extensive grass-lands.
Several centuries earlier than Sahure, Narmer-Menes conquered the people of Olive-
land. This conquest is recorded on a small ivory cylinder (Fig. 3) found at
Hierakonpolis," and it confirms the statement of Manetho^ that the founder of the
Egyptian monarchy undertook an expedition against the Libyans. Another record
of the same e.xpedition is the famous Slate Palette of Narmer-Menes which shows
the Upper Egyptian Falcon-king smiting the Chieftain of the Harpoon Lake
(Mareotis), and on the verso is the scene of a festival at the Great Port which, as
I have shown elsewhere, was probably situated near the mouth of the Canopic
branch of the Nile.*

i \ "' U.

Fig. 2. Throw-stick,
OR Angulated Club.

Fig. 3. Cylinder of Nar-mer
Conquering the Taijenu.
(Fig. 4, see Frontispiece.)

The Libyan people were called W\ O "^ ^ > and Prof Maspero has shown

that this ethnic name was often used synonymously with \ V\ 9 v\ S* i that the
one name could in fact be used for the other. The full significance of this has not
yet been recognised. The Northern Delta was called o<=.< T, Ta-vie/i," Flax-land,"

and the people of this "Flax-land" were apparently known as l| ^v | 'vN.fora
variant of the name oi a queen '^ of the Early XVI II th dynasty f jti

Aalpnes Hent ta-tneh, "Ahmose, Mistress of Flax-land," is f "^^ li ^\ I V ' J

Adhmes Hent-temehu, " Ahmose, Mistress of the Teuiehu-people." The centre of the
flax-weaving industry in Egypt was Sais in the Western Delta, and this city appears
to have been the capital of " Flax-land " at the time immediately preceding the .
1st dynasty. Neith of Sais has generally been recognised as a Libyan goddess ;

the people of Sais were undoubtedly Libyan in origin ; at Sais was the \\^ \ ,

" Temple of the Bee (or Hornet)" ; and the title of the kings of

CX=.<^

" Flax-land,"

was i^ , bati, which, as Prof. Petrie has pointed out {Royal Tombs, 1, p. 36), was
very probably the Libyan royal title. The kings of Egypt mentioned on the

G 2

100 Ta Te/tenu " Olive Land"'

Palermo Stone are figured as wearing the V -crown of Neith, and it was by his

marriage with Hetep, the chieftainess of Sais, that Narmer-Menes united the two
kingdoms of Egypt under his sole authoritj'.i- The kingdom which Narmer-Menes
conquered was therefore the Libyan kingdom of Lower Egypt.

Notes.

1 See my paper on " The Wooden and Ivory Labels of the First Dynasty," in
the Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology, 1912, pp. 288.

^ Although we find no direct mention of this tj/ienu-tree in later texts it
is interesting to note that we have a reminiscence of the name in the word

n II J^ found in the " Papyrus Harris," VI II, 4.

^ Beyond the fact that the word-sign for the name of this oil-producing tree is
a club, we have as yet no other Egyptian evidence on this point, but it is worth
noting that Theocritus mentions that the Cyclop's club was of olive wood, and
Pausanias (ii, 31, 10) remarks that it was from the club of Hercules that the wild
olive sprang. Classical writers also mention that olive wood was the favourite wood
for making the handles of a.xes and tools and in this connection note the colouring
of the adze-sign figured in Beni Hasan, III, PI. V, No. 73.

* Petrie, Meduw, Pis. XIII and XV.

' Herodotus, for instance, understood by the name Libya sometimes the whole
of ancient Africa (IV, 42), sometimes Africa exclusive of Egypt (II, 17, 18;
IV. 167).

" See L. Borchardt, Das Grabdenkmal des Konigs Sahu-re, Band II, Bl. i.
It is interesting to compare that plate with the scene on the fragment of the
Slate Palette shown in Fig. i. The Slate Palette very probably recorded an early
king's captures in Olive-land.

' See Hierakonpolis, I, PI. XV. '

* Muller-Didot, Fragmenta Historicum Grace, II, pp. 539, 540.

" Liverpool Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology, I, pp. 20, 21.

^^ Maspero, Sinouhit, p. XXX, 2.

^' Maspero thought these names indicated two different princesses, but Daressy
has shown in the Annales du Service, IX, pp. 95, 96, that they refer to one and
the same princess.

1^ See my paper "To what Race did the Founders of Sais belong?" in the
Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology, 1906, pp. 68-70.

Ta Tclie7iti " Olive Land."

loi

The Mother of HatshepsCt.

[n the preceding paper I have mentioned a queen named Ahmose Hent-ta-meh
and Ahmose Hent-temehu. Her name is written variously :

Les Moinies royales,p. 543.

\ "^^Jl-^fl"^] '^^ I ^ i 1 (^^"'^s^y- ^'"'- ^^'""^ ^' p- 95-)

1 "^ ^^ f Hi ^ V ] Lepsius, Denkmiiler, iii, 8.

i <:ir> \ \ 1[ J Lepsius, Denkmdler, iii, 2rt (cf. rt^.

Fig. 5. Queen Ahmose, Deir el-Bahki.
( From a Painting by Mr. Howard Carter. )

From No. 2 it will be observed that Ahmose was this princess's principal
name, and that she was ^^ " called " Hent-temehu, the latter name was, there-
fore, a secondary one. Now we cannot believe that this secondary name,
which means " Mistress of the Temehu," was meaningless. She must certainly
have had some connection with the Temehu people of the North, and this
connection was probably through her mother Anhapi, who is described as a

G 3

I02 Ta Te/ienu" Olive Land."

King's Daughter, but whose parentage we do not know. The titles given above
show that this Ahmose was a King's-Daughter, a King's-Sister, a King's-VVife,
and a Great King's-Wife. All the evidence regarding her goes to show that
she was a daughter of King Ahmose I, and this point has been granted by all
Egyptologists. Now if she was a King's-Daughter in virtue of her being a
child of Ahmose I, she was, therefore, a King's-Sister in virtue of her being a
[half-]sister of Amenhetep I. But the question arises, Was she the latter king's
wife ? There is no evidence to show that she was. On the other hand the
successor of Amenhetep I was Thothmes I, and his claim to the throne of Egypt
was made good by his marriage to a Princess Ahmose. This Princess Ahmose
is usually taken to be a daughter of Amenhetep I, but there is no evidence what-
ever for this assumption. The queen of Thothmes I was famous as the mother
of HatshepsClt, and she is described on the walls of the Deir el-Bahri temple as

1|^ "King's-Sister," 1^^ "Great King's Wife," 1 ^ " King's-Mother."

The King's-Sister title would refer to her being [half-]sister to Amenhetep I,
Great King's-Wife to her being queen of Thothmes I, and King's-Mother to her

being mother of Hatshepsfit. She was also <^Do<:=> "Great Heiress," and

it was in virtue of this latter position that her husband made valid his claim to
the throne. Now as we have no evidence of a daughter of Amenhetep I being
named Ahmose, and as we know of a daughter of King Ahmose I bearing the
name, and that this daughter was also a Great King's-Wife, I suggest that the
celebrated Queen Ahmose, the mother of Hatshepsut, was really the Ahmose,
daughter of King Ahmose I, who was called " Mistress of the Temehu." A fact
that lends colour to this theory is that her daughter, Hatshepsut, clothed herself in
male attire, which seems to have been a custom with Libyan chieftainesses. It
is true that we know very little about the Libyan people as yet, but it is remarkable
that on the Sahure Reliefs (see Fig. 4) the Chiefs' women are clothed in male
dress : and a tile from Medinet Habu shows a Libyan woman wearing the
regular male kilt and robe (see Oric Bates, The Eastern Libyans, p. 113).
Perhaps Hatshepsiit, when she adopted male attire, was only following in the
footsteps of her mother's ancestors.

Percy E. Newberry.

( I03 )

I^MULTIPLE SOULS IN NEGRO AFRICA.

To the twenty-three headings connected with death and burial under which
Prof. Petrie discusses the relation of Egypt to Africa {Egypt in Africa, ANCIENT
Egypt, 1914, III and IV), I should like to add yet one other, viz., the belief that
the individual is constituted of a number of incorporeal elements, one of which is
usually the " double." For brevity I propose to call this the doctrine of " multiple
souls." Its existence in ancient Egypt is so well authenticated that I shall make
no further reference to this ; but it is less commonly recognised that it is held in
Africa at the present day.

I do not suggest that the following examples constitute even a moderately
complete list of the instances already recorded : I only give some of the more
striking examples. It will be noticed that the literature from which these are
taken is quite recent, no doubt because it is only within the last few years that an
interest has been taken in the subject, but going a little further back. Colonel Ellis'
works suggest that the belief exists among the tribes of the Guinea Coast, although
full details are not given.

The following account is taken from the latest of Ellis' volumes : ^

" The Tshi-speaking people believe that every man has dwelling in him a spirit
termed a kra, which enters him at birth and quits him at death, and is entirely
distinct from the soul, which, at the death of the body, proceeds to the Land of the

Dead, and there continues the life formerly led by the man in the world

The Ewe-speaking peoples have a similar belief, the indwelling spirit being by them
termed a Iuik.<o. The Ga-speaking tribes, situated geographically between the Tshi

and Ewe tribes assign to each individual two indwelling spirits, called kla,

one male and one female, the former being of a bad and the latter of a good

disposition. Each kla, like the kra and the luwo, is a guardian-spirit, but

they give good and bad advice, and prompt good or bad actions, according to

their respective dispositions. The Yorubas hold that each man has

three spiritual inmates, the first of whom, Olori, dwells in the head, the second,
Ipin ijeun, in the stomach, and the third, Ipori, in the great toe.

" Olori sometimes called Ori (head, faculty, talent), seems to be the

spirit which answers to the kra or luwo. He is the protector, guardian and guide.
Offerings are made to him, chiefly fowls, as with the kra and luwo, and some
of the blood, mixed with palm-oil, is rubbed upon the forehead. Olori brings
good-fortune

" Ipin ijeun, or ipin ojehun, 'he who shares the food,' is perhaps considered

the most important of the three indwelling spirits, but as he shares in all that the
man eats, he has no special sacrifice offered to him

" Ipori, [in] the great toe, is the least important of the three guardian spirits,
and sacrifice is rarely offered to him, except when a man is about to set out on a
journey, in which case he anoints the great toe with a mixture of fowl's blood and
palm-oil

" The ghost-man, or soul, the ' vehicle of individual personal existence,' is
called iwin, or okan, but the latter also means ' heart.' Another word is ojiji, or

' The Yoruba- Speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast of West Africa (1894), pp. li^sqq.

G 4

104 Multiple Souls in Negro Africa.

oji, which has the meanings of ghost, shade, or shadow. After the death of the
body, the ghost-man goes to Jpo-oku, ' the Land of the Dead ' (i/>o, place ; ohi,
dead), which is beneath the earth, and where each man does that which he has
been accustomed to do, and holds the same social position as he did in the world.
To enable the ghost to reach this land it is e.s.sential that he should have the
prescribed funeral rites performed over him. Should they be omitted, the ghost
wanders about the world, cold, hungry, and homeless, and he runs the risk of
being seized by some of the evil spirits which roam about the earth in great
numbers, and cast by them into Oruji-apadi, 'the unseen world of potsherds,' an
uncomfortable place like a pottery furnace, heaped up with charcoal and the
dt'bris of broken earthen pots."

To the north, among the Hausa of Nigeria, somewhat similar beliefs prevail,
complicated, however, by Arab influence. Major Tremearne's account shows that
the visible body contains "the soul," kuruwa, distinct from the "shadow," enmiwa,
and the "life," rai, " the former being situated in the heart, the latter wandering at will
all over the body." In addition there is " the familiar, bori, of the same sex, a kind

of second soul, it acts as an intermediary between its human host and

the denizens of the jinn country." This l>ori " is like the being to which it belongs,
but it is outside him, and casts no shadow, and it is really a double. ... It . . .
wanders when the owner sleeps . . . though it does not necessarily go in company
with the soul, .... Its duty is to protect the being from injury by another bori,
and ' if it is stronger than the enemy, all you will know is that you feel tired on
account of the struggle ; but if weaker, it will be worsted, and you will become
ill.'"^ Moreover, "from about puberty until marriage, most Hausas have another
bori, but of the opposite sex, with which they have relations, and when a boy or
girl thinks of marriage he or she must consult his or her female or male bori, for it

does not like being ousted by a human rival Lastly, there are two angels,

one hovering above the right shoulder, the other over the left, which record the good
and evil thoughts of the person to whom they are attached." -

The doctrine of multiple souls is widely spread in the Congo area. Mr. R. E.
Dennett gives the following account of the beliefs of the Bavili, a Bantu-speaking
tribe of Luango, the northern portion of the Congo coast district. They hold that
man consists of the following elements :

The xinibindi, or " revenant," a visible element which stays in the house after
death, and then lives in the forest.

The xidundu, " shadow," which sleeps in the body of its owner ; it enters and
leaves the body by the mouth, and is likened to the breath (muvu) of man. When
a man swoons it is because a sorcerer has taken his xidundu.

The nkulu, " soul," the " guiding voice of the dead." The nkulu prefers to
dwell in the head of a near relative. It seems that a nkulu may be present in the
earth taken from a grave, and it is the bakulu of ancestors that cause women to
bear children and babies to sicken.

The xilunzi, also called ndumi, the "intelligence," dies with man.'
It seems probable that the xidundu is a " double," but it is not always easy
to be sure of Mr. Dennett's meaning.

Among the tribes, as far as we know them, inhabiting the area drained by the
southern affluents of the Congo, the problem presented by man's nature has

' A. J. N. Tremearne, The Ban of the Bori {igi^), pp. 19, 136, 137.

'' A. J. N. Tremearne, op. cit., p. 19.

' At the Back of the Black Maris Mind (1906), pp. 79-82.

Multiple Souls iu Negro Africa. 105

resulted in the recognition of at least two immaterial parts. Of these, one, which
does not leave the body during life, is usually connected with one of the vital
organs, e.g., with the heart, mityima, by the northern Bambala, and with the liver,
ni'tiin, by the Babunda. Another element is described as a sort of double which
may leave a man when asleep, may visit his friends and have all manner of
adventures. TVIoreover, there is frequently confusion between the spiritual mityima
or m'tini and the viscus which bears the same name ; thus, one of Mr. Torday's
informants argued that it could not be true that a man's m'tim went away when
he died, " have dead goats and chickens no livers ? " For this information hitherto
unpublished I am indebted to Messrs. Torday and Joyce from whose writings
the following example is taken :

The Bahuana, inhabiting the banks of the Kwilu, an affluent of the Kasai
which itself enters the Congo, say that three elements enter into the composition
of man ; the body, the " soul " called bun, and the " double " called doshi. The
word bun also means " heart."

" The bun of a dead man can appear to other men ; the

bun is seen in human form and appears to be composed of a white misty substance.

The doshi is a shadowy second self It leaves the body

in sleep and visits other people in dreams ; the doshi of the dead appears to the
living in the same manner. All people have doshi, but only the adult have bun.

Animals have doshi but not bun. At death the bun disappears, no one

knows whither ; but the doshi lingers about in the air, visits its friends and haunts
its enemies ; it will persecute the relations if the body has not received proper

burial Fetishes have rtisj//?' but no ^ / plants and weapons have neither."'

Similar beliefs are held by the Batetela and Bankutu. The former consist of a
number of related tribes spread over the Lubefu and Lukenye basins between
23 and 25 E. The Bankutu are a neighbouring tribe to the west.

" Beside the body, called by the Sungu dimba, the Batetela believe that
man is composed of two spiritual elements: a shadowy double, called by the Sungu
oloki and by the Olemba do, and a ' soul ' (literally, ' heart '), called by the

Sungu idimu The ' double ' is invisible, except in dreams, it

leaves the owner's body without his knowledge, and no harm is caused by its
absence. The 'soul' leaves the body only at death. In sleep the ' double ' may
be absent, but the ' soul ' remains with a man as long as he lives. All people,
even new-born infants, possess ' souls,' and these are indestructible ; neither animals
nor plants possess them. The idimu of the unburied dead visit their relatives in
dreams to remind them of their duties, and, in the same way, the idimu of a
deceased chief, if it desires anything, is supposed to appear in a dream to the elder
who on a former occasion invested the chief with a leopard-skin at his inauguration ;
the elder so visited informs the village and the wants are supplied.

" Homeless idimu remain in the air and haunt the neighbourhood of the
village ; it happens sometimes on a dark, moonless night, that a man will feel the
presence of some being near him ; it is impalpable, for he cannot seize it if he

tries ; this is an idimu It is to provide accommodation for the

idimu that small huts are built over graves, and a clever device to keep them from
wandering at night is to kindle small fires in the huts, for, if this is done, the idimu
will remain there and warm themselves instead of ranging over the fields.""

' "Notes on the Ethnography of the Ba-Huana," Journal of the Anthropological Institute,
Vol. XXXVI (1906), pp. 290, 291.

- These two paragraphs are from MS., as yet unpublished, lent me by Messrs. Torday and Joyce.

lo6 Multiple Souls in Negro Africa.

Among the Bankutu the incorporeal part of man is believed to be composed
of two elements, a soul, cdiino, and a shadow jinjingi. The latter perishes with
the body, but the former is re-incarnated in the first child, boy or girl, born to a
sister of the deceased after his death. The edimo is evidently the same as the idiinii
of the Sungu and the ejimn of the Olemba. The Hankutu, however, seem to
regard the continued existence of the edimo as in some way bound up with the
reception of proper burial, since dead slaves are always eaten but never buried.
The reason given for this is that the soul of a slave who had been buried might
return and kill the master in revenge for past injuries, whereas, if the body had
been eaten he could not do so.^

Perhaps the greatest development of this doctrine is to be found among the
Bambala, the chief sub-tribe of the Bushongo, whose territory lies between the
Kasai and Sankuru rivers.

The Bambala say " that man is composed of four parts, the body, lo, the
double, ilo, the soul, n'sltanga, and the shadow, lumeliiine. At death the n'shanga

seeks the uterus of a woman and is born again in a child, who may

remember things known alone to the former owner of the soul. Some wicked

people have a fifth element, nioena, which leaves the body at death

and continues to do evil, causing others to sicken or die ; only the

spirits of old men can haunt others."-

Unfortunately not much is said about the powers and actions of the " double "
and of the " shadow," but some further information is given about the Eastern
Bushongo (Bangongo and Bangendi) who hold that man consists of four parts, the
body, modyo, the mind, mophuphu, the double, ido, and the shadow, cdidingi. A dying
man's last breath is also called mophuphu and when this, the ido and the edidingi
leave a man he dies (the corpse is supposed not to have a shadow). No harm
results from the absence of the ido from the body, in fact, it leaves it to appear
in dreams.

The authors state that " Ordinarily the soul returns to Jambi [the creator]," but
do not indicate which of the constituent elements they regard as the soul.

It will be noted that the instances given have all been drawn from West
Africa where the belief is widely spread ; it has not, as far as I know, been found
in anything like its typical form in Eastern Africa, nevertheless, the Nilotes have
certain beliefs which may be faint reflections of the doctrine, though 1 do not wish
to press this point. The Dinka believe that every human being has within him
two souls. The atiep, which leaves the body in sleep and whose wanderings are
the common source of dreams, resembles, or perhaps may take, the form of the
shadow. The second " soul " is by no means so well defined as the aticp, it is
sometimes called rol a.nd sometimes 7ve. I could not learn anything definite about
the rol during life ; it may be connected with the vegetative functions of the body,
but after death it remains with the body in the grave.

The Shilluk recognise two immaterial parts of man called zaei and lipo, the
former meaning " breath," or " life," the latter " shadow."

C. G. Seligman.

' From the M.S. already cited.

' E. Torday and T. A. Joyce, "Notes Ethnographiques sur les Peuples Communcment
appeles Bakuba, ausi que sur les Peuplades Apparentees les Bushongo," in Documents Ethno-
graphiques concernant les Populations du Congo Beige. Tome II, Fasc. I. Bruxelles, igio.

( 107 )

LEADEN TOKENS FROM MEMPHIS.

Egypt has furnished a considerable number of stamped pieces of lead, in form
roughly resembling coins, and clearly belonging to the Graeco-Roman period. So
far as my observation goes, these may be divided into the following general
classes.

1 . Direct and presumably fraudulent imitatiotis of silver or bronze coins. The
commonest of these are copies of Ptolemaic bronze coins of the second and first
centuries B.C. ; others reproduce the issues of towns or rulers outside Egypt of
about the same or earlier date. To this class appear to belong a few examples of
what may be termed hybrid types, where the designs for the Obverse and Reverse
are derived from different localities, but the evident intention has been to produce
something which might be taken for a coin. So far as I have been able to examine
specimens of this class they are all of Ptolemaic date. One of this class occurs here.

Obv. : -Head of Ammon r.

Rm. : Two eagles standing /. : to r. cornucopiae. [17 mm.]
This is the only example in the collection of a direct copy of a Ptolemaic
coin, probably intended as a forgery ; the Reverse should bear the legend
riTOAEMAlOY BAZIAEHZ, but this cannot be read. The coin copied is one
of the commonest of the Ptolemaic series a copper pentadrachm, usually
attributed to Euergetes II or Soter II, but, in my opinion, probably struck under
all the kings from about 150 B.C. to about 50 B.C. (cf Liverpool Annals, I, p. 38).

2. Token-currency of Roman times. This class includes a very large number
of varieties, the great majority of which are of flat and rather thin fabric, bearing
types of the same general kind as those found on the coins of the Alexandrian
mint ; it would, however, be impossible to regard them as fraudulent copies of
these coins, as their shape is quite distinct from that of any of the official issues.
I described a considerable collection of pieces of this class, derived from the
excavations of Drs. Grenfell and Hunt at O.xyrhynchus, in the Numismatic
Chronicle for 1908, p. 287; and in that article I stated the conclusion that these
leaden tesserae were a token-currency issued locally in various districts of Egypt
in the second and third centuries A.D. to supply the need of small change, since
the Alexandrian mint had ceased to strike coins of low denomination. This
conclusion is supported by all the further evidence which has since come to light ;
the only additional point to be specially noted is that all the e,xamples whose
provenance I have been able to trace come from Middle Egypt, with the inclusion of
Memphis ; and, so far as the types used have any local association, the majority of
them belong to the same district.

3. Another class of tokens, apparently, but of different style. These are generally
smaller and more dumpy in shape than those of Class 2, and the average of
e.xecution is worse ; the types used, also, are not so closely related to those of the
official Alexandrian coins. So far as my information goes, this dumpy class is
mainly found in the Delta ; at any rate, it was not represented in the extensive
finds at O.xyrhynchus, while more specimens seem to come into the market at
Alexandria than at Cairo. The evidence, however, is really insufficient for any
definite conclusion ; my present presumption is that this class took the place in

io8 Leaden Tokens from Memphis.

the Delta which was held in Middle Egypt by Class 2. It may be added that
I am not aware of any leaden tokens having been found in the Thebaid.

4. Seal impressions. These are mentioned here because some examples are
described in catalogues with pieces of the three preceding classes. Their
resemblance to coins is really accidental, and quite superficial ; they are stamped
on one face only, the other often showing traces of the object upon which the lead
was placed, but it sometimes happens that the lump of lead has approximated in
form to a coin. There is no difficulty in distinguishing them from the tokens.

5. Amulets. In some cases amulets were made in the shape of a coin, usually,
however, furnished with a loop for suspension ; they can readily be distinguished
from the ordinary classes of leaden tokens by their types. Conversely, actual coins
were sometimes used as amulets, or at any rate carried in the same manner.

The last two classes may be disregarded for present purposes.

In my paper on the Oxyrhynchus tokens I identified a number of specimens
as probably local issues of Oxyrhynchus, and at the same time I suggested that
further information from the discovery of examples on other sites might make it
possible to assign other groups of tokens to their places of issue. The collection
made by Prof Petrie at Memphis, which he has kindly allowed me to examine,
throws some useful light on certain groups, especially of Class 2 ; and it will be
convenient to treat these groups separately.

A. Memphite. The e.xistence of leaden pieces bearing the name of Memphis
has long been known, and specimens are not uncommon. To the description of
the examples in the Petrie Collection may be added those in Signor Dattari's
Catalogue to give an idea of the range of types ; the latter will be denoted by their
numbers in the catalogue, preceded by D. The descriptions and illustrations of
the specimens in the Demetrio Collection given in Feuardent's Catalogue are too
sketchy to make identification certain. The figures here are enlarged one half.

The ordinary type of the Memphite leaden tokens is :

(i) Obv : Nilus seated /. on rocks, drapery round legs, holding in r. hand
reed, on /. arm cornucopiae : facing him, Euthenia standing r., wearing long
robe, holding out in r. hand wreath : border of dots.

Rev. : Isis-Hekate standing to front, with triple face, crowned with
horns and disk, wearing long robe, holding on r. hand uraeus erect : to r.,
Apis-bull standing /., with disk between horns: above, to /-., MEM<MC:
border of dots or line. [Petrie Coll. : three specimens, 22-24 mm.]

Feuardent 3596 may be an example of this type.

The Obverse type is one of the regular Alexandrian series. The figure of the
triple-faced Isis-Hekate is unusual, though it occurs in statuettes ; the Apis-bull is
really the standing Memphite type. Dattari describes five specimens which show
minor variations, as follows :

(2) Odv. : As (i) : by rocks, crocodile r.

Rev.: As (i), but legend MEM<I>HC. [Petrie Coll.: 24 mm.
p. 6416, 6417 : 26 and 24 mm.]
Dattari identifies the female figure on the Obverse as Alexandria, but it seems
to me to be more probably intended for Euthenia. He also mentions a serpent in
the field behind Euthenia on the Obverse, and another above Apis on the Reverse ;
these are discernible on some examples, and possibly were originally present on
others ; but the poor average of preservation makes it difficult to be certain as
to small details.

Leaden Tokens from Memphis. 109

(3) ^^z;.. As(i).

Rev.: As (i), but behind Isis a small figure grasping her robe.
[D. 6418 : 27 mm.]

(4) Obv. : As (l), but Euthenia holds two ears of corn in her /. hand.
Reii^ As (3), with ansate cross between Isis and Apis. [D. 6419:

23 mm.]

(5) Obv. : As (l), with sixteen genii in the field in various altitudes.
Rev. : As (3), with a figure of Ptah-.Sokar-Osiris standing /. to r. of

Apis : legend arranged in two lines ^.p [D. 6420 : 28 mm.]

The last mentioned is the only one in which the variations are of material
importance ; the addition of the si.xteen genii, referring to the sixteen cubits rise in
the Nile required for a good inundation, is very rare on Alexandrian coins. There
is one more piece, of smaller size, with the name of Memphis and generally
similar types.

(6) Obv. : As (4).

Rev. : Isis standing to front, head r., crowned with horns and disk,

holding out on r. hand uraeus crowned with disk; to r.. Apis bull standing /.,

with disk between horns, on base decked with garlands : between Isis and

Apis, a disk ; above, to r., MEM<I>I. [D. 6421 : 18 mm.]

In addition to the pieces with the name of Memphis, there are others which

can certainly be attributed to the same locality, in view of the types used.

(7) Obv.: As (1).

Rev. : As (i), but without legend : above Apis, small winged figure /.,
holding out wreath over the head of Isis : border of dots. [Petrie Coll.
D. 6492 : 24 mm.]

(8) Obv. : As (1), but behind Euthenia a small figure r. with hand
raised.

Rev. : As (7), but instead of winged figure, disk and uraei over
Apis. [D. 6493 : 20 mm.]

(9) Obv.. As (8).

Rev.: As (7), but above Apis Harpokrates standing holding
branch (?). [D. 6494 : 20 mm.]

(10) Obv. : Nilus seated /. as (i) : facing him, Euthenia seated r. holding
in her r. hand ears of corn towards Harpokrates standing /., crowned with
skhent, r. hand to mouth : line border.

Rev.: Isis seated r., crowned with disk and horns : to r., Apis-bull
standing /., with disk between horns : behind Apis, Horus (?) standing /.,
holding out on r. hand small figure of Harpokrates /. : above, disk : line
border. [D. 6495 ' 20 mm.]

(l I) Obv. : As (10), but Harpokrates holds lotus-flower in /. hand.

Rev.: As (lO), but figure behind Apis appears to be Ptah holding
out uraeus. [Petrie Coll. : 17 mm. D. 6496 : 20 mm.]

(12) Obv.: As (10).

Rev.: Isis standing to front, with both arms raised, sistrum in r.
hand. [D. 6497 : 20 mm.]

(13) Obv.: As {\).

Rev. : Sarapis (?) standing /., crowned by Nike /., in field, B : border
of dots. [Petrie Coll. : 20 mm.]

I lO Leaden Tokens from Memphis.

(14) Obv.: As (i): beside Nilus, hippopotamus r.

ReiK : Figure seated r. with r. hand outstretched to Apis-bull
standing /. on base decked with garlands : in field above Apis, serpent /.
[D. 6505: 13 mm.]

(15) Obv.. hs(i).

Rev. : Figure (priest ?) standing /., holding out in r. hand serpent :

before him, Apis-bull standing r., with disk between horns : above, to /.,

crescent : border of dots. [Biblioth^que Nationale, Rostovtsew and Prou

No. 6y7 : 18 mm.]

I am not prepared to say to which type Feuardent's No. 3597 belongs: the

Obverse is as (i), the Reverse is described as a male figure walking r., leading Apis

with ;'. hand, and holding a serpent-staff in /. If this description is correct, the

Reverse type would appear to associate Asklepios with Apis ; this is quite possible

at Memphis, where Asklepios was worshipped by the Greeks as identified with

Imhotep.

B. OXYRHYNCHITE. There are in the Petrie Collection a few examples of
types found commonly at Oxyrhynchus and described in my article cited above.
The presence of such examples is not extraordinary, as the tokens need not have
been confined for circulation to the district where they were issued ; or they may
have drifted after discovery.

The types specially characteristic of Oxyrhynchus are a bust or figure of
Athene on the Obverse and a figure of Nike, sometimes with the letters OZ, on the
reverse. The specimens in the Petrie Collection are of the following types, assigning
the numbers as in my previous article :

(i) Obv. : Bust of Athene ;-., wearing crested helmet, and draped : rough
oval border of thick line.

Rev. : Nike advancing /., wearing long chiton with diplois, holding

out wreath in r. hand, in /. palm over shoulder : in field to /. : rough oval
border of thick line. [25 x 20 mm.]

(2) Obv. : As last, with border of dots.

Rev. : As last, without letters in field, and border of dots. [16 mm.]
(4) Obv.: Bust of Athene as (i): in front, spear upright: border of
dots.

Rev. : As (2). [Two specimens : 20 mm.]

(7) Obv. : Athene advancing r., wearing crested helmet, chiton, and
peplos, with small shield on /. arm and spear raised in r. hand, attacking
serpent erect /. in front of her : border of dots.

Rev. : As (i), with border of dots. [18 mm.]

(8) Obv. .-As last.

Rev. : As last, but Nike r. [25 mm.]
In this specimen Athene appears to hold a bipennis instead of a spear, which
is a variation on the ordinary type.

(14) Obv.: Eusebeia standing/., wearing chiton and peplos, holding in
r. hand patera over altar ; in /., cornucopiae : border of dots.

Rev.: As (2). [Four specimens: one 16 mm., three 15 mm.]
This type, though not distinctively Oxyrhynchite, might, I thought, be
assigned to the local issues, on account of the large numbers of specimens 44
found at Oxyrhynchus.

Leaden Tokens from Memphis.

II I

^^^Zms.R^^

11^

A. M EMPHITE

B. OXYRHYNKHITE

1 1 2 Leaden Tokens from Memphis.

C. HermopoLITE (?) Several specimens, of rather poor style, may be grouped
together on the strength of their types. In this group are included :

(i) Obv.: Hermanubis advancing r., both arms outstretched; to r.,
caduceus : border of dots.

Rev. : Hermes-Thoth standing /., crowned with modius, wearing
.himation, holding out purse in r. hand, caduceus on /. arm ; above r. hand,
ibis r. : border of dots. [19 mm. J.

(2) Obv.:Ks{\).

Rev : As (i), but without purse, and, apparently, without ibis ; below
r. hand, baboon seated /. [20 mm.]
To this group belong some pieces in Dattari's Catalogue ; 6523, with the
same Obverse type as (i) and (2), and for Reverse type a bust of Kronos ; 6522, the
Obverse of which seems very like the Reverse of (2), with a temple containing two
figures on the Reverse : and 652 1, the Obverse of which resembles the Reverse of (i),
while the Reverse has a nude male figure standing r.

(3) Obv. : Hermanubis standing /., wearing modius, r. hand outstretched,
caduceus on /. arm : border of dots.

Rev. : Male figure standing /., r. hand outstretched over bird ; in
field above, L T : border of dots. [20 mm.]
This type, like (i) and (2), presumably comes from a centre of the worship of
the Graeco- Egyptian Hermanubis, confused with the Egyptian Thoth equated
with Hermes. It bears a date, but in style is very much rougher than the ordinary
kind of dated tokens which are discussed below. Two other specimens appear to
have Hermes types.

(4) Obv.: Hermes standing /., holding out purse in r. hand, resting/. on
staff: border of dots.

Rev. . Nilus reclining /., holding reed and cornucopiae, drapery over
legs ; below, crocodile r. : border of dots. [19 mm.]

(5) Obv. .As (4).

Rev. : Euthenia standing /., wearing modius, holding two ears of
corn and cornucopiae : border of dots. [22 mm.]
Dattari's 6480 and 6481 are similar to (4); and in the same group may be
included his 6519 and 6520, the Obverse type on both of which is Hermanubis
standing r., with a caduceus in front; the Reverse types being respectively Dikaiosyne
and Tyche standing in the attitudes usual for these personifications on Alexandrian
coins. These connect with the next.

(6) Obv. .Bust of Hermanubis r., wearing modius with lotus-petal in
front, and chlamys : by /. shoulder, caduceus : border of dots.

Rev. : Dikaiosyne standing /., holding scales and cornucopiae :
border of dots. [Two specimens : 18 mm.]

(7) Obv. .-Bust of Hermanubis r., with lotus-petal on head; behind
shoulder, winged caduceus : border of dots.

Rev. : Bust of Isis-Demeter r., draped, wearing modius ; in front,
torch : border of dots. [20 mm.]
The Obverse type of the last two is apparently very similar to that of Dattari's
6478 and 6479, the former of which has on the Reverse a bust of Nilus ; the latter,
Nilus seated /., with Euthenia below and four genii in the field.

B. OXYRHYNKHITE

C. HERMOPOLITE

114 Leaden Tokens from Memphis.

There are two other pieces which may be intended to have representations of
Hermes or Hermanubis somewhat similar to (i).

(8) Obv. : Hermes (?) advancing r., with both arms outstretched : to r.,
vase (?) : border of dots.

Rev. : Nilus reclining /., holding reed and cornucopiae : border of
dots (?). [23 mm.]

(9) Obv. : Hermes (?) advancing /., with both arms outstretched.
Rev. : Nilus reclining r. [19 mm.]

It seems reasonable to suppose that these tokens, characterised by Hermes-
types and of a style which apparently belongs to Middle Egypt, originate from the
main centre of the worship of Hermes in that district Hermopolis Magna
(Ashmunen). The original form of the Hermes-cult there was that of Hermes as
equated with Thoth ; but the Greek Hermes was so generally absorbed into the
Alexandrian Hermanubis that the appearance of the latter, who represented
a distinct equation of Hermes with Anubis, in a home of the Hermes-Thoth
worship is not really unnatural.

Following this clue, two of the specimens in the Bibliotheque Nationale described
in Rostovtsew and Prou's Catalogue (" Plombs Antiques de la B.N.," VHI, in Revue
Nnmismatique, 1899) may be added to the Hermopolite group; these are No. 668,
with Obverse three-quarter length figure of Nilus reclining /., holding reed and
cornucopiae, Reverse baboon seated /. with disk on head and caduceus in fore-paws,
in field to r. (T; and No. 672, with similar Obverse, Reverse, ibis standing r. with
caduceus in background: in field L B^ Feuardent's No. T,6o7bis is the same as 672,
except that the caduceus is not mentioned in the description. This last is very
similar in motive to D(2) below, which may also be Hermopolite.

D. Dated Types. There are a few of the dated tokens, which, as pointed out
in my previous article, usually bear types connected with Nilus, and are of rather
better style than the majority of these leaden pieces. The specimens here are as
follows :

(i) Obv. : Nilus reclining /., holding reed and cornucopiae, drapery over
legs : beneath, crocodile r. : border of dots.

Rev. : Three ears of corn, bound together : in field, L A : border of
dots. [Two specimens : 22 mm. : = D. 6456.]

(2) Obv. . Nilus seated to front, head /., holding reed and cornucopiae,
on hippopotamus (?) r. : border of dots.

Rev. : Ibis standing r. : in field, L : border of dots. [21 mm.]

(3) Obv. : Nilus seated /., holding reed and cornucopiae : before him,
Euthenia standing ;-., holding out crown : border of dots.

Rev. : Osiris standing ;-., mummiform, and Isis standing /., with r.
hand raised and sceptre in /. : between, LIB : border of dots. [19 mm.]

(4) Obv. : Three-quarter length figure of Nilus reclining /., holding reed
'and cornucopiae : line border.

Rev. : Head of Zeus Ammon, crowned with disk : in field L B (?) :
line border. [18 mm.]

' I have transposed the Obverse and Reverse in Rostovtsew and Prou's descriptions, as it is
usual to find the date on the Reverse of Egyptian coins of this period.

Leaden Tokens front Memphis. 1 1 5

(5) C/^z'. . Bust of Harpokrates (?) r., wearing hemhem crown: line
border.

Rev. : Bust of Horus r., wearing skhent : in field L (?) : line border.
[19 mm.]

These dated^tokens I was formerly inclined to ascribe to Alexandria, in view
of the general superiority of their style and the official touch given by the use of
a date. They are found sporadically on all Roman sites in Middle Egypt of which
I have any information : and, as noted above, the whole class to which they belong
may probably be located in Middle Egypt. I should now, therefore, prefer to
abandon the ascription to Alexandria, especially as one of those described above
(C 3) and the two Paris specimens mentioned at the end of C seem to fall into the
Hermopolite group. If those which are of specially good workmanship are to be
regarded as coming from any one town in Middle Egypt, I would suggest that this
town was probably Antinoe, which, in the period when these tokens were being
issued, was the chief centre of art in Egypt outside Alexandria.

The attribution to Antinoe is supported by some specimens in the Bibliotheque
Nationale, if Rostovtsew and Prou's identification of the heads on them is correct :
they describe Nos. 665-6 as having on Obverse Nilus seated /. on hippopotamus
(compare D (2)), and Reverse two busts confronted, Antinous (?) /. with crown of
disk and plumes, and a female bust r. with lotus-flower on head, in field L B : and
No. 667 with a similar Reverse but without date, and Obverse a male figure seated /.
on a low throne, with sceptre in ;-. hand. Unfortunately Mr. J. de M. Johnson's
excavations at Antinoe in 19 14 did not throw any clear light on the leaden tokens
of that town, as he found that the second and third century mounds, from which
evidence on this point might have been derived, had been almost entirely swept
away by the sebakhin. Feuardent describes a piece in the Demetrio Collection
(No. 1535) which has the ordinary types of the Alexandrian bronze of Antinous
Obverse ANTINOOY HPWOC and bust of Antinous/., Reverse Antinous as
Hermes riding r. with date L 10 but in lead, which might be a token of Antinoe,
but is more probably a proof of the bronze ; the excellence of the style led
Feuardent to assume that it was struck in Asia Minor, but this does not seem a
convincing argument; the work of the Alexandrian mint in the later years of
Hadrian was quite equal to that of Asia.

E. M1SCELLANEOU.S TYPE.S OF Class 2. There are a few examples of Class 2
which do not fall into any of the foregoing groups and cannot be assigned to any
particular town, but merit description :

(i) Obv.: Two busts facing (possibly Antoninus Pius r., and M.
Aurelius Z.^) : border of dots.

Rev. : Dikaiosyne standing /., holding scales and cornucopiae :
border of dots. [24 mm.]

(2) Obv. : Nilus reclining r., holding cornucopiae and reed ; above,
genius /, holding out wreath : border of dots.

Rev.: Dikaiosyne as ( I). [21mm.]

(3) Obv. : Two figures standing, heads facing (Dioscuri ?) : line border.
Rev. : Dikaiosyne standing r., holding scales and cornucopiae, and,

facing, Homonoia standing /., with r. hand raised, cornucopiae on /. arm :
line border. [21 mm.]

' Prof. Petrie thinks the busts are more probably Hadrian and Antoninus Pius.

H 2

Ii6 Leaden Tokens from Memphis.

(4) C^z'.. As(3).

Rev. : As (3), but Homonoia r., and Dikaiosyne /. [22 mm.]

(5) Obv. : Two busts facing Harpokrates (?) wearing liemhem crown
to r. and Sarapis wearing modius to /. : border of dots.

Rev. : Nike advancing /., holding out wreath : border of dots.
[20 mm.]

(6) OkiK : Roma (?) standing to front, head /., wearing helmet and
cuirass, holding on r. hand Nike >:, resting left on spear : border of dots.

Rev. : Nike advancing r. : border of dots. [22 mm.]

(7) Odv. : Sarapis standing to front, head r., r. hand on staff, /. wrapped
in himation : border of dots.

Rev. : Nike standing r., writing on shield supported on pillar :
border of dots. [22 mm.]

(8) Odv. : Bust of Sarapis r., wearing modius : border of dots.

Rev.: Bust of Isis r., crowned with disk and horns: border of
dots. [19 mm.]

(9) Odv. : Isis seated r., holding up lotus-flower in /. hand ; before her,
Harpokrates standing /., crowned with skhent, r. hand to mouth : line
border.

Rev.: Illegible. [18 mm.]

(10) Obv.: Isis, crowned with disk and horns, seated r. on rocks.

Rev. : Haroeris (?) standing /., bearded (?), holding hawk on r. hand,
club on /. arm. [14 mm.]

(11) Obv. Nilus reclining /., holding reed and cornucopiae : border of
dots.

Rev. : Harpokrates (?) standing r., wearing modius and himation,
r. hand raised, club (?) in /. : border of dots. [18 mm.]

(12) Obv. : Nilus reclining /. : below, crocodile r. : line border.
Rev. . Bes (?) standing to front : line border. [17 mm.]

(13) Obv.: Female bust n, draped : traces of letters round: border of
dots.

Rev. : Nilus reclining /., holding cornucopiae and reed : border of
dots. [Two specimens : 24 and 18 mm.]

(14) Obv.: Nilus seated /. on rocks, holding reed and cornucopiae,
drapery over legs and /. arm.

Rev. : Euthenia reclining /., holding out ears of corn : /. elbow
resting on sphinx r. [29 mm.]

(15) Obv.: Bird standing;'.: border of dots.

Rev. : Winged genius advancing /., nude, stooping with r. hand
outstretched over bird : border of dots. [Seven specimens : 12-14 mm.]
The last of the above-mentioned types approaches in workmanship to Class 3 :
it is rough and clumsy, so much so that it is difificult to .say what particular species
of bird is intended to be represented on the Obverse : on .some specimens it resembles
a goose, on others it is more like an ibis. Judging from the number of examples,
the piece should originate from some place near Memphis.

(16) Obv.: Hawk-headed divinity standing /., wearing skJient (?) and
cuirass, holding out on r. hand hawk n, resting /. on spear : before him, on
ground, serpent erect r. : border of dots and inner circle of line.

Rev. : Shrine (?), within which hawk /. (?). [28 mm.]

H 3

1 1 8 Leaden Tokens from Memphis.

This type is Dattari's 6433 (PI. XXXVI). As he points out, the Obverse type
is that of the Sethroite Nome : and, if the piece is to be ascribed to that nome, we
have here an example coming from the Delta which is not of the fabric of Class 3.
It is, however, rather unlike any of the other tokens of Class 2 in style, and may
represent the issues of the extreme east of the Delta.

(17) Obv. : Nilus seated /., holding reed and cornucopiae : border of dots.

Rev. : Sarapls standing to front, r. hand raised, short staff in /. :

border of dots. [20 mm.]

This appears to be the same as Dattari's No. 6482. Dattari describes the

Reverse type as Helios, with head radiate. If this is correct the condition of the

present specimen makes it impossible to say with certainty the figure is probably

intended for Helios-Sarapis ; the attitude is a characteristic one for Sarapis on

third century Alexandrian coins. This piece was obtained at Hawara.

F. Class 3. If the assumption that Class 3 comes from the Delta is correct,
it is natural that this class should not be extensively represented in a collection
formed at Memphis. As a matter of fact, only two types occur, though each of
these furnishes a considerable number of examples.

(i) Odv. : Helmeted head r.

Rev.: {a) Helmeted head /. [Four specimens : ii-i3mm.]
(J)) Helmeted head r. [Five specimens : ii-i3mm.]
The execution of most of these specimens is bad : on the better examples the
helmet on the Obverse seems to be of the crested Athenian form, that on the
Reverse Corinthian : but it is impossible to speak with certainty as to the intentions
of the artist. On one or two specimens there is an attempt at a border of dots.
(2) Obv. : Head and neck of horse r.

Rev. : Forepart of horse r. [Eleven specimens : 13-17 mm.]
The workmanship shown in pieces of this type is even worse on the average
than in (i), and is in most cases simply barbarous. Two examples are fairly clear :
and on these there are borders of dots round the types. The rest are of various
degrees of badness, the worst being so debased that it would be hopeless to guess
what object was intended to be depicted if less degraded specimens were not
available for comparison.

It may be remarked, in connexion with this class, that in my previous paper
I ascribed to Hermopolis Magna a token with the types of head of Zeus Ammon
and baboon squatting r. This is distinctly of Class 3 in style, and quite unlike any
of the tokens grouped above as belonging to Hermopolis Magna. I am now
therefore inclined to suggest that it should be attributed to the Delta town of
Hermopolis Parva.

G. Class i. Besides the one direct copy of a current coin in the collection
there are some interesting examples of what I have called hybrid types. Such are :

(i) Obv. : Radiate head of Helios (?) to front.
Rev. : Bee (in sunk circular field). [15 mm.]
Both Obverse and Reverse types in this case suggest Asiatic origin ; the
Obverse is presumably from Rhodes, the Reverse Ephesian.
(2) Obv. : Turreted female head r., in wreath.

Rev. : Stag(?) standing r., looking back. [16 mm.]
The Reverse type here is again probably Ephesian ; the Obverse may be
derived from Smyrna.

Leaden Tokens from Memphis.

119

E. MISCELLANEOUS

F. DELTA

?*Pv-*^

'^**!^'''

1 ^'<^^^ "W^B^ 2

G. HYBRID TYPES

n 4

1 20 Leaden Tokens from Memphis.

(3) Obv. .-Head of griffin r.
Rev.: Prow. [10 mm.]

The types of thi.s specimen are both found in many Greek cities ; if the Ionian
relationships of (i) and (2) are to be sought in (3) as well, the Obverse type may
come from I'hocaea and the Reverse from Samos.

(4) Obv. : Head wearing elephant-sicin cap r.

Rev. : Eagle's head /. : border of dots. [16 mm.]

The devices used in this case are both Ptolemaic, although the Reverse type
does not occur on Ptolemaic coins.

(5) Obv. : Female head ;-.

Rev.: Cornucopiae. [Two specimens : 17 and 13 mm.]
The head on these pieces might be a rough copy of that of one of the
Ptolemaic queens, on whose silver coins the cornucopiae is a frequent Reverse type.

(6) Obv. : Nude male figure kneeling r. (Atlas ?).
Rev.: ^Effaced. [18 mm.]

(7) Obv. : ^Snake-footed figure /., with /. hand raised.
Rev. : ? [Two specimens : 20 and 17 mm.]

The Obverse types of (6) and (7) are distinctly Greek in conception, though I
do not recall their occurrence on coins. The Reverse type of (7) is very obscure :
it seems to be a confused copy of some group of objects, for which I cannot suggest
an interpretation.

(8) Obv. .-Head (?) r.

Rev.: Dolphin r. [14 mm.]

(9) Obv. : Hippopotamus (?) /.

Rev. : Sphinx seated r., with r. paw raised : in circular incuse.
[16 mm.]
The last is in fabric unlike any others of this class, and I should be inclined
to regard it as an amulet rather than as a token.

I have to thank Prof Petrie for the opportunity of studying and publishing
these pieces. It is to be hoped that further collections from ascertained localities
will enable more certain identifications of the origin and purpose of the various
classes to be reached.

J. G. Milne.

A few which were not sufficiently distinct for description are here added,
distinguished by letters. A seems to be a variant of C (5). B and C, by the type
of the head, are apparently from the same hand as E (8) and E (i 3). F is of bronze,
but evidently not of an)' regular coin fabric. The ram has an indistinct object
over it ; after clearing, the other side shows a helmeted head. G shows a helmeted
head, H a head of Medusa. The Reverse type of K is a figure in a cloak leaning
on a staff. L is fairly sharp but entirely unintelligible.

W. M. F. P.

Leaden Tokens from Memphis.

121

'-i\J**- ' *'

&. HYBRID TYPES

( 122 )

THE STONE AGE IN EGYPT.
{Contimied^

Resuming the subject already treated on pp. 59 to Tj of our last number, we
now touch the well-defined period of the prehistoric graves of Egypt. The
Egyptian record places the close of this at about 5500 B.C.; and, looking at the
proportion which the number of graves bears to those of historic ages, it seems
that the rise of that civilisation is not likely to have been later than 8ocx) B.C.
The main point to be observed is the close connection with the Magdalenian cave
products, and the finest Danish work, suggesting that we may find some
synchronism. One of the most characteristic forms is the large three-faced blade
169, 170. Such a blade usually has a considerable wind, or twist, in the plane of
it, and this had to be removed by detailed flaking before a truly flat blade could be
formed, as a basis for the remarkably thin flat knives, such as 176, 177. On 169
the edge has been partly flaked ; the snubbing due to scraping always makes an
edge much steeper, but this flaking reaches far back in the direction of the face.
The back edge has been elaborately worked in a cris-cross pattern, which is
a marked feature in the decoration of Danish flints, as 181. This is so purely an
artistic feature, and so far removed from anything naturally suggested by flint
fractures, that we can hardly avoid granting a connection of descent between the
two. On the back edges of 170, 171, there is a mere snubbing due to scraping;
and 172, with a cris-cross edge the whole length of it, has been a large blade with
fine ripple pattern on the face (like the Danish 178, M., 349), but it has been so
greatly snubbed down by right-handed scraping that it is reduced to a point. In
other cases a fine thin blade, with ripple-flaking on both sides, has been snubbed
down by right-handed scraping in all four ways, until it is less than half its original
breadth. 173 is put here to show the form of the back of 172 ; it is the remaining
butt of a flake like 169, after the whole of the upper part has been snubbed away.
174 is the top end of a similar blade with snubbing begun, and 175 is a similar butt
end turned the other way up to show the detail of the flaking. Thus the whole of
this row are varieties of treatment of the same kind of flake.

Another close link with the Danish is in the vague surface-flaking or scaling
on 176 and 177, like the forms 179 (Denmark, M., 350) and 180 (Seine, M., 353).
The dates of the Egyptian examples may not only be given in a general period,
but many of them dated more closely by sequence dates. The whole period of the
prehistoric cemeteries is divided into fifty parts, numbered 30 to 79, which last
touches the beginning of the 1st dynasty {Tarkhan, I, 3). In this dating Nos. 170
and I7t' are between 34 and 38 S.D. ; 174 is of 46 S.D. ; 175 of 43 S.D. ; 176-7 are
of 52 S.D. No. 181 is from Denmark {IVordiske Forttdsminder, IV, PI. XXVI).

A striking resemblance is that of the coarse flakes which abound in the
prehistoric graves (182- 184) to the Magdalenian cave type (185-188, M., 134-5-9-7).
The slight waviness of outline, the proportions of the flake, the slight end chipping,
are all so closely alike, that they could hardly be sorted apart if mixed. These
three flakes are of S.D. 32 to 48, 61, and 70. The flakes 189 to 194 are of sequence

Egyptian and Danish Flints of Fine Work.

124 The Stone Age in Egj'pt.

dates 34 to 46, 47 to 50, 56, 58, 61 and 63 respectively. They are given to show
how snubbing of the edge, by scraping, is closely like what is characteristic of
Aurignacian flints in Europe, as in 195 (S., Fig. 53), 196 (S., xxxiii) and 197
(S., xvii), all of early Aurignacian age. This is a striking example of the
recurrence of a utility type, produced merely from similar necessities, without any
artistic design.

Touching on the beginning of historic times, there is a curious type found in
the lowest levels of the town of Abydos, No. 198. The teeth are too fragile to saw
any material ; but the explanation was given by seeing an iron scraper of just this
form used by Neapolitans for scraping off" scales from fish. The type 199-201 is
well fixed in date to the earlier half of the 1st dynasty ; the first two are from the
tomb of Zer, the third, worse made, from the tomb of Zet, and they steadily
deteriorate to the end of the dynasty, and become flat-ended in the Ilnd dynasty
{Abydos, I, xiv, xv). Yet the French example, 202, absolutely the same in detail,
comes from the Grotte de I'Eglise (M., 120), and therefore should be of the
Solutrean age, which we know by the Fayum flints is before prehistoric graves.
The only explanation seems to lie in the chance of this belonging to a higher level
of later date than the rest of the Grotte.

The arrow heads of the 1st dynasty, 203-205, are from the tomb of Aha, at
the beginning of that dynasty, most nearly like a type from the Gironde, 206
(M., 378). The general subject of the history of flint-work in the prehistoric
cemeteries and historic time is not dealt with here, but only so far as it is related
to Europe.

We can now see how many questions are raised, and how much can be linked
together, by the comparison of Egyptian and European types. Most of the
Egyptian are so closely like the European that a presumption must be allowed of
a general equivalence in age, yet some cases show clearly a repetition, such as the
Aurignacian resemblances. How far may we in the later periods venture on
a close synchronism ? The Magdalenian flint types in Egypt are associated with
bone harpoons, which are also of that age in Europe. The historic Egyptian kept
up the harpoon as a weapon of sport, but only used by the higher classes and not in
business fishing ; much as archery is kept up as a sport in England, long after fire-
arms are used for real fighting. For actual use we only find the bone harpoon
from S.D. 38-57, and the copper harpoon from 34 to 61 S.D. (Naqadeh, El-Amrah,
Gerzeh). This Magdalenian weapon therefore belongs to the first and part of the
second prehistoric civilisation, say 8000-6000 B.C. Not a single example was
found in the two thousand graves of the 1st dynasty age at Tarkhan.

This raises the question whether it will be possible to extend the Magdalenian
cave period as late as the Egyptian graves, of about 7000 B.C., or to trace a descent
of the type to a later time. This connection is an additional reason for keeping to
the Egyptian chronology, and not adopting the arbitrary theories of Berlin which
would bring down these Magdalenian types to about 3500 B.C.

Another serious European question is the synchronism of the finest Danish
work with the same age. The details of regular parallel ripple-flaking, of scale-
flaking, and above all of cris-cross ornamentation, are so closely alike in Egypt
and Denmark, and so absent in intervening countries, that we may almost suppose
that they were brought by two branches of the same race from some common
source. Generally, these fine works in Europe would be placed much later than the
Magdalenian age, bordering on the use of copper ; so there would probably be no
objection to dating the Danish work to 7000-6000 B.C., like the Egyptian.

185

186

187 188

1^1

!SI

ipa^iFRv^^

1.1

ijl

i ^

_M.

Flakes vrom Prehistoric Egyptian Graves ; with Magdalenian and Aurignacian.

126 The Stone Age in Egypt.

In concluding the comparisons of flint-working in Egypt and Europe, the only
reasonable view to follow seems to lie in the distinction between artistic and utility
types. While, on the one hand, it would be contrary to all the history of artistic
development to assign Chellean flints to a late period, on the other hand, the
mere results of use and requirements of daily life may easily produce like effects,
if the materials and habits are similar.

Having now reviewed the principal types of flint-work found in Egypt, it is
needful to state, as briefly as we can, the relation between those types as found in
Europe, and the physical conditions which were contemporary with them. But,
entering on this subject, we experience the strong currents of different opinions
among geologists as to the glacial periods. As it is impossible to handle so complex
a subject as a by-issue, I can but say that, as in earlier ages the distribution of
animals shows great changes of land and sea to have occurred, as, also, the
submerged river channels along the American coast prove such large changes of
level to have been geologically late, and, as beds of tertiary plants prove great
changes of climate to have occurred so, from such evidence, we are assured that
there is no improbability in the changes traced in the glacial periods. As such
changes occurred at other times, we need no overwhelming evidence to credit them
within the last million years. The evidence that is described, as by the last work
of the late Dr. James Geikie, The Antiquity of Man in Europe (1914), appears quite
sufficient to show that the earlier extent of changes was carried on into the ages
in question. As Dr. Geikie kindly replied on any points that were not clear to me,
the Table here may be taken as giving the results in accord with a principal
authority. The degree of precision of the results varies a good deal, as we shall
state below.

At first it might be supposed that the fluctuations of glacial periods were
peculiar to recent times ; but it is only from recent times that we have wide-spread
land surfaces for study. Of all the earlier ages we know hardly anything but
sea- or lake-deposits, with scarcely any old land surface visible except in a short
section. Hence, we cannot expect to find earlier evidence like that which we have
on our present earth surface. The questions of the extent of the ice sheet do not,
however, at all affect the relations with Egypt, with which we are here concerned.
Only the changes of sea-level in Europe are here involved.

Such changes of climate and of elevation are termed now Glacial and Inter-
glacial, from the fact of traces of ice action giving us the plainest evidences. But
we cannot suppose that such fluctuations at the freezing limit were not accompanied
by similar changes in other parts. It is recognised that the elevation and depression
of Gibraltar is to be connected with similar movements in France, England, and
the Baltic. If these changes took place at Gibraltar, they probably may also be
found a little farther south, in Egypt ; and as similar changes of level and of
climate have been traced out by Blanckenhorn in Palestine, it is, therefore, to be
expected that the movements should be equally found in Egypt.

It has been usual to speak of elevation and depression of the land ; but it is
absurd to suppose an equal earth movement of one-tenth of a mile vertical over
2,000 miles from Gibraltar to Norway. It appears, therefore, that the truer terms
are fall and rise of sea-level, probably due to displacement of the earth's centre of
gravity. The active causes we cannot discuss here.

The changes are traced by various evidences. There is the ploughing out of
valleys by ice below their tributaries, and the banks of dibris carried by glaciers,
and left as moraines or erratic blocks. There are the scratches and grooves left

The Stone Age in Egypt.

127

on rock surfaces by the cutting of stones bedded in the ice. There are the levels
of glacier action on the mountains, and the raised beaches along the coasts. There
are the submarine valleys and plateaus showing old land surfaces. There are the
deposits of Arctic or southern plants, and bones of animals, showing the temperature ;
also the forest beds now submerged. From such facts, the meaning of which
seems trivial unm they are united, the history of the changes of the last million,
or so, of years has gradually been pieced together. At present any single fact
of the kind has a greatly enhanced value to us, as it either fits into place in the
scheme already laid out, or else adds some fresh feature.

Dates.

Period.

Sea
Level,
Feet.

Temperature,
Fah.

Conditions and Hu.man
Work.

Geologic Stages.

6th Glacial ...
5th Inter G....

+ 30

C Forest "j
\\ 1500 ft. [-+5

Small Glaciers

Wider coasts ...

Daun. Upper Turb.
Up. Forestian.

5th Glacial ...

+ SO

V. "F .1

Considerable Glaciers

Gschnitr.

Low Turbarian.

-20,000
Max.

4th Inter G....
4th Glacial ...

+ 130

C Arctic \
\ plants } - 20
1 Thames j

r Britain Continental

-^ Great Baltic Lake

( Neolithic (with Azilian)

Great Baltic Glacier

Magdalenian

Intermediate {AHg,tacian

Low. Forestian.

( Buhl.

\ Mecklenburg.
[ Wurmian.

-80,000
iSo.ooo

3rd Inter G....
3rd Glacial ...

-200
+ 700

Southern \ , , c=
Mammals/ +'5

-30

Britain Continental Mousterian
Land far in Atlantic

Gibraltar upper breccia

Ice sheet in N.W. Europe
"1 N. and mid-Britain submerged
(^ Before coldest Mousterian
Torrents cut Gib. breccias

Diirntenian.

/ Polonian.
\ Rissian.

400,000

2nd Inter G.
2nd Glacial ...

-600
+ 900

Southern \
Mammals/

-30

' North Sea, dry Acheulian
Britain Continental, cooler
j Spain wide in Chellean
\ Mediterranean warmest
Gibraltar lower breccia
Maximum glaciation
I / 3500 ft., Scotland ..
*" \ 2800 ft., S.Jutland

Tyrolean.

' Saxonian.

^ Mindelian.

600,000 '

1st Inter G...

700,000 ,

1st Glacial ...
Pleistocene.

- SO

-200

+ 300

-20

Southern \ , ,o
Mammals/ +'

-13

Arctic plants in Norfolk
Y.zxX\e%\. xaiM o{ Heidelberg

Snow line 4000 ft. below now ...

/ Forest Bed.
^^ Norfolkian.

rScanian.
^ GUnzian.

Pliocene ...

+ 20

Wholly Arctic in N. Sea
Gradually cooling
South molluscs in N. Sea.

The Table states first the date of each period. This is but a very vague
approximation, gleaned from the changes which went on, and it is probably a
minimum. The periods may have been much longer, they are unlikely to have
been shorter. At least such dates give some sense of reality and proportion,
though they cannot be taken as definite statements. The names of the periods
are only applied for convenience, beginning as far back as the series of changes

128 The Stone Age in Egypt.

can be continuously traced. The levels in feet show the movement of the sea,
down, or + upward, from the present level ; the later rises of the sea are well fixed
by the raised beaches, but the earlier amounts depend on extent of submerged
land surfaces, limits of ice action, and changes which only give an approximation ;
the amounts are rather vague, but they at least show the kind of movements
involved. The temperature, above or below the present, is gleaned from statements
of the downward limits of snow and ice, and upward limit of forest growth, on the
scale of 300 feet of elevation to 1 Fah. Also from the the presence of Arctic
plants, or of southern mammals ; and from the present temperature of places
formerly at the edge of the ice sheet. The conditions and human work are fully
stated by Dr. Geikie, and connected with the names of the geologic stages. With
these explanations the reader will be guarded against assuming exactness for the
amounts stated, which are only appro.ximate and relative. Abbreviations in the
last column are used, as Daun., for Daunian ; Upper Turb., for Turbarian.

In Egypt there has not been any serious study of the changes of level which
the country has undergone in recent periods. The following notes are only some
points which have caught my notice while doing other work ; they arc given here
without the least claim for completeness or precision, and merely indicate what is
waiting to be recorded. By putting such a statement together it will be better
seen what meaning any other such facts may have, and what are the crucial
evidences that should be specially sought for in future.

To begin with, the levels above sea should be stated for the Nile Plain at the
various places to which we may refer, as such have to be added to cliff heights, in
order to see the -relation to sea level. Sea = o, Cairo 65 feet, Minieh 1 14 feet,
Beni Hasan 117 feet. Tell Amarna 129 feet, Siui 147 feet, Sohag 177 feet, Naqadeh
230 feet, Lnqsor 250 feet, Esneh 260 feet. The italic names are measured levels,
with others fitted in by proportionate distance.

The earliest stage we can observe is the heavy denudation of the Eocene
limestone plateau, shown by hillocks of cry.stalline calcite standing up on the top
surface. These must have been formed at a considerable depth by solution and
deposition ; since then, the higher and surrounding strata have all been removed,
exposing the less soluble crystalline calcite. The great rainfall is also shown by
the collapse of immense caverns. At Tell Amarna I have traced a sudden dip
of strata of fully 200 feet vertical, which implies, probably, a greater height of
cavern below it, filled up with fallen blocks. All along the Nile cliffs there may be
seen at intervals, in the miles of perfectly even strata, large collapses of some
hundreds of yards in length. Such features imply the e.xistence of great caverns,
the discharge of which must have been at least 300 feet below the present Nile
level ; this, therefore, implies an original gorge of the Nile, and sea level, as much
lower. This must be put as over 300 feet.

After all this was consolidated, and the fallen strata cemented into a solid
mass by infiltration and breccia, the Nile valley was widened so as to cut a clean
section through the collapsed strata. This shows that a great rainfall still continued
in the land. Two stages of this early period are seen in 207, 208. In 208 the
denudation of the surfaces is seen as a wide, gently sloping valley of very long and
gradual denudation. The slope on the left is sharply broken away by a much later
valley, of which a view is given in 207. Yet this later valley of the Tombs of the
Kings belongs to the period of erosion before the changes which we next consider.

After this erosion of deep valleys, like 207, a rise of the sea then followed,
during which the Nile valley was an estuary ; rolled gravels and fragments were

The Stone Age in Egypt.

129

deposited as high up as 400 feet, or more, above the plain at Thebes. This is
shown by the level silting up of the Valley of the Tombs of the Kings. In 209
the level line of filling is very clear ; above it the hard limestone ridges rise like
islands, below it the channels have been trenched out by later rainfall. Another
view, higher up th*- valley, 212, shows this also from side to side of the whole view
the level line of silting up is clearly seen. An attempt has been made to attribute
this to ponding of the Nile by banks of detritus lower down. But as there are

207. Precipitous Valley (of Kings), cut
through older denudation of surface.

208.

Older Denudation Valley, cut away on
Left by Precipitous Valley.

209. Above, Limestone Cliffs and Slopes.

Middle, Level Top of Estuarine Filling hy Debris.

Below, Slopes of Vallies, Scoured out through Debris.

marine deposits in the Nile valley known as far south as Asyut, it is certain that
there has been an estuary since the present erosion of the Nile valley. An attempt
has been made to attribute this valley-filling to aerial denudation, but the uniform
flat land of the top is against a dust-and-torrent filling, as also is the rounded and
rolled state of the debris and the stratification of it. As there are also indubitable
evidences of the high water level in other parts of the Nile valley as noticed
below there is no object in straining to avoid the conclusion here. The rainfall
which produced the detritus of this filling material must have been enormous,

130

The Stone Age in Egypt.

as the catchment area is only six or eight square miles, entirely bounded by far
larger valleys on each side. This deposit implies a depression of about 650 feet.

The great beds of gravel with boulders on the top of the hills at the mouth
of the Fayum, about 400 feet over the sea, are perhaps of this age.

After this came a fall of the sea to at least as low as the present level. This
is proved by the rain which fell on the small area of the Valley of the Kings,
ploughing out a wide and deep course through the mass of gravel and detritus

210. Stack oi- Diiiiius, left behind li.j.M iiii- Iistuarine
Filling of the Kings' Tombs Valley.

laid down in the previous period. This is finely shown by the precipitous stacks
of detritus, as seen in 210, which remain standing in the valley. How much the
sea fell below the present level we cannot say.

211. Bed of Indurated Gravel, Filling Gully in
Top of Limestone Cliff, Sohag.

Next, there was a great rise of sea. At Sohag on the top of the cliffs, about
600 feet high, are patches of rolled gravels, shown in 21 1. These extend up to the

The Stone Age in Egypt.

131

edge of the cliffs, filling gullies in the rock surface. The rock unprotected by the
gravel is not in the least weathered back from the line of the face covered by the
gravel. There does not seem to have been the smallest weathering of the rock
faces since the gravel was laid down. It is, therefore, impossible to refer this
gravel to the prevfous rise of sea, after which there has been heavy rainfall. The
whole height of the Nile valley must have been filled at the side with gravel and
silt for it to be possible to lay down rolled gravel along the edge of a cliff. To
this same rise of sea level belong little patches of stratified silt, seen clinging to
the rock gullies at the top of the cliffs at Tell Amarna. The Sohag gravel is at
about 800 feet over sea, the Tell Amarna silt at about 500 feet. Since then there
has been no rock-weathering and very little rain.

212. Above, Denuded Limestone Cliffs and Slopes, Former Islands.

Horizon, Level Line of Top of Estuarine Filling.

Below, Valley cut through DisRis Filling.

Probably of the same age are the great banks of debris washed out of the side
valleys, and deposited always on the down-stream side in the Nile valley. Such
banks could only be formed under water when heavy rains were deepening the
side valleys. The banks are well seen at Beni Hasan, where they rise to about
300 or 400 feet over present sea. If searched for, doub'^less they could be traced
in most districts, as I have often noticed them. Probably also of this age are the
gravel beds at the mouth of the Valley of the Kings, where Pitt-Rivers first found
Egyptian worked flints in position. They can hardly belong to the first filling of
the valley as no trace of worked flint has been discoverable in that filling.

After this there has been a fall of the sea to the present level, and the Nile
current, with a little rainfall, has washed away the later filling of the Nile valley.
Though there is some thirty or forty feet of Nile mud deposit in the Nile valley,
this does not extend in the Delta below the present sea level. The rise of land
level by silting up the bed of the valley seems to have raised it all along, and at

I 2

132

The Stone Age in Egypt.

the same time pushed out the Delta forward ; so the actual front of the deposit has
always been at about the same sea level. In saying this we do not take into
account the sinking of the Delta in Arab times.

On the basis of the various changes of sea level we may now attempt to
connect the Egyptian with the European changes.

Egypt.

Europe

Earliest prehistoric civilisation.

4th Glacial

Late Magdalenian.

Fayum flints.

Solutrean.

Early settlements.

Aurignacian.

Sea

3rd Intergl.

Mousterian.

V Feet.

Sea Feet.

Sohag cliff gravels

... + 800

+ 700 3rd Glacial

Mousterian.
Acheulian.

Kings' Valley clearing

... X

- 600 2nd Intergl.

Chellean.

Kings' Valley filling

... + 650

+ 900 2nd Glacial

Collapsed caverns

... - 300

- 200 1st Intergl.

Heidelberg.

It accords with this connection, that I have repeatedly and closely searched
the sections of the filling of the Kings' Valley for worked flints, and never could
find any in those beds ; as they are pre-Chellean it is not to be expected there
should be such worked flints. On the other hand there are plenty of palaeoliths
on the top of that filling.

In the following diagram, Fig. 213, the extent of these movements of sea level
is shown, with the suggestion of their being contemporary. The approximate
dates are placed at the top, merely to give an idea of the extent of time involved

lOOjOOOO

8 Of

000

600000 i^Ofi^OOO 2.00 000

I" GLACIAL l*"'lNT. Z^^GLACIAL a^'lNTERCU. 3'^CLSIn.40

+900

in each change. The human periods from the Heidelberg man to the Magdalenian
are marked with the European curve. The Egyptian curve has no human remains

The Stone Age in Egypt.

133

yet known associated with its first rise of sea level, where they have been searched
for in the Thehan vale (Valley of Tombs of the Kings). In the second rise there
is the rolled Chellean implement of Esneh at about 450 feet over present sea level,
implying that the Chellean age was before the middle of this rise. These
limitations of the "Chellean age agree with its position in Europe. In the second
rise is here marked the change from a rainy to a dry climate, as indicated by the
entire absence of erosion since the deposit of the high level gravel at Sohag.

These changes of level of the sea imply great changes in the coast outlines.
In the two sketch maps are shown what the coasts would be with a sea level of
600 feet lower and 600 feet higher. These are not the extreme changes, but show
the conditions which would have lasted for many thousands of years, becoming
more, and then less, pronounced. In the map during the glacial periods, 214, an

open shading shows where ice is considered to have extended. Central Europe
was an island with deeply indented branches of Italy and the Balkans. A clear
waterway went through southern France, the Dardanelles, and out into the
great Russian sea, in which the Caucasus and Urals stood as mountain boundaries.
On the south the African coast lay as far back as the latitude of Thebes, marked T,
in the Nile valley. Thus, westerly winds would bring precipitation over Egypt
freely being first arrested by the eastern mountains, and so producing tributary
streams on the east side of the Nile estuary. A clear waterway existed around
the Palestine hills into the Red Sea. Such were the conditions of the cold periods,
when Egypt had a climate like that of Constantinople or the south of Japan.

In the warm periods favourable to man, when the Chellean and Solutrean work
flourished, this coast line was very different (I^g. 215). The much more continental
condition must have favoured intercourse, and the spread of types of work. At
the extreme low waters (here dotted) Cyprus joined Syria, Crete was a link between
Greece and Asia Minor, Italy joined Africa, Sardinia and Corsica joined Italy,

I 3

134

The Stone Age in Egypt.

the Balearic Isles joined Spain, and Spain joined Africa, thus making two closed
lakes of the Mediterranean. In the north-west a great extent of land entirely
included the British Isles, with a steep edge of it, as steep as the Ligurian or
Welsh coast at present. Thus the whole conditions of life and of intercourse must
have been entirely different many times during the human period. What is
shown in these maps are the 600 feet contours, which were not the extreme
conditions, but such outlines as must have lasted for a long period.

WARM
PERIODS

215.

We can now realise what needs to be looked for in Egypt. Unhappily, in
recent years, the surface flints have been remorselessly gathered up by the cartload
to the order of speculators, and their history and meaning entirely lost. All over
the Theban district, which was one of the richest and the most important by the suc-
cessive periods there traceable, there is not a flint worth notice left, only sad little
pits dotted over the ground, where they have lain. Some good and careful work
was done by Mr. Montague Porch, who levelled by aneroid the positions of the fine
series of flints which he collected, and I have always noted the levels of the flints
which I have picked up. A fine Acheulian flint, with secondary working, lay by
a cliff edge, 800 feet high, at Naqadeh, or at 1,030 over sea. This would never
have been submerged, and no very heavy rainfall occurred since its time sufficient
to denude the rock and wash it away. This accords with the appearance of its
position. On the other hand a well rolled Chellean pick {coup de poing) I picked
up on a spur of hill behind Esneh, estimated at 200 feet over Nile, or 460 over
sea ; and this is within the submersion of the 3rd glacial period.

The main matters to search for now are traces of raised beaches of the sub-
mersions, and flints connected with them ; levels of waterworn and of unworn flints

The Stone Age in Egypt. 135

of each early period at about 600 feet over sea ; any worked flints in the Kings'
Valley filling, or in the banks of debris washed out of side valleys at high levels ;
the period (Mousterian ?) of flints in the high gravels, and the relation of Fayum
flints to the continuous prehistoric civilisation. Of course, flints may be found
perfectly fresh arfd unpatinated if they chanced to be buried very soon, without
water wear, and have only been uncovered by denudation lately. Such was the
case with one of the rudest and most massive picks (Fig. 9), probably lost in the
zero level period of early Chellean, and then bared again in modern times where
I found it, at near Nile level. By far the most important matter is the levelling and
position of flints on the slopes and ledges of the hills in the Thebaid, where there
was always a land surface throughout all the changes of level.

W. M. Flinders Petrie.

I 4

( ^i^ )

BOAT NAMES IN EGYPT.

In the Hieratic Ostraka from the Ramesseum, Dr. Spiegelberg transcribed some
tallies of the boat loads of blocks of stone, brought down for the building. The
sizes of the blocks in cubits were stated, and the names of the owners of the boats,
such as Pen-tep, Khoy, Pa-abtu, Mohu, Min-nekht, Khensu, Tahuti, Nekhtu-amen,
Setmes, and others, sometimes with the father's name added. The general load for
a boat was six to seven blocks (see numbers 135, 136).

OSTRAKON FROM THEBES, GIVING NAMES AND LOADS OF BOATS.

Here we publish another Theban ostrakon with various tally numbers, averaging
also between six and seven. These, therefore, are probably also tallies of the
delivery of boat loads of stone. The signs, however, are not personal names, but
apparently the names or signs of the boats. The writer was evidently not a regular
scribe, as he had no habit of writing in one direction ; he made eight signs face the
right, in the usual scribe's direction, and six signs face the left in the European
direction. Probably he learned his signs from big monuments, on which they face
either way for symmetry.

Boat Names in Egypt.

137

The names and loads of the boats are as follows, beginning at the top and the

5 .
2

3
IS

3 +
II

4
2
2

I +

Many of these names are much like modern ones in the Navy, or the luggers
and barges of to-day. The Turnabout, The Mighty, The Powerful, The Beloved,
The Rest, The Harvest, The Feast, The Glory of Thebes, The Firm One, and the
several names of deities, like the Saints of the Spanish Navy, are quite what we
should expect. Observe also that nearly all of these words are single signs which
could be set up as a figure-head, or painted large upon the bows.

This ostrakon was brought to me from Thebes, and is now in University
College, London.

hand :

Khepesh

Heb

Qed

.. 14

Ka ...

Mer... ^'

Anr?

Uzat

Uazet

User

Het ? (temple

Her(Horus)

Hebs

Qenbet

Urs

Ren pet

Anu

Mena

Khent

Uben uas

Rannut

Hez ...

Zu ? user

Neit ...

Shot (papyrus roll)

W. M. F. P.

( 138 )

PERIODICALS.

Zeitschrift fur Aegyptische Sprache, L, 191 2.

{Omitted in previous Abstract^

II. Spiegelberg, W. Brugsch first suggested, and Sethe has proved, that

the Boheiric AC(I)ori is derived from the Egyptian | ~. h\t-sp, the regnal >ear of

a king. Two new examples from the Coptic are given tcrumth and TcncMTe.
Here en-, which is in the construct form, is obviously a feminine word, having the
definite article and the numeral in the feminine.

12. ROEDER, G. In the temple of Bet el-Wali the title of Rameses II is given

as ^^ Aw>w ^ / / 1 " son of Ra in truth." The indirect genitive helps to

emphasise the filiation of the king.

13. Sethe, K. In Spiegelberg's edition of the Pedubastis romance occurs
a word which looks like the preposition re-, but which he translates as " To happen "
and once as " To do." It can, however, only be the qualitative of eipe, o (Achm. e-),
a word which has hitherto been looked for in demotic in vain. In demotic also

there occurs the form <2>- \ (1 , the 3rd pers. fem. sing, of the pseudo-participle,

which has not been preserved in Coptic.

I ffk of Saitic and Ptolemaic times is

This, however, is not correct as

14. DtVAUD, E. The noun | "^^ \\
generally derived from the verb | *^^ (I
the word in question derives from Qj\. The verb J ^- ' S() does not
occur later than the Middle Empire, nor is the noun | ^^ H 8i|) f""'^ before
the Saite Period. On the other hand '^'^^ QA is not used in texts after the
second Theban Empire. For direct proofs of the identity of the two words, see
Petrie, Denderah, 8. ^ ^^^'"^^^ ^ ffi "^^^ ; and on a Saite statue wb,

A^ I 1 qA ^\ , and several others.

15. D^VAUD, E. A correction of Gardiner's translation of the sentence

^^ ffi X-, ""^ '^l^^-^^CP"^*^^ "^ n,by changing-JU. into ~w,A^;
when the sentence reads : " Giving falsehood to him who says it, truth to him who
comes wjth it."

16. D^VAUD, E. The "^ in the verb \S. "^^ \m (Coptic ei) is not one of
the radicals of the word. The two signs 11 and &Jr have the same form in hieratic,
and the scribe in writing Q has had in his mind ^ , of which the phonetic
complement is ^^ , Hence the mistake.

( 139 )

REVIEWS.

The Tomb oj Amenemhet. Copied by NiNA DE Garis Davies ; text by
Alan H.Gardiner. 4to, 132 pp., 46 plates. (Under the auspices of the Egypt
Exploration Fund.)

In this volume is issued for the first time a detailed study of the funerary
system of the Egyptians, and we owe Dr. Gardiner gratitude for applying the
latest knowledge to the comprehension of the texts on the subject. Stimulated
by the excellent copies of Mrs. Davies, the author has published this admirable
introductory volume, for which the "auspices" of any society are needless. It
may be hoped that he will give the world many more volumes of " The Theban
Tomb Series " to which this is introductory, and so make accessible the mass of
detail which remains from one great period of civilisation.

The tomb selected for this introductory volume is not of historical interest,
but is chosen as giving ground for description of the funerary system as a whole.
The principal discussions of general matters are on the lietep da nesut formula, and
the magical value of the scenes represented. The formula which heads every
funerary inscription, is by its habitual use and brevity not easy to comprehend.
The earliest sense of it is concluded to be " a boon which the king gives," and
as usually applied it becomes " an offering which the king gives." The precedence
of the sign " king " is due only to the usual rule of placing it honorifically first
in the sentence ; and the real order is shown in some of the variations where gods
are named instead of the king. The sense formerly suggested that it was a prayer
"may the king give," is set aside by the syntax, and the variant erdau, the
relative form. Why the king should be considered to give all the sustenance to
the dead, has been generally explained by the high-priestly function of the early
king, emphasized in a stele of the XVII Ith dynasty, where the king actually
performs the family offering {Studenfs History, II, 172). Dr. Gardiner prefers,
however, the explanation that the formula was originally that of the royal burial,
where the living king offered to his father, and was thence transferred without
change to the private usage. This is supported by the parallel of the transference
of chapters of the royal ritual (Pyramid Texts) to private use, and by the expression
" the Osiris " passing from the deified king to his subjects. Both of these parallels
are, however, long after the period of the hetep da nesut for private persons, which
was in full use in the IVth dynasty, so soon as there is any bulk of monuments to
study. We may say that there is another sense to be considered also. In early
society, as Dr. Seebohm has shown, all property is ultimately vested in the chief
and he grants the use of it to the actual holders. The chief sets up in life each
youth with cattle or land-rights, which have to be returned at his death or in the

140 Reviews.

third generation after, for redistribution. Hence all property is given by the chief

primarily, and only the usufruct of it is personal property. When gifts are made

to the dead they would thus pass out of the common fund which is returnable to

the chief, and it would be natural therefore to require his consent. The two

aspects of the tribal chief, as communal trustee and as high-priest, seem to fully

account for the offerings to the dead being considered as coming from the king.

It might be thought that so daily a matter as food would not be looked on as

tribal property : but the earliest of such formulae are for a sarcophagus and burial,

i.e., all the property that was put in the tomb. Further, we must remember that

the chief had wide-spread rights to food-rents, or maintenance, and it might well

be that the offerings were primitively granted out of the food-rent belonging to the

king, just as parochial endowments for masses for the dead in Wales arose out of

a dedication of the chiefs food-rents. Taking into account these features of tribal

society, it seems needless to resort to a very early transfer of a royal formula. The

whole conception of property and food dedicated to the dead would seem to

require the chief's consent, and be granted by him as trustee, and offered by him

as priest of the tribe. Of the later stages Dr. Gardiner says : " From the Middle

Kingdom onward these various uses were confused, and a hybrid formula was

evolved, the underlying idea of which was a bargain struck between the king and

certain gods, offerings being made to the gods as an inducement to them to give

similar offerings to the deceased." This is considered due " to a purely philological

cause, namely the habit that grew up " of blending the phrases, " a boon which the

king gives and which Anubis gives " as " a boon which the king gives, Anubis."

It seems doubtful if the contracted writing could change the whole conception of

the offering, and we should rather look to social and economic causes for the

transfer. If the offering were made to the god for the benefit of the dead, then

the priesthood received it, and the priestly aggrandisement of the Vth dynasty and

onward would urge on this change. Another cause for bringing in the gods as

intermediaries would be the constant alienation of funerary endowments ; by

consecrating them to the gods for the dead the divine protection was invoked. It

was in fact introducing a trustee in order to secure the property. A good instance

is quoted where the son is shown offering to his parents, while above that is shown

the king similarly offering to Osiris and Isis. Thus the human offering to the

human person reacts on the divine offering to the gods, for them to ensure it to

the person. In the latest stage the power of the word was thought to suffice, and

the passer by was desired to recite the formula so as to convey to the dead the

benefit of the offerings named.

The magical value of the funerary scenes has been dwelt upon by Sir Gaston
Maspero, but denied by the wholly materialist school of Berlin, which regards them
as pompous display. In this, and other points, the sympathetic insight of the
French school is accepted and acknowledged by Dr. Gardiner. The hidden texts
on the insides of the coffins, or buried in the tomb chamber, were nothing as
a demonstration to the living, and they force us to accept such provision as .solely
for the magical benefit of the dead. Similarly, we may add, the hunting and fishing
scenes in the upper chambers are the evident descendants of those hunting scenes
on the prehistoric grave at Hierakonpolis which was never to be visited by the
living. It is only when we reach the biographical inscriptions that the intention for
the living appears ; and we should note that these inscriptions are at first outside of
the tomb chapel (Herkhuf, and at Thebes), and only were transferred to the inside
later, in order to protect them.

Reviews. 141

Many points of general interest occur in the description of the tomb. The
family names are all of the style of the early XVIIIth dynasty ; but a strange
perhaps foreign form is Aohmes Hamash, which latter is supposed to be a pet
name for Aohmes.

The order of the subjects in the tomb, and the reasons for their position,
orientation, and facing direction, are carefully discriminated, and shown to be
strictly in accord with the purpose and idea of the meaning.

The erasure of the j^;-priest is noted as due to the Aten movement ; it throws
light on the secondary features of that religion, of which we know but little. It
appears that the priestly function was disliked.

The usual early figure of the table of offerings is discussed. The view that the
subject represented leaves of reeds laid over the offerings, is not supposed to be the
original idea, but only an ignorant adaptation by the Egyptians, while the original
objects are believed to be a row of sections of loaves, or slices of bread.

An interesting scene is described of Amenemhet making offerings for the
various craftsmen employed on the tomb. This might be taken as giving them
a share in the perpetual magic benefit of the representations. But there may be
a further meaning, when connected with the foundation deposits of materials and
models of food for workmen. May not these workmen have been required to renew
the perpetual freshness and completion of the tomb paintings for the benefit of
Amenemhet ? So just as he fed them while they made the tomb, so he feeds them
in figure that they may renew it.

The full extent of the primitive unfleshing of the body is not only known by
the references in the Book of the Dead (collected by Mr. Wainwright in The
Labyrinth and Gerseh, pp. 11-13), but by the ceremony named by Dr. Gardiner of
" fastening the jaws that were severed."

In two places in the tomb it is noted that some of the women are coloured
pink instead of the usual Egyptian yellow. There are the two musicians and
several serving women in the feast scene, and two of the bearers of offerings. It
can hardly be doubted that these are northern or Syrian captives. We need a
study of the extent to which foreign captives were employed and represented.

The use of candles in the ceremonies shows that such were customary in
Egypt, though no remains of them have been found. The lighted candle repre-
sented in the hand, on the gilt cartonnage busts of Roman age, is, therefore, of
Egyptian origin.

There are many other points of external interest in the book, beside the value
of the general study of the funerary ritual and system. A few points the author
may perhaps reconsider. A genealogy is printed with all the names upside down ;
it is far better to arrange genealogies in a column to each generation, with the
eldest at the top of each column. On p. 48, surely a boat went from Beni Hasan
up to Abydos, and not down. On p. 64, the stools cannot have been of bamboo,
which was unknown in Egypt ; they appear to be palm-stick crates, like the
modern work. The cones on the head are stated to be entirely of scented ointment ;
but the vase from which they are supposed to be taken is much smaller than a
single cone. The truth seems to be that the cone is of hair, like the modern
African (Ancient Egypt, 1914, 169), and the scented ointment was put on the
cone, which could afterwards be detached so as not to saturate the wig.

Of the fidelity and artistic quality of the copies by Mrs. Davies it is needless
to remark ; it is well known to all that they cannot be surpassed, and the more of
the ancient work is perpetuated in this way the better for its future survival.

142 Reviews.

Sieges de Pretres. Par GEORGES Daressy. 8 pp., i plate {Bull. Inst.
Franqais Arch. Orient., Cairo.)

A familiar object in the Saite and Ptolemaic town ruins is the solid limestone
headrest. The wooden pillows which are usual from the pyramid age to the
XlXth dynasty ceased to be made, and heavy limestone blocks appear instead.
Now in the present paper M. Daressy has shown that similar blocks are found up
to a large size, and that such were seats, as stated in an inscription. On the
strength of that he terms all such blocks as seats, and would regard the lesser
sizes as votive seats. It seems more likely that the low blocks of only six or
seven inches high, and not much more in length, were headrests ; especially as they
curve up sharply at the ends, to prevent the head rolling over, while such a form
prevents sitting upon them. Another feature is the hollowing out of the side,
which is useless for a seat, but adapted for the shoulder in lying down. One such
block from Memphis had a little shrine cut in it to hold a figure or amulet
{Meydutn and Memphis, III, PI. XXXIII); this would be more appropriate for
sleeping on to influence dreams, than for sitting upon.

While the commoner small blocks are therefore headrests, the larger blocks
described are now shown to be seats. Two were found at Karnak, one of
sandstone, the other of red granite, about eighteen inches high and wide, and a foot
thick. The sandstone seat has, on the larger face of it, an inscription of ten
columns, carefully cut and painted blue. It is translated as follows :

" The prophet of Amen-ra king of the gods ; prophet of Horus the great
one of both lands, great .... of Amen ; first prophet of the image of Pharaoh
ever living ; prophet of Osiris, of Ptah-Sokar-Osiris of Koptos in the Hall of Gold,
of Horus, of Isis, of Nephthys and their allies, ruler of the temple of Khonsu
Nefer-hetep of Thebes ; priest of Min in the House of the Elder ; fourth prophet
of Amen ; opener of the door of Amhut, passing in his skin ; the great ruler {ha\

keeper of and of the king of the gods in his time ; second prophet, making

the passes of Osiris, chief of the modelling of his form, divine father, initiate in the

mysteries, sacred purifier, Imhotep . . (son of) sacred purifier of the

temple of Mentu lord of Thebes in the temple of the bull (Bakis), HORUZA. He
says, in adoring his lord, (I was installed) in my seat among the chief prophets in

the place of the great purification as instructor-in-chief of those on the

seat ; making the passes on the eyes, in alternation, the companion did things
without knowing. He knew also that the love of Amen was better than millions
of things, than hundreds of thousands of pieces of silver. He has been consecrated
to Tanen as his prophet, and to Isis as priest of the sycomores. He satisfies
himself with truth, he lives with Her, his heart rests in the great purification.
I look for help to transmit to my ka all the members fulfilling their functions, and
to end my days on earth in the service of Amen as director of the prophets in his
great temple." Of the notes of M. Daressy on this inscription most are technical ;
but he compares the " passes on the eyes," and effect on the subject, to modern
hypnotic action.

Coptic Cloths. By Laura Start. 8vo, 36 pp., 38 figures, i plate. 2s. %d.
by post. (Bankfield Museum, Halifax.)

This pamphlet describes the different styles followed during about a thousand
years in Egypt. A careful analysis is given of the methods of weaving, and of
constructing the patterns by direct shuttle, by hand-working on the warp threads,
and by stitching after the woof is complete. The method of weaving cloth

Reviews. 143

specially for the form of garments, and of hemming and stitching such garments,
is described and illustrated. Such technical descriptions and explanations are
much needed in order to understand the complex development of ancient crafts,
and their relation to modern work. A study like this at once adds life and value
to collections, wHkh otherwise are merely a subject of ignorant wonder to the usual
antiquary or excavator. Anyone who wishes to understand the subject should get
this account and study it.

The writer does not touch on the origin of the embroidery patches on Coptic
garments, which seem to be utilitarian to prevent wear and tear. The two main
pieces are large ovals at the knees, then lesser ovals over the breasts, and broad
stripes across the shoulders. Whether darning or patching the wear originated the
use of embroidery on those parts, or whether the decoration was put on as
a preventive, we do not yet know.

The reader should correct two serious misprints : on p. 4 the warp threads are
140 not 540 to the inch ; and on p. 32, in the first column of dates, 1738 should be
put to the XVI I th dynasty.

Culture of the Ancient Pueblos of . , . New Mexico and Arizona. By Walter
Hough. Smithsonian Institution, Bulletin 87. 1914. 133 pp., 29 plates, 348
figures.

Though purely American, this account contains some interesting parallels to
Egyptian products. There is an extensive system of dedicating offerings of all
kinds to the gods, and placing such offerings in caves, where they have been long
preserved. Such objects are called paho. The palios described are of twigs, hooked
sticks, bows and arrows, bird carvings, feathers, fire, cigarettes, fire-sticks, dress,
model baskets and flutes. Those which are of more interest to us are the models
of animals roughly pinched up in clay (Figs. 260-275), exactly like the model
animals found at Kahun, where they were apparently toys made by children {see
p. 165, Vol. 1914). Another curious parallel is in the reed gaming sticks or dice,
which are long slips split off a reed, with the knots painted, the throw being
determined by whether the slip fell inside or outside uppermost. This is exactly
what was found carved in ivory in the tomb of King Qa {Rojal Tombs, I, xvii, 30,
p. 23), and like the slips of reed used in gaming in Egypt at present. All such
usages similar to those in Egypt serve to illustrate the mode of thought and the
use of objects.

( '44 )

NOTES AND NEWS.

The war naturally overshadows every other care and activity. We can only hope
to keep the constructive interests alive for the present, so that they may revive
again after the scourge on civilisation may be ended. Mr. Brunton and Dr. Amsden
are at their posts still, at Netley and Cooden Beach. Mr. Engelbach, after his
recent marriage, is daily expecting to be sent abroad from Sheerness. Mr. Angelo
Hayter is now in the censorship of letters. Mr. Duncan Willey has found a fit
scope for his Arabic as Assistant Political Officer to the High Commissioner in the
Persian Gulf

The Egyptian collection at University College, London, has been partly
arranged during the winter, and will be thrown open to the public, in lieu of the
usual Exhibition at the College, for a month from June 7. After that it will
continue to be accessible to the public on application. The facility of study with
a library and collection side by side, may, we hope, carry out the intentions of
Miss Edwards in establishing that centre for the subject. We hope in our next
number to give readers a sketch of the scope of the collection, and some views of it.

THE PORTRAIT.

The charming head of a limestone statuette, which we give in this number, was
one of the treasured acquisitions of Dr. Capart at the Brussels Museum ; we hope
that he may long continue to guard it there. It represents a high class Egyptian,
doubtless of Thebes, at the close of the XVIIIth dynasty. A comparison of the
treatment of the face especially the lips with the statue of Tutonkhamen (Ar/s
and Crafts, Fig. 38) shows that it comes from the same period and schools, we
may almost say from the same artist. It has much of the Syrianised refinement
of type in profile, but is not so light and graceful. In front view it shows a curious
heaviness in the width about the ears. The eye is small compared with the usual
type, and is even smaller than the modern English proportion. These features
give an air of dogged reserve which is unusual, and hardly accords with the freedom
of the mouth. It is clearly a strict portrait as it departs from the usual type, so
familiar in the works of that age. The piercing of the ears for wearing ear studs
was then a fashion, seen in the statues of Akhenaten and Rameses ; yet, strange to
say, we have no male head shown with the ear studs, which only appear on a few
statuettes and coffins of women.

The Annual Exhibition at University College will be open
June 7 to July 3, 10 to 5; Evenings of June 10, 15, and 25, 7 to 8.30.

HEAD OF AN OFFICIAL. XVIIITH DYNASTY,
IN LIMESTONE. BRUSSELS MUSEUM.

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v.^Hk' '.^^BMilra^K^^^^^^^^^I

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^^^^^^^^^^^^%^Stt|HH

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HEAD OF AN OFFICIAt., XVIIITH DYNASTY,
IN LIMESTONE. BRUSSELS MUSEUM.

J-

WOODEN STATUETTES OF SENUSERT I., FROM LISHT.

ANCIENT EGYPT.

EXCAVATIONS AT THE SOUTH PYRAMID OF LISHT IN 1914.

REPORT FROM THE METROPOLITAN MUSEUM, NEW YORK.

The programme of work carried out at the Pyramids of Lisht by the Museum
Expedition during the season of 1913-14 consisted of two parts: (i) that at the
North Pyramid, and (2) that at the South Pyramid, which is of King Sesostris
(Senusert) I, of the Xllth dynasty.

As the work progressed, we exposed first two small pyramids lying between
the inner and outer enclosure-walls of the pyramid (see Fig. i), both of them
stripped of their outer casing-blocks, the western one constructed with a core of
small, roughly cubical blocks of limestone, the eastern one with a core of sun-dried
brick which had originally been encased with limestone. The entrance-passage
of the small stone-pyramid was opened by the French Expedition and found to
have been completely plundered in ancient times. The entrance to the other small
pyramid was about 2 m. square, descending perpendicularly through the bed-rock
of the plateau to a depth of about 1 5 m., where a passage led off diagonally north-
east to a chamber appro.ximately under the centre of the pyramid. The filling of
the shaft consisted of Nile mud packed down so hard that the implements of our
workmen could with difficulty be driven into it, thus showing the great length of
time that it had lain undisturbed ; but the presence of broken pottery vessels and
other material in the filling at various points prepared us for the result which we
finally derived the chamber had been completely plundered at some ancient
period.

Of the limestone casing with which the mud-brick core of this pyramid was
originally covered, and also of the platform of limestone blocks upon which the
structure had rested, a sufficient amount remained to render it certain that the
pyramid had had a chapel on its eastern side toward the Nile valley, while under
the platform there was found at each of the four corners of the pyramid a
" foundation-deposit." These were practically identical in character and in each
instance had been placed in a square pocket about 80 cm. in diameter and i metre
in depth, excavated in the bed-rock upon which the platform rested. The bottom
of the pocket had been covered in each case with about 5 cm. of clean gravel upon
which were some twenty-five to thirty small pottery model dishes and vases, while
scattered among them were a number of small lozenge-shaped blue glazed beads.
On these objects were laid the skull and some of the bones of an ox which had
been sacrificed as a part of the ceremonial. The pocket had then been completely
filled with gravel in which, at about half its depth, was laid a small model brick of
sun-dried Nile mud. Finally the pockets were covered by massive limestone blocks
which in each case formed the corner blocks of the pyramid-platform.^

' This is precisely like the deposits of the second pyramid of Lahun (W. M. F. P.).

146

Excavations at the South Pyramid of Lisht in 1914.

As our work progressed to the eastward beyond the outer enclosure-wall of
the Pyramid of Sesostris, a large mastaba-tomb was disclosed situated in the angle
formed by the enclosure- wall and the temple-causeway, of one of the great officials
of Sesostris, " The Hereditary Prince and Count, Treasurer, High Priest of

Pyramid "TEMPLE

OF Sesostris 1.

AND ADJAONT ARIA

AT LlSHT

Fig. I. Temple of Senusbrt I at Lisht, with surrounding Walls and Tombs.

Heliopolis, Priest of Horus, Priest of Min, Chief Scribe of Divine Records,
Superintendent of Land, Superintendent of all works, the King's Favourite, Great
in his office, Imhotep."

Excavations at the South Pyramid of Lisht in 1914.

147

As our excavation of the ground around the tomb of Imhotep proceeded, the
section immediately south of the tomb, including its enclosure-wall on that
southern side, began to yield evidence of particular interest. Along the outer
(southern) side of the wall the excavations were carried below the original surface
level at the time^f the construction of the wall in the Xllth dynasty, and at the
points marked A and B on the plan in Fig. I there were found two divine barks, each
about 275 m. (9 feet) in length. A photograph of that at A is shown in Fig. 2.
In shape it was of the " papyrus form " type with straight rising prow and recurving
stern, its body fashioned from a solid log of wood, with the prow and stern posts
dowelled to it. The rails along the deck were likewise attached by dowels. The

Fig. 2. Ceremonial Boat Buried beside E.nclosure Wall.

gunwales where the rails stood bore traces of red, though no evidences of painting were
preserved on other parts of the boat. It was in an excellent state of preservation.

The second boat, at B on the plan, was of the same form but was constructed
of light boards or slats and was in too disintegrated a condition to be removed.
The prow, however, showed evidence of having been painted in stripes of blue,
green, and red.

Following the discovery of these boats, our excavations on the inner or
northern side of the enclosure-wall near by brought to light, at the point marked C
on the plan (Fig. i), remains of two other boats of a rarely occurring type known
as solar barks. The remains consisted of two prow and stern posts, together with
two complete sets of the symbolical or magical objects which occur upon the decks
of boats of this kind, as on that in the Cairo Museum.

K 2

148

Excavations at the South Pyramid of Lisht in 19 14.

For some days as we had been clearing this section of ground our basket boys
had been running over the enclosure w all to dump into the cars just outside, and
the fact that a crack had remained open in spite of the dust and dirt constantly
falling from their baskets finally attracted attention. As no one had ever known
or thought of the existence of antiquities in the heart of a mud-brick enclosure-
wall, I was entirely unprepared for the sight that met my eye when I threw the
light of an electric lamp down through the opening in the brickwork. As far as
the size of the crack allowed me to see, there appeared to be, close below,
a chamber of moderate size, while immediately under the opening I looked down

Fig. 3. A. Position of Boat, Fio. 2. B. Second Boat. C. Place of Two 01 her Boats.
D. Chamber with Statuettes, in the Wall.

on the tops of two wooden statuettes, each wearing a royal crown, one the white
crown of Upper Egypt, the other the red crown of Lower Egypt. Beyond this,
I could not see much of the detail of the figures or whether the chamber contained
anything besides the statuettes.

As it was then about six o'clock in the evening and nothing could be done
before darkness to investigate further, about a dozen of our workmen were detailed
to spend the night there as guards. Early the following morning the work of
investigation was taken up in earnest and photographs were first made of the actual
state of the wall (see Fig. 3). It was impossible to see what the nature of the
roofing of the chamber was and, for fear that any attempt to remove the brickwork

Excavations at the South Pyramid of Lisht in 19 14.

149

above the chamber might result in the collapse of the roofing upon the objects
below, it seemed best to begin to remove the bricks at a point beyond the extent
of the chamber and so, working in to it from the side, determine the character of
its roofing. This finally showed the roofing to consist of boards, which spanned
the chamber andrsupported the courses of bricks laid across them above. As the
boards were in sound condition, it was then possible to remove the brickwork
above them and finally the board-roofing itself. The chamber proved to be about
65 cm. (26 inches) square, and approximately the same in height, its sides and
bottom being lined with a pinkish-coloured plaster (Fig. 4). At the back against
its western end stood the two royal figures, side by side and facing eastward.
Each was in its proper position in relation to the division of the country which it

I'lG. 4. Chamber with Shrine and Statuettes.

represented, that as king of Upper Egypt (Fig. 7) to the south, that of Lower
Egypt to the north (see portrait at end). In front of them and occupying most of
the remaining part of the chamber was a wooden shrine. Apparently at the period
when the wall had been stripped and before it had become buried under the
drifting desert sand, enough dirt and moisture had entered the chamber through
the roofing to form a hard packed layer over the floor to a depth of about 10 cm.

The statuettes, which were of cedar, were identical in pose and of practically
the same size, that with the white crown measuring 56 cm. (22 inches), the other
wearing the red crown 58 cm. (23 inches) in height. They represented the king,
nude except for a short white skirt falling from the waist to the knees, standing in
a vigorous attitude with the left foot advanced, and grasping with his extended
left hand the Hk sceptre. To represent the skirt in each case, a thin layer of
stucco had been applied to the wood and then painted, the folds of the skirt being

K 3

ISO

Excavations at the South Pyramid of Lisht in 19 14.

denoted in fine red lines. In the same way the crowns were treated with stucco
and painted. The nude parts of the figures bore traces of having been represented
in a pinkish flesh colour applied directly on the wood, and the eyes also had been
painted. (See frontispiece^

In the delicacy and subtlety of their modelling, these figures exhibit finer
qualities in sculpture than anything previously known from this period of the
Middle Kingdom. The rendering of the features and of the muscular development
of the body, as well as the treatment of such details as the ears, hands, and feet,
prove more clearly than some of the larger sculptures of the same dynasty as for
example the series of life-size seated statues of the same king also from Lisht and
now in the Cairo Museum that Middle Kingdom sculpture at its best has lost

Fig. 5. Wooden Shrine closed.

Fig. 6. Wooden Shrine oi'EN.

neither the virility nor the realism of the work of the Old Kingdom, but with these
has acquired certain refinements and subtleties of modelling which remove it from
the archaism of the earlier work. Although these statuettes are uninscribed, yet
they must obviously represent Sesostris I, whom Imhotep served in life and near
whom he was buried.

To describe now the remaining object in the chamber the shrine (Fig. 5),
made of wood and painted yellow, was of the usual shape with curved top and had
double doors fastened by the regulation form of wooden bolt sliding in three
copper staples. It measured 587 cm. (23"i inches) in height, 3r5 cm. {\v\ inches)
in width, and 22"5 cm. (8'9 inches) in depth. Our natural supposition was that it
must contain the figure of some divinity, but when the bolt was thrown back and

Excavations at the South Pyramid of Lisht in 1914.

151

its doors opened it held an object
of which the significance was
not at first apparent. (See Fig.6.)
This was an alabaster ointment
vase, of a shape <;ommon to the
Middle Kingdom, 9 cm. (3^
inches) high and 10 cm. (4 inches)
in diameter at the top. The vase
was about two thirds full of a
bluish-coloured ointment, now
completely hardened, in which
was immersed a cedar rod, about
S3 cm. (21 inches) in length
and 15 cm. in diameter at the
point where it entered the oint-
ment. Except for a few centi-
metres above this point, where
it was bare, the rod was com-
pletely enveloped in a linen
covering carefully sewed on with
fine stitches down one side and
then carried around a prong-like
projection from the lower part of
the rod.

The floor of the shrine was
covered with the dried shells of
hundreds of small beetles which
had attacked the covering in
antiquity and eaten away its
upper part sufficiently to expose
the top of the rod, which was
knob-like in shape. From the
bulky appearance of the covering
it seemed as if it must include
something more than the slender
rod.

With the removal of the
outer covering, a regular process
of bandaging appeared, the
bandages as they were unwound
proving to run in much the same
fashion as that employed in the
wrapping of a mummy, one
wound around from right to left
and one from left to right, in
spiral fashion up and down, while
small pads of linen soon began
to appear among the bandages
to fill out the corners of some
object which it was now apparent

Fig. 7. Statuette of Senusert I

AS King of Upper Egypt.

Cairo Museum.

152

Excavations at the South Pyramid of Lisht in 1914.

had been wrapped against the rod. Altogether, thirty-three bandages and pads
proved to have been used in the process, and finally the object thus wrapped
against the rod was found to be a "dummy" animal made of wadded linen
cloth covered with skin having fine, short hair. This representation of an
animal had also been wrapped with linen bandages before it had been wrapped
against the rod, and was represented with the head cut off, the neck and fore legs
hanging down. (See Fig. 8.)

The significance of the contents of the shrine then became apparent it held
the only known example of the " Anubis-symbol," the emblem or .symbol of the

Fig. 8. Anubis Sv.mbol unwrapped,

ON STICK STANDING IN ALABASTBR JAR.

god Anubis who presided over the embalming and served as the protector of the
mummy. As pictured on the monuments it occurs occasionally as the symbol of
Osiris also, probably through a confusion of the functions of the two deities, but in
either case it is of the same form and identical with the example we now have.

This series of objects the shrine and its sacred symbol, the royal statuettes,
the divine barks, and finally the solar barks is unique both in character and in
the manner of its occurrence. It has added an interesting and important chapter

Excavations at the South Pyramid of Lisht in 1914. 153

to our knowledge of Egyptian funerary archaeology in the Middle Kingdom, but
at the same time it presents new problems which can be hardly touched upon within
the scope of this report.

Near the gateway of the enclosure there was also found an object of much
interest which Ijad evidently been dropped by some plunderer as he was leaving
the cemetery. This was an ushabti-box, with its ushabti, which had belonged to
the Prince Wehnefer-hetep. The box, which was of the same shape as the coffins
of this period, rectangular with curved lid, was painted red and ornamented with
bands of gold-leaf on which inscriptions were painted in blue. One band extended
down the centre of the lid, another horizontally around the sides of the box near
the top, while, from the latter, shorter perpendicular bands ran down the corners
and the sides. On one side was the usual eye-panel found on the coffins.

The ushabti itself was wrapped in linen bandages like a mummy and was
lying on its left side with the face to the back of the eye-panel, in the same
position in which the body was placed in the coffin at this time. When unwrapped,
the ushabti was found to be of wood completely covered with gold-leaf, except for
the wig, which was of blue stucco. On the front of the ushabti an inscription was
painted in blue, in horizontal lines, which was of the regular character that occurs
on ushabtis of the Empire and later periods. The occurrence of the inscription is
noteworthy because this regular form of ushabti inscription is rarely met with
during the Middle Kingdom.

Albert M. Lythgoe.

( 154 )

A THIRD CENTURY STATUETTE IN THE VICTORIA AND

ALBERT MUSEUM.

Some little time ago, The Burlington Magazine published a note by Prof. Lethaby
upon an exceedingly interesting little Mother and Child in wood. Although this
statuette has been for some years in our National Collection in the Victoria and
Albert Museum, it had never before been brought to the notice of the Art world.

Together with other objects, it was presented to the Museum in 1897 by the
Egypt Exploration Fund ; and being then described as possibly the Virgin and
Child, Prof Lethaby was led to ask, was it not perhaps " The Oldest Statuette of
the Madonna." Whatever the subject, there is no doubt of its exceeding interest
as a relic of the art of woodcarving, transitional between the Hellenism of the
Ptolemaic period, and the later movement towards the grave and formal ideals of
Byzantine and Coptic art.

The Professor's article was in a sense tentative : written with the view of
ascertaining whether this was indeed the oldest statuette of the Madonna, or
merely a doll. A letter by the present writer appeared subsequently, in which it
was sought to show that, in view of the assigned date and place of discovery, it
was perhaps rather a statuette of Isis and Horus. An answering letter from the
Professor accompanied this, in which he seemed quite prepared to forego the
Madonna hypothesis in favour of his previously advanced Doll theory.

The matter being scarcely more advanced by this correspondence, it would be
a matter for regret if so unique an object should again drop into oblivion without
at least an attempt to clear away the doubts respecting it. The first question that
naturally arises, is, " Can the date ascribed to the statuette be accepted as
conclusive?" In order to place this beyond reasonable doubt we must remember
whence it came, and by whom it was probably unearthed.

Behneseh the place of discovery is a small village situated on the west of the
desert, one hundred and twenty miles south of Cairo. It is the site of the ancient
city of Oxyrhynchus, the capital of the Oxyrhynchite Nome in those days. In the
Autumn of 1896 Prof. Petrie went out to Behneseh, arriving there at the beginning
of December. Messrs. Grenfell and Hunt followed, arriving on December the 20th.
Before the advent of the latter gentlemen, Petrie had superintended the erection
of huts for the party, and made a preliminary survey, digging for about a week on
the site of the Graeco-Roman cemetery. When Messrs. Grenfell and Hunt joined
him he handed over the direction of affairs to them and proceeded himself farther
afield.

It was after his departure that the bulk of the work of excavation was carried
out, and our statuette was turned up during the operations of Messrs. Grenfell and
Hunt. But the finding of the celebrated Oxyrhynchus Papyri naturally threw into
comparative obscurity other interesting antikas which were unearthed at the time ;
so we are not surprised to find that Mr. Grenfell's report to the Exploration Fund
is to a great extent occupied with literary matters.

A Third Century Statuette in the Victoria and Albert Museum. 155

The statuette most probably came from the before-mentioned Graeco-Roman
cemetery, west of the town, of the tombs of which Grenfell tells us many had been
anciently plundered, and the most of the remainder were not earlier than the
third century. One of several linen dolls, stuffed with papyrus, found at the same
time, is to be een in the Victoria and Albert Museum, and is, I am assured,
correctly dated in the third century.

I should like to point out, too, though not necessarily as an argument, a
curious resemblance between the head of our statuette and a head of white marble
in the Musee Aloui, found at Zaghouan. The coiffure is similar in each and the
austere features are not unlike. It, too, is of the third century.

All things then considered, we may safely conclude that the assigned date is
approximately correct.

The question now arises whether the acceptance of this date
excludes the theory that it is a Madonna and Child. There is
no indication whatever that it need be regarded as a product of
Christian art. In fact, such evidence as may be deduced would
seem to point to the contrary. Prof Lethaby, in his article, refers
to the Hellenic feeling about the figure of the mother. This of
itself does not of course militate against its being a Madonna, but
the fact suggests at least a pagan influence ; and the third century
date of course excludes any Byzantine affinity as suggested by
the Professor. On the other hand, Egypto-Roman statuettes of
Isis and Horus exist which are decidedly Hellenic in feeling, although
the cult of Isis never underwent Hellcnisation in idea, as did most of
the Egyptian deities. Again, Grenfell, in his report to the
Exploration Fund, does not mention a single Christian relic as
being turned up from the Graeco-Roman cemetery. On the
contrary, he particularises short limestone figures carved in relief
two Gryphons and a Criosphinx all distinctly pagan objects. If
still further proof be needed it may be recalled that St. Augustine,
who died A.D. 604, expressly states that the introduction of such
visible objects as images into the churches, was in his day regarded
as unlawful. Even pictures (other than symbolical representations)
were not allowed in churches until well into the fourth century.
The XXXVIIIth Canon of the Council of Elvira (A.D. 342) .strictly
forbade them. And although as time went on both pictures and
images were tolerated, it was not until after the Ilnd Council of
Nicaea (A.D. 787) that the Fathers encouraged their use. The theory of a Madonna
and Child of the third century, therefore, is not to be entertained.

If not a Madonna, equally it cannot be regarded as a doll. If this idea had
not been reiterated I should not have entertained it seriously. But having been
put forth in all .seriousness, the hypothesis must be examined. True there is
a decided resemblance between the statuette and the " Holzpuppe " from Achmin
in the Forrer Collection, and if the latter were proved to be a doll it might form an
argument. But is the Forrer specimen a doll? I very much doubt it. In fact
the more one studies these early statuettes, the more patent becomes the fact that
they are, many of them, not dolls at all.

It is a demonstrable fact, that, from prehistoric times down to this present
day, the little ones of the world have always had a decided preference for dolls
that require to be dressed. That is to say they are, and have ever been, produced

156 A Third Century Statuette in the Victoria and Albert Museum.

for the most part in a state of nudity, which has grown more delicate and less
obtrusive in these later days. There is nothing in experience more tenacious
than such an instinct, and one may feel sure that figures invested with drapery in
the modelling would not appeal to the child-mind. Moreover, both our statuette,
and that figured by Forrer, stand upon pedestal-like blocks of wood, surely an
unnecessary and inconvenient appendage to a doll.

Quite apart from these considerations the fact that the statuette is a Mother
and Child disposes of the doll theory in toto. Children are the same the world
over and at all times. Their instincts are essentially primitive and therefore the
more stable. Now a doll satisfies the incipient mother-instinct in every little maid,
whether she live in Egypt or England ancient Oxyrhynchus or modern London.
Is it then to be supposed that any "little mother" would welcome as a doll
a figure which itself holds a baby in its arms? I think not. Children do not
play at nursing adult females with babes in arms. The doll is to them a baby, to
be dressed and nursed, undressed and put to bed.

This same argument may be advanced, and quite as reasonably, with regard
to the terra-cotta figurines mentioned by the Professor. A similar objection may be
raised to all so-called dolls which are clearly adults, in most cases plainly feminine.

If not dolls what then, it may be asked, are these figures ? I think some are
votive figures, some perhaps amulets ; and the statuette we are considering may
well be classed with the former. I have considered the possibility of its being
Isis and Horus ; this hypothesis was offered as an alternative to the untenable
Madonna theory. Considering the matter further, however, there is no denying
that there are objections to the idea. The greatest perhaps is the absence of any
distinctive headdress on either figure. One would naturally expect to find at least
some indication of such, but there is not the slightest trace of any having ever
formed part of the figures. To this consideration may be added the unusual
position of the child and its form. Also the general lack of that sensuous feeling
one would expect to find in a statue devoted to the cult of Isis. If, however, we
examine the object in the light of its being a votive figure the difificulties
clear away.

The custom of placing votive objects at the shrines of deities and saints is of
extreme antiquity, and at the time when our statuette was carved the usage was
very popular, not only with the Egypto-Romans who were pagans, but also among
the Christians. Intent upon the dominant influence of the period, we must yet
grasp the fact that paganism was very far from being abolished when it was
officially discountenanced. In fact, some distinctly pagan usages were tolerated
even in the Christian churches. The practice of offering votive objects was one of
these, and it even yet exists in many places, though at the Council of Lestines
(A.D. 743) it was condemned as pagan. Theodoret in the fifth century, on the
other hand, speaks in words of distinct approval of the practice prevalent in his
day of suspending votive offerings in the churches.

A votive object was in effect a materialised prayer of: (1) Petition (as of the
childless in hope of offspring) ; (2) Oblation (as of parents offering their children
that the Divine blessing might fall upon them) ; or (3) Thanksgiving (on recovery
from illness or escape from danger).

The statuette in question would possibly fall under the second of these heads,
and I fail to see any serious objection to such a conclusion.

The ascribed date, far from excluding the idea, makes it probable, and
whether it were found in association with Christian or pagan remains, the

A Third Century Statuette in the Victoria and Albert Museum. 157

probability is equally applicable. Moreover, such a figure naturally would be
represented dressed, and the workmanship might be elaborate or distinctly other-
wise (as in this case). It would be quite in keeping that the figures should be
formal, and that the child should be wrapped in swaddling clothes (note the lower
extremities of th child, how they terminate in a point). The unusual position of
the child, too, is understandable in the supposition that the mother is offering her
child as an oblation to the Higher Powers. This position of the infant, held forth
with its back to its mother its natural protector and in such an attitude, seems
indeed to give a finality to the argument that the statuette is indeed a votive figure.
Whether it be pagan or Christian it is impossible to say definitely ; in any case
it is certainly pagan in conception.

Cyril G. E. Bunt.

158 )

ARCHAIC BURIALS AT MARSA MATrOh.

In the winter of 1913-1914 I carried out, in conjunction with my friend
Mr. W. J. Harding King, a brief archaeological survey in the vicinity of Marsa
Matruh. This place, which represents the Graeco-Roman Paraetonium, is situated
on a small harbour^ on the Marmaric coast, some 150 miles west of Alexandria.
Because of its geographical position with regard to Cyrenaica and the Gebel
el-'Akabah in the west, Crete in the north, the Oasis of Siwah (Ammonium) in the
south, and the Nile Delta in the east, Marsa Matrflh had struck me, when I first
visited it in 1910, as a very promising site on which to search for Libyan remains.
This impression suggested by the geographical factors was further supported by
topographical ones. Not only was the port the one good haven in the long stretch
from Tobruk to Alexandria, but it had agricultural advantages as well. Between
the coast at MatrCih and the rise of the desert plateau, some six or seven miles to
the south, is interposed a great loess plain. Although the vegetation in Marmarica
depends almost wholly on the rainfall, the richness of the soil and the size of the
fertile area in the vicinity of Matruh must have attracted and sustained a population
at a very early period. The evidence of agricultural activity in Roman times
(threshing-floors, vats, cisterns, olive-presses, etc.) are numerous ; and in the late
third, or early fourth, century of our era, Paraetonium was very naturally the
centre at which the government grain-tithes were paid in.^

In the reconnaissance carried out by Mr. Harding King and myself, a great
number of Roman burials and Graeco-Roman rock-tombs were excavated and
recorded, together with other remains of a late period. With these it is not
necessary here to deal, since in the present note I wish only to describe some
archaic graves found about two miles to the east of the Coastguard Barracks
at Matruh.

The graves in question were five in number, and were situated on a small
limestone spur which projected from the northern face of a long east and west
ridge (Fig. i). They were entered in the records as A. i, A. 2, etc. The spur was
conspicuous as having on its summit a modern Arab burial encircled as is
common in these parts-' by a wall of loose stones. The ancient graves were on
the eastern side of the spur, near its highest part, about 30 metres above sea level.
The place they occupied had suffered denudation from the action both of wind and
of rain, so that in some places the bare rock was exposed. The disposition of the
graves is shown in the photograph of the site after clearing (F"ig. 2). The group
was an isolated one ; the whole spur, except at one point which was occupied by
the modern Arab tomb, was carefully examined without the discovery of any other
ancient interments.

The graves were roughly elliptical in plan, the average dimensions being
about I m. 50 cm. (5 feet) from east to west, and ca. no cm. (3J feet) from north
to south. The average depth was only 30-40 cm. (12-16 inches), though originally,
before the denudation of the spur, they were deeper. But even when they were

' The harbour was anciently larger than at present, having had a length of 40 stadia in
Strabo's time {Geogr., XVII, p. 798). Sand-bars of recent formation have, despite coastal
depression, cut off the ends of the harbour, which is now flanked by lagoons.

Oxyrrhynchus Papyri, IX, 1221 (p. 265). Isidore to Demetrian.

' O. Bates, Nomad Burials in Marmarica, in Man, Vol. XIII, No. 10, Art. 88.

Archaic Burials at Marsa MatriMi.

159

made they were dug a few centimetres into the soft Hmestone underlying the stony
soil, which was therefore perhaps not very deep. The graves were marked in no
discernable way whatever, though in their vicinity, on the west face of the spur,

Fig.

View of Limestone Spur containing Burials.

Fig. 2. Positions of Graves opened.

were a few little cairns of small stones, weathered almost level with the ground,
and containing nothing. Such cairns are commonly found in Marmarica outside
the cultivated areas, and are of a nature as yet unknown.

i6o

Archaic Burials at Marsa Mairn/i.

Of the five graves in Cemetery A, three (A. 3, A. 4, and A. 5) were found to
be completely cleared out. This I attribute to denudation, which exposed the
contents of the gra\'es to consequent weathering or plundering. A. i and A. 2

Fig. 3. Skeleto.n a.nd Objects in Grave i.

Fig. 5. Skeleton and Objects in Grave 2.

contained skeletal remains, the original form of the interment being clearly
discernable, though the bones were in a hopelessly fragile state. A. i contained

Archaic Burials at Marsa Matruh.

i6i

the remains of a body lying on its left side, head east (Figs. 3 and 4a, b). The
body was in a position of " intermediate " contraction, the right femur being at an
angle of 90 to the spine. The left leg was less acutely flexed. The right arm
was bent at the elbow, the forearm being practically parallel with the right femur.

1:7.0

6fi

Fig. 4, Grave i. Fig. 6, Grave 2. Fig. 8, Basalt Vase, Grave i.

The left arm was straight, the left hand thrust between the knees. A. 2 was in
a worse state of preservation than A. i. In this second case the body lay on the
right side, head east (Figs. 5 and 6a, b). The left elbow was bent, the left hand
having been somewhere near the face. Of the head nothing remained beyond
a fragment of the lower jaw and six teeth.

1 62

Archaic Burials at Marsa Mat r Ah.

Figs. 9-1 i, Shells and Shard,
Grave i.

Contents: A. i (no x "jb x-35 cm.) contained:

-j-. A small jar of basalt, placed between the chin and throat (for position.
Figs. 3 and 4^ ; Fig. 7; Fig. 8). Height, 9'0 cm. (minimum) ; diameter at widest
part, 8'3 cm. The boring had been done with a winged drill, which scored the
interior of the walls horizontally (Fig 8.) The bore expanded so as to follow
approximately the outer walls of the vessel. Bottom, 1-3 cm. thick. Lip, thin
(038 cm. at spring), and in no place complete. Short hair-like striae of polishing
outside, and, in two places, traces of pecking.

~. Thin pearly shell (Fig. 9), found just above
the right femur, lying hollow side up. The shell
proved to be an Iridina (Lam.) of the fluviatile
Unionidae an important point, since it is thus
almost unquestionably of Nilotic origin.^

. A shell near the left hand, in the angle
made by the bent right leg. This shell (Fig. 10)
was almost certainly intrusive, as these helices
{Helix nucula) are very plentiful in Marmarica, and
are often found, even at a depth of 50 or 75 cm.,
below the surface of undisturbed earth.

~- Several shards of pottery, apparently
weathered out of the grave, and found on the surface.
Among these fragments, which were all from the same pot, was one piece of the
lip, showing a zone of roughly incised decoration (Fig. iij. The ware was of a
sandy, black fabric, pebble-smoothed inside, with traces of a greenish-black slip
outside. The walls of the pot were fairly thick.

^. A vase of basalt, from the filling of the grave, ca. 35 cm. south of the
left knee, 5 cm. deep (Fig. 12 the light spots in the photograph represent small
deposits of lime which have formed on the outer surface of the vessel). Same
technique as ^, but with cylindrical bore (Fig. 13). Height, 87 (minimum);
diameter across bottom, ii'5 cm. on minimum axis, and 1175 on maximum axis.
Lip, thin (0*30 cm. at spring), and in no place complete.

^. Fragments of a small jar from the central filling of the grave. When
these were pieced together, about half of the original vase was missing, but the
form was accurately determinable (Figs. 14 and 15). Soft, fairly coarse, buff ware ;
faint reddish tinge in two places, due to irregular firing ; irregular black core in
thicker parts, especially near bottom, due to same cause (.see section shown in
Fig- 15); some minute whitish specks in the clay. Inside of neck partly pebble-
smoothed, outside wholly so. Height, If6 cm.; diameter across top, 8-2 cm.;
diameter at widest part, lO'i cm. ; thickness of walls at rim, 0-5 cm. ; at point
below shoulder, ca. 09 cm. ; at bottom, 06 cm.

^ and ^. Two Iridina shells, like -~, found in the filling of the grave,

just under ^.

A. 2 (146 X 100 X -35 cm.) contained :

^ and V- Two Iridina shells, like ^, ^, ^. The shells were found in
front of the chin (Figs. $ and 6a).

' I am indebted to Mr. W. F. Hume, of the Geological Section of the Egyptian Survey
Department, for this identification, as for that of ^

Archaic Burials at Marsa Matriih.

16.1

^. Fragments of a small jar scattered through the central filling of the
grave. When pieced together it was nearly perfect (Figs. i6 and 17). Fairly

I iJiik^ T'-"- < I Ji'gmiiwmimi PM mi ! mmi 'mhii

"i4

AA^JfJ^lL'jL^'JEJ^

^ A A A

AAA

WA-T

A A A A'JFAtAU^jnf::

AAA-A'A'AAA'jrA:

Gkave I. Figs. 7, 12, Basalt Jars. Fig. 14, Pottery Jar.

Grave 2. Figs. 16, 18, 19, Pottery Jars. Fig. 196, Stone Palette.

hard, uniform gray-black ware, black inside, fairly thin, part smoothed outside and
decorated with rows of faintly incised, short, nearly vertical strokes. When found,

L 2

164

Archaic Burials at Marsa MatriVt.

it was sooty. Slightly irregular in form, e.g., the outside diameter was 83 cm. on
one axis (maximum) and 80 on another (minimum). Height, 1 1*5 cm.; diameter
at spring of neck, 76 cm. ; at widest part, 9'2 cm. ; thickness of walls at middle of
neck, 06 cm. ; at a little below widest part of body, i cm. ; at bottom, 0"4 cm. ;
width of bottom, ca. 4-0 cm.

^. Small jar from earth half way between A. 2 and A. 3 (for position,
Fig. 2; Figs. i8rt, iga, and 20). Red ware, not hard, smoothed outside, and
red painted ; inside of neck partly smoothed. Conventionalized ears as shown.
Height, 8"6 cm. ; outside diameter of mouth, 50 cm. ; of widest part, 76 cm. ;
of bottom, 2"8 cm. ; thickness of walls, ca. 06 cm.

> 13

1-2.

Grave i. Fig. 13, Basalt Vase. Fig. 15, Pottery Vase.
Grave 2. Figs. 17, 20, Pottery Vases. Fig. 21, Stone Palette.

t-l. Small mortar or "palette" from earth between A. 2 and A. 3. A sphe-

R. 3

roidal lump of purplish conglomerate with greenish-white inclusions (Figs. iZb, 19/',
and 2ia,b). Slight depression in the top, nearly circular in plan, and showing
polish. Other parts show pecked surface. Height, 4-6 cm. ; diameter, ca. 56 cm.
and 5"2 cm. ; depth of depression in top, 0"S cm.

This completes the inventory of these two graves ; the objects are now in the
Peabody Museum, Harvard University.

Archaic Burials at Marsa Matriih. 165

It is hardly to be questioned that these burials are of Libyan origin : the
objects associated with them are neither Egyptian nor Minoan, and the locality in
which they were found lies well within the Libyan sphere. The absolute date of
the graves is at present a matter of conjecture, but they are certainly pre-classical,
and they show no trace of that Egyptian influence which made itself felt throughout
this region in New Empire times. The two stone vessels ^ and ^'^ are identical
in substance and technique, though not in form, with some of the finest stone vessels
of Old Empire Egypt ; and the mortar or " palette " ^| is of a type which has
been found in Nubian graves of the Archaic Period, the Old and Middle Empires.
The pottery is all hand-made and not wheel-thrown. This is a point of some,
though of slight, significance; for whereas the pottery of the modern Bedawin of
the district is made by hand, all the wares of Graeco-Roman times even the local
fabrics thus far found at Matrflh were wheel-made.

When the known factors of the case are considered, the weathering and general
aspect of the graves, the resemblance of the technique of the stone vessels to that of
the stone vases and bowls of Old Empire Egypt, the analogy of the mortar to the
similar ones found in Nubia, and finally the total disappearance by Graeco-Roman
times of the culture to which these graves belonged, I would tentatively assign
these burials to a period between 2000 and 1 500 B.C. ; but until the accumulation
of further evidence, it can be of no value to science to indulge too freely in such
speculations.

Whatever the absolute chronological position of this material, one point is
unquestionable : these burials stand not at the head of a sequence, but in an inter-
mediate or final position in an otherwise unknown culture-scale. Much must lie
behind the admirable technique of such stone vessels as those found in Grave A. i ;
the bodies, although both so oriented as to have the heads east, lay on different
sides and in different degrees of contraction, thus showing a careless departure from
a presumably rigid primitive canon; and, finally, the ears of the small jar '^ ^
are purely ornamental, being conventionalized from an earlier form in which they
must have been pierced for suspension.

Despite the slightness of these traces, their importance will be generally
conceded. They hint at a whole primitive culture, hitherto quite unknown, and as
rich, presumably, as that of Predynastic Egypt itself.

Oric Bates.

Peabody Museum,
Cambridge, Mass.,
U.S.A.

For years past, it has been a hope of archaeologists that some remains should
be found belonging to the early Libyan civilisation. How important that culture
was can be seen in the account of the vessels of silver and bronze, and the
abundance of bronze swords, which were captured from the Libyans by the
Egyptians, when they invaded Egypt under Merneptah. The discovery of even
only two graves at once begins to open our eyes to other connections with Libya.

L 3

1 66 Archaic Burials at Marsa MatrAh.

The peculiar form of basalt vase, widening to the base (Figs. 12, 13) is quite
un-Egyptian ; but it is almost exactly paralleled by a few vases which I have
bought from time to time in Egypt. These stood outside of the Egyptian types,
and had always been a puzzle ; on comparing the alabaster Fig. 22, serpentine
Fig. 23, and basalt Figs. 26 and 27, with Figs. 12, 13, there can be no doubt that
they are all of one family. These four examples found in Egypt must then be
Libyan importations. If there be an Egyptian origin for these it might lie in the
wide-based vases of the Vlth dynasty (see Abydos, II, xxi, 8, of Pepy). Knowing
how that form had developed from a plain cylinder of the 1st dynasty, and how it
went on to a trumpet-shaped vase in the Xllth dynasty {Ka/iun, XIII ; Diospolis,
XXIX, Y. 372), there would be nothing surprising in its widening out downward
instead of upward, and so producing this Libyan type at about the Xllth dynasty.
The vase 27 has had the base edge roughly cut away in a later time, and was
originally like 26.

Another vase. Fig. 25, is also of basalt, and not Egyptian in type, but has
much affinity to the basalt vase. Fig. 7. The hatching lines upon it seem to
imitate basket work ; and they connect with it the basalt bowl. Fig. 24. Such line
work is akin to the line decoration of the pottery in the first prehistoric age of
Egypt, which is Libyan in origin. The form of Fig. 25 is most like the globular
vases of the Xllth dynasty, though they have smaller necks (see Diospolis, XXIX,
W. 72, Y. 152, W. 32, W. 72). A wider neck was probably the earlier form, as in
D., XXVIII, Y. 8, W. 100, though the bases of these do not agree. We may
gather then that the amount of similarity to Egyptian types gives a suggestion of
a period between the Vlth and Xllth dynasties, or perhaps in the Xllth dynasty,
for both of these types.

These six vases (Figs. 22-27) which have been bought in Egypt without
a history, and are now in University College, London, may then be set down as
being probably importations from some Libyan source into Egypt. How much
else may be thus discriminated by the light of further discoveries in Libya we
cannot guess. No other vases of these forms are shown in the catalogues of the
Cairo or Turin Museums, but probably there may be others lurking disregarded in
various collections.

W. M. F. P.

( 16/ )

Stone Vases Bought in Egypt. Scale 2 : 3.
(University College, London.)
Fig. 22, Alabaster. Fig. 23, Serpentine.

Figs. 24, 25, Basalt, with Incised Basket-Pattern.
Figs. 26, 27, Basalt ; 27 cut round the Base Later.

L 4

( i68 )

THE EGYPTIAN MUSEUM, UNIVERSITY COLLEGE.

The starting point of the Museum, the Library, and teaching of Egyptology in
London, was the visit that Miss Amelia Edwards paid to Egypt in 1874. She
.then began to take that interest in the country which led her to endow Egyptology
by bequest. That endowment she would have fixed at Oxford or Cambridge, had
women there been given the degrees which are due to them by examination. As
those Universities would not do justice, she turned to London where no disabilities
rested on any class of student. She left her property for a modest endowment of
teaching in Lbndon, and she began gathering a few antiquities to add to those
which she had bought when in Egypt. From the excavations of the Egypt
Exploration Fund various objects of no great value were granted to her "for a
museum." Thus it came about that when, owing to the complications of an
accident, she died unexpectedly early in 1892, there were not only her books on
Egypt as the basis of a library, but also a collection which would fill three or four
glass cases, as the nucleus of a teaching collection. It had been her wish that
I should take up the work at University College ; and on her death, and the
establishment of the chair there, I accepted the position which was offered. Thus
there passed again into my care many of the things which I had found, as nearly
all her collection had come from my excavations.

Meanwhile, another collection had been growing. When I first went to Egypt
in 1 88 1, I began nibbling at the flow of antiquities in dealers' hands. A few
pounds the first year, were followed by increasing amounts spent each year as
I got experience. When excavating privately, a share of the antiquities that
I found also came to my own collection. It outgrew two rooms, and was stored in
boxes, when the unexpected move to University College gave space, in part of the
old engineering drawing school, to set out what I had, as a loan collection. I had
by that time acquired a preference in the Egyptian market for some kinds 01
antiquities which were saved for me by different dealers, so that scarabs, tools,
stone vases, and other classes of things came readily to hand. I never had the
advantage of continuously living in touch with the Cairo dealers, or having time to
go ferreting out important matters in the country. These advantages which many
residents had, were to some degree compensated by the visits which some of the
country dealers used to pay me on their way to Cairo, where I saw the best of
their stocks on the road. Good things have turned up in the most unexpected
manner. An old dealer from Mellawi brought a handful of scarabs one day ;
among them lay the heart scarab of Akhenaten, which he only regarded as being
big and having a silver plate. A Gizeh dealer appeared at my wall one day, and
handed over to me the cylinder seal of Khufu's Pyramid, but he well knew the
value of it. Another day the gold ring of the prefect of Egypt under Antoninus
was dropped into my hands in the same way. I called in Cairo on a friend who
had just come down the night before, and seen the opening of the passage of the
tomb of Amenhotep I at Thebes. The next person I met was a very meek little,
dealer from Thebes, who had also come down the night before, and who put in my
hand the gold ring of Amenhotep I. One evening when I was in Cairo, the dealers
who besieged the hotel after dinner came in, and one rolled out of a bag the head of
Nar-mer, the finest piece of 1st dynasty sculpture that is known. I bought in
Cairo an alabaster figure of archaic Greek work, and then asked where it came

The Egyptian Museum, University College. 169

from. I got the name Nebireh, and went to search for it in the Delta. There
I found Naukratis, the greatest settlement of the early Greeks in Egypt. Such
are some of the most agitating moments of an archaeologist's life, when a splendid
prize comes most unexpectedly into one's hands, as if it were an every-day matter.
There was no pubfic pocket behind my endeavours, to ensure that I could secure
whatever was worth having. But I never bargained, or advanced my offers. One
single bid was made ; and it was so well known that such was my limit, that unless
a dealer felt certain of getting more elsewhere he generally accepted the valuation.
The better a man knew me the more certain we were of doing business.

Thus gradually there was accumulated a hoard which lay in layers piled on
sheets of paper one over the other in the few cases at the College. Stores of
larger objects had to lie out in ever increasing soot and dirt about the room, far
too many and too tender to let cleaners work at them. Stones became hopelessly
grey, pottery was smashed by brooms and scrubbing, and the accumulation
seemed getting beyond my control. The moving of the Yates Library gave some
space ; and then the College agreed to take over the whole collection within
five years. The ordering of the requisite cases was the next matter, spun out over
three years owing to the smallness of the annual grant. After they were made by
one of the best-known makers, and the objects partly arranged, they proved to be
of such badly seasoned wood that they had to be sent away again to stop the
cracks, making much more delay. Then a first-class maker was tried, who did
excellent work, but who used material which warped so that all his cases had to
be sent away after six months and remade. Little by little the changes were
pushed through. The library was moved to a different part of the room ; the piles
of dusty stores were all cleaned, worked over, and arranged ; the cases were put in
order, labelled, and numbered throughout in sections from i to 999. Thus at last
the whole appeared in public condition at the Exhibition held during June, 1915.
The cost of the collection, which the College agreed to recoup, was mainly met by
the generosity of Mr. Walter Morrison, and also largely by Mr. Robert Mond. For
the first time, a teaching collection of Egyptology has been put in shape, arranged
to show the historical development of the principal products, with almost all
the objects dated. There is no other dated series of pottery, beads, scarabs,
tools, ushabtis, or stone vases, which is of anything like the same extent. The means
of systematic study of Egyptology were at last provided, and on a scale which the
original foundress could never have anticipated.

To give some idea of the collection to those who are not able to use it, some
general views are here shown, and the various sections are outlined. The room
containing it occupies the top floor of one wing of University College, 120 feet long
and 50 feet wide. About a fifth of this sjjace is occupied by the Egyptian library,
workroom and stores, and spaces too dark for exhibition. The remainder is filled
with glass cases as closely as may be. The lighting varies in different parts,
skylight, clerestory and side window, but is better than in most museums ;
accompanied' by excessive heat and cold according to the season, owing to being
mostly under a low glass roof. The cases were planned to suit the light in each
position, so as to gain complete lighting, without reflections of skylights being so
terribly in the way as they are in many museums. For this, the table cases under
the skylights are sloped at 45 degrees, and thus the reflections of sky from them
give a front light on. the upright cases alternating with them. Lower slopes and
flat ca.ses come under the solid roof. A sort of glass gallery, 90 feet long and
5 feet wide, serves to hold the series of pottery. Shallow cases hung along the

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The Egyptian Museum, University College.

room hold the hundreds of bead necklaces, with light falling through them. Lastly,
sculptured blocks are each boxed with glass front, and glass top slip to light them,
so that they can be stacked in walls, self-supporting. As the cases are thus
adapted to the conditions, so the arrangement of objects is ruled by the best
position for each. Sculptures, scarabs and figures, which are in relief, with an
oblique lighting ; coloured objects with a diffuse light. The further details would
only interest a curator, who has to face similar needs.

The series of pottery runs nearly the whole length of the room, containing
more than a furlong length of shelving (see along the right edge of View i). Yet
even this amount of space is much crowded, and a far larger provision would be
needed for anything like a complete series. This deals only with the historic ages ;

View-

Cases OF Beads and Long Case of Pottery.

and the prehistoric pottery crowds on all sides another case 15 feet long (see
View 2). All the varieties of this pottery, in forms and quality, need to be
known by heart when e.xcavating, as usually the shards found are the main clue to
the dating of the ground. Thirty-five years ago, when I began to dig, pottery was
almost unknown and disregarded, unless it was painted or of graceful forms ; in
the pre*scientific days it is said that Burgon let smash many a big vase until he
found that they were painted Panathenaic vases, which only needed washing to be
revealed and thought invaluable. The present generation has awoke to the
elementary necessity of knowing pottery well, if we are to understand what we arc
about, in digging. After sectioning the stratified city mound of Lachish, and
collecting all the varieties of pottery, it was possible to walk or even ride over
town sites in Palestine, and date them at once without even picking up the shards.

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171

Before that, no one could date a whole vase, let alone a fragment. This long series
of over a thousand pots, from tall amphorae down to tiny saucers, is, then, the first
study for an excavator, the very alphabet of his work.

The knowledge of beads is almost as important as that of pottery, and in
European archaeWogy it is perhaps the most important, as beads are carried by
trade over all countries, and hence serve to connect together the periods of culture
in different lands. There are about seven hundred strings of beads here, nearly all
dated, beside one or two hundred more kept in drawers. The cases are seen in
View I, hanging down the length of the room. The strings are in some instances
on the original threads, others have been transferred in exact order on to new

View 2. Case of Prehistoric Pottery.

thread ; such sets show what were the designs of the threading, and how colours
were arranged. In most graves the beads are found loose, and we only know that
they belong together; then the patterns of the original threading serve to show
how they should be restored. In getting strings of beads from dealers it is pretty
plain generally how far they are clean lots found together, or if they have been
mi.xed with beads of other periods. Often a string will be of all periods, only fit
for the tourist, and worthless for a collection.

At the end of View i is one of the cases of slate palettes in animal form. These
are of a great variety, in eight wall cases here. They belong to all parts of the pre-
dyna.stic civilisation, but come to an abrupt end at the beginning of the 1st dynasty,
when they were last used by the poorer class, and not by the invading rulers.

172 The Egyptian Museum, University College.

The cases of palaeolithic flints in View 3 are the material from which the
illustrations were taken for the articles on the Stone Age in Egypt, in the last two
numbers of Ancient Egypt. They all belong to ages before the continuous
civilisation which we find in the predynastic times. The series of the predynastic
flints is much larger than the palaeolithic, but being of lesser size they will not
show clearly in a general view.

The early dynastic vases and small objects, in View 4, date from the close of
Dynasty o to the close of Dynasty II. The head on the upper shelf is a sculptor's

View 4. Cases of Vases of 1st and IInd Dynasty.

study, which so closely resembles the profile of Nar-mer on his slate palette that
it is almost certainly that king himself

The pyramid period is represented by the cases of stone vases ; they are nearly
all of hard rocks, as granite, diorite, quartz or metamorphic. Further on is the
alabaster, which became more usual in the Vth and Vlth dynasties, and almost
the only material in the Xth-XIVth dynasties. In the XVIIIth dynasty to Roman
times, only soft alabaster and .steatite were worked, and mostly in small sizes, as
seen in the next case. (View 5.) Metal vases of all periods are in a further case.

The scarabs and small objects with royal and personal names number over
2000, and there are about 1200 with designs upon them. These are too small to

The Egyptian Museum, University College.

173

View 3. Palaeolithic Flints.

View 5. Cases of Metal and Alabaster Vases.

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T}ie Egyptian Museum, University College.

be shown in a general view, but are the more important part of the collection, as
illustrating the variety of style and work throughout Egyptian history. Two
hundred and seventy royal personages are represented and three hundred private
persons, forming the most continuous series that there is. This is about equal to
all the national collections of foreign countries put together. The designs have
also much interest. The geometrical patterns are often most exquisitely outlined
and cut. The figures of the gods include the rare foreign deities Sutekh, Astarte,
Qedesh, and the Vedic wind-god Vatu, which is another link of the Aryan deities
with the Mediterranean world. The case of button seals will some day be the key
to one of the darkest ages of Egypt, the fall of the Old Kingdom. These seals

View 5. Figures of the Middle and Old Kingdoms.

were all made by foreigners, and the connections of them, so far, lie with
Mesopotamia. Another case contains about half of the early cylinders that are
known, and casts of most of the rest. This series shows the earliest group of
inscriptions, older than any of the other monuments.

The figures of gods and persons are arranged according to period. Here the
figures of the Xllth dynasty and earlier times are shown in View 6 ; six other
cases contain those from the XVIIIth dynasty to Roman times. The classification
by age greatly helps in grasping the character of each stage of art ; it is ascertained
from the names on the personal figures, the dedicators' names on the figures of
gods, the localities, and the characteristics of work, so that very few pieces have
any uncertainty as to their historical position.

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175

The larger heads of various periods are placed in one line for comparison
(View 7). The earliest, beginning at the right, is one of the heads made separately
for burial in the tombs of the IVth dynasty. Next is a head of Amenemhat III of
the Xllth dynasty, which was published in ANCIENT EGYPT, 1914, p. 48. Then
a beautiful pair of-tusts of the XVIIIth dynasty ; this and the previous head were
of the Edwards' Collection. Other heads of later times follow. The second case
contains the plaster modelled heads of Graeco-Roman age, which are of far better
work than the stone sculpture of the same time.

On the small shelves below are the lesser figures, which are seen better thus
than in an upright case. The group at the right is a curious class of glazed
figures, made under foreign influences, probably about 800 B.C. In some of them
Assyrian design is obvious. Beyond are bronze figures. In the further case
(unopened) are the seals and engraved stones.

View 7. Heads from Roman to Early Period.

The long series of heads of foreigners, modelled in terra-cotta, which were
found at Memphis, are all here. A part of them are seen at the top of View 8.
The original purpose of them is quite unknown, as no bodies according with such
heads have been found, yet they are all broken off from some support. The age
of them is indicated by the prominence of the Persian army, king, officer, and
Scythian cavalry, while only one of the latest appears to be a Macedonian.
Probably they range through the fifth and fourth centuries B.C. Whenever
a collective study of the racial types of the ancient world shall be made, it will be
possible to identify the majority of these heads, which remain still unplaced.

In the case below are the stamps of various periods. The larg st is Arabic,
most of them are Roman, but small stamps go back to lOOO or 1500 B.C. They
were u.sed for marking property ; the larger for piles of flour or grain to prevent
pilfering, or for sealing mud seals placed over the wooden locks of doors, as is
now done. The smaller were used for sealing wine jars and lesser objects. Beyond
them is a part of the case of figures of the XXVIth dynasty.

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The Egyptian Museum, University College,

The long series of amulets we need not notice here, as they have been all
published in photograph. There are over two thousand amulets, comprising
nearly the whole of the two hundred and seventy different kinds that are known ;
this is by far the most complete series that has been collected.

The ushabti figures are the most familiar of all Egyptian products, being
brought over by the thousand every year in the hands of tourists. The series
here has been weeded of duplicates and arranged to show the varieties of style in
each period. In View 9 the earliest are on the left hand at the top. A few
figures are known, of mummy form, dating from the Xllth dynasty; but none
of them have the Chapter of the Book of the Dead with reference to the

View 8. Heads of B'oreigners. Engraved Stamps.

ushabti, or agricultural serf, who was to do the farming in the Other World.
Such figures represent the deceased person, and sometimes have an inscription
of nesut da hetep for him. The earliest of the wooden figures of the New
Kingdom, the very rude ones of the XVI Ith dynasty, also have such an
inscription. It is not till the XVIIIth dynasty that the serf-figures became the
usual accompaniment of a burial. The finest here is the largest one for Nehi,
viceroy of the Sudan under Tehutmes III, which is beautifully engraved. From
that point the ushabti declines until the XXIIIrd dynasty, when it was degraded
to a little bit of mud with traces of a head. In the XXVth dynasty it was
revived in different style, and thence degraded down to the XXXth, when it
disappeared entirely. It is remarkable how very different qualities of ushabtis are

The Egyptian Museum, University College.

177

View 9. Ushabtis of XVIHth-XXIst Dynasties.

View ic. Measures of Capacity, and Weighis.

placed together in tombs. This suggests that they were the separate gifts of
various members of the household, one fine one being from the eldest son, half

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The Egyptian Museum, University College.

a dozen common ones from the family, and perhaps one or two dozen very rough
ones from the labourers. This will explain how, even in a royal burial such as
that of Sety I, there were ushabtis of every kind and degree of work. They were
the substitute for the much earlier sacrifice of the royal household at the funeral.

Three cases contain the series of glass weights. Stamped glass had been
used for amulets in the second century, and later for tokens and weights. Soon
after the Arab conquest of Egypt this system became very general, and glass
weights show stamps of makers and rulers over some five centuries.

The Egyptian weights and measures occupy several cases, there being here
by far the greater part of all the known weights, of all sizes from seven grains up
to two hundred-weight. The cubits and measures of length are rarely met with,
and the series of measures of capacity has never been collected before. They are
seen in View lo arranged with the Syrian standard on the upper shelf, the
Egyptian hennu on the second, and the Hebrew log below that. The rows of
weights are seen in the case beyond.

View ii. Cases of Technical Specimens.

The general View 1 1 will show the extent of this more technical side of the
collection. Near by are the Coptic cases, and the stone sculptures in glazed bo.xes
stacked together. Beyond are the weights, moulds, tools, minerals, toys, etc. The
sculptures are seen in View 12 ; those of the XVIIIth-XXth dynasty at the back,
and nearer at the right those of the Old Kingdom. Each stone is boxed, with not
only a glass front for seeing it, but also a slip of glass along the top to give direct
edge-lighting on the relief. In ordinary glazing, when all the oblique lighting has
to pass through the front, nearly all the light is reflected awa)', and in any case the
edges are dark. By a separate edge-lighting the whole face is well shown. Such
a series of examples of sculpture of all periods, from 1st dynasty to Coptic, is
required to train the eye in varieties and details of style. For this purpose they
should all be put close together, so that a large mass of one period of relief can be
seen at once, and a general impression of style produced on the mind, in a way which
scattered examples cannot do. Other sculpture, which is not flat for boxing in this
way, is put in small cases along the side of the gangway up this part of the room.

The Egyptian Museum, University College.

179

The great profusion of the glazed trinkets, pendants, and inlays for wall
decoration, were made in pottery moulds, of which there are many hundreds of
varieties, placed here along with the objects which were made from them. This
manufacture arose at Tell Amarna in the XVIIIth dynasty, and was thence
continued on a lser scale down to Greek times. The art of Tell Amarna is
further shown by the stone sculpture, and inlayed hieroglyphs cut in stone ; also
the great variety of coloured glazes for beads and pendants, inlay in stone walls,
and dishes for table service. Other cases contain a series of glazed objects from
the 1st dynasty to Roman times, in historical order. These serve to teach the
varieties of colour and treatment of glaze throughout their history. Other cases

View 12. Sculptured Sto.nes in Glazed Boxes.

contain the series of the manufacture of glass, showing each stage from raw
material and crucibles to finished vases, as made in the XVIIIth dynasty. There
is also a quantity of glass mosaic and other glass-work of the Roman age.

Beyond this are cases with examples of mummification, pieces of coffins,
cartonnage, and the various funeral offerings, linen inscribed with scenes from the
Book of the Dead, wooden labels for mummies, pottery houses for the soul, and
other funeral furniture.

The next cases contain examples of spinning and weaving of all periods,
spindles and whorls and pieces of looms. Beyond are mirrors, some with figure
handles, others of lotus leaf form, and one engraved. The later mirrors of Roman
time were of glass coated with thin pewter on the back, like a silvered looking-
glass ; all such are of thin blown glass, convex, and diminishing, like mirrors in

M 2

i8o

The Egyptian Museum, University College.

fashion in the eighteenth century. Adjoining are the varieties of kohl pots, spoons,
tweezers, hair-pins, and hair curlers. In the next cases are metal necklets, bracelets
and earrings, and a series of headrests from the Ilird to the XVIIIth dynasty, in
historical order. Other cases contain the minerals and the shells found in Egypt.

The tools are an important section for their variety, and for their being dated
in many instances by inscriptions, or by groups in which they were found. Thus
a continuous development can be traced in the forms of the axes, adzes chisels,
knives, etc. The cases of wooden tools are shown in View 13, containing brushes,
locks, mallets, winnowing fans, hoes, throw sticks, and many other forms.

At the end of the room are cases of stone and plaster work, and architectural
pieces ; these show the methods of cutting stone, the large use of plaster for casting
models for students, and the trial pieces of students' carving.

View 13. Cases of Wooden Tools.

Beside the exhibited material there is the collection of papyri of the Xllth
dynasty from Kahun, a large series of limestone ostraka of the XlXth dynasty, and
a great quantity of pottery ostraka with demotic, Greek, and Coptic documents.

When I first went to Egypt, thirty-five years ago, nothing was known of the
technical or industrial history of the country. Whether beads were made in early
times as well as late, what were the modes and dates of glass working, when
various forms of tools were used, what was the method of stone working, all was
a blank. So little was known of pottery that Dr. Birch asked me to pack a box of
fragments from each great site I visited, because from the known history of the
great cities it might be possible to guess the age, and so get a clue to dating the
pottery. Now every form, historic and prehistoric, is pretty closely dated, and we
know far more of the history of Egyptian products than we do of those of Greece
or Italy.

W. M. Flinders Petrie.

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PERIODICALS.

Recueil de Travaiix relatifs a la Philologie et a l Archdologie
egyptiennes et assyrieniies, Vol. XXXVI, 19 14. Liv. 3-4.

RUSCH, Richard. Hethitisclie Zahlseichen. This is a disheartening style of
paper,- giving many resemblances of notation of numbers, without discrimination of
what is probable, and without any historical grounds of connection. It seems very
unlikely that the Greek use of A for ten can have arisen from the circle so used in
Babylon, the obvious origin is the word At/ea, just as H is used for five derived from
WivTt. It is also too much to claim the Latin use of (V) for i,ooo, from the circle
with a bar through it, when the obvious source is the initial of milk. Again X
being ten in Roman notation, the use of half of it, V, for five is obvious, without
trying to connect it with two sides of a square sign for ten in Babylonia. Such
resemblances show that a strict requirement of descent is really necessary before
we can come to any safe conclusions about the history of notation.

Maspero, G. Les Monuments Egyptiens du Musee de Marseille. This paper
gives long detailed descriptions (without any illustration) of the coffins of
Khensumes, Thentamen, Nubemusekht, Onkh-khensu, and Samertui. Though
required in any comparative study of the details of coffins, it does not seem that
the inscriptions contain any unusual features.

Legrain, G. Recherches stir la famille dont fit partie Montouemhat. 11^ partie.
Les enfants de Khaeinhor, Chap. IV'=, Branche Petanion. This is a continuation of
the paper already summarised in this Journal, pp. 24-26. It should be said as a
warning that, in these papers, the genealogical tables are all reversed from the
ordinary usage, and have the latest generation at the top. This paper deals with
the family of Tabathat, who married Besenmut. The documents quoted are :
LX VI I. Coffin of Tabathat.
LX VI 1 1. Bottom of coffin of Tabathat.
LXIX. Wooden stele of Tabathat.
LXX. Wooden board of Tabathat.
LXXI. Ushabti box of Babau, mother of Tabathat.
LXXII. Coffin of Peda-amen, father of Tabathat.
LXXI 1 1. Second coffin of the same.
LXXIV. Stele of Peda-amen.
LXXV. Coffin of Babat.
A large genealogical table of the Mentuemhat and Besenmut family, extends
from the middle of the reign of Psamtek I back to about the beginning of the
XXI I nd dynasty.

An annex on the Hammamat inscriptions quotes one of Nesiptah II, and one
of Mentuemhat son of Nesiptah I.

M 3

1 82 Recueil de Travaux.

MasPERO, G. Le Protocol royal des Thinites sur la Pierre de Palerme. For
the first time we are given a quotation on official authority from the early annals,
which have been so- strangely concealed for years past in the Cairo Museum, to
the great confusion of students. This gives the full heading of King Khent, or
Zer, who is stated to be Athet, the third king of the 1st dynasty. The name is
written in a cartouche, which shows that such belongs to the beginning of the
kingdom. The royal mother's name follows, Klienfet- with the figure of a priestess
determinative, Hapi, with the usual female figure determinative. This word Kheiifet
seems, by the figure after it, to be a title. Khenf is a bread oflfering, clearly
connected with klunp to offer, or present, and khenp an animal offered in sacrifice.
It seems, then, to mean the "Offering priestess, Hapi." Sir Gaston Maspero is
inclined to make one name of it, Khenfet-hapi, regardless of the determinative of
the priestess. This passage is quoted as explaining the portion of the protocol of
Neteren on the Palermo stone, which evidently shows the beginning of his cartouche,
hitherto misinterpreted as part of his mother's name. Whenever the world is at
last allowed the use of these most important documents, so long concealed, there
will be many enquiries to be followed out from them.

Sottas, H. itude sur la stele C 14 du Louvre. This is the well-known stele
of Mertisen describing the variety of artistic knowledge. The paper is a comparison
of the translation by M. Madsen {Sphinx, 1909, 242) and Sir Gaston Maspero
(T.S.B.A., 1877, 555), with reference also to those of Erman and Brugsch. No new
result of importance is reached.

Spiegelberg, W. Der Koenigseid des deinotischen papyrus Berlin 3080.
This is a contract of a sale of land under Euergetes II. The interest of it is in
the formula of the oath by Pharaoh which concludes it, and a reference to the
inundation of year 37 to 38. This is so stated because the full height of the Nile
then was at the junction of the two years.

Spiegelberg, VV. Ein Denkstcin aus Leontopolis. This is a tablet with

a king offering to a lion god and a god of human form with a lion's head. The

brief inscription shows that this is the lion-god Mau-hes of Tell Mokdam. The
stele is at Hildesheim.

Mercer, S. A. B. The Gorringe Collection of Egyptian Antiquities. The
objects collected by the late Commander Gorringe, when he moved the obelisk
from Alexandria to New York, have been lost to sight, but are now found and
here described. The main piece is a fine stele of about the time of Sety I, showing
the royal scribe, keeper of the harim, Ptahmes son of Any, offering to Osiris.
Below the scene are seventeen lines of nesut da hetep and speech of the deceased.
The stele was published from a copy in Recueil 1905, p. 29 ; but not quite correctly,
as it was then lost to sight. There are, besides, two limestone sphinxes, a statue
of Rameses II, many fine bronzes, about fifty amulets, some scarabs, terra-
cottas, etc. It is intended to publish photographs before long, in this Journal.

SCHEIL, V. Nouvelles notes depigraphie et d^ archt'ologie Assyriennes. A bronze
tray on wheels, 22 inches square, 5i inches deep, was found at Toprak-Kaleh.
The four wheels are 6 inches across, and there is a handle at one end of the tray.
It appears to be a piece of temple furniture, analogous to the bases of brass upon
four wheels for carrying the lavers in Solomon's temple. Those, however, were
three or four times the size of this Assyrian example. It is strangely termed
a chariot, by P^re Scheil.

Recueil de Travaux. 183

The three " kings of the East," whose names first appear in late Christian
apocryphal writings, are here shown to occur in a Jewish magical formula as
Qaspar, Kelia'mar, Bleithazar. Kleia'mar is an inversion of Melchior, obviously
formed from Melek; Bleithazar is a lisping form of Belshazar ; and Qaspar, it is
suggested, is an inversion of Rabshakeh, such a play on words is even directed in
the magic formula, " whisper in the reversed order."

Gardiner, Alan H. Notes on the Story of Sinuhe. This article is mainly
occupied with critical discussion of details of the text, in view of fresh material.
It concludes with a valuable estimate of the general character of the composition.
The story of Sinuhe (or Sanehat) was one of the most popular in the New
Kingdom, and allusions to its phrases are even found in monumental inscriptions.
In the style of it " it is a classic because it displays with inimitable directness the
mixed naivete and subtilty of the old Egyptian character, its directness of vision,
its pomposity, its reverence, and its humour." These characteristics are just what
belong to the modern Egyptian. The authenticity of the description of the travels
in Syria is much doubted, mainly on the ground that the only place named is
Byblos, which was well known and frequented by Egyptians. This seems hyper-
critical, for Sanehat would be most likely to go where he could hear about Egypt,
without being in the least under the Egyptians. The absence of the names of less
known places is of no more discredit than if an Englishman said he wandered
through France until he reached Bordeaux. The date of writing, it is agreed, is
early in the Xllth dynasty, as a MS. of the close of that dynasty is " some distance
removed from the archetype." The form of the tale is so similar to the auto-
biographies in tombs, that the nucleus of it may well be derived from such a tomb
inscription.

Lacau, Pierre. Textes Religieux. Texts from four sarcophagi of Bersheh,
arranged in parallel lines.

RiNGELMANN, MAX. Essai sur r Histoire du Ghiie Rwal en Phaiicie et dans
Us colonies Pheniciennes. Chap. i. Alobilier. Rough illustrations are given of
various pottery forms, without the least hint of historical discrimination or dating.
Periods from 800 I!.C. to Roman are all mixed together ; and types which are
usual in Egypt and elsewhere, under Graeco- Roman influence, are quoted
without discrimination as Punic. When archaeology is thus ignored, only confusion
can result.

Vol. XXXVII, Liv. 1-2, 1915.

MaSPERO, G. Les Monuments tigyptiens du Musce de Marseille. This
further instalment of long detailed descri[)tions deals with wooden sarcophagi of
(6o) Imhetep son of Onkh-hetemt born of Tenteri ; (61) fragments with forged
inscriptions ; (62) panel with two mythological serpents, Nehub (perhaps =
Nehebka) and Qesr (or the lance) ; (63) lid of a case of Khet son of Pemeraun ;
(64) coffin of Hernezatf born of Ta-nub-ne-hent. Stone sarcophagi are described
of (66) Onkh-hapi .son of Tada-asar or Thent-asar, the variation of name is
curious ; (67) of Penast son of Smataui and Tasmataui ; reused later for Peda-asar
son of Ptda-her-pa-khred and Pesed ; the long inscriptions of this are fully copied
and dissected with translations.

Spiegelberg, W. Kcptische Miscellen. On some small grammatical details.

M 4

184 Recueil de Travaux.

BOUSSAC, P. HiPPOLYTE. Cotmnentaire sur un passage dHerodote. This
deals with the mythological answer given to the geographical questions of Herodotos
on the source of the Nile. The most curious point is that the idea of the Nile
arising at the First Cataract was still held in Cairo at the beginning of the
nineteenth century, when the Diwan in Cairo wrote : " From the place called Shellal
where the Nile takes its rise, to the mouths in the two seas by the towns of Rosetta
and Damietta."

BousSAC, P. HiPPOLYTE. Le Culte de la Diesse Bast dans I'ltalie. The
extent of the worship of Isis in Italy was considerable; not only are there many
temples of hers at Rome, but also at Pozzuoli, Tivoli, Tusculum, Nemi, Ostia,
Porte d'Anzio, and Pompeii. Along side of this Isis worship appear also figures of
Bast, suggesting a strong Bubastite influence among the Alexandrian. settlers. At
Rome, Ostia and Nemi, Isis and Bast are associated, and at Scarbancia in Upper
Pannonia there is a joint dedication to them. An inscription at Nemi gives an
inventory of the jewellery of the divine figures. Isis had "a diadem, bracelets and
collars with jewels ; an ' alempsiac ' crown of twenty-one topaz and twenty-four
carbuncles, a collar of beryls, a girdle plated with gold, two robes, two tunics, two
mantles." Bast had " a robe of silk, purple and turquoise green, a shirt of purple
linen with two girdles, one gilt, two robes, two mantles, a tunic and a white dress."
At Ostia an altar is dedicated " to Isis, to Bubastis. A silver statue of Venus, of
a pound and a half in weight, a silver crown of three ounces three scruples, an
alempsiac crown of five ounces and eight scruples, Caltilia Diodora Bubastiaca has
given it by bequest." At Pompeii is a scene of a priest reciting from a papyrus,
in front of a stele surmounted by a cat.

Cledat, Jean. Notes sur I'isthme de Suez. From Pelusium comes (i) a
fragment of a red sandstone shrine ; also (2) a black granite weight of Nekht-
nebef, of thirty-two kilogrammes. This is exactly the Roman centumpondium,
though by its date it is probably the earlier form of the same standard, the Aeginetan,
fifty minae. (3) A fragment of a marble inscription in Latin, names IVLIVS L . . . .
perhaps the Prefect Julius Lupus in A.D. 71. (4) At Kasr et-Tineh is a large ruin
of an Arab palace of the twelfth or thirteenth century, like the tomb of Kalaun at
Cairo. Near it is an Arab cemetery, with the graves under water level. This
shows that the north coast of the Delta continued to sink more, for centuries after
the great catastrophe of the submersion of the northern Delta. Two other
cemeteries are Roman and Egypto-Roman, and a third is said to be of Greek age,
but the inscriptions seem more like those of the first or second century A.D. One
is for Ammonianos Kelenos, another of Theonilla, a third for Athanasioudis.

From Mahemdiah comes a weight of black granite, apparently two Phoenician
minae, inscribed Tl in Phoenician.

From El-Arish a Greek inscription of Alexander Severus.

From Qantarah comes a small portable sun-dial, measuring the height of the
sun, and therefore independent of direction. In order to compensate for the
seasonal changes, there is a column for every month, with the hours marked by
dots in the space. By Pharmuthi being the midsummer month, this is dated to
the fourth century B.C. M. Cledat does not explain it, and states that he knows
nothing like it. A similar dial was in the Hoffmann sale in 1894, lot 456; but
with Pauni for midsummer, and therefore about 100 B.C. Another, without names
of the months, is in University College collection.

Recueil de Travaux. 1 85

From Wady el-Reheiba (Rehoboth) several inscriptions have been brought,
dating from the Christian period, with the names of loannes, Stephanos, Sergios,
Maria and Steph . . los, perhaps Stephthelos.

Cledat, Jea'?J. Les Inscriptions de Saint Simeon. A collection of all the
Coptic inscriptions in the convent, revising and supplementing the copies published
by De Morgan. Unfortunately scarcely one of them is complete, and most are
badly effaced.

Kees, Hermann. Eitie Liste Memphitischer Cotter im Tempel von Abydos.
The gods named are as follow : (l) Ptah ; (2) Nun ; (3) Khent-tenent, or thenent,
otherwise known as Ptah-tenen, or Ptah-khent-tenen (Ramesseum). Tenen was
the popular name of Ptah in the XlXth dynasty; and it occurs in the Old
Kingdom as a priest of Khent-thennant. Neit is also called " Lady of Thenent."
It appears to have been a quarter of Memphis. (4) Zed-sheps, "the noble zed
pillar." (The worship of the zed pillar is shown by a .yt'w-priest of the zed, named
on a nienat of Necho in University College.) (5) Em-khent-ur, to whom there was
a priesthood in the Vth dynasty (Ptahshepses and Sabu tombs). (6) Kherbakef,
" under his olive," also named as a synonym of Ptah at the Ramesseum. (7) Em-
khent-defent, of whom there is a priesthood. (8) Khent-aautef, also named in a
priesthood. (9) Ptah in all his dwellings in heaven and earth. (10) Ptah in all
his seats of Upper and Lower Egypt. (11) Ptah in all his halls and palaces.
(12) Ptah of foreigners in all his places. (13) Res-uza, also named in Pyramid
Texts. (14) Her-khen, the first god here named without the determinative of the
Ptah figure. (15) Nezem-onkh. (16) Aoh-remt. (17) Hetep-det. (18) Kher-
bakef, again. (19) Res-uza, again. (20) Un-amakhef. (21) Shu. (22) Defnet.
(23) Nepre and Hesa, the Corn-god and Nile-god. (24) Hetep-bakef (25) Re-
peats Khent-aautef. (26) Herheruazef, " Horus on his papyrus plant." (27) Her-
remen and Sesmu-am-nudef, who appear later apart in 43-44. (28) Sebek.
(29) Zedui, the two zed pillars. (30) Zenbu of the south, Zenbu of the north.
(31) Isis. (32) Nebhat. (33) The god of the gate o{ per-henu. (34) Hapi and
Mestha. (35) Horus. (36) Duamutef and Khebsenuf. (37) Uashes. (38)
Hemaget. (39) Merymutef (40) Her-tep-senuf, or Her-zaza-senuf. (41) Her-
her-qenbet-res. (42) Khnem-khent-anbuef. (43) Her-her-remenef (44) Sesmu-
am-nudef. (45) Anpu-am-ut. (46) Isis. (47) Nebhat. (48) Seshat. (49)
Sekhmet. (50) Neferatmu. (51) Sekhmet-tep-aner. The reason for the repeti-
tion of some gods is that they were worshipped in different districts of Memphis,
and they are here grouped according to the districts which are named over them.
The names of these localities such as: "In the harbour of the east," "The
enclosures of the harbour," " By the gate," " Suburb of the south " and " of the
north," " Behind the south wall," " Behind the north wall," show how much may yet
be recovered of the topography of Memphis. This will be discussed in this Journal
before long.

Grenfell, Alice. The Ka on Scarabs. The great mass of brief inscriptions
on scarabs are usually passed by as "wish scarabs," and ignored. This shows that
as yet we are very ignorant of the ideas and expressions of the popular language of
Egypt, however much we may know'of the State texts. The extreme brevity and
elisions usual in such a small space make it almost impossible to begin systematic
readings ; and the allusions and ideas of mystical nature are a speech apart from
our usual knowledge. However, to explain a mystic by a mystic, may be our best
way of approaching the subject, though some will doubtless quote Ignotum per

1 86 Recueil de Travaux.

ignotius. The readings given by Mrs. Grenfell may be stated here, and compared
with what is generally accepted.

The signs nefer, onkli, lies and s are stated to be symbols of the deceased. The
evidences are that the deceased are called neferu sheps, " the noble or ancestral
excellencies," and the onkhu shepsii, " the ancestral living ones." For the rendering
oi hes no authority is given, but it is already recognised that the hesy or "praised
one " means the dead. The frequent epithet of ka nefer %iah, precedes the use of
uahetn onkli, "living again " and indot khern or "justified." It seems therefore to
be an honorific epithet of good wish for the deceased, and as such we should render
it " may the good ka be established " or " multiplied." Mrs. Grenfell renders the
ka nefer z.f, " the ka of the deceased" ; and ka nefer uali as a contraction of uah
klietu " offerings," " may the ka of the deceased have offerings." This seems a large
expansion of iia/i, and one which does not accord with the common name Uah-ka
which is never expanded ; this name, meaning " the ka is multiplied," would be
a natural name for a child, in view of the ka being the ancestral spirit of the family.
It seems, then, that the wish for a person " may the good ka be established," or
" multiplied " is the more likely rendering. That the gods had kas is well known ;
besides the examples quoted, there is a stele of adoration to the ka of Osiris (Univ.
Coll.).

Some " reliquary scarabs " are copied, showing the sacred head of Osiri.s
guarded by the gods, as No. 40. Others given with these are, however, the emblem
of Neferatmu, as Nos. 38, 39, and probably 35.

The falcon, with uraeus in front and plural strokes behind, is stated to be
a sign for the glorified deceased. The evidence only goes to show that the royal
soul was a falcon, while subjects were human-headed birds, even down to the
first century A.D. (Zodiac tomb, Athribis). The plural is no doubt to give the
reading Heru. Rarely, there is the serpent in front (like that before the upuat-
jackal), the serpent who leads the way in the desert, implying that the Heru has
gone, or is going, to Ainenti. There does not seem to be any instance quoted
which might not as well be translated as referring to the god Horus. For example
(No. 59) lies neb (sphinx) onkli heru, is rendered " may Amen (sphinx) revivify
deceased among the glorified " ; but a more usual reading would be " Praise to the
king, live the Horus," like the opening onkli her of royal titles. In other cases the
falcon is used simply as an equivalent of fteter. The Aakhu bird on scarabs is
rendered as " the glorified one," as would be generally agreed. The translations of
" the glorified follower of Amen," or of Uazet, are very probable. The Bennu is
rendered as referring to the deceased, in the examples 69, 70, Bennu em a&kliu ;
but these may probably refer to the Bennu as psjxhopomp, the idea being " may
the Bennu Soul of Ra be among the deceased ones to lead them to the Duat."

The term khet or khet neb, frequently found, is usually taken to refer to the
etcetera, khet neb nefer, which ends the list of funeral offerings, " and all good things."
On the other hand, Mrs. Grenfell gives a good instance of its referring to spiritual
benefits, in the term " making known to the Bennu khet duat," " the things of the
Underworld." Hence it is taken to refer to the magic ceremonies. It seems really
impossible to define, except occasionally by the context, whether khet refers to
material offerings, or ceremonies, or the affairs of the future life. It is about as wide
a term as our word thing, as in " Divine things," " good things to eat," " pick up
your things," or " saying bad things " of a person.

The Rennut scarabs are noticed, as wishes that the goddess of food should
supply the deceased with " vivers."

Recueil de Travaux. 1 8/

Thus, although many of the proposed readings help to clear the sense of the
scarabs, there are difficulties in most of them. These difficulties may be solved by
a wider usage of terms than we yet allow, and it is very unlikely that we have
already reached th^varied senses of words. Some good reason for each class of
readings needs to be given, and some example which cannot be read in any other
way, if we are to take an explanation as established.

Maspero, Jean. Snr guelques inscriptions grecques provenant du grand temple
de Denderah. The lamented scholar, whose loss by a kultur bullet we deplore, has
left here a study of various inscriptions lately exposed by clearances at Dendereh.
(l) A dedication by Hadrian on the 13th of Tybi. This date cannot refer to
Hadrian's birthday, as that fell on 26th Mekhir, and at his visits to Egypt the
anniversary was on 7th and loth of Phamenoth ; but it was probably erected in
one of his visits in a.d. 122 or 131. (2) A base of a statue of Hadrian. (3) Base
of a statue dedicated by the city to Tullius Ptolemaios, a strategos and adminis-
trator of the Museum. (4) Base of a statue of Carinos. (5) Base of a statue of
Aurelius Apollonios ; third century.

Maspero, Jean. A propos dun bas-relief Copte du Mus^e du Caire. A slab of
sculpture from an arch, said to come from Koptos, shows a figure seated in a boat,
surrounded by water plants, on one of which are two birds, and a nest with eggs on
another. Two fishes indicate the water below. There is nothing in the treatment
at all like ancient Egyptian work, though the motives are all known in the early
dynasties. Unfortunately the photograph is placed in the plate diagonally to its
true vertical, which confuses the appearance.

This slab serves as a point of departure for examining the views on Coptic
art, which have prevailed in recent years, in the writings of Ebers, Gayet, Riegl,
and above all Strzygowski. The endeavours to emphasize resemblances in Coptic
art to ancient motives are examined in detail, and shown to break down in nearly
all cases. One allegation after another is rebutted with good effect. Beyond the
Horus on horseback, the lock of Horus on the cross, perhaps the origin of XP
monogram (not noticed in this article), and the unifying of the onkh with the cross.
there does not seem to be a single point in Coptic art which would suggest Egyptian
influence if found in any other country.

Maspero, G. Un Excmple Saite de la transcription RIA pour O.

Many examples of cuneiform transcription of names in the New Kingdom gives
-riya, -ria, for Ra, both at the beginning and end. On the other hand in Manetho
and later documents Ra is transcribed by Re at the end, and Ra at the beginning
or middle of names. At what point did this change take place ?

The transcription of the XXVIth dynasty name Uah-ab-ra by Herodotos and
Diodoros is Apries, while Manetho and the LXX use Ouaphres, Ouaphris, Ouaphre.
In this Sir Gaston does not take account of Apries being really the personal name,
Haa-ab-ra, as Mr. Griffith pointed out. That does not, however, affect the
evidence about Ra. Therefore riP, or riya, was the Saite pronunciation in the
fifth century B.C. On the other hand, Herodotos uses the form Khefren, giving
Ra as re. Diodoros quotes this, but also uses Khabruis and Khabrucs from some
other author, giving Ra as rui or rue. The conclusion is that when the Greek
forms became fixed in 700-500 B.C. the older riya was still in use, while in common
language re was coming into use and appears in the form Khefren.

C 188 )

REVIEWS.

Alexandrea ad Aegyptum : Guide de la Ville ancieinu et modertie et du Mush
GrSco-Roinam. E. Breccia. Sm. 8vo, 315 pp., 2 coloured plates, 196 figures
and map. Bergamo. 19 14.

The professions of this book are rather puzzling. Dr. Breccia has given, what
all archaeologists wanted, an efficient and well illustrated summary of the Museum
in his charge, 160 pages ; also 88 pages on the topography of ancient Alexandria,
due from the latest excavator, who has studied it for long. All this is prefaced
by a sketch of the history in 28 pages, and 1 5 pages to begin with about the
commerce and affairs of the modern town. It looks as if this touch of guide book
was to pacify the business instincts of the municipality whose name figures at the
top of the title page. Curiously, it is published at Bergamo, has no Egyptian
bookseller named on it, and no price.

On the topography Dr. Breccia discusses carefully the conclusions of previous
writers, which he by no means accepts in detail. The depth to which all ancient
foundations are buried, the rise of water level submerging all but late buildings,
and the covering of the ground by the modern town which limits discoveries to
chance digging for building, have prevented any scientific examination of the
ancient city. One certain site is that of the Sebasteum, in the court of which
stood the two obelisks, now removed. The great buildings of the Ptolemies can
only be localised in a region, but not distinguished. The Serapeum is the other
certain site, fixed by the imposing column which is seen for miles at sea, over the
modern town. The great catacombs of Kom Shuqafa and Anfushy, the sites of
Taposiris, Saint Menas, Canopus and Rosetta, are also described.

It will be useful to give here an outline of the contents of the Museum as
described in the Guide. The inscriptions begin with a dedication to Ptolemy
Soter. Some grave steles, with figures, recall the grace of those at Athens, though
a century or two after the best work. The Roman funerary reliefs are very clumsy,
scarcely better than those of Britain. Some papyri from recent discoveries
illustrate the literary remains ; but such things can only be found in Upper Egypt,
and do not belong to the Alexandrian discoveries. Some statues of the XlXth
dynasty found in Alexandria and the neighbourhood, were brought there from
ancient sites in Greek times. A fine piece of Saite tomb scene comes from
Heliopolis.

One of the rarest objects is a wooden stand supporting a wooden bier on
which is the mummy of a crocodile. This was used in the processions of the late
form *of Sebek, Petesouchos, and was found in the temple at Theadelphia, in the
Fayum. The great gate of the temple is also preserved, with the dedication under
Ptolemy IX in 137 B.C.

One hall contains the Antoniadis collection of antiquities of all periods. The
more important objects are a table of offerings of King Amenemhat, and some fine
bronzes of gods ; but, as a whole, it seems typical of the show collections of rich
amateurs, beautiful, but of no fresh interest. A finely cut stele shows the two
sacred serpents of Isis and Serapis, different in form, as they are found also on

Reviews. 189

silver bracelets. Some fine heads of priests, and a Nubian, show that a vivid school
of portraiture existed in the Roman age, which, while it was Roman in nature, was
yet strongly influenced by Egyptian ideals : a mixture much like pictures in Western
style by a Japanese jartist.

Of purely Greek style are some excellent marble heads of the school of Scopas
in the fourth century B.C. Others of Ptolemaic style and Roman work are much what
we see in Italian museums. A fine portrait head of the close of the first century a.d.
is remarkable for the beauty and character which it reveals.

A large number of capitals and architectural fragments show the late Corinthian
development in Alexandria.

The vases typical of the Alexandrian cemetery are whitened, with a wreath of
flowers in colours around the body ; others are of the usual black iron-glaze. The
lamps of pottery form a very large series, and it is to be hoped that when published
the date of the locality where they were found will be stated. The dating of lamps
is much required for understanding excavations. There is a small collection of glass,
but not of importance.

Of the terra-cotta figures there is a good collection of the moulded figures
beginning about the third century B.C., but apparently none of the modelled figures
of earlier ages. Thence the figurines run down in style to the coarse Roman work
of the third century A.D.

Many fresco paintings of small size have been removed to the Museum.
Unfortunately, a fear of their fading has led to glazing them with deep yellow glass,
which entirely prevents the colours being seen. A loose falling blind is a far better
preservative. The remains of Christian period are comparatively {e.-w.

A fine collection of coins is a special feature of the Museum, gathered with the
aim of forming as complete a series as possible of the Egyptian mint under the
Ptolemies and Romans. An excellent large-scale map at the end of the volume
shows all the ancient remains in red on the plan of the modern town in grey.
We all have to thank Dr. Breccia for issuing such an excellent and useful publication
which should be in the hands of everyone who thinks the ancient capital worth a
few hours' visit.

Archaeology of the Lower Mimbres Valley, New Mexico. 19 14. By Walter
Fewkes. (Smithsonian Institution.) 53 pp., 8 plates.

This account refers to a region scarcely touched yet by research, but
evidently containing remains of a considerable civilisation. A few parallels to
Egyptian subjects should be noted. The contracted burials are seated, as the
Peruvian, not recumbent ; usually a " killed " bowl with a hole knocked in the
bottom is placed over the head. This custom is explained thus : " Ceremonially
every piece of pottery is supposed by the Hopi (tribe) to be a living being, and
when placed in the grave of the owner, it was broken or killed to let the spirit
escape to join the spirit of the dead in its future home." As we have no record of
the Egyptian motive for "killing" pottery, furniture, etc., any clear statement like
this is of value. Some animal figures (as Fig. 9) are much like the prehistoric
Egyptian hippopotami. Hooked sticks, like those in the tomb painting in
Hierakotipolis, LXXVI, are shown as carried by hunters ; and parallels are given for
such being throwing sticks used in hunting. Later they became sacred emblems
among the Hopi. These similarities may serve to explain Egyptian usages,
without any suggestion of actual derivation.

1 90 Reviews.

The Antiquity of Iron. G. F. ZiMMER {Cassier's Engineering Monthly).
'9 PP-. J^"- ^"d Feb., 191 5.

In these two papers there are no fresh facts brought forward, and it is therefore
needful to see how conclusions are reached which somewhat differ from those
recently stated in this Journal (1915, pp. 20-23). The succession of Stone, Bronze,
and Iron ages is declared to be a fallacy ; but the only ground for this is the very
rare occurrence of iron before bronze, though long after copper was known. An
assumption is made that copper and bronze only were buried because they were
cheaper and inferior to the valued iron tools ; also that iron was necessary for cutting
the harder stones. These are assumptions of the old type, without any evidences
In reality, no metal was used to cut hard stones, but soft copper served as a bed
for cutting points of emery. Actuallj', copper can be alloyed and hardened so as to
be superior to iron, and only equalled by steel. The author relies on malleable
meteoric iron as a primitive source, which is quite likely. The word baS-ne-pet,
however, though meaning iron in Greek times, was used for haematite in earlier
writing, as statuettes were made of it by Rameses III ; no statuettes of iron are
Itnown, but they were often made of haematite. The name of the king of the 1st
<lynasty is, in contemporary form, Mer-pa-ba, written with the pool ba. This ba is
probably the name of a deity, found on early inscriptions, but it may mean a hard
stone, or a mine, or a causeway ; there is nothing to show that it referred to the
metal iron. Many statements require correction, such as "Fall of Troy, 1406 B.C.";
"Iron in universal use under Ramses II even for implements of agriculture,"
apparently based on one iron sickle ; " About 800 B.C. iron was already freely used
for agricultural implements in Egypt," but I have never seen one such among the
bronze hoes ; the butchers of the Old Kingdom are said to sharpen their knives on
"steels," which are doubtless whetstones; and quotations are made from the
annals of Thothmes and Merneptah about objects of iron, which is a mistranslation
instead of bronze. It is hard to imagine what version can have given such a mis-
statement. Altogether the exaggeration of the rare and sporadic use of early iron
seems to be the only ground for asserting its general importance before 1200 B.C.

The Shining East. Emily M. Burke. 8vo, 167 pp. is. Ralph,
Holland & Co.

This is a fairly suitable course of elementary talks for small children on Egypt,
Babylonia, and countries around, with 31 illustrations. It seems a pity that
teaching books should start with oversights in the small stock of ideas which can be
given in such a scope. We read here of the Egyptians being "an almost savage
nation " in the 1st dynasty, when wealth and fine work was common : the builders
of the pyramids are called slaves, and said to have been soon killed by toil, when
they were probably relays of sturdy peasants, who were better rather than worse for
the training ; the sound given by the Memnon of Thebes is supposed to be an
original design ; the usual mistake appears about mixing straw with bricks by the
Israelites ; the nomad Israelites are supposed to have been better brickmakers than
the Egyptians, who had thousands of years of experience ; and in the map of
Chaldea there is no hint that the coast was entirely different in ancient times. It
is a pity not to correct such misleading matters, although the sphinxes on the cover
have no heads !

( 191 ;
NOTES AND NEWS.

A STRANGE development has arisen in Egypt regarding British excavations.
For six years the British School of Archaeology in Egypt devoted a large part of
its time and resources to opening up the site of Memphis, ascertaining the topography,
and negotiating with private owners for rights to work in their land. When the
new law on antiquities was passed which would deprive work in private land of
half its returns an enquiry was made of Sir Gaston Maspero whether that law,
which was intended to claim accidental discoveries from the fellaJiin, would be also
applied to the very costly excavations under water. No reply was given to the
enquiry, and thus the work was hindered for the season 1914.

On the outbreak of the War all of the British School Staff took service at once,
and the excavations were necessarily suspended. At this national crisis, the
Philadelphia Museum (which had received large returns from the British School
work), without a word of enquiry or explanation, acquired from the Department of
Antiquities a site at Memphis which had already been examined and reserved for
future work by the British School. No word of information was given to the
previous workers, and no copy of the Report lately published has been sent to the
British School. Enquiries addressed to the Department of Antiquities have been
ignored. A casual quotation from an American newspaper was the only source of
information regarding the acquisition and working of a site which the British School
had already discovered, examined, and reserved for the future.

Entire secrecy has always surrounded the acts, regulations, and concessions of
the Archaeological Committee of the Department in Egypt ; but the suppression
from an excavator of all news of giving away his discoveries to others, is a further
stroke of arbitrary treatment. On both the part of the Egyptian Government and
of the Philadelphia Museum the silent attack on British excavation is a very
strange course in a British Protectorate. The British School has never intended to
relinquish the work at Memphis, on which so much has already been done ; and to
take advantage of the response of our workers to the national needs at the present
moment, is a course which could not have been expected unless in anti-British
interests.

Of our former workers in Egypt, Mr. Brunton now has a commission in the
R.A.M.C. Lieut. Engelbach is organising bases with an Egyptian gang in the
Aegean. Dr. Amsden, after service in England, is now at the hospitals in France.
Lieut. Horace Thompson is drilling recruits at Cannock Chase. Lieut. North is
drilling recruits of the West Surrey's at Shoreham. Mr. Wiiley is with the Political
Agency in the Persian Gulf Mr. Hayter is in the Censor's Ofifice on correspondence.
Mr. Mace is in the Artists Rifles, expecting a commission.

Of our friends in the subject, we have to deplore the loss of one of the most
promising young Egyptologists, in Lieut. James Dixon, who had worked for some
years in Nubia, at Abydos, and in the Sudan. This is a sad break in the small
band of competent English workers, and one which all who knew him will
personally deplore.

( 192 )

THE PORTRAITS.

The interesting account of the excavations at Lisht, which Dr. Lythgoe has kindly
supplied to us, prompts the comparison of two heads of Senusert I, here placed
together. The sculpture of Koptos evidently represents the king at a much later
period of his long reign, than in the statuette of Lisht. The jaw is fuller, the lips
more rounded, and the expression that of a man of fifty, and not of a youth of
twenty. It is worth while to study the differences of treatment, in the round and
on the low relief The proportion of distances between the back of the ear, the
end of the eyebrow, and the forehead, are almost the same. There is a slight
spread of the inner side of the eyes on the relief in order to show the whole ; but
there is less difference between the round and the flat, than might be supposed on
looking only at the relief The main differences are in the shape of the ear, and
the shape of the top of the crown. The portrait from Koptos is on one of the
slabs of the temple of the Xllth dynasty, which had been laid face down, in the
foundations of a later temple.

The results of Dr. Lythgoe show how little we know about the course of the
funeral ceremonies. That the preservation of dead sacred animals was an act of
devotion we know from the abundance of such carefully mummified, and specially
from the imitations of mummy crocodiles on a small scale which were buried.
Hence the preservation of a dead jackal would be an act to acquire merit with Anubis,
and to ensure the divine protection. The offering of a bandaged jackal and a jar
of ointment would be specially acceptable to Anpu em amitit, " Anubis in his
bandages," who was the god principally appealed to on the funeral steles for
protection. It would be the direct emblem of that aspect of the god. When such
an emblem was placed with the figures of the king it would be a special appeal to
Anubis to ensure his care for the king. There is also another sense possible,
suggested by the emblem being placed with the deceased Osiris in his shrine, at
the judgment scene ; it may be taken as a pledge that the deceased has been
perfectly preserved in his mummifying, even as the Anubis figure itself These
discoveries show how carefully excavators should search the area of work, where
some of the best results may be hidden or lost in any perfunctory clearance.

. MEETINGS OF RESEARCH STUDENTS' ASSOCIATION.

Prof. Petrie will welcome members of the Research Students' Association and
other friends at the Egyptian Collection, University College, on Nov. 15 and Dec. 15,
at 3 to 4 p.m. It is hoped to resume the usual meetings after Christmas.

SENUSERT I. KOPTOS, UNIVERSITY COLLEGE, LONDON.

</'

8ENUSERT I. LISHT, METROPOUTAN MUSEUM, NEW YORK.

ANCIENT
EGYPT

1916.

Part I.

CONTENTS.

1. Egypt in the Grail Romance.

M. A. Murray.

2. French axd Italian Egyptology.

Joseph Offord.

3. The Grenfell Scarai3.s.

Alice Grenfell.

4. The End of the Hittites.

W. M. Flinders Petrie.

5. Periodicals : Annales du Seryice.

6. Reviews.

7. Notes and New.s,

8. The Portraits.

EDITOR, PROF. FLINDERS PETRIE, F.R.S., F.B.A.

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University College, Gower Street, London, W.C.

ANCIENT EGYPT.

THE EGYPTIAN ELEMENTS IN THE GRAIL ROMANCE.

In the series of legends of which the Grail romance is composed, there is a
tradition concerning Joseph of Arimathaea. Skeat has pointed out that this
tradition is separable into two distinct versions ; one, he says, is " legendary and
does not greatly transgress the bounds of probability," while the other he stig-
matises as " purely fabulous and obviously of later invention."

Both accounts begin with the imprisonment of Joseph after the Crucifixion,
and his release by Vespasian. In the "legendary" version Joseph joins St. Philip,
is baptised by him, accompanies him to Gaul, and is sent by him to convert Britain.
But it is with the so-called " fabulous " version that I am concerned, as I hope to
prove that it originated in Egypt.

This version appears, in spite of its incoherence, to be a solid block if I may
so express myself of otherwise unrecorded history. It is evidently composed of
tliree distinct portions : (i) In the first is the account of the war between the kings
of Sarras and Babylon, called respectively Evalach and Tholome, ending with the
defeat and death of Tholome. In this the part which Joseph plays is so small that
it could have been omitted without injuring the story. (2) The second part is
devoted to Joseph and his son Josephes ; and to this belongs probably the long
account of the consecration of Josephes, though it really occurs in the legend itself
almost at the beginning of the story, perhaps for chronological reasons. The
sermons of Joseph and the dreams of Evalach also belong really to the second part,
which is in its essence the narrative of the conversion of that district of Egypt to
Christianity. (3) The third part gives the adventures of Mordrayns and Nasciens,
after the departure of Joseph and his little company of Christians, and ends with
the re-union of all the dramatis personae in Great Britain. The third part does not
seem to have had any real connection originally with the first, but by the simple
expedient of changing the names of Evalach and Seraphe in baptism to Mordrayns
and Nasciens, the two legends are fused into one. Malory, however, looks upon
Evalach and " Mordrams " as two distinct personages. I give here an epitome
of the legend, from the arrival in Egypt of Joseph, with his family and friends,
to their departure and final re-union in Britain. I follow Lovelich's version as
being the most detailed.

Chief personages mentioned in the legend :

Ermonies. A hermit-saint.

Evalach, afterwards Mordrayns. King of Sarras.

Ferreyn. A giant.

Flegentyne. Wife of Seraphe.

Joseph of Arimathaea.

Josephes, or Josaphe. Son of Joseph. First Christian bishop.

Mordrayns, or Mogdanis. Baptismal name of Evalach.

Nasciens. Baptismal name of Seraphe.

Salustes or Salustine. A hermit-saint.

Sarracynte. Wife of Evalach and sister of Seraphe.

Seraphe, afterwards Nasciens. Duke of Orbery.

Tholome Cerastre. King of Babylon.

2 The Egyptian Elements in the Grail Romance.

1. Joseph of Arimathaea, with his family and friends, all Christians, leave
Jerusalem by way of Ephrata and reach Argos, half a leavjue from Bethany, in the
country of Damascus. By divine command Joseph makes an ark of wood to
contain the Holy Vessel.^ Next day they reach Sarras, where King Evalach is
holding a council of war. Evalach is a foreigner who had succeeded the old king
of Sarras, and had conquered the whole land " iusk'en I'entrde de egypte." [A
variant says that Evalach had helped Tholome in his campaign against Holofernes,
and that Tholome had placed Evalach on the throne of Holofernes.] Evalach is
at war with Tholome Cerastre, king of Babylon, who has invaded the country,
captured cities, and is now besieging Castle Valachim. Joseph promises Evalach
victory if he will become a Christian. The king lodges the strangers in the
" spiritual palace," and gives such noble hospitality that the good food and the
good beds are considered worthy of mention. Here follows the account of
Josephes' consecration, which should properly come into the second part.

2. Joseph prophesies that Evalach shall fall into Tholome's power, but shall
be victorious if he embraces Christianity ; Joseph breaks the idols in order to prove
to the king that they are devils. Sarracynte is already a Christian, having been
converted by the hermit Salustes, who had healed her mother. When he died
Sarracynte had helped another hermit, Ermonies, to bury him. She has, however,
never acknowledged her conversion publicly.

3. Evalach hears that Tholome is besieging Castle Valachim, with twenty
thousand horse and forty thousand foot. He dispatches his vassals to Castle
Tarabe ; and before he himself starts, Joseph makes, with two strips of red cloth, a
cross on Evalach's white shield. The king then rides with " a Ryht gret Compenye
of knyhtes" to Tarabe, where he stays for eight days assembling his troops. At
the end of that time they set forth to raise the siege of Valachim. They pass
through a forest, cross a valley, and climb a hill from the top of which the besieged
castle is visible. In the battle which ensues, fifteen thousand men are killed, and
Evalach is forced to retreat to Castle Comes, two miles away, hotly pursued by
Tholome. The besieged garrison, by a sortie, capture Tholome's camp and equip-
ment, so that Tholome, returning from the pursuit, finds his tent and pavilions all
" to-broke."

4. In the morning Tholome learns that Evalach is at Castle Comes with a
small retinue, he determines to take half his force to capture his enemy, the other
under the steward Narbus remaining to continue the siege. Tholome starts late
and marches all night. Meanwhile Evalach hears, from a spy, of the successful
sortie of the Valachim garrison, and he leaves Comes with seven hundred horse and
nine hundred foot to make another effort to raise the siege. Five miles from
Comes he meets a messenger from Sarracynte warning him to leave that castle
as Tholome is on his way to besiege it. Evalach then makes toward .Sarras, and
meets Seraphe who is bringing a body of four thousand horse to his aid. On
Seraphe's advice they all go to Orkauz rather than to Sarras, as being a stronger city
and more central for news. Close to Orkauz is a red rock called the Rock of Blood.
It is four bowshots high, and between it and the river is a narrow passage, wide
enough for only ten men to walk abreast.

5. Evalach remains at Orkauz a day and a night to assemble his forces.
Early in the morning part of Tholome's army arrives before the town. Evalach
leaves an old knight and a hundred men as a garrison, and attacks the enemy, who,

"Forto do in thilke blod thou bearest about." Alliterative Lyfe. Skeat. Early English
Text Society.

The Egyptian Elements in the Grail Rotnance. 3

weary with the long night march, are easily routed. Evalach and Seraphe skilfully
drive them to the passage by the rock, where the slaughter is so great that the rock
is stained red and is called the Rock of Blood afterwards. Two miles beyond the
rock, Tholome's main army is seen advancing, and a pitched battle ensues.
Evalach's force 4? divided into four battalions : the first under Seraphe, the second
under the steward, the third under an old worthy warrior named Archimedes, and
the fourth under his own command ; at the same time he sends Jeconias to guard
the Passage of the Rock. Tholome's army is divided into eight battalions ; and
the order of battle is that the first two shall go against the steward, the third and
fourth against Archimedes, the fifth commanded by Tholome against Evalach,
and the sixth against Seraphe, while two battalions are held in reserve. Evalach
has 10,300 men in each battalion, 41,200 in all ; Tholome has 16,000 in each
battalion, 128,000 altogether.

6. A tremendous battle takes place ; and but for Seraphe's heroic deeds,
Tholome would have had an easy victory. But weight of numbers begins to tell :
Evalach is taken prisoner, and is led into a wood to be disarmed and killed. In
this extremity he casts his eyes on the red-cross shield and, remembering Joseph's
prophecy, he prays for help. At once there issues from the forest a knight royally
armed, with a red-cross shield about his neck and riding a horse "As whyt as the
Ly]3'e Flow'r." The knight seizes Tholome's bridle rein, and leads the Egyptian
king through the Passage of the Rock. On the further side is an open space : the
white knight looses Tholome, charges at and unhorses him. Evalach runs up and
makes him prisoner, while Tholome's immediate followers are killed or captured by
Evalach's soldiers. Jeconias removes all the prisoners to Orkauz, while Evalach
returns to the fight.

7. Here the white knight, carrying Evalach's banner, is fighting beside Seraphe.
Evalach leads his men on, and Seraphe attacks the Egyptian rearguard. The
Egyptians draw, or are driven, back to the Rock, hoping that they may escape that
way, but it is already held in force by Jeconias. Caught between two forces, the
Egyptian army is cut to pieces :

" And thus the Egypcien, be goddis Myht,
At theke tyme weren distroyed be fyht."

Orkauz is so full of prisoners that Evalach has to camp outside for the night.
Next day Evalach and Seraphe return to Sarras. This appears to me to be the
end of the first part, the second part being devoted to the account of the conversion
of Evalach and his subjects to Christianity.

8. A wounded knight is miraculously healed by touching the cross on Evalach's
shield, a sight which converts Seraphe, who is baptised by the name of Na.sciens.
Seraphe then converts Evalach and the wounded knight, who are both baptised
and are called Mordrayns and Clamacides respectively. By the particular favour
of God, Tholome dies at this time " with Dolowr." Sarracynte at last acknowledges
her own faith, which she has held in secret for twenty-seven years, and the people
of Sarras, to the number of five thousand and more, are baptised.

9. To this second portion belongs probably the consecration of Josephes,
which I shall consider in detail later. Joseph leaves the ark at Sarras under the
charge of three men, and goes to Orkauz to destroy the idols and to convert the
people. Mordrayns banishes all those who will not accept Christianity. Joseph
then goes to Nasciens' country, breaks the idols, and baptises the people. On his
return to Sarras he ordains thirty-three bishops : sixteen to remain at Sarras, the

A 2

4 The Egyptian Elements in the Grail Romance.

remainder to go about preaching. He then sends for the bodies of the two hermits,
Salustes and Ermonies, and buries one at Sarras, the other at Orbery, erecting
a church over each.

10. Joseph exhibits the Grail to Mordrayns and Nasciens; the latter lifts up
the " plateyne " above the glorious vessel and is at once struck blind, but
miraculously healed later. Joseph, having explained the mysteries of the Grail,
leaves the country accompanied by two hundred and seven people. This is the end
of the second part ; Joseph does not appear again in the narrative till he is about
to cross the sea to Britain.

11. The third part is devoted to the adventures of Mordrayns, Nasciens and
Celidoine, and introduces an entirely new set of incidents. Mordrayns and
Nasciens are alone in a room in the palace, when, to the accompaniment of an
earthquake and horrible noises, Mordrayns is whisked away and disappears.
Nasciens is accused by the wicked Sir Calafere of having murdered the king and
is imprisoned, in spite of his sister's entreaties.

12. Mordrayns finds himself on a rock, seventeen journeys within the sea.
This rock stands in the route from Scotland and Ireland to Babylon, and is so
high that Wales and Spain are visible from its summit ; it is a desert without
arable land. Here there is recounted an incident of Pompey's naval campaign
against the Cilician pirates, whose headquarters are said to have been at this rock.
Various supernatural people arrive in ships to tempt Mordrayns or to console him,
amongst others the hermit Salustes, upborne above the sea by two birds under
his feet.

13. Meanwhile, Calafere has thrown Celidoine into prison with Nasciens, and
deprived Flegentyne of her possessions. On the seventeenth night, which was the
ninth day of the kalends of juignet (July), Nasciens is miraculously released from
prison and carried away. Calafere then attempts to kill Celidoine who is snatched
away by; nine snow-white hands, while a thunderbolt kills Calafere. Sarrac> nte
sends five messengers to find Nasciens. Nasciens has been put on the Turning
Isle, where he has supernatural visitants.

14. Flegentyne takes refuge with an old vavasour ; she then goes in search of
Nasciens, taking the vavasour and his son with her. They start as if for Sarras,
then turn to the right and go westward ; they cross the river A recuse "that toward
Orbery Ran In gret haste," and after riding all day they reach a royal place of
lime and stone standing beside the castle of Emelianz, " that marched next to the
dwchie On that flood." This is a heathen country. Next day they ride five leagues
and arrive in the country of Calamyne, where nard, cinnamon and balm are found.
On the third day they come to the city of Lussane, the capital of the king of
Meotide.

15. Celidoine has also been put on an island. During a storm two ships take
refuge at the island. These are full of Persian soldiers on their way to the
campaign in Syria. Celidoine converts Labell, the Persian king, who is baptised
and dies. The Persian soldiers accuse Celidoine of having murdered the king,
and a*s a punishment send him afloat in a little ship on which they have put a fierce
lion. After various adventures he reaches the Turning Isle, where he finds his
father. The two embark on Solomon's ship and meet Mordrayns in another ship.
All go on board Mordrayns' vessel.

16. Queen Sarracynte's messengers arrive at Tosquean (Roquehan), the birth-
place of the parents of St. Mary the Egyptian. They are informed in a vision that
Nasciens is in a ship on the sea towards Greece. They therefore make for the

The Egyptian Elements hi the Grail Romance. 5

coast, riding through a country so hot (it is now August) that all the men go naked.
One of the messengers dies of thirst and is buried in the chief city of Egypt,
" where-Offen Alisaundre is the Name." They find a ship in which are two hundred
dead men and a living girl ; she is the daughter of King Labell, and the men are
Persian soldiers killed in a sea fight. The messengers bury the dead, then go on
board the ship with the damsel. The vessel is blown out to sea, strikes a rock and
sinks, and two of the messengers are drowned. The other two messengers convert
the damsel to Christianity, and all three are rescued from the rock by an old man
who arrives in a little boat with Celidoine's lion. The little boat goes straight to
the ship which is bringing Mordrayns, Nasciens and Celidoine. The whole party
are united on the big ship, and

" the lytel vessel wente with the lyown as faste Away
As Evere flew swalwe In the someris day."

17. After two nights they come in sight of Castle Barne, which belonged to
Mordrayns' son and was " In the Ottrest partye of his Owne land Toward the see."
The hermit Ermonies appears, clad as a priest and walking on the water. At his
command Celidoine enters an empty boat and sails away. The rest land at Castle
Barne, Sarracynte comes to meet them ; Flegentyne returns from the land of
Meotide, and the whole party are re-united at Sarras. This would seem to be the
legitimate end of the Mordrayns-Nasciens adventures ; but the loss of Celidoine,
and the search for him, continues the story.

18. Nasciens departs by himself in secret to find his son. Flegentyne sends
people to find Nasciens and to bring him back. Nabor, a wicked knight, tracks
Nasciens by the nails in the horse's shoes, and finds him fighting the giant Ferreyn.
Nabor kills Ferreyn, then tries to kill Nasciens for refusing to return ; he drops
dead at Nasciens' feet. Nasciens' people come up, and the situation being
e.xplained, the lord of Tarabel thinks Nabor was well served for having tried to
kill his liege lord. A divine voice denounces the lord of Tarabel as a parricide and
a thunderbolt strikes him dead. At Nasciens' request, Flegentyne buries the three
bodies, and erects three tombs called the Tombs of Judgment " in the Entre
be-t\vene Tarabel and babiloine." She returns to Castle Bellyc, and Nasciens
proceeds to the coast and enters Solomon's ship.

19. Joseph of Arimathaea and his followers arrive at the coast opposite Great
Britain, where there are neither ships nor galleys. The Grail bearers walk dry-
shod over the water ; Josephes spreads his shirt on the surface of the sea, and God
so stretches it that a hundred and fifty people are conveyed across upon it. The
rest of the company, who were sinners, remain on the shore weeping.

20. Nasciens, after several days, arrives at the place where these sinners are
waiting. He takes them into his ship and they all reach Great Britain, where they
find Joseph and his party, and Celidoine as well. On their arrival in North Wales,
King Crudelx imprisons them. Mordrayns, warned in a vision of their predicament,
leaves Sarras with Sarracynte, Flegentyne, and King Labell's daughter, and rescues
his friends.

I propose to examine: (i) the place-names; (2) the personal names; (3) the
details which show an Egyptian origin ; and (4) I shall discuss the probable date.

My sincere thanks are due for much kind help : in the Arabic words and
derivations from Prof T. W. Arnold ; and in the liturgical parts from Mr. Henry
Jenner.

A 3

6 The Egyptian Elements in the Grail Romance.

I. The Place-Names.

Babylon. Rock of Blood,

Barne. Sarras,

Comes. Tarabe.

Damascus. Tombs of Judgment.

Mordrayns' Rock. Turning Island.

Orbery. Valachim.

Orkauz.

That the whole action takes place in Egypt is indicated, at the beginning of
the legend, by the route which Joseph followed on leaving Jerusalem. He went
south by way of Ephrata, and journeyed without incident till he reached Argos, or
Agais, near Bethany, in the country of Damascus. Most of the modern commen-
tators have put this down to an ignorance of geography on the part of the
" inventor " of the legend, and have therefore made no further investigation. The
confusion has arisen from the fact that the desert which lies between Suez and the
Delta to the south of the Wady Tumilat is known as Gebel Damashq, the country
of Damascus. There are caravan routes across this desert from Ras al-Wady to
Cairo, Belbeis, and Al-Khankah, which are shorter than going through the
cultivated country. It was in this desert, probably on the edge, as Argos was the
name of a wood, that Joseph halted. The name Bethany is probably a local name,
which in its spelling has been influenced by the better-known Biblical name ;
Beth Ain, the House of the Well, is perhaps the origin.

The next place mentioned is Sarras, " si estoit entre babiloine & salaundre."^
This indication of a position between Old Cairo {i.e., Babylon) and Alexandria at
once narrows the enquiry to the western side of the Delta. Here, in the province
of Manuf in the south-west of the Delta, are several villages, of which the word
Sarras forms part of the name : Sersa, Sersmusi, Sersena, Sers al-Liyaneh, and so
on. The word as written in Arabic is ^_^-j SRS, which, when pronounced with
a slightly rolled R, would be written phonetically as Serras or Sarras in a European
language. The legend gives a very clear indication as to which Sarras is intended,
by specifying that the one in question contained a spiritual place or palace. This
is not the "spiritual city" of Tennyson but a solid tangible place, a building into
which Joseph and his followers entered, where they lodged, where the Grail was
left under the charge of three appointed men, where Josephes was consecrated, and
where his episcopal chair was preserved as a holy relic ; within " the spiritualities "
also Sir Percival's sister, Sir Percival, and Sir Galahad were buried. Reviewing
these statements the " spiritual place " resolves itself into a Christian church : in its
sanctuary, mass was celebrated, the Eucharistic vessels were kept, and bishops
were consecrated ; in its cemetery. Christians were buried ; and in its guest-rooms,
travellers were housed. Of all the Sarras villages only one contains a church,
Sers al-Liyaneh, which has a church dedicated to Mari Girgis, or St. George. No
evidence is forthcoming as to the date of the present structure, but that the
dedication is as old as the legend is shown by Joseph's placing the red cross of
St. George on Evalach's white shield. When Evalach as a prisoner appeals to
this emblem, a knight bearing a red cross shield comes to his rescue, performs
great feats of valour and vanishes when the day is won. It can hardly be doubted
that this knight was Mari Girgis himself. It must, however, be taken into

' Li Livres du Saint Graal, leaf lo, col. 2. Early English Text Society.

The Egyptian Elements in the Grail Romance. 7

consideration that Sersena, some distance to the north of Sers al-Liyaneh, was
a bishopric in the fifth century ; for the bishop of Sersena was present at the
Council of Ephesus. There is, however, as far as I know, no church or tradition
of a church at the place ; therefore in following Evalach's campaign I look upon
Sers al-Liyaneh as the Sarras of the legend.

Since writing the above I have received, through the kindness of Marcus
Simiaka Pasha, the following information concerning Sers el-Liyaneh and Sersena:
" The Church at Sers el-Lianna is quite modern. It is dedicated to St. George,
and possesses, besides an icon of the Patron Saint, icons of our Lord, the Blessed
Virgin, etc. The church has no history. There is in the same village a mosque
built on a mound surrounded by houses. The Parish Priest writes to say that one
of the oldest inhabitants assured him that a great many years ago one of these
houses was demolished, revealing the door of an ancient church under the mosque.
The door was walled up, and the house rebuilt. Sarsina is not far from
Sers el-Lianna. There was an Episcopal Church at Sarsina but there is no trace
of it now. The name of Sarsina often occurs in Coptic Church literature. Saint
Liaria, who is commemorated by the Coptic Church on the 25th Abib, went there
before she received the crown of martyrdom. A Bishop of Sarsina was present at
the Council of Ephesus. I also find that a Bishop of Sarsina was present at
a Council which was convened at Misr by Cyril, 67th Patriarch of Alexandria, who
ruled the Coptic Church, between a.d. 1076 and 1089, during the reign of the
Fatimite Khalif Al-Mustansir and the Vizierate of Emir al-Guyush. The same
Bishop was present at a garden party at the Vizier's palace with the Patriarch and
forty-six Coptic Bishops on the 23rd Misra, A.M. 802 (August, 1085). On this
occasion Emir al-Guyush asked the Patriarch and the assembled Bishops to prepare
a revised edition of Coptic canonic laws."

I am able to identify only a certain number of places mentioned ; some of
them are called by different names in different versions ; thus Oriable, the city
taken by Tholome Cerastre, is also called Nagister and Ouagre, neither of which
names can be found. Oriable might be one of the many names ending in opolis
contracted to opol, thence to able ; but as the city is not important to the under-
standing of the story, I have not made much effort to find it. In some of the
names, the ordinary variations of consonants occur, B and V, L and R, and perhaps
B and M.

Tarabe is the first place to which Evalach went from Sarras. This is called
in different versions Tarabel, Tarabiel, Carabel, and Carboy. It was sixteen miles
from Valachim and twenty from Sarras. The variation in the spelling of the name
shows that in some one instance it must have been written phonetically. The form
with final / seems to be influenced by the spelling of the name Tarabel, whose
lord was a liege-man of Seraphe ; but as Tarabe belonged to Evalach the two can
hardly be identical. It is evidently a three-syllabled word, beginning with T or
a hard C. Taking the form with initial C as the original, Tarabe may perhaps be
found in the modern Qalameh, in Coptic kgaoua. This place is about twenty
miles from Sarras, though only nine as the crow flies from the place which I think
can be identified as Valachim. To reach it Evalach must have made a detour
either to the north or south in order to avoid Tholome.

Valachim is also called Valachin ; and the French version gives Evalachin,
apparently deriving the name from the king ; this derivation cannot I think be
considered seriously. The description shows that the castle was very strong ; the
gate was a stone-cast high, and beneath it ran a river an arrow shot wide. There

A 4

8 The Egyptian Elements in the Grail Romance.

was only one other gate, a small one in a corner, in front of vvhich was " plein
Erthe" for thirty paces. From the description of the fighting, Valachim lay to the
south of Sarras. To the south of Sers al-Liyaneh is a place called Al-Barashim
(in the French maps Barchoum), a name which coincides letter for letter, in the
Arabic, with Valachim ; even the E in the form Evalachin is accounted for by the
prefixed definite article. Al-Barashim is situated on the east bank of the Damietta
Branch of the Nile. The description says that the river actually ran through the
town, but this may be intended to mean a channel diverted from the main stream.
The military importance of Valachim must have been very great, lying as it did
either on or actually over the river, and will account for Tholome's anxiety to
take it, and for Evalach's risking a severe defeat in the attempt to relieve it.

Castle Comes has the variants Coines and Lacoines. These I take to be
a mistake of the copyist, who has taken the in of Comes to be in; the same
mistake reversed is seen in the names Mordraines and Celidoine, vvhich become
Mordrames and Celidome. The definite article La simply translates the Arabic
Al ; the word Comes representing the Arabic Kum or Kdm ^J a mound, with the
usual latinised termination. Mounds are so numerous in Egypt that, unless some
distinguishing epithet is included, it is impossible to identify so common a name.
There is a Kum at-Taiss west of Al-Barashim, but several miles from that town.
The text, however, does not give the distance from Valachim, but from the place
whence Evalach retreated. From Kum at-Taiss he could return to Sarras by
keeping to the edge of the desert, thus obviating the risk of a collision with
Tholome's army. It was on this journey that he met Seraphe.

Seraphe was the ruler of Orbery, the variant of the name being Orberike.
This I take to be Al-Bahri, the North ; the guttural seems to be usually dropped,
though a reminiscence of it remains in the form Orberike. A proof of the northern
position of the place is given in the description of Flegentyne's journey in search of
Nasciens. She starts from Orbery along the road to Sarras, then in order to go
westwards she turns to the right. Seraphe's own name, as I shall point out later,
is North-Eg3'ptian. Seraphe, arriving from his own province, and keeping to the
west, would leave Sarras at some distance to the east, and would meet Evalach
south of that town.

Evelach and Seraphe betake themselves to Orkauz (variant : Arkauz). It is
one of the chief cities of the king of Sarras, and near it is the Rock of Blood. The
position of the Rock is given thus :

" And Into the Ryht side it laste Evene ryht,
Down to the water of Orkauz . . .
And the left partie it Ran Evene West,
Into Babyloigne that Riuere went ful prest."

The red rock, then, is near both Orkauz and Babylon and stands close to the
water of Orkauz, which ran rapidly from Orkauz to Babylon. Babylon is of course
the great fortress which played so large a part in the defence of Egypt against the
Arab invaders, and is now known as Old Cairo. It lies to the south of the modern
Cairo. Not far to the north of Babylon is the Gebel Ahmar, or Red Hill, rising
three or four hundred feet. The exact position of the river bed in this neighbour-
hood in mediaeval or still earlier times is not very accurately known. Orkauz,
from the description, lay to the south of Babylon, yet within striking distance of the
Gebel Ahmar. The first syllable of the name, as in Orbery, appears to me to be
the Arabic El or Al, the definite article. The only place, the name and position of

The Egyptian Elements in the Grail Romance.

which correspond with the text is Al-Gizeh, or rather Giz ; the word means,
according to Maqrizi, the side of a valley, singular ^'.^.s- gizeh, plural j^^ gJz.
From Gizeh, which lies nearly opposite to, but slightly to the south of, Old Cairo,
the river would r^ " into Babyloigne." It was a commanding position, as from it
Tholome's movements could be watched. The difficulty is that it is on the west of
the river, and no mention is made of a crossing, which would certainly have been
the case had Evalach had to move his army of forty thousand to the eastern bank.
The only solution is that the passage by the Rock is a misunderstanding for
a bridge or causeway of some sort ; the battle would then be fought for the
possession of the bridge. Great stress is laid throughout on the importance of this
narrow passage, which cannot be explained if it were merely an inconveniently
narrow path on one side of the river. The neighbourhood of the Gebel Ahmar has

/ULEXANCRI

LAKE

^^AMfH,* (JEBCL I>AMAH > \BITTCR

^GCSCL AHMAR.

SUEt/

Places Named in the Egyptian Delta.

always been a traditional field of battle, for it was here that Horus fought against
Set. In examining the map, it will be seen that Evalach held both the Rosetta and
Damietta Branches of the river, and apparently also the main stream at the head of
the Delta. Tholome was attempting to capture Valachim which commanded the
Damietta Branch ; and failing that, he fought a pitched battle for the possession of
the river near Babylon. To anyone who knows the country, this plan of campaign
appears remarkably sound. Evalach's desperate resistance against an army much
greater than his own shows that he realised the importance of the positions attacked.
To hold the river meant then, as now, to hold Egypt.

lO The Egyptian Elements in the Grail Romance.

In the last part of the story there are a few names which suggest an identifi-
cation with places to be found on the map. The names in Fiegentyne's journey in
search of Nasciens are obviously real from the careful particularity with which they
are mentioned, but I have so far failed to identify more than one. She appears to
have gone due west into a country which is now a barren desert, but "there is
express evidence that practically the whole of the coast provinces west of Egypt
continued well populated and well cultivated for some three centuries after they fell
under Arab dominion." (Butler, ^raiJ Conquest, p. \0.) After several days' journey
Flegentyne reached Lussane, which may very well be the modern Lucha, which is
called Luchon by the Spanish Franciscan who visited the place in his travels through
Barbary in the middle of the fourteenth century.

Mordrayns' Rock is said to lie between Scotland and Babylon, and between
Ireland and Babylon. This suggests that it was on the sea-route from the west of
the British Isles, which was by way of the Bay of Biscay and the Pillars of Hercules ;
and not on the land route by way of France and the English Channel. The Rock
of Gibraltar answers somewhat to the description as being near Spain and Gaul, or
perhaps Galicia (Gales = Wales), and being barren and without arable land; its
position also, lying as it does on the sea-route for vessels from Egypt to the west of
the British Isles, is also in favour of this identification. Against this, however, is the
fact that Pompey's naval war against the Cilician pirates was actually in the
Eastern Mediterranean, and there is, I think, no proof that he went as far west as
Gibraltar in that campaign.

The description of the Turning Island reads like the attempt of someone
accustomed to a tideless sea to describe the phenomenon of the ebb and flow of the
tide. The island is drawn down into the sea, and the water rises till it nearly
covers the land, then the island disengages itself and gradually draws out of the
water till it reaches its original height and breadth, and this happens every time the
firmament turns. No explanation is given of the turning of the firmament, which
seems to be considered something of daily occurrence. The mixture of piety and
pseudo-science in the explanation of the phenomenon of the Turning Island,
especially the account of the loadstone, is quite in the style of Arab writers; and
it is noticeable that wherever in Arabic we should expect the name of God, there is
here always a paraphrase : " li establissieres del monde," " li souuerains peres, qui est
fontaine de toute sapiense," " chelui a qui toutes choses sont obeissans."

The messengers are said to pass through Egypt where the people are naked in
the hot months and it is worth noting that the whole action is said to take place
in the height of summer. This part of the country is obviously the Delta, for the
messenger who succumbed to thirst is buried at Alexandria, showing that he must
have died near that city, for the body could not have been carried very far in the
great heat. On the return of the party, they land from the ship at Castle Barne on
the coast, which may very well be the modern Burlos. Burlos, lying as it does at
the entrance to Lake Burlos and the mouth of the Damietta Branch, was of great
importance, and must have been a strong fortress.

In the last part of the legend, two place-names are mentioned. Castle Bellyc
where Flegentyne stays, and Tarabel where the Tombs of Judgment are set up.
Bellyc is in Orbery and may be Melih in the province of Al-Bahyreh. The legend
implies, though it does not say so, that the tombs were erected where Nasciens
fought with Ferreyn ; in describing how Flegentyne took money and workmen to
make the Tombs it shows that they were at a distance from Castle Bellyc ; the
exact position is given as being in " the Entre between Tarabel and Babiloine."

The Egyptian Elements in the Grail Romance. 1 1

This can only mean the part near Cairo, and may be a confused reference to the
Pyramids of Gizeh ; the highest, i.e., the Second Pyramid, being in the middle.
This identification is made the more probable by the fact that the district to the
west from Abu R^ash to Dahshur is known as Tarrabine.

The Personal Names.

The names of the principal characters also show an Egyptian origin. The
most striking is that of Tholome, king of Babylon. This name is given to two
kings : i. Tholome, who fought against Holofernes, and to whom Evalach fled from
Syria ; and 2. Tholome Cerastre, who invaded the kingdom of Sarras and whom
Evalach finally defeated. The name is clearly a reminiscence of Ptolemy ; and as
it is applied to more than one king of Babylon, it is evident that there was still
a popular tradition of several kings of Egypt bearing that name. Apart from the
fact that Tholome was king of Babylon, the connection with Egypt is again proved
by the epithet of " Egipcien " always applied to the army of Tholome Cerastre.
The variants of the king's name are Tholomer and Tholomes ; for the final r I can
offer no explanation, but the final s appears to be the masculine termination of the
Latin and occurs in many of the proper names.

Ermonies (variant, Hermione) is the Coptic saint eepuiKie, Hermine, Latinised
as Arminius. His day is kept in the Coptic calendar on the 2nd of Kihak (Nov. 28).
Very little is known of this saint : the legend given in the Synaxarium is obviously
not historical, it consists almost entirely of his ordination by the chief apostles and
of an encounter with the devil. He is said to be buried at Qa{i, and miracles
occurred not only at his tomb but at every church dedicated to him. Salustes
(variant, Salustine) is the other hermit-saint ; I have not yet been able to identify
him, but the mention of birds beneath his feet should lead to his identification.

Seraphe (variant, Seraphee) bears a name which can be traced back to Egypt.
The variant shows that it is a three-syllabled name. It is a form of Serapis, the
final s in this case being omitted ; the aspirated P is common in Boheiric (thus nAi
becomes <t)Ai ) ; this pronunciation was probably transmitted by the Egyptians of
the Delta to their more northern neighbours, and we get Pharaoh for the Egyptian

, and the Coptic nppo, <|)0A for the Egyptian C . Serapis was also a god

of the North, and his name would in all likelihood be given to a man of the Delta.
Seraphe was evidently a popular hero, and it is therefore quite possible that some of
his warlike exploits were originally told of a god.

The name Sarracynte suggests a derivation from Saracen, but it must be
remembered that it might derive also from the name of the town of which she was
queen. The termination in which is found in several of these personal names,
e.g., Mordrayns, is the Arabic ^ In, the genitive plural. It is found in the word
Saracen, which is the Arabic jJ3.-i Sharqiyyln, meaning "[the people] of
the East."

Nasciens (variants : Natianis, Vaciano) is shown by the variants to have been
pronounced as though the second consonant had the sound sh, Nashyens. There
is in Arabic a verb which means "to grow up"; a noun from this would be -^Ij
Ndshi'un, meaning " one who is growing up," i.e., a young man. This would be an
appropriate name for Seraphe, who was not only a young man, but who was also
growing up in the Christian religion.

12 The Egyptian Elements in the Grail Romance.

The name of Evalach has hitherto been equated with Avalloch, the god of the
dead in Celtic mythology, with whom the name Avalon is perhaps connected.
Though this equation is possibly quite accurate when the Grail legend becomes fused
with the Arthurian cycle, yet when the legend is still in its Egyptian form, the
derivation of the name must be looked for in Egypt, in either Coptic or Arabic.
Here the analogies of the mediaeval forms of Arabic names must be taken into
account, and of these the most suggestive are the forms Avicenna from Ibn Sina,
and Averroes from Ibn Rushd. It seems then quite justifiable to derive the first
part of Evalach from the Arabic Ibn ; the name might very well be ^\ ,J\ Ibn
al-Akh, " son of the brother " ; or, as matrilineal descent continued till the Christian
era in Egypt, c:,-sr^^l j1 Ibn al-Ukht, " son of the sister." Either of these would
become Avelach or Evalach in the mediaeval European form. I shall have more to
say later, on the connection of this name with Evalach's succession to the throne
of Sarras.

The name by which Evalach is known in the later part of the legend is
Mordrayns (variant, Mogdanis). The interchange of r and g suggests the Arabic 'z, ;

the prefixed ma or mo being a participial form common in personal names, eg.,
Muhammad. In the variant Mogdanis, the termination an is perhaps the termi-
nation found in personal epithets or names, such as Rahman. I cannot suggest
a derivation for the name Mordrayns, or Mogdanis, as the root jii would give the
meaning " treacherous " to the name. This is hardly likely under the circumstances.

Of the minor characters of the story, the giant who killed travellers is called
Ferreyn. Here again is an Arabic form ^>^ J Pharaoh. This use of a title so
familiar to us is peculiarly Arabic, the Pharaoh of the Exodus being always
so held up to execration as one of the wickedest of men, that the word has come
to have the meaning of " Tyrant."

The name of the god Appollin is also worth noting, for it occurs in the Arabic
Synaxarium (Hathor i8 and elsewhere) as ^Jjl Ablun, a god to whom Christian
martyrs were often ordered to sacrifice. Apollo was equated by the Greeks with
Horus, and was therefore one of the principal deities worshipped in Egypt. The
other idol was inhabited by a devil named Aselebas. The termination as as in
other names is probably the Latinised masculine ending, and may be ignored. The
demon is therefore Aseleb, which suggests the Arabic i_okLa!l As-sallb, the / of
the definite article coalescing, as is usual, with the initial s of the noun. As-sallb
means " the crucified," and is an epithet not unlikely to be used by non-Christian
peoples for a demon. The name of the demon might be anterior to the story, or
it might be a generic name given by the popular language to all evil spirits as
a pious hope regarding their future fate.

I come now to a name which I approach with a certain amount of diffidence,
and that is Joseph of Arimathaea. As regards the " Joseph " there is I think no
difificulty, it is the " Arimathaea " which requires explanation. Here again the
variants are of great value in the elucidation of this p6int :

Arimathaea. Abaramathie.

Armathy. Barmathy.

Abarimacie. Barmacie.

The form with B gives an indication of the derivation. As the story derives
from Egypt, and the place-names are Egyptian, it is in that country that the name
must be sought. The termination in i ox y indicates the tiisba-ioxm., therefore one

The Egyptian Elements in the Grail Romance. 13

must look for a name beginning with B and ending with th or s (the soft c being
used instead of s). A place-name, which corresponds exactly, is Baramus, Coptic
BApAUOTO ; this was in the Wady Natrun, and was the site of a celebrated
monastery. Yusufu Baramusi, or Yusufu '1 Baramusi, Joseph the man of Baramus,
would easily beciJhie corrupted into Joseph ab Aramacie, or ab Arimathy, the ab
being taken for the Latin preposition ; and without any difficulty the name would
pass into that of the well-known personage of the Gospel history, Joseph of
Arimathaea. A further proof of this derivation lies in the legend of St. John
Kolobos of Baramus, who, at the command of his Superior, planted his staff and
watered it till it put forth leaves and became a thorn tree. It can hardly be
a coincidence that two saints, with both of whom the legend of a planted staff is
connected, could quite well be called Al-Baramusl. There is another interesting
point as regards the name of Joseph : John of Glastonbury, quoting from the Book
of Melkin, speaks of " Joseph de marmore, ab Arimathia nomine." The root-
meaning of mariitor is a flat, glistening surface, and is therefore applied to a sheet
of water, cither a sea or lake, and for the same reason, to marble. The epithet
may refer to the fact that Joseph arrived in Great Britain from oversea ; but
remembering the part which the lake plays in the History of the Grail, and that
Lancelot du Lac is, according to some accounts, the direct lineal descendant of
Joseph, it seems probable that the word should be rendered " Lake," and the
passage would then be translated "Joseph of the Lake, called From Arimathia."
This is very important as being the earliest record of his name. It would also
agree very well with the Egyptian origin of the legend, as the Lake-province now
called the Fayum has been a marked feature, both physically and politically,
from the earliest times. The Fayum also figures largely in Coptic literature as
the birthplace of many saints.

One of the most important personal names to be studied is Melkin, which is
as yet unexplained. Asser, in his Life of King Alfred, speaks of the "pious and
erudite men, Gildas, Melkinus, Nennius and Kentigern," but gives no details,
though the mention of him shows that Melkin was well known as an author in the
ninth century. The Book of Melkin, however, is known only from the quotation in
John of Glastonbury, and was presumably a manuscript in the library of Glastonbury
Abbey. Many conjectures have been made as to the personality of Melkin ; the
only indications given are : " A certain priest [Soothsayer] of the Britons, named
Melkin," and "This writing is found in the Book of Melkin who was before Merlin."
The last sentence introduces the vexed question as to the date of Merlin, but with
the Arthurian cycle our legend seems to have little or nothing to do. No satis-
factory explanation of the name Melkinus has yet been offered. The Latin
termination may of course be disregarded, but the Latin form preserves the long
vowel in the second syllable. If then the name is pronounced Melkin, the Arabic
origin is at once discernible. The word is obviously . ju^ilL< milkiyyln or malakiyyin,
the genitive plural of "jCl-c, an adjective derived from t^XLc "a king"; it can there-
fore be translated King's men, Royalists, Melkites. This opens up the question,
which I do not propose to discuss, as to whether the manuscript took its name
from that section of the Coptic Church which held the political power before the
Arab conquest, or whether it refers to King Evalach's followers. One thing,
however, is certain and that is, that although the word survived to the time of
John of Glastonbury {circa 1400), the meaning was lost and ,j>jXJ/Jl <__;U^
Kitabu 'l-Milkiyyln became Liber Melkini, the Book of Melkin.

14 The Eg)'ptian Elements in the Grail Romance.

Wolfram von Eschenbach states in so many words that the legend which he
followed was originally written in Arabic, the manuscript being at Toledo :

" For Kiot of old, the master, whom men spake of in days of yore.
Far off in Toledo's city, found in Arabic writ the lore
By men cast aside and forgotten, the tale of the wondrous Grail.
But first must he learn the letters, nor black art might there avail.
By the grace of baptismal waters, by the light of our Holy Faith,
He read the tale . . .

'Twas a heathen, Flegetanis, who had won for his wisdom fame.
And saw many a wondrous vision (from Israel's race he came.
And the blood of the kings of old-time, of Solomon did he share,)
He wrote in the days long vanished . . .

Then Kiot my master read this, the tale Flegetanis told." (Bk. IX,
" 35i-379> transl. WESTON, Parzival, II, p. 262, ed. 1894).

This seems to show that the Grail Legend was in its origin Eastern, and was
introduced into Europe in Arabic manuscripts ; into Spain by Flegetanis, into
England by the Book of Melkin. In both cases the date of the manuscript must
have been after the Mahomedan conquests of Syria and Egypt in the middle of the
seventh century. There is no matter for surprise in finding the record of an
Arabic manuscript at Toledo in the time of Wolfram's predecessor, as that city
was regained from the Moors by the Christians towards the close of the eleventh
century ; the really surprising thing is that such a manuscript should contain
a legend which we are accustomed to regard as essentially Christian, or essentially
Celtic.

In the quotation from the Book of Melkin, given by John of Glastonbury,
mention is made of " Abbadare, ruler in Saphat, noblest of the pagans," who is
buried at Glastonbury with 104,000 of his soldiers. Here again is another
suggestion of the Egyptian origin of the names. Abbadare might well be .\jjl ^\
Abu 'd-dar, "Lord or Master of the City," or ^jJl ^\ Abu 'd-Dayr, "Father of the
Monastery." Neither of these are known names, but they are analogous to the
phrase ^JL*!! %i}- Saft is so common a place-name in Egypt that, like Kum, it
must be defined by an epithet before it can be identified. If, however, a king of
Saft came to England with a band of followers, and was buried with them at
Glastonbury, we may very well see in him the original of Mordrayns, also a king
in Egypt, who came with his army to Britain. Mordrayns founded, in the land
of his adoption, a monastery in which he was buried ; Abbadare, if we take the
form Abu 'd-Dayr as the origin of the name, must also have been the founder of
a monastery, and we have the definite statement that he was buried within the
precincts of Glastonbury Abbey.

M. A. Murray.
. {To be continued!)

( 15 )

FRENCH AND ITALIAN EGYPTOLOGY.

Since Sir Gaston Maspero was appointed as "Secretaire Perp^tuel" of L'Academie
des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, the number of papers published in the Coviptes
Rendus upon Egyptological subjects has increased. Moreover, as Sir Gaston is
practically the editor, it may be relied upon that the statements in the articles, and
the translations of inscriptions, or papyri, have his sanction as being accurate.

The following review of the important Egyptological essays gives the most
interesting and valuable researches set forth by their authors. M. Moret describes
" A List of the Nomes of Upper Egypt," publishing one of the surprisingly early
era of the Vlllth dynasty. This is a most necessary document for the geography
of ancient Egypt, because previously the enumeration of the Southern Nomes had
to be, as far as possible, made up from imperfect lists of them upon various defaced
temple inscriptions, or casual allusions to them in biographical texts. It is true
that lists of them, in Ptolemaic times, were to be found at Edfu and at Denderah,
but then there was no certainty that these were identical with the nome names of
more than 2,000 years earlier, or that in early times their number was 22. The
inscription M. Moret edits is of a functionary named Shemaa who flourished under
Neferkahor or his predecessor. He was governor of Southern Egypt, and in his
honorary inscription appointing him governor, enumerates the nomes which came
under his jurisdiction. He held several religious dignities as well.

M. Moret gives the Nome list as follows :

I. Ta sti (Nubia or Elephantine). 2. Utes-Hor (Apollinopolis Magna. Edfu).
3. The Two Plumes (Nekhen. Eileithyapolis). 4. Uast, The Sceptre (Thebes).
5. The Two Falcons (Koptos). 6. Ad, The Crocodile (Denderah). 7. Seshesht,
The Sistrum (Diospolis Parva). 8. Debt, The Shrine (Abydos. Thinis). 9. Min
(Panopolis. Akmin). 10. Uazet, The Serpent (Aphroditopolis). 11. Set (Hypselis).
12. Du-aft, The Serpent Mountain (Hierakonpolis). 13. The Terebinth, Atf
khenti (Lycopolis). 14. The Lower Terebinth, Atf pehut (Cusae). 15. Un, The
Hare (Hermopolis). 16. Ma-hez, The Gazelle (Hibu). 17. Anpu, The Dog
(Cynopolis). 18. Sep, The Bird (Hipponos). 19. Uabu, The Sceptre (Oxyrhyn-
chos). 20. Nar khenti. The Upper Rose Figtree (Heracleopolis). 21. NSr pehut.
The Lower Rose Figtree (Nilopolis). 22. The Knife, Demat (The Northern
Aphroditopolis).

M. Moret adds some remarks upon the functions and office of the governor
of Upper Egypt, pointing out by means of another inscription of about the same
date, found at Coptos, that the Pharaohs appear to have provided another
higli official as a sort of superior over these southern viceroys, because they were so
powerful that they often aspired to the throne. In fact, at the end of the Vlllth
dynasty, the epoch of Shemaa's viziership, the Memphite race of Pharaohs was
supplanted by a number of petty princes, of whom the chief families of Upper
I''gypt took the first rank. It may be noted that in this text there is no indication
of Elephantine being the elephant nome, although Prof Newberry thinks he has
found that animal as a nome crest. Also, at the early period of the record, the nome

1 6 French and Italian Egyptology.

emblems do not consist more of animal effigies than in later times, so that the
idea that all the nome signs were originally totems is not strengthened by the newly
found inscription.

The hieroglyph for the Seventh Nome, whose deity was Hathor, in Shemaa's
text is not a sistrum but the cow-head of the goddess, as it is in the Pyramid Texts.

It is now nearly five years since it was notified that the Cairo Museum had
been enriched by the addition of several newly found fragments of the famous
" Stele of Palermo." In the Coinptes Rendus for last July M. Henri Gautier
gives an account of these, with four sketches showing how much new material there
is in comparison with the piece long preserved in Sicily. From this it is evident
that quite as many lines of the inscription are still unpublished as were to be found
upon the Palermo piece.

M. Gautier announces that he is editing the new texts in that most expensive
of French Egyptological works the Musee Egyptien.

One of the newly discovered fragments is of a thicker piece of stone than the
others, though certainly its inscription forms part of the same record of early annal.s.
M. Gautier concludes from this that there were at least two monumental inscriptions,
duplicates of each other. If so, the possibility of finding further portions of text is
much increased.

In the Coinptes Rendus for October, M. Moret writes another article affording
much new light upon the subject of the bequeathing to descendants of estates, or
emoluments, derivable from the royal bounty. The title for the remarks is,
" Une Nouvelle Disposition Testamentaire de I'Ancien Empire Egyptien," and is
founded upon an inscription discovered in the Necropolis at Gizeh, dating from the
IVth dynasty.

Although of such high antiquity, the text is quite a lengthy one, and without
lacunae. M. Moret is particularly prepared for explaining a deed of this description,
because of his researches made in order to produce his work upon Donatio7is et
Fondations in Ancient Egypt.

In the present case a certain personage of position named Thenta, whose
mother's name was Bebi, enjoyed, as inheritance from the said parent, two valuable
donations from the Pharaoh. The first of these was a salary, or gift, from the
" King's house," in the shape of grain and vestments. The second consisted of two
" fields of offerings," that is to say, two pieces of land belonging to some temple and
therefore sacred soil, or fields forming part of land assigned for the purpose of
producing crops, or nourishing animals reserved for the sacrificial Pharaonic worship.
In either case they would be surplus ground not needed for the object they
were first reserved for, and so the king could hypothecate thepi for the benefit of
some official or courtier.

The revenue in kind from the palace, as also the plots of land, had been
bequeathed by Bebi to her son and heir, but subject to a charge to keep up her
ancestral worship, that is to sa)', the annual or more frequent ritual ceremonies at
her tomb. She had enjoyed the royal remuneration because she was a member of
a special grade in the court hierarchy called neb-ainakhu ; a title also meaning
that its bearer was an initiate into some of the more esoteric secrets of theology.
The lady could endow her son with the same emoluments because he also had
become, either by devotion and service, or perhaps by hereditary right, a neb-
amakhu himself.

The Gizeh inscription, however, is not the deed of benefaction from mother to
son, but the act of Thenta setting forth his disposition to his beneficiaries of the

French and Italian Egyptology. \J

properties held, always, it must be borne in mind subject to the Pharaoh's good will.
Thenta, in this will, or testament, divides the royal rent of cereals and clothing
material, or it may be completed garments, into moieties, one for his spouse
Tepemnefert, who could rightfully enjoy them because she also was neb-aniakhu,
the other to his. brother Kemnefert, who was hen-ka, or professional priest of
funerary worship.

This division of the annual payment from the palace was to assure the
perpetual performance of the tomb ritual for Thenta and his revered mother Bebi.
Thenta could have left the whole of it to his wife, and thus constituted her a hen-ka
for his and his mother's grave-worship, but probably she was not well versed in the
elaborate ritual of the Opening of the Mouth, and the meticulous preparation and
serving of the mummy's offerings, and so Kemnefert, a practised hierophant in their
ceremonial, was seized of the services.

The two fields, or rather their produce, were also assigned to the same couple ;
one to the good wife Tepemnefert, and the value annually derived from it was also
to be expended for ancestor worship of Bebi and Thenta. Again, in this case, she
was not personally to act as priestess, but was adjured to pay part of the annual
product value to four henu-ka, who also were to receive three sacks of grain per
annum, and some payment sufficing to provide incense or oblations for the services.

The value of the other plot went to the brother Kemnefert, also to repay him
for carrying out duly the tomb services. That it might always adequately suffice
for this purpose he was expressly forbidden to dispose of any portion of the annual
income to anyone else. That is to say, he must not assign part of it for his own
sepulchral cult, but it must ever be employed to keep up the worships for Bebi and
Thenta. It is to be noticed that the wife is not so directed ; but the wording of
the deed in her case infers that she may use the remaining surplus for her own
benefit, after giving certain salaries as specified to the four henu-ka.

Compared with previously known settlements of this character, this deed
affords two novelties. Before, these funerary foundations had either been bequeathed
to the family of the testator, who for the due carrying of them out became hcnu-ka,
or funerary priests, or else they had been assigned to a professional hen-ka.

In this case the wife and brother receive part and the priests another portion
under the same testamentary disposition.

Thenta's act of settlement also is singular in that he seems to have had no
offspring or adopted children, hence the duties of funerary ritual are handed over
to his wife and brother, secured by gifts of funds adequate for their performance.

Another essay, by M. Hippolyte Boussac, is written to prove the worship, in
the first century of our era in Southern Italy, not only of Isis, but also the goddess
Bast. He shows this by means of inscriptions from various parts of Italy, and
refers also to one found at Scarbanica in ancient Pannonia, near the Danube. The
Italian records often erroneously style the goddess Bubastis, using the name of the
Egyptian city most celebrated for her cult. From Pompeii, M. Boussac produces
a painting showing the figure of a priest of Egyptian style chanting from a papyrus
text. He stands in front of a high pedestal, upon the summit of which is a cat,
bearing the " Meh " symbol of Lower Egypt on its head. One of the inscriptions
discovered at Nemi, enumerates robes and apparel presented to the goddess
Bubastis, probably for adorning her statue.

At the October .session of the Academy, M. Seymour de Ricci explained
a Latin papyrus at Berlin, which formerly belonged to Brugsch Pasha. It is a last

1 8 French and Italian Egyptology.

will and testament of a certain M. Lucretius Clemens, and the date of the document
corresponds to A.D. 131. For the first time, it affords us a Latin specimen of a will,
per aes et Itbrain, as fully described by Gaius. A Greek translation of a similar
will, that of Gaius Longinus Castor, is to be found in the Berlin Griech. Urkunden
No. 326.

M. Seymour de Ricci's rendering of the very much defaced writing will be of
great interest to students of Roman law, as supplementing the material of the same
origin given in M. Paul Frederic Gerard's Textes de Droit Roviain, Paris, 191 3.

The following Latin inscription, which was discovered about two years ago,
at Ventimiglia on the Italian Riviera, is published in the Notisie degli Scavi,
1914, Pt. II. It recounts the career of an officer and official named Bassus, who
had been Epistrategus of two of the three Egyptian provinces :

M{arci) filins Fal{emd) Bassus praefectus cohort is primae Antiochensium.
Praefectus cohortis primae Brittonum ; praefectus alae Moesicae. Procurator
imperatoris Caesaris Traiani Hadriani Augusti, ad quadragesitnatn Galliarum ;
itetn ad cetisum agenduni Ponto Bithyniae, epistratego Pelusio, item Thebaidis.
Procurator provinciae J udaeae, testamento poni iussit.

It will be noticed that the gentilicum of Bassus is absent, which is because it has
become effaced from the stone, and so is unknown ; but many years ago a seal
was found, also at Ventimiglia, bearing the name -Aemilius Bassus. The bio-
graphical details in this inscription show that the career of the Bassus it
commemorates was contemporary with most of the reign of Hadrian, which lasted
from A.D. 117 to 138.

Two papyri that have been published from Oxyrhynchus mention an
Epistrategus named Bassus. One is numbered in the collection of papyri from
that site 726, and concerns Gellius Bassus. The other is No. 237, which is the
famous Petition of Dionysia, and gives the title " Bassus " only. The first papyrus
text is dated by the editors as A.D. 135, and they say that the mention of Hassus in
the other manuscript concerns the year a.d. 128. As these papyri come from the
Fayoum, it is probable that the Bassus and Gellius Bassus who appears in them
was an Epistrategus of the Heptanomis, or seven-nomed central province ; but
some matters connected with the protracted litigation of Dionysia may have been
connected with or conducted in other parts of Egypt. However, before A.D. 137,
the Bassus of the Ventimiglia record was Procurator of Judea.

Two inscriptions revealed by the recent Italian excavations at Ostia refer to
Egyptian prefects. One of these concerns M. Bassaeus Rufus, who also held the
pretorian prefecture under Aureiius, L. Verus, and Commodus. The other name
is that of Petronius Onoratus (or Honoratus), whose term of office in Egypt was
A.D. 147 and 148. He is mentioned upon a wooden tablet in the Bodleian Library,
as well as in published papyri.

The whole question of the Epistrateges is fully treated of, as far as papyri
and inscriptions had provided documents concerning them up to 191 1, by M. Victor
Martin of Geneva, in a work entitled Les Epistrateges, published at Geneva in
that year.

Another memorial of a Roman Egyptian official may be added here. It was
first published by Mr. W. M. Calder, in \.h.^ Journal of Hellenic Studies for 191 3.
The Proculus it concerns was Juridicus Alexandriae et Aegypti.

French and Italian Egj'ptology. 1 9

SER PROCVLO
II VIR AVGuri TRiBunus
MILitum LEGio III CYRE
NAICA IVRIDICO A^E
^ XANDREAE ET AE

GYPTI PROCurator
NEROnis claVDi
CAesaris AVG ger
MAnici proviN
CIAE cappaUOCi
AE ET CILICIAE
ALA AVG GERMANICA
Honoris Causa.

In the Bulletin de L'Institut Egyptien for 1914, M. R. Fourtan, in a paper
entitled " La Cote de la Marmarique d'apres les anciens Geographes Grecs," gives
the result of his travels along the North African Coast, west of Alexandria, as to the
identification of the sites upon the shore given in the Periplus of Scylax, and the
fragments in the Geographi Graeci Minores of C. Muller.

Muller took for his topographical guide a British Admiralty Chart which was
somewhat imperfect and was being succeeded by a new one embodying a more
precise survey. His identifications are therefore liable to correction, and this has in
some cases been carried out by M. Fourtan, who supplies a map of the coast giving
all the modern Arabic names, adding those provided by Greek geographers. He is
unable to fix the port of the ancient Egyptian city of Apis, but considers the temple
to have been at the site of the Qasr, near Ras Oum Rokhan, west of Marsa Matrouh.
Since the decease of M. Eugene Revillout, who may be said to have been the
only demotic savant in France, the continental publication of texts in that difficult
script has been almost entirely left to Prof Spiegelberg. Last year, however,
M. Henri Sottas, in the Journal Asiatique (1914, pp. 141-174), commenced the
editing and translation of some of the more legible demotic documents at Lille,
and reproduced two of these in heliogravure ; a fortunate proceeding, for after the
Germans have dealt with that city, it is very improbable that any of the papyrus
collection there will be spared for investigation.

In a modest preface M. Sottas disclaims any pretension of being a demotic
expert, having only devoted a few months specially to that branch of
Egyptology. But his notes show he is fully acquainted with the work of previous
students, and his essay of more than thirty pages renders clear much of the
contents of the manuscripts he describes, and incidentally illuminates several
matters connected with Ptolemaic administration.

The texts, which are of legal character, are engrossed upon frail papyri, and are
really duplicate deeds, something after the manner of Assyrian record tablets, or
Latin military diplomas, having been written in duplicate upon the same piece of
papyrus. The strip was then folded so that one copy of the text was inside, and
thus protected from damage, whilst the shorter recension, or summarised copy, was
readable without disturbing the document by unfolding it. Moreover, these and
similar deeds were pierced by a small hole, through which a cord was passed,
preventing the record being unfolded.

The deeds concern the giving of bail for a person who, unable to pay a loan
or rent he had incurred, had become partly and temporarily the slave of his

B 2

20 French and Italian Egyptology.

creditor. To recover his freedom for a short period the debtor got a friend, or an
official, who for a consideration would act as baillee, to be surety for him. The
personages concerned appear to have been, some of them, in the semi-military
police, others warders in a prison, and military agriculturalists, a class of settlers
in Middle Egypt quite numerous in Ptolemaic times. In the case of native
Egyptians they had already adopted Greek names in the time of Euergetes I,
245 B.C.

The texts illustrate the Greek titles of various officials, and the division of the
Fayoum into three districts (or Merides), one of which, Themistes, is that in which
the transactions recorded took place at the town of Sobek-Arsinoe.

The precise circumstances which produced these deeds are not quite clear to
M. Sottas, who gives five different views as to what the situation of the personage
obtaining surety really was. The first of these is the one suggested above.

The eighteenth volume of the Sphinx contains a series of articles more suitable
for Egyptologists than for the general reader. It contains the last essays written
by the late M. Am^lineau; one of these, upon "Orthographe et Grammaire Coptes,"
is a little treatise. He also reviews " The Sermon upon Penitence attributed to
St. Cj'ril of Alexandria," published by Pere M. Chaine, in Vol. 6 of the Melanges
de la Faculte Orientale, of St. Joseph's University at Beyrouth.

This sermon of St. Cyril, M. Amelineau proves to be a forgery, like so much
Coptic Christian literature. As illustrating the vagaries of Coptic authors, he
shows that the alleged letter of Pope Liberius to the Alexandrian clerics concerning
the death of Athanasius is an impudent fraud, because the pope died seven years
before the Saint. In the Revue de CHistoire des Religions M. Amelineau has
illustrated how Coptic Martyrologies are merely copies of one another, and quite
unworthy of editorship.

M. Daressy reviews M. Henri Gautier's Geography of the Tenth Nome of Upper
Egypt, correcting several of his conclusions. The matter, in Roman times, is rather
complicated, because this nome was divided into three districts : Aphroditopolite,
Antaeopolite and Apollonopolite ; the old Egyptian titles for these subdivisions are
unknown, if, indeed, they were recognised as in any sense separate in the Greek
era, when the whole nome was called Aphroditopolite. M. Daressy utilises texts
upon some coffins recently pu