Full text of "Ancient Egypt"

\ V.

ANCIENT
EGYPT

^^"TAe ^r.

1920.-192 3

Part I

CONTENTS.

1. The Return to Research.

2. Nile Boats. Somers Clarke.

3. The Treasure of Antinoe.

W. M. Flinders Petrie.

4. A Mace Head of Hierakonpolis.

M. A. Murray.

5. An Early Portrait.

6. Georges Legrain. Somers Clarke.

7. Reviews.

8. Periodicals.

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THE TREASURE OF ANTINOE.

PL. I. GOLD NECKLET ABOUT A.O. 540. SCALE 1/2.

ANCIENT EGYPT.

THE RETURN TO RESEARCH.

At last it is justifiable again for writers to meet their friends in these pages.
Our perils as a nation are by no means over, but they do not need to be met by
every kind of energy that was required two years ago, to save our civilisation
from the flood of destruction. Great have been the changes since the peace of
the world was broken. In Egypt the main actors are gone : Sir Gaston Maspero,
his son Jean Maspero, the indefatigable Legrain, worn out prematurely, and the
ever-useful Barsanti. With the passing of these the face of affairs is changed.
On the English side other losses are felt : Sir Armand Ruffer, Horace Thompson,
James Dixon, and K. T. Frost, were all victims of the war, to the loss of
Egyptology ; and at home the early death of Prof. Leonard King has left history
and archaeology crippled.

The necessary inspection of sites in Syria and Palestine was carried out
by two former workers of the British School in Egypt, Capt. Mackay and
Capt. Engelbach, under the orders of Field-Marshal Sir Edmund Allenby. This
was the first step towards preservation, and their reports give details of the work
and restrictions necessary on each site.

The latest School of Archaeology is that for Jerusalem, founded by a joint
committee of the Palestine Exploration Fund and the British Academy.
Prof. Garstang has actively organised it, Capt. Mackay will be Chief Inspector
of Sites, and probably another of our former excavators will be Librarian and
Registrar.

The British School in Egypt, with a large staff, hopes to have as full a season
of excavation as in the past. In the United States a new basis of work has been
started as the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago, under the efficient
management of Prof. Breasted. In his recent address he takes his stand on the
importance of all kinds of evidence for history, and places philology in its true
position as an interpreter of some evidence of historic times, but only thus
touching a brief part of man's past. The whole evidences of the past are to be
the care of the new Oriental Institute, which thus comes in line with what has
always been the system of the British School in Egypt.

With much regret it is found that the present costs of production, being
about doubled, must make some difference to the issue of this Journal. At the
present time it is unreasonable to expect anyone to pay more to meet the cost,
and therefore some reduction in pages and illustration is necessary. So soon
as our readers will expand the circulation to its former extent, the previous scale
of issue will be resumed. The summarising of what has been published abroad
during the war is the prime requirement to place readers in touch with present
conditions. The reviews will therefore be fully carried on in this and following
numbers.

NILE BOATS AND OTHER MATTERS.

We have been told many times how unchanging is the East, and undoubtedly
at the root of things there is but little change ; but the statement must be taken
with considerable reserve. In many directions things go on in Egypt even as
they did in the times of the Pharaohs, in others fresh fashions are eagerly sought
after, fresh methods succeed one another with considerable rapidity.

We have but to compare the appearance of Cairo to-day, with its aspect as
shown to us in the drawings of David Roberts, Prisse d'Avennes, and others,
to see that, except in the eastern quarters of the city where some of the older
streets are yet untouched, the changes are radical.

Glass windows have chased away the beautiful Mushrabiya ; the picturesque
open shop front is dying in all directions ; nor does the change stop here.

The old style of costume so pleasant to see, so well suited to the climate,
so easy to keep clean, has almost disappeared. The Egyptian of all classes is
now ashamed to admit that he belongs to this wonderful old country ; he will
not appear in the old style ; he must ape the ugly, inconvenient and dirty
European coat, trousers, starched collars and uncomfortable hat.

The changes have of late become so rapid, that photographs of street scenes
taken but twenty years since, show a crowd quite differently dressed from that
which we see to-day.

To give some particulars of changes in the region of fashion and clothes.
Within the last twenty-four years I have observed considerable variation to take
place in, for example, the material of which the qallabiah, the universal garb of the
fellaheen must be made. This convenient and comely garment, of cotton, was
usually dyed either of a light blue tint or of a blue so dark as to pass for black.
The native term for the light blue tint is " labany." " Laban " is the Arabic
for milk. We may suppose that the Egyptian saw in the colour of the blue dye
something suggesting the colour of milk, but I venture on this speculation not
without fear.

The cotton was usually dyed locally. It took but a few months to make
a change. That mean looking stuff glazed calico was introduced ; in this material
all new qallabiahs must be made : the shining surface, which soon wore off,
immensely pleasing the purchaser.

In the course of a few years there came another change, which spread through
the country as quickly as the preceding had done.

Although the shape of the garment was retained, fashion decreed that the
stuff of which it must be made must be of a material so " dressed " on its surface
as, when it was new, to look not unlike silk.

Head-gear also underwent a variation. The soft and charming white of the
turban ('wwa) was voted old fashioned, next time it was washed its colour

Nile Boats and Other Matters, 3

was sadly changed by an overdose of " washing blue " ; indeed all white garments
were, and are, spoiled by this nasty stuff. Another thing. It is the mark of
distinction in these days to wear boots or shoes, no matter how burst, split or
disreputable they may be. Socks, or the relics of them, are very essential to a
complete effect.

Cast-off European clothes have had a deplorable influence, especially since
the war began. The King's livery is everywhere dragged in the mire.

Egypt does not possess a long list of native musical instruments, but the
list has now been increased by one. The Scotch bagpipes have been enthusiasti-
cally welcomed by the native population, and are on sale in Cairo.

We now come to sailing boats, especially those of small size.

The old la tine rig is passing away ; the lugger takes its place ; just as
many years since the latine sail displaced the horizontal yard and square saU.

Before we touch upon the build of the boats we may be permitted to say a
few words on the rig.

There is not any need in this Journal to do more than refer to the numerous
sculptured representations and models of ancient Nile boats, which show us the
square sail stretched between upper and lower horizontal yards.

At what period did this type of sail disappear ?

The earliest observation which I have been able to find, by a European
writer, relating to types of rig, is by De Lannoy. A Survey of Egypt and Syria
undertaken in the Year 1423 by Sir Gilbert de Lannoy, Knt., from a manuscript
in the Bodleian Library at Oxford, by the Rev. John Webb, M.A., F.S.A.
{Archaeologia, XXI, 281)

De Lannoy states :

" Item. Y'a sur ceste riviere tout du pay's du soudan une si tres grosse
quantity de barkes alaut de lun a lautre en marchandise qui s'appellent germes'
les aucunes et le plus avoiles latine et les autres voiles quares."

Perhaps some reader of this paper may know of a writer more ancient than
de Lannoy from whom we may gather some statement about the rig of boats
on the Nile, but it is the habit of most travellers to leave such details out of
account, overlooking the fact that what is commonplace to-day, becomes more
or less of ancient history in a very few years.

My search has been for illustrated books, as in them I felt I should find
my best chance of information. The earliest book I have met with is Pocock
A Description of the East and some other Countries. Vol. the first. " Observations
on Egypt," by Richard Pocock, LL.D., F.R.S. London, 1743."

On PI. VIII is a representation of a boat with three masts, the mainmast
a little the tallest. Across this, part of the way up, swings a yard. From the
way it is canted one may suppose that the yard carried a triangular and not a
square sail. The other masts are without yards or indications of saUs.
Pocock does not give any other representation of a boat.
On p. 69 he teUs us as follows : " The large boats called marshes, such as
we embarked on, have a mast about the middle, and another towards the prow."
We are not much the wiser for this as he tells us nothing about the sails. The
next book I know of is by Norden, a Dane, who was sent out by the French
Government in 1737. He died at Paris in 1742.

' This name for a cargo boat was in use in the time of Curzon, 1838. See Monasteries
of the Levant, p. 18, 3rd Edition, 1850.

A 2

4 Nile Boats and Other Matters.

The book (I quote from the second edition, Paris, Didot, 1795, in three
volumes) is well supplied with engraved views, in which the Nile is frequently
depicted with many boats thereon. There is always difficulty in estimating
the value of the evidence given by engraved plates. In many, if not most, cases
the travellers knew but little how to draw ; this is notably the case with regard
to Pocock. The traveller had, at any rate, seen the objects. The engraver, on
the other hand, had no knowledge whatever of the original ; but he did his best
to " invest with artistic merit " the clumsy handiwork of the author.

Scenes in Egypt were tricked out with European adornments. Uncertain
indeed may be the value, as evidence, of an engraving that has been thus pro-
duced, and yet it may be better than nothing or than the foggy smears which
are now so usually printed as photographs.

In the case of the engravings in Norden's book we find the Nile dotted with
boats of an extremely European rig. Many boats carry the latine sails, but
on the same plates, as for example Pis. XXXVI, LII, LIII, LXXII, etc., we
find boats of a considerable size with a very tall mainmast carrying two square
sails, one above the other, on horizontal yards ; a mizenmast with one square
sail and a bowsprit with a horizontal yard and a sail on it. As we look through
the plates we come to that numbered CXXXVI a view of Philae (also called
Heiff). On this plate we see the horizontal yard and square sail, also the hori-
zontal yard on the bowsprit. It seems very improbable that a boat with such a
heavy top rig was hauled, standing, up the cataract. All further plates of places
in Nubia south of Philae show boats with latine sails.

Are we to conclude from what is above stated that there were square rigged
boats in use on the Nile and at a date as late as Norden so far up the river as
the First Cataract, or may we assume that the engraver had enlivened Norden's
drawings with a marine type of square rigged boat which was not really to be
seen in Egypt ?

In 1780 C. S. Sonnini brought to a conclusion certain travels in Egypt which
he undertook at the instance of the French Government. An illustrated transla-
tion of his travels was published in England in 1800. Boats are to be seen in
several of the engravings in this book, always with latine sails.

Then follows Denon, who accompanied the French expedition, and pub-
lished a book of travels. This was issued several years before the monumental
Description de V^gypte appeared. Denon was a draughtsman by no means
dependent on the engraver. Not a yngle horizontal yard is seen in the engravings
in his book. This type of yard seems completely to have disappeared by the
year 1798, the date at which, with the years 1799 and 1800, the materials for
the Description de V^gypte were being collected by the French savants.

It is easy to observe that in many engravings in this great work some very
indifferent drawings have been largely " made up " by the engravers, but how-
ever that may be, square rigged boats are not represented.

If we consult Gau (published in 1822), a book in which are beautiful and
scrupulously careful engravings, evidently prepared under the author's eye
from admirable drawings, very few boats are seen, none of them square rigged.

Few men were more observant than Edward William Lane, who in the year
1826 ascended the Nile to the Second Cataract, and afterwards published that
delightful book Manners and Customs of the Modern Egyptians. In Chapter XIV,
" Industries," he refers to the navigation of the Nile, and tells us that the boats
have two large triangular sails.

Nile Boats atid Other Matters. 5

Many of Lane's drawings are preserved at the British Museum, amongst
them those made during his voyage up the Nile. I admit that I have not studied
them with a view to the methods of rigging boats, but am disposed to believe
that had there been horizontal yards depicted, my attention would have been
arrested. **

On the exterior of the little temple of Rameses II which lies in the desert
east of the great walls at El-Kab may be seen, perfectly well-preserved, incised
drawings of boats with horizontal yards.

I am not able to recall any other place where I have found this type of rig
depicted as a mere rough drawing. It is evidently an ancient piece of work.
Scratchings of boats with latine rig are sufficiently common, but they are
undoubtedly more modern than the drawing first described.

Mr. QuibeU tells me that at the monastery of S. Jeremias at Saqqara he
found a rude painting of a ship with three masts and horizontal yards. This
painting he attributes to the sixth century a.d.

Sir Gardiner Wilkinson gives a drawing of a sailing boat which he names
" cangia." This was evidently a near relation to the dahabeah of to-day with its
latine rig.^

I am much indebted to my friend Mr. G. Walter Grabham, of the Sudan
Geological Service, for notes he has collected during his extensive travels on the
Blue and White Niles, notes as careful as they are accurate, and relating to the
types and names of the types of boats he has found in these distant places. Of
the " gyassa," which we see so commonly on the Nile as far as Haifa, built with ribs
and planked, he says : " Of this type of Egyptian cargo boat few are seen higher
up the river than Berber, most of them apparently belong to the Government.
The type is essentially exotic." It is probable that these boats are the relics of the
Gordon expedition, 1884.

He then speaks of the " naggr," the common type of native-built boat,
ribless and with a width of beam often approximating to half its length. The
bottom curved, the sides continuing the same curve. These boats range in size
from small feluccas to large craft, such as can carry 500 ardebs.

" The naggr type of boat was evidently in use in the times of the old Govern-
ment, as shown by pictures in the later books of travel, but I have been unable
to find pictures or descriptions of any boats in the early books at my disposal.
With the establishment of the Egyptian regime the need for river carriage must
have increased, and we know that travellers and goods generally came by boat
from Berber to Khartum.

" It was only after 1840 that traffic arose on the White Nile. At present
(1917) we find the largest boat owners at Omdurman, and their craft are sailed
up either the White Nile or the Blue, according to season and demand.

"Kawa and Shawal are important centres on the White Nile from which
boats ply up the river. Considerable numbers are to be seen as far as the mouth
of the Sobat, and a few penetrate the lower part of the Zeraf . The ' sunt ' wood
of which the naggr is made, grows on sandy soil in damp situations. On the
White Nile sunt is not met with beyond Kosti, but on the Blue it is found as far
up as Roseires, and that is the limit of navigation. It also grows near the river
north of Khartum. At present the main centre of boat building is certainly

1 Manners and customs of the ancient Egyptians. New edition by Sam. Birch, Vol. II,
Murray, 1878.

A 3

6 Nile Boats and Other Matters.

Omdurman, and, for this purpose, the wood is chiefly obtained from the large
forests between Dueim and Kosti.

" The naggrs are Arab-owned craft, and are the only kind of boats used
by the inhabitants for carrying merchandise.

" The Nilotic negroid tribes use canoes for ferry and fishing purposes. The
Shilluk on the White Nile possess rather large built canoes which are put together
somewhat after the style of the naggr, but by means of rope. They have a rising
bow and stern like the gondola, and a V-shaped section, save that the point of
the V is cut off leaving a narrow flat bottom.

" These built canoes are only met with on the White Nile ; not on the swift
waters of the Bahr el-Jebel. The Shilluks also make use of the hollowed tree-
trunk, which is almost the only type found amongst the Dinkas, Bari, Madi,
Alur, etc., who inhabit the river banks as far as Lake Albert."

Mr. Grabham calls my attention to a book by Legh, Legh's Journey in
Egypt, second edition, 1817. He was travelling on the Nile in 1812-13 and
remarks that there are three kinds of boats used in the navigation of the Nile.
He hires a " maish " at Rosetta to convey him up the river (p. 15). This boat
is large enough to take Legh, Smelt and their servants, also three British officers.
They were nine days from Rosetta to Cairo.

Legh also mentions a " djerm " (p. 14). This has two masts, but not a
cabin ; it is chiefly used for the conveyance of merchandise.

He also refers to the " cangia," which he describes as having but one mast,
but from eight to fourteen oars and two cabins.

Mr. Grabham tells me that he heard the term " maish " used by the Reis for
the capacious barge attached to the steamer side on his journey to Roseires.
None of the boats here referred to, bear square sails.

Must we not conclude that several centuries back the square sail began to
yield to the triangular ?

At the present day we see evidences of an important change. About twelve
years ago a few private sailing boats made their appearance in Cairo, lugger
rigged and provided with a centre board. Some were soon to be seen at Aswan.
In the secluded regions of Wadi Haifa a similar type of boat and rig appeared.
The type was found where groups of British officials were stationed. The " lines "
of the boats were quite different from those of the clumsy craft which then, and
now, are produced and reproduced, as they probably have been for centuries
by native hands. The new type was by the natives called " London," which
we may take as a compliment. At Aswan there has grown up quite a profitable
business in building boats on these improved lines, with centre boards and lugger
rig. None of these boats are of sunt. AU are with ribs. The old " felucca "
has in many parts of the river almost given place, for light work, to the new
" London " ; the improvement is so manifest that even the conservative Egyptian
bows before it and adopts it. So far as I have been able to observe no boat
carrying cargo has yet been built in the new mode. Having raised the question,
but failed to trace the time or manner of disappearance of the old square rig,
let us go back to a type of boat still built and very largely used, but which belongs
to remote ages of antiquity ; a boat nearly as primitive as that described by
Herodotus, if not in many essentials the same.

This type of boat is called a " naggr."

We see but few specimens of the class until we have ascended the Nile as
far as AsyOt, but from that place southward it is met with very frequently and

Nile Boats and Other Matters. f

in the Sudan is far more common than boats of any other type. It may be known
by its exceedingly ancient appearance, its rotundity and clumsiness of form, the
slowness of progress, the absence of ribs in its construction, and the fact that it is
never tarred or painted, the wood soon acquires a silver grey tone which adds
very much to theflkppearance of age.

A more unmanageable, primitive contrivance than the naggr, except it
moves right before the wind, cannot be imagined. As an example, I have, in
Sudan, been half an hour crossing the stream with a favourable N.W. wind to
a spot but a little above the starting point. I have been four hours getting back
and yet the current was with us and the ever-blowing N.W. wind by no means
violent.

Before describing how the naggr is built I will give a few words to the two
most ancient boats that now exist in Egypt, to be seen in the Museum at Cairo.
It will be appreciated that the naggr is a very direct descendant of the boats
of the Xllth dynasty. These boats were found at Dahshiir by M. de Morgan
during his excavations in 1894-5.^

The boats, on their arrival at the Museum (then at Giza), were a good deal
repaired, and like so many repairs carried on then and now in that institution
they incline very much in the direction of skilful forgeries.

It is indeed most important in a museum that any object standing in need
of repair should be so treated that the student can teU at a glance what is original
and what is new. No register exists telling us what was the actual condition
of the objects we are considering, when they were found, or what has been done
to them by way of repairs.

When these ancient boats were in the Museum at Giza I made some careful
notes (in 1894) ; they had then but just arrived and were in a good light. At
Cairo they are unfortunately very much in the dark. It is now exceedingly
diificult to distinguish new pieces of wood from the original. The hopes I had
entertained (in 1916) of correcting my studies of 1894 have come to little. The
passage of twenty-two years has made a considerable difference in the colour
and surface of the inserted pieces, which now approximate pretty closely to the
colour of the old.

The two boats are so nearly alike in all respects that it is sufficient to describe
one of them.

As the section shows, Fig. i, they are built entirely without ribs.

The two boats are described in the official catalogue, but the measured
drawings which accompany the description have been so reduced in the printing
as to lose much of their value.

Certain of the terms made use of in the description are, no doubt, correct
in the United States, but the words have not similar values in England. It is
unfortunate that this is so, or that equivalents are not given by Dr. Reisner, than
whom a more patient and painstaking archaeologist cannot be found. We will,
however, go back to more ancient times than those of the Museum Catalogue,
and see what evidence we can find from tomb drawings.

In Lepsius' Denkmaler, II, 126, is found a drawing from the tomb of Khnum-
hetep. In this the building of a boat is shown in progress. Fig. 2.

We see clearly that the sides are made of short pieces of wood, set together,
breaking joint (like bricks), as described by Herodotus. At least one of the

' Fouilles k Dahchour, Mars-Juin, 1894. By J. de Morgan. Vienne, 1895.

A 4

Nile Boats and Other Matters.

workmen is shown standing inside the boat. If this boat had been built with an
inner frame of vertical ribs we should have seen them standing up above the
planks, and to them we should have seen the workmen attaching the outside skin
of planks ; but nothing of this sort is visible. The planks are shown one lying
above the other exactly as in the Museum boats, or as, in building a naggr, we
see done at this day. One workman holds an adze. Others have hatchets. The

implements bulbous at the end are mallets ; the way in which they are held
suggests that use.

The tomb of Khnumhetep is of the reign of Senusert II, so that we have
before us a well-developed picture of boat-building in the Xllth dynasty.

As the very unwieldy Catalogues of the Cairo Museum are not often to
be met with, I will venture to give a short, but by no means as complete.

Nile Boats and Other Matters. 9

a description of the boats, as Dr. Reisner has done. I also give measured
drawings ; a plan with a longitudinal elevation and transverse section. (Figs, i,
3, 4.) The transverse section, Fig. i, shows clearly how the boat is buUt up
of planks, and without a keel. The two boats are not exactly of the same dimen-
sions, the plants forming the hull of the larger boat average 9 cm. in thickness ;
the planks of the smaller, 7 cm.

The planks vary both in length and in width, but are wide as compared with
those we should use to-day in building boats of the size of those in the Museum.

The middle bottom plank which takes the place of the keel is 25 cm. in
width, 1 those immediately adjoining are of the same width. The total length
of the boat is 10- ID m.

We now come to consider the method of construction.

The planks vary a good deal in their length. In all cases the sides and ends
of the planks butt against each other without any overlap. See the section
Fig. I, and the drawing from Beni Hasan, Fig. 2. The boats are, in fact, as we
call the method to-day " carvel buUt." The Beni Hasan drawing indicates very
well the Egyptian peculiarity that the sides of the planks are not parallel one to
the other, but undulate according to the configuration of the grain of the natural
wood. A lower plank having been set in the place the plank which rests upon it
has its lower side cut into undulations to fit. In masonry likewise the irregular
thickness of courses was adjusted by letting one into another.

The boat builders never placed vertical butting joints one over the other,
and with good reason, for there not being any internal ribs the stability of the
hull rests entirely on the success with which they accomplished their aim of
making a continuous skin, each part supporting and supported by the parts
adjoining.

' Why, in the Museum Catalogue, the middle plank is called a " beam " is hard to say.

SoMERS Clarke.
(To he continued.)

( lo )

THE TREASURE OF ANTINOE.

Some ten years ago a hoard of personal ornaments was found in Upper Egypt ;
the more likely report is that, they were in the ruin of a monastery at Antinoe.
That city was undoubtedly a wealthy centre of foreign influence, and a monastery
was the safest place during the Arab invasion, which closely followed on the
making of this group ; so the probabilities are in favour of this report. For the
present, at all events, the name of the Treasure of Antinoe is the best that we can
give to this hoard. It suffered the fate of most finds of valuables in the present
state of the law ; it was violently broken up among the finders, they sold
it surreptitiously to dealers, it was bought up in scattered lots by private
collectors, and it is now separated in London, Berlin, Detroit and the Pierpont
Morgan collection. The archaeological value of the hoard has been much
weakened by the admixture of objects from other sources, so that there is no
certainty as to what was found together.

Under these disastrous results of Government control, which destroys more
than it preserves, the best course was to have the material all published together.
Thanks to the labour of the late Prof. Walter Dennison of Swarthmore College,
Pennsylvania, this was successfully done ; but most unhappily his death in 1917
frustrated his seeing the issue of his work. It is a sad loss for archaeology, that
a man who might have done much to develop our knowledge, was cut off at the
age of forty -eight. The volume on A Gold Treasure of the Late-Roman Period
in Egypt (85 pp., 54 plates, 57 figures, Macmillan, $2.50) is his best memorial,
and will give his name immortality on the shelves of museums and scholars.
Besides the full illustration, sometimes on an enlarged scale, of all the objects of
the hoard, many similar pieces already known are also illustrated to serve for
comparison. The author generously gave permission for reproducing the main
results in Ancient Egypt.

Before describing the objects that probably belong together, we may note
what should be excluded. The greater part of the articles are dated by coins
to the time between Justinian and Mauricius Tiberius, the latter half of the
sixth century, or else are of similar work and age. Dr. Dennison agrees that
two necklaces (8, 9) are from another source, probably of the second and early
in the third century, and he puts as possibly earlier a pair of spiral serpent
bracelets (24, 35), which seem obviously of the first century, or earlier still.
With these we may set aside a pair of armlets (21, 22), the shell pattern on which
is probably of the second century (see the necklace and gold ring in Heliopolis,
XXXIX), also a pair of bracelets with a wavy vine stem for the elastic circle
(32, 33), which can hardly be dated after the third century. After excluding these
we can only say of the remaining bulk that there is nothing against their having
been buried together before the sack in the Arab invasion of 641.

The whole hoard contained, then, two necklets with groups of coins attached,
three gold coins set in linked framing, five necklaces or coUars, a long chain for
the body, six pairs and one odd bracelet, a small cross and a crystal figure. The

PL II. HALF OF GOLD COLLAR OF LINKED PLATES. FULL SIZE

The Treasure of Antinoe. II

absolute dating by the attached coins is only in the two necklets and the linked
coins. In these three cases, the earliest date for the making of the jewellery is
under Justinian (528-556) for one necklet and the coins, and under Mauricius
(582-602) for the other necklet, which is obviously of later and more debased
work. As it i^ unlikely that such wealth of gold would be displayed after the
Arab conquest of 641, the limits of date are fairly close. To this we refer later.

The finest object for display is the great necklet (PI. I here) with fourteen
inserted coins from Theodosius to Justinian, a pendant medallion of Theodosius,
and a barbaric imitation of a gold coin of Valentinian III as a centre piece. This
taste for making imitations of coins for ornament is very familiar in the North
of Europe (see Montelius, Civilisation of Sweden, Fig. 134, copy of Theo-
dosius ; Worsaae, Pre-History of the North, Figs. 6-16). Some other features
are also alike in Northern work and Romano- Egyptian, as the crystal fibulae and
garnet inlays, and large discs of ornament on necklets. These are northern in
origin, and probably aU this class of ornament was brought into Egyptian use
by the bands of northern troops in the Roman garrisons.

A fellow necklet, copied from the previous about fifty years later, has coins
ranging from Justinian to Mauricius, and therefore after 582. The middle piece
is a struck medallion more intelligently made than the previous imitation of a
coin, as it has a rational Greek inscription, " Lord, succour the wearer," alike on
both sides. The pendant, however, seems to have been an entirely independent
work, converted to a pectoral, and too large for the necklet. It has on one side
the Annunciation, and on the other the Conversion of water into wine ; the style
is distinctly early Christian rather than classical.

A pleasing detail in these pectorals, which seems to be post-classical, is the
filling up of spaces with the small three-petal flowers, like arrow-head or water
plantain (see Fig. 22 here).

The three linked solidi of Justinian have borders cast around the coins,
apparently by cire perdue ; inscriptions were then punched on a band of the border.
These are Greek, and read " For He shall give His angels charge over thee " ; next,
" to keep thee in all thy ways " ; thirdly, " Emmanuel which, being interpreted, is
God with us." These, as well as the medallion in the pectoral, are therefore
prophylactic charms, to protect the wearer.

The necklaces are very varied. No. 10 is of small balls linked together, with
fifteen crosses each of four pearl and sapphire beads. No. 11 of eight lengths of
woven wire chain alternating with beads, and a large circular openwork pendant,
with four interior circles forming a cross. No. 12 has alternate stones with the ugly
late device of beads threaded on a wire around ; but the other alternatives are
six-leaved rosettes in circles, of the fresh geometrical style which arose on the ruins
of classical work. No. 13 is a common form of wire links with beads, and a row
of bead dangles. No. 14 is a remarkable wide collar, passing round three quarters
of the neck, of eleven open-work gold plates hinged together, with seventeen
sapphire pendants (see PI. II). The plates are in pairs, on opposite sides, there
being six different designs. The patterns are good, descended from Greek pal-
metto and foliage, but the whole effect is far too stiff and awkward for wearing.

The large body chain is very unusual, and the most satisfactory and original
design in the whole hoard (see PI. III). It consists of two large open-work discs,
one worn on the chest, the other on the back, as shown on terracotta figures.
These were joined by a chain of small discs over each shoulder, and a chain round
each side, twenty-three small discs in each chain. There are only two patterns

12 The Treasure of Antinoe.

for the discs, but the whole effect is varied, and the two designs look quite distinct,
yet harmonious. The use of such a body chain was probably to retain ample
flowing robes near the body, and prevent the garment bagging out awkwardly.

There are three pairs of earrings, all of which have long dangles of beads, a
style probably coming from the North with the barbaric invasions.

Two pairs of bracelets have elaborately pierced openwork discs. These are
ingenious in design, reminding us of the marble-work screens of San Clemente, or
the rather later ones of Saint Marks. All of this style seems to be the result of
the northern introduction of wicker-work screens, which belonged to nomadic
life. Another pair of bracelets, or rather armlets, are made of hollow hexagonal
tube, notched to imitate banding, and with two imitations of aurei of Honorius
at the fastening. A single bracelet is of twisted wire pattern, with a fulsome
bezel of thirteen set stones.

This gold work from Egypt, and other examples that Prof. Dennison has
published for comparison, supply a good basis for dating details of ornament.
The employment of gold coins set in later framings serves to give an anterior
limit of date for the work, and it is unlikely that the posterior limit is more than
two or three generations later. The mixture of coins of various ages in the large
breast ornaments shows how far such material precedes the ornamental setting.
In one group, PI. VIII, the coins are two of Theodosius I, two of Theodosius II,
five of Anthemius, one of Basilicus, and four of Justinian, or between about
A.D. 390 and 530. In another group, PI. XIV, there is one of Justinian, five
of Justin II, one of Tiberius II, six of Mauricius, or between about a.d. 550 and
600. Thus, in one case, half the coins are within sixty years, in the other case
half are of the last two reigns, or a very few years. Thus on the average the
age of coins when used was less than half a century. This gives ground for
dating jewellery by single coins to within half a century in most cases.

The elements of the ornament are here separated, and classed by their
motives (Figs. 1-22)., Thus the degradation of design is shown, and this wiU
help in dating other jewellery. The dates placed after the emperor's name are
the earliest to which the work would be reasonably assigned, allowing a few
years for coins to circulate into the provinces. The date of the ornament is
therefore to be taken as probably within fifty years after the dates here given.
Different dates are given for Nos. 6 and 19, according to the age of the head of
Justinian on the coin.

The foliage work of Nos. i, 2 and 3 is obviously like that of the first century
architecture debased, such as on the great Altar of Peace. This foliage work
is familiar on the sculpture of the Severan age. No. 3 seems to be the back
of an openwork design like No. 2 ; but, judging from the photograph, Nos. i
and 2 are of wirework on a sheet-metal basis. In No. 4, perhaps a generation
later, the foliage work has lost its tradition and become irregular and senseless.
The revival of openwork about a.d. 600, No. 5, was on an entirely different
system, "sut out of a continuous sheet instead of being built up of soldered wire.

The foliage, or running vine, pattern in Nos. 6 and 7 is made of detached
curved wires soldered on to a sheet-metal basis. In a.d. 530 they still had a
binding put across to hide the junction ; but by 600 a.d. the separate wires are
stuck down, detached and unashamed. The old sense of structure was lost,
but this may have been iue to a workman below the average of his generation.
Small neat scrolls, to fill up spaces, are also of Justinian (No. 8).

The row of pelta-shaped objects which form a border under Caracalla

The Treasure of Antinoe.

(Nos. 9 and 10), seem to have originated a favourite device of the sixth century.
On No. 10 the dotted lines are placed to suggest how the designer came to regard
the pattern, and from this to make it in wirework, with a pile of globules up the
middle to stiffen it, as in Nos. 11 and 13. It was simplified, as wire on a sheet-
metal basis (Nr 13), under Focas (Univ. Coll.), and this element is common on
earrings and small work of that age.

1-3

C A RACALLA 2.Z0A.D

4,6

SEVERUS ALEXANDER 2.40 A.D. MRURlCIUS 600 AD.

0000000

6-8

JUSTlMlAN 530

MAURICIUS 600

JUSTINIAN

9-13

caracalla a 2.0

JUSTINIAN SSO MAURICIOS FOCAS 610

14-18

2.4-0 3SO \>>^ 'V 35-0 380

5EV ALEXANDER CONSTANTIUSII H0N0RIUS4-3O CONST. II VALENS

^^P nSM5\S\

19-22

J V S TIN IAN I 55'OA.D

A border of flowers. No. 14, was copied very formally under^Alexander.
By the time of Constantius II the flower forms are scarcely recognisable (No. 15).
Under Honorius the flower is reduced to two lobes, with a concave hollow between ;
this might, perhaps, be a degradation of the Greek dart-and-egg. Similar

14 The Treasure of Antinoe.

concave hollows in a row are used for a border (No. 17) under Constantius II, and
are modified to a zigzag line pattern (No. 18) under Valens.

The continuous scroll was carelessly made in several modifications all at the
same time ; in fact, on small work it is difficult to settle which form is used, as
it varies so much according to the lighting. In No. 19 the scrolls are clear, in
No. 20 they become a running line, in No. 3i they form a series of pendant
curls. The little flower. No. 22, was a favourite and graceful mode of covering
up junctions and filling small spaces of ground.

Whenever it may be possible to put together all the dated examples of
jewellery, and to analyse the different elements, we shall be able to recover more
of the stages of change in the various patterns. This will serve later to fix the
greater part of jewellery which has no self-evident dating.

A curious figure in rock crystal, nearly four inches high, is supposed to have
come from the hoard. It is a female figure, dressed in chiton and peplos
swathing the whole person : round her neck is a high band. The aspect is
Christian rather than classic. It is on a silver gilt base that has been broken
from a larger object. This obviously is not an empress or a person of preten-
sions. The meek aspect, almost deferential, rather suggests it is intended for a
saint, so it might have been the crowning figure of a reliquary. The rage for
relics in the fourth to the sixth century would make it quite likely that a
reliquary might be hidden along with other treasures in the seventh century.

The fate of all valuable antiquities under the present law is a melancholy
one. The Egyptian Government claims to have seized two great groups of silver
work at Zagazig, though even from these some pieces went astray. But the
present hoard of Antinoe, the great group of gold medallions from Abukir, the
large gold hawk from Dendereh, the great find of a royal burial of the XVIIIth
dynasty with much gold work, and iimumerable lesser discoveries, have all been
lost to the Government, and many lost to all knowledge by being melted up,
owing to the fear of Government claims. This suicidal policy, which is a loss of
values to the Government, is also an irreparable loss to archaeology. If the
Government would give local values for everything, such as a dealer pays, the
whole would be secured at a small part of the full European value. The
confidence of the people should be gained by a liberal payment for everything
that is declared at once, and seizure should be the penalty for concealment and
not declaring any discoveries. If the Government had to pay out 10,000 in a
year they would make a large profit on the result ; the more they paid the larger
the gain, which would otherwise fall to the dealers. Let us hope that Palestine
and Mesopotamia will not be mismanaged in the shortsighted way that prevails
under the English and the Egyptian laws.

W. M. Flinders Petrie.

PL. III. GOLD BODY-CHAIN OF 2 LARGE AND S2 SMALL DISCS. SCALE 5 6.

( 15 )

THE FIRST MACE-HEAD OF HIERAKONPOLIS.

The great carved mace-heads of Hierakonpolis have been the subject of much
careful study, especially in the case of the second and third, which are now in the
Ashmolean Museum, Oxford. The first has received less attention, owing to its
damaged condition. It is broken into several pieces, but though a great deal has
been preserved, the surface of the stone is corroded in many places, and flakes
have split off, so that much of the sculpture is irretrievably lost. The sculpture
thus left falls into three groups, of which two are on the largest fragment.

1. The first group represents the king who wears the crown of Lower Egypt
and is wrapped in a cloak or shawl ; one hand appears to project, and to hold a
whip. He is beardless and is seated on a throne, but the sculpture is so worn
away that only the square box-like lines of the back of the throne are visible.
The figure is placed under a curved canopy supported at the front by two slender
shafts ; on each shaft there is an ornament immediately under the canopy, and
each shaft terminates in a sharp point. Both the canopy and the figure of the
king are of the same type as on the second mace. It is interesting to note that
on the maces the king when wearing the crown of Lower Egypt is represented
as being smaller, both actually and in proportion, than when wearing the White
Crown. On the third mace-head the Scorpion King is considerably larger than
the figures among whom he stands ; whUe on the first and second maces the figure
of the king is actually smaller than the others ; this is markedly the case in the
mace-head under discussion. This disproportion in size is against the usual rule
of Egyptian art, which makes the principal person larger than the other figures
in a scene. A possible explanation is that these are representations of the king's
statue, and not of the king himself. As the figure is placed under a canopy of
the type of the early shrines, and is dressed in the close-wrapped garment peculiar
to Osiris, it may represent the dead and deified king to whom his people are
paying homage.

2. On the same fragment as the king's figure, but removed from it by a wide
space, originally sculptured and now blank, is a figure of a pig-tailed man. Only
the back of the head and the back of one leg are visible, the rest being utterly
destroyed. Immediately above the head is a curved rope, and above that again
is an object of which so little remains that it is impossible even to guess at what it
was intended to represent. Behind the rope and almost touching it is a rect-
angular object, apparently the ground or base of other figures or objects ; these
would be on a level with the king's face. The figure stands on another peculiar
and indeterminate object ; the angle of the leg suggests that the man is running
or dancing. Two points in this figure are noticeable : the first is the pigtail,
which I win discuss below ; the second is the size. It is the largest figure on any
of the maces ; and if the canon of Egyptian art held good at that early period
this should be the principal personage in the scene. Taken together with the
object on which he stands, and the object above his head, he fiUs the whole height
of the mace-head. The size of this figure should be compared with the bearers
of offerings, and especially with the king.

3. Three or four fragments joined together give part of a scene of bearers of

1 6 The First Mace-head of Hierakonpolis.

offerings. These fragments come from the middle and lower part of one side
of the mace, but unfortunately do not join the main piece anywhere. The scene
is divided horizontally into two registers, in each of which there are the remains
of three figures. In the upper register, one leg and arm only remain of the first
man ; he is dressed apparently in a short kilt and carries a fox-skin (?) in his
hand. The second and third figures have skirts to the middle of the calf, the skirt
being ornamented either with patterns or with rope-work There are indications
of some object suspended from the hand of the third figure.

In the lower register, there is practically nothing remaining of the first
figure except the back of the head and the plaited pigtail. The second man is,
however, almost complete. He wears a short beard, apparently fastened to the
hair, which is arranged in a heavy mass at the back of the neck while the upper
part is plaited into a short pigtail. His dress consists of a short kUt from the
^vaist to above the knee, fastened at the waist with a narrow band ; down the
front is an ornamented piece which may perhaps be a piece of pleated cloth such
as occurs on the loin-cloths of the late Old Kingdom. In his right hand he
holds a barrel-shaped vase of the type of the second Prehistoric Period, a form
which approximates very closely to the heart-sign of the later hieroglyphs. The
left arm with the fist clenched is raised above the head. The legs and feet are
bare, and one knee is raised as though in the act of dancing. The third man
differs from the second only in attitude ; in his right hand he holds a fox skin (?)
already conventionalised in form, the left arm hangs at his side. The right knee
is raised above the level of the waist as if in an active dance. Again these figures
are all considerably larger than the king. Below their feet is a curved line,
apparently a rope.

PigtaUed figures are rare in Egypt, and even among those known two types
of pig-tails are discernible. The first type is when the hair is gathered into a thick
twist or plait just above or below the nape of the neck {Hierakonpolis, I, PI. XI,
Abydos, II, PI. IV). In these cases the hair covers the curve of the back of the
head and neck. In the second type, the pigtail starts at the crown of the head,
as amongst the Chinese, and is apparently plaited with some stiffening material
as it falls quite clear of the head and neck. When the hair is dressed in this
fashion it is sometimes all gathered into the plait as in Figs. 2 and 7, leaving the
nape bare, this may perhaps be caused by shaving the back of the head under
the plait ; in other cases, as in Figs. 3 and 8, the hair falls in a heavy mass under
the pigtail, which is plaited only from the hair of the upper part of the head.
Pigtails of any sort appear to occur only in the beginning of the historic period,
and at no other time. The only exception is perhaps the nms headdress of the
king (Fig. 9), where, however, the pigtail is obviously made of cloth and not
of hair.

From the comparative size of the figures, it is evident that they were of more
importance than the king. The type of face is not that of the aborigines as,
shown in the slate palettes. Not only is the hair differently dressed but these
people are clothed, sometimes in a short Idlt, sometimes in a long robe, whereas
the aborigines are either very scantily clothed or quite nude. The long-robed
people are never represented as prisoners : on the contrary, the battlefield palette
shows a captive aborigine being driven forward by a person whose garment
reaches to his ankles. The short kUt and the artificial beard suggest the royal
costume, so also perhaps does the pigtail. If then, the royal figure is that
of the dead and deified king, are these the competitors for the throne ?

The First Mace-head of Hierakonpolis.

Thotkmcs HI

Prof. Newberry has pointed out that this is probably the meaning of the scene
on the mace-head of Narmer, and that it is there complicated by the presence
of the heiress to the throne, by marriage with whom the successful candidate
legitimised his claim. Another possibility may be kept in mind, that the piece
with the king (i, 2) did not belong to the same mace-head as piece 3.

M. A. Murray.

( '8 )

AN EARLY PORTRAIT.

Among the antiquities in the New York Historical Society's collection there
are some so unusual that Mrs. Grant Williams has kindly allowed us to reproduce
them here. These and many other objects have been published by her in the
Quarterly Bulletin of the New York Historical Society in the last two years. A
very remarkable portrait head is that of Smenkhu-ptah, who had the " good
name " of Atu-shep-er-onkh. His tomb is known at Saqqarah, from which the
sculptures have come : it is dated to the end of the Vth or early in the Vlth
dynasty. The type is so far from that of the usual Egyptian that we have more
certainty in its being a careful portrait. The detail of the profile differs from the
usual type in the sharp brow, the pointed nose, the long upper lip, the sharp
edges of the mouth, and the retreating chin. The form of the nose is closely like
that of the wife of Ka-aper ; but the heavy, morose, face is not like any other.

A remarkable coffin-box in the same collection has in it two wooden ushabtis,
one wrapped, and a roll of inscribed linen, probably part of the Book of the Dead.
These, and a scarab, being all bedded in pitch, are not modern insertions. The
style of the ushabtis is of the early XlXth dynasty ; the name is unusual,
Sebaur. The burial of two ushabtis in a coffin descends from the belief of the
XVIIIth dynasty, when the ushabti was a figure of the deceased person. Yet
this burial must be just after that time, as one of these is an overseer with whip,
and the other is plain, showing that the serf idea of the XlXth dynasty had by
this time come in.

W. M. F. P.

GEORGES LEGRAIN.

The following notes upon the really remarkable work carried out by the late
Georges Legrain at Karnak, are offered as a tribute to his memory. Unless
there be set forth a description with some amount of detail, it is difficult for his
ungrudging labours to be at aU estimated. Let us consider what was the con-
dition of the immense agglomeration of ruins of which he was put in charge in
1894.

Quite twenty years before that time Mariette had removed great masses
of earth, with the object of general investigation, and the recovery of the buried
plan. A plan was afterwards published, and if it has proved very incorrect in
many respects, that is hardly to be wondered at. The undertaking was one
greater, than Mariette, over-burdened as he was, had either time or means to carry
through.

M. Jacques de Morgan was appointed Director-General of Antiquities in
1893. He decided that a systematic investigation of Karnak should be made ;
and in 1894 he nominated Georges Legrain to preside over that work. Legrain
then made a programme of what to do and how to do it, which has proved really
remarkable for its foresightedness. He did not approach the subject only from
the side of the excavator, and of one who had to repair and maintain as he went

Portrait of Smenkhu-ptah. Vth Uvnastv.

Coffin-box with Ushahtis.

B 2

20 Georges Legrain.

iilong. He realised the impossibility of one man seeing through to the end so
immense an undertaking. He saw that he must thoroughly register the progress
of the works and the objects found, so that his notes and observations could
be taken up by those who followed, and thereby the history of this prodigious
place could be properly built up. He viewed Karnak as a vast historical monu-
ment. He set to work so to arrange the system for tabulating the immense series
of inscriptions and sculptures, that a complete record of the whole group of
temples could be published.

Legrain was but twenty-six years of age when he was appointed. His
methods have proved perfectly sound after twenty-three years' progress.

The works went on increasing very greatly in volume and in interest.

From an engineering point of view the risks were often great, but such was
the forethought and care taken, there was, I believe, never an accident, although
there were workers by the hundred, and immense blocks of stone to be moved,
taken down and reinstated, some of them weighing more than 25 tons apiece.

M. Maspero, succeeding De Morgan, was unhappily very unsympathetic
with Legrain. Here lay in fact the " opposition and difficulties " referred to in
the short notice of Legrain already published. Ancient Egypt, 1917, p. 142. But
Maspero is dead and cannot defend himself. It would therefore be undesirable
to say more. What is past is past.

It is a thing not a little to be deplored that of all the work that has been done
at Karnak since the year 1894, of all the remarkable discoveries that have been
made, no consistent or scientific account has ever been published.

There exist a few notes and records buried in the Annales du Service des
Antiquity. These, a few pages at a time, are scattered about in the aforesaid
Annales extending from the year 1900 to 1914. If we wish to study a plan of
Karnak we must turn to that published by Mariette as long since as 1875, and now
completely out of date.

We must not suppose that the Department of Antiquities had been idle
all this time. Portly volumes on Saqqarah, Lower Nubia, Les Temples Immerges
de la Nubie, with many plans, photographs and much documentary evidence,
had been published the materials for several volumes on Karnak were at hand,
but Karnak was kept in the shade.

The reader must be left to draw his own conclusions upon this curious state of
things above mentioned.

SoMERS Clarke.

( 21 )

REVIEWS.

The Empire of the Amoriies. Albert A. Clay. Sm. 4to. 192 pp. (Yale
University Press.) Milford, London, 1919.

As to the term " empire " for the dominion of the Amorites, different opinions
may be felt, but a mere question of a term must not hinder our acceptance of the
facts. The broad position is that Semite names are as early as Sumerian in
Babylonia, and that the fertile Syro-Babylonian region was far more likely to be
the home of a race than Arabia, which is a semi-desert : it is, therefore, likely that
the Semite centre was in Northern Syria rather than in Arabia.

As to the prominence of Semites in early Babylonia, more than a hundred
thousand personal names are known, and in the early part of this material many
of the rulers' names are Semitic, and the names of the antediluvian kings in
Berossos are Semitic. Further, the elements in these early names, Abu, Akhu,
Ammi, are Western Semitic rather than Arabian. Another evidence is from the
figures of the Sumerian gods who are hairy and bearded, as Semites, and not like
the shaven Sumerians, pointing to the Sumerians having taken over the earlier
Semitic gods of the land. So far as opinions go, Briinnow thought the Semites
to be the original Euphrateans and the Sumerians to be invaders : Meyer holds
that the Semites were there before the Sumerians settled in South Babylonia and
drove the Semites northward. Jastrow says " The mixture of Sumerians and
Semites was so pronounced, even in the oldest period revealed by the documents
at our command, that a differentiation between the Semitic and non- Semitic
ideas in the conceptions formed of the gods is not generally possible."

That this Semitic influence belonged to Syria and not to Arabia is shown
by the elements of the names, stated above, and by the name Abram, or Abraham,
which is not found in Arabian inscriptions, but is known in the Euphratean
tablets. The Cappadocian tablets are naturally North Semitic in names and gods,
and not Arabian. The view that successive waves of emigration had flowed from
Arabia is discussed. The distinction should be drawn, however, between move-
ments of people from a half-desert land as it dries up, and movements because
of a pressure of population in a fertile land. The desert land will have but few
people to pour out, they will be hardy but not strong, they will scarcely overcome
a full population in a fertile land. The Islamic conquest of Egypt was by only
12,000 or 20,000 men ; they succeeded not because they were strong, but because
Egypt and the Roman provinces generally were miserably weak, drained by
taxation for centuries, harried by the Persian war, and preferring liberty under
Arabs to taxation under Romans. This success must not be taken as a type of
all emigrants from Arabia. Dr. Clay well maintains that the reason of the
civilisation being more primitive in Arabia than in other Semitic lands, does not
imply that Arabia was the source, but that it was isolated as a backwater, and so
retained early ideas and forms less clianged than in lands subject to other
influences.

B 3

22 Reviews.

The question of the Khabiri is noticed, with the fairly conclusive fact that
at Boghaz-koi there is a list of gods called the " Gods of the Khabiri." The
conclusion is that they cannot be Hebrews, but were related to the Hittites, if
not Aramaeans. We may also notice that in the Amarna letters the Khabiri
invade Damascus and Ashtaroth, that is, they move east of Jordan, opposite
to Galilee. It seems at least possible, therefore, that they were at some time east
of Judaea, and gave the name to the mountains of 'Abarim. If the cheth of
Khabiri may represent the initial ayin of Hebrew, it may equally represent that
of 'Abarim.

The limits of Amurru in iioo were on the Mediterranean, as Tiglath Pileser I
sailed in ships of Arvad upon " the great sea of Amurru." Asshur-nazir-pal
(885) went to the great sea of Amurru, and received tribute all along the coast.
Adad-nirari III names Amurru as between the Hittites and Sidon. Sargon
(720) included the Hittites and Damascus in Amurru. Sennacherib (700)
included Philistia and Phoenicia, Moab and Edom. Asshur-bani-pal (650) included
Palestine in Amurru. The tendency was, therefore, to include only Northern
Syria, and between iioo and 650 to extend the name south untn it included all
Syria.

Now we can look at the position as it affects Egyptian history. From as
early as the Pre-dynastic Age it is claimed that there has been a centre of Semitic
influence and government in North Syria, that it had a full share in developing
Babylonia, and that it lasted down to classical times, embracing what is known
as the Aramaean kingdom. On the Egyptian side we find a large invasion from
the East, founding the second prehistoric civilisation ; but this seems more likely
to belong to the region east and west of Suez. A clearly Syro-Mesopotamian
invasion was that which overthrew the Old Kingdom, as shown by the buttons
with foreign devices ; with these must be noted the examples of symmetric
scarabs, such as were later produced under Hyksos influence, but which are
dated before the Xllth dynasty at Ehnasya (PI. XIa) and Harageh. There is
good ground for regarding this invasion as having come from North Syria or
the Euphrates, and therefore as being Amorite. Then, after the Middle Kingdom,
the same influence appears in the Hyksos invasion of Semites from Syria, who
wielded a widespread power. Beside those recognised as Hyksos there are others
who seem to have been their forerunners, Khenzer and Khandy, the latter of
whom ruled over Syria and conquered Egypt, as shown on his triumphal cylinder
(Univ. Coll.). Thus, there is good ground on the Egyptian side to look for a
strong Semitic power in North Syria at the close of the Old Kingdom, and again
at the close of the Middle Kingdom. This is in accord with Dr. Clay's position,
and therefore on this side we welcome it as a gain to our historical view.

La Fin du Moyen Empire Egyptien, Etude sur Ics Monuments et VHistoirc
de la periode comprise entre la XII' et la XVIII' dynastic. Raymond Weill.
8vo, 97; pp., 2 vols. Picard, Paris, 1918.

This work has appeared in sections in the Journal Asiatique, 1910-1917,
and the whole is here put together in a convenient form. As this is the only
detailed attempt to contract the period dealt with, in the brief space of 210 years,
demanded by Berlin, it should have the fullest attention. As a collection of
the scattered material remaining of that period, it will in any case prove a work
of permanent value, even apart from the author's conclusions. The length
of it is rather deterrent, and it might have been less prolix with advantage ;

Reviews. 23

for instance, twelve lines of inconclusive argument deals with the identification
of the cartouche of Neferhetep, which is all useless as the direct proof on a stele
is stated in six lines more. A single line quoting the stele would have been
all-sufhcient. Also many examples of the simplest repetitions of a name are all
set out in hieroglyphs at full length.

The serious question is how far we can foUow, and rely on, the reasoning, and
accept the conclusions. The main thesis is that a type of literary composition,
deploring decay and devastation by foreigners, was started in early times and
frequently re-used : the conclusion drawn from this is that such statements
have no historic value. This is a position possible from a purely literary point
of view, but the least knowledge of material history refutes it at once. The art
and monuments of every land show a series of stages of growth and decay. In
Egypt the periods of decay are obvious in two prehistoric ages, in the Vllth-
Xlth dynasties, in the Xlllth-XVIIth, the XlXth-XXIIIrd, and the Roman
Age ; in all these we see great decadence, and in all these historic ages there
is the absence of public monuments and the shortness of reigns, proving the
disturbance, poverty, and trouble in the country. The evidence of foreign
invasion is seen in the new types of production, the new connections with sur-
rounding lands, the new names and characters of the people. From every material
evidence we see that it is hopeless to claim that the re-use of classical expressions
shows that the complaints about the times are unhistorical. How often have the
declarations of Jewish prophets been re-used as applying to the fall of Rome, or
by the Puritan party in England ? They are still felt to be the most vital
expression of many of our troubles now. Shall we deny the historical truth of
every account in which the phrases of Psalm or Prophet are used ? The material
facts of repeated invasion of Egypt are externally attested ^from the West the
Fatimites, the Greeks, the Libyans, from the East the Tulunides, the Arabs,
the Persians, to say nothing of remoter times. To claim that a "theme of
disorder " is only a rhetorical exercise, is to shut one's eyes to all the proved
facts. It is impossible to accept this conception, which occupies a large part
of the work, and underlies its whole fabric.

Another objection perhaps more serious is the way of treating basic
documents. The account by Hatshepsut reads : " I have restored that which
was in ruin, and completed that which was unfinished, since the stay of the
Asiatics who were in the lands of the North and in Ha-uaret with the Shemau
among them, occupied in destruction ; they made a king for themselves in
ignorance of Ra, and he did not act according to the orders of the god until the
coming of my Majesty," according to Weill ; or the latter part according to
Breasted " they ruled in ignorance of Re. He (the Hyksos ruler) did not do
according to the divine command until my Majesty." Now this is not a claim
to the conquest physically, but to the conversion religiously, of the Hyksos.
It is the obedience to Ra that Hatshepsut obtained. There is nothing to contradict
the previous expulsion from Egypt ; Hatshepsut only claims the restoration of
monuments, and the obedience of the Hyksos to Ra, whether in Palestine or
elsewhere. Capt. Weill goes on : " Hatshepsut has conquered the Asiatic

destroyers installed in the Delta and in Ha-uaret Therefore Hatshepsut

lied. . . . She usurped without any right the merit of having expelled the
Asiatics " (p. 38). This is a false rendering of the historical document.

A most strange treatment of a document, in a book professing to discuss
history, is that accorded to the Turin Papyrus. Not content with ignoring its

B 4

24 Reviews.

historic sequence, the whole of the lengths of reigns remaining in it are omitted.
When publishing the text of it (pp. 590-3) not a single year is named. Yet there
are twenty-four reigns still to be read in it after the Xllth dynasty, totalling
191 years, or an average of eight years. Can we take seriously any view of an
edmost contemporary document, when tlie most essential facts are omitted in
discussing the very matter in question, namely, the years covered by the docu-
ment ? To any reader who knew no better, it would appear that no years were
stated. It seems impossible to accept any conclusions drawn from such treat-
ment, nor can we take this elaborate work as more than the effort of an advocate
who distorts and omits evidence.

If in 1910 it could be said (p. 25) that " social disorder has nothing to do with
an entirely personal drama " of weariness of trouble and wish for death, that
is not the sense of the world in 1919, when we know what social disorder means.
We can see before us now how closely the miseries of social disorder touch the
personal lives of those wlio suffer. The lamentations of the Egyptians might
all be used by Serbs, Poles and Russians.

In discussing the record about the Hyksos kings, objection is taken (p. i8a)
that they are described as destroyers, and yet they set up monuments in Egypt.
This ignores the 100 years of confusion of the conquest, before they were united
under one rule ; this period is also overlooked when objection is made to
recognising an interregnum in Africanus (p. 553).

In pursuance of abandoning awkward material, the dynastic divisions are
entirely thrown aside (p. 183), "for us, who intend altogether to lose sight of the
Manethonian dynasties in studying the monuments." Yet these dynastic
divisions are pointedly shown by the monuments, not only in style and place,
but by the founders of dynasties copying the titles of previous founders, and
also by marked divisions in the Turin Papyrus.

A fundamental classification is made by what are termed the Any a scarabs
(p. 191) ; a term used for all those with symmetric symbols and devices (p. 742).
Because a scarab of Kha-nefer-ra Sebekhetep has such symbols (246), it is con-
cluded that " the Sebekheteps have preceded Apepi, not far off ; but at a short
distance " (p. 248), or, in the index, " the epoch of the group is that of Kha-nefer-ra
Sebekhetep " (p. 932, and see p. 453). This position seems to be an entire miscon-
ception. First, the word (though usually badly copied) is not Anra, but Da-ne-ra,
"gift of Ra" (" Heliodoros "), as commonly found on scarabs about the Xllth
dynasty, and on examples figured here (p. 744) ; or in other cases perhaps Ar-ne-ra,
" bom of Ra," as on p. 250. Second, the symmetric style, as on the scarab of
Sebekhetep adduced (p. 246), is found as early as Senusert I (p. 745), and continues
on to Tahutmes IV (p. 739). That such scarabs are of the Xllth dynasty is shown
by the peculiar light blue glaze of some, which is never dated later than the early
part of that dynasty. How can any close indication of age be founded on a
style which lasts from early in the Middle Kingdom to the middle of the New
Kingdom ? Anyone who has collected scarabs on sites will know that symmetric
scarabs are found almost wholly in the Eastern Delta : their style is that of a
region, and not of a short period.

A further theory is that the symmetric scarabs of Anra type were made in
Palestine (p. 732), because they are often found there. On the contrary the
material, the glaze, the signs, are all Egyptian, and a far greater number are found
in Egypt than in Palestine. That the Pdestine scarabs are mainly of this type is
to be expected, as it belongs to the Eastern Delta, nearest to Palestine ; but to

Revieivs. 2 5

suppose materials and workmen to be taken to Palestine, in order to export
most of their products back into Egypt is fantastic.

The more important part of the work (pp. 276-514) is the discussion of the
various families or groups, as shown by the parallel names of the same type.
This is a useful |jrinciple ; yet as the author has to continue a single type of name,
Sekhem-ra, over more than half the period between the Xllth and XVIIIth
dynasties (p. 819) no close delimitation can be claimed. As a collection of
material, with due connection ot genealogic sources (as El-Kab tombs), this will
be of permanent use to students, with the additions on pp. 226-251, 768-804.
We may note in passing that the insertion of Ra with a personal name, as Ra-sa-
Hathor, is not merely a mistake of a scribe (p. 422, note 194), but occurs on con-
temporary objects of Ra-neb-taui, Ra-amenemhat, and Ra-sebekhetep. It
seems to have been added as a token of descent from Ra. The general results of
this discussion are put together in a Livre des Rots (pp. 818-880), which must be
used subject to all reservations as to methods.

The crux of the whole work, to which all this material leads up, is the
reduction of the documentary history of the Turin Papyrus and Manetho from
a period of about 1,600 years to a period of 210 years, between the Xllth and
XVIIIth dynasties. One or other view must be accepted, if the Sothic cycle and
continuous kalendar are not rejected. The radical question is whether Egyptians
placed contemporary dynasties in succession in a continuous list. The evidence
that overlapping was avoided by Manetho is seen in the Xlth dynasty, which lasted
certainly over a century, but which has only forty-three years allowed, because
the Xth dynasty was legitimate over the earlier part of the Xlth. Again,
Taharqa, who really reigned thirty-four years, is only allowed eighteen years by
Manetho, because from that point the legitimate line was in Stefinates, great-
grandfather of Psamthek I, and the XXVth dynasty could not be allowed to
overlap the XXVIth. The examples that we can test therefore show that over-
lapping was not allowed in the history, and that a continuous single series of
legitimate rulers was compiled. There is further evidence if we accept the
Sebekemsafs, Nub-kheper-ra Antef, and others, as being of the Xlllth dynasty.
They were important kings, and could not be placed as late as the decadence
after No. 29 of the Turin Papyrus ; yet they are not in that list, nor is there any
gap sufficient for them in the earlier part. They were deliberately omitted, and
presumably as not being the legitimate line. If such kings were omitted, we
cannot suppose far less important kings to have been inserted overlapping the
reigns of others.

The Turin Papyrus is obviously in accord with Manetho, and they must
therefore be taken as supplementing each other. In Manetho the Xlllth dynasty
is of sixty kings, and in the Turin Papyrus after sixty kings is a break, beginning
again with the formula " there reigned." Next, theXIVth dynastyis of seventy-six
kings, and in the Turin Papyrus after seventy-three (or perhaps a few more) there
begins the change to Semitic names, which correspond to the XVth dynasty of
Hyksos in Manetho. The average of reigns of the Xlllth dynasty is seven and
a half years in Manetho, and seven years in the ten reigns surviving in the Papyrus.
In the XlVth dynasty Manetho's average is two and a half years, and the average
of seven reigns left in the Papyrus is about three years. A closer correspondence
of fragmentary material could not be expected.

The main attack on the continuity of the Turin Papyrus is made on the
ground that a different type of name shows a change of dynasty. Apply this to

26 Reviews.

well-known dynasties and see the result. In the XVIIIth dynasty there are
two kings with Ra-neb-.r, three with Ra-oa-kheper, six with Ra-A;-kheperu ;
in the XlXth three with Ra-men-A;, three with Ra-user-;t;, Ra-ne-ba and Ra-ne-
akhu. On the question of types of name we should have to split up each of these
dynasties into three separate lines taken in irregular order. No canon of arrange-
ment can be applied to obscure dynasties which will not give true results when
applied to well-known periods.

Another line of attack is on the resemblances between the lengths of some
dynasties. Elaborate theoretical stages of alteration of the text are presented
to show how the existing figures arose from some very different form. The
lengths of the dynasties in Africanus' version of Manetho, from the Xlllth
to the XVIIth, are 453, 184, 284, 518 and 151. The only relation here is that the
last is a third of the first. A change is made by adopting 259 from Josephus in
place of 284 ; then 259 is half of 518. After this we find such theories as, although
" we have suppressed " the Xlllth dynasty, yet take the sixty kings stated for
that, add thirty-two kings of the XVIth dynasty, making ninety-two, double
this (for no reason) and so get 184 years of the XlVth dynasty, which " is there-
fore artificial " (627). Now let us play with numbers likewise, about a period
well known. The XXIInd and XXVIIth dynasties are each 120 years ; both
foreign in origin ; evidently a duplication in history. The XXVth is sixty-one
years, also foreign. Therefore there was but one foreign period of sixty years
(XXVth) ; that doubled, for the reigns of the contemporary Egyptian rulers,
made 120 years, and that is the origin of 120 years for the fictitious foreigners of
the XXIInd and XXVIIth dynasties. This really fits much better than the
numerical games played on the Hyksos Period ; and aU being foreign dynasties the
" Theme of disorder " would account for the whole, according to Capt. Weill's
principles.

Such absurd treatment of historical records is what is set against the con-
cordant statements of the Turin Papyrus, written only two or three centuries
after the age in question, and the record of Manetho drawn from the material
available while Egypt still had an unbroken continuity of literature. What is
arbitrarily substituted for the ancient record ? The i ,600 years is cut down to :

Contemporary Upper and Lower Egypt kings . .
Thebans of Sekhem-ra group
Theban Sebekheteps and Hyksos 1
Later Sebekheteps and later Hyksos J ' '
Theban and end of Hyksos

In these 210 years there must be compressed 133 kings of the Turin Papyrus,
the great and lesser Hyksos and the XVIIth dynasty. Several of these kings
we know to have had long reigns, enough of them to fill up the whole 210 years.
Mermashau is placed as a Delta king, though his statues are of black granite from
Upper Egypt. The reigns recorded for the Hyksos Khian and Apepi (who are
agreed to have reigned over all Egypt, p. 207) alone occupy in years, and the
whole of the great Hyksos kings total to 259 or 284 years. All this has to be
suppressed, though it is certainly Manethonian histor}'.

The wholesale disregard of the records, the suppression of the lengths of
reigns stated (both in the Papyrus and Manetho), the fanciful theories of

.. 20

years

.. 90

.. 85

210

years,

Reviews. 77

construction of the texts, the unhistoric treatment of the records of disorder and
invasion, all prevent our regarding this work except as we regard the Egyptian
history in Josephus, very valuable for reference, but without any reliance on the
conclusions. This seems to be the best that can be done to destroy Egyptian
history in favoift of an arbitrary shortening that has no support in documents or
in probabilities.

Le Musee du Louvre pendant la guerre, 1916-1918. Edmond Pottier.
20 pp., 2 pis. 1919.

Those who have seen the back view of a mob of statues clustering in the
bay of Demeter at the British Museum, and who have read of the strange holes in
which our treasures have been secured from air attack, will like to hear how the
French have fared. With them it was more a risk of plunder than of destruction.
On the day of French mobilisation the director of museums met his colleagues
and instructed them to put their treasures in safety for fear of Zeppelins. The
rapid advance of German troops before the end of a month changed the orders
to removal, packing and placing in southern cities. Toulouse was the centre,
and a photograph shows the rows of cases and of railway wagons run into the
church of the Jacobins for cover. Then, when immediate risks were less, the public
demanded their museum ; and, as France could do its business without taking
museums for offices as in London, several halls were re-opened after February,
1916. When the Gothas began to bomb Paris, all valuables were put under the
solid vaulting of the ground floor. Next the Bertha bombardment began, and
the pictures and marbles were sent off to Blois, and more sand-bagging was done
at the Louvre. When the last struggle threatened to involve Paris, there was
a scramble of museums and dealers to get packers, boxes, cotton and straw or
hay to clear off everything, and near a hundred cases were got off in the last
fortnight of June. After the armistice, in December and January, the cases
were returned, and order was gradually restored.

Italy's Protection of Art Treasures and Monuments during the War. Sir
FiLippo DE FiLippi. 8 pp. (British Academy, 1918.)

We read here of the endeavours to preserve froni modern barbarians the
treasures which no invaders, however brutal, have yet wished to destroy. Two
months before Italy's entry in the war, active measures were taken to protect
monuments. The bronze horses of St. Mark's were taken down and placed in
the Doge's Palace in a single day, sand-bagged and waUed up. The great diffi-
culty in Venice is the quaggy foundation, which prevents adding any great weight
for fear of displacements. St. Mark's was covered with sand bags and sea-weed
mattresses, which are light, elastic, and almost incombustible, also very effective
in case of explosions. Canvas curtains are also a useful screen for glass or mosaics.
All portable objects and the stained-glass windows were removed. At the Doge's
Palace the portico arches were supported by masonry pillars, and the loggia with
wooden props ; the sculptures were sand-bagged, and water pipes laid all over the
buildings in case of fire. Venice was bombarded eleven times, specially on the
churches. At Padua the Giotto frescoes were buried in sand bags ; the Gatta-
melata statue, and the Colleone of Venice, were buried and boarded up, like
Charles at Charing Cross. In all the other cities, Verona, Bergamo, Brescia,
Milan, Parma, Bologna, the monuments, pictures, and treasures had to be
protected.

28 Reviews.

Ravenna was an object of especial barbarism. There was no trace of military
use there, hardly any population to be destroyed as civilians ; there was no
purpose in attack, except the Germanic ideal of destroying all that gives national
interest and historic sense to a people. To attack the churches of Ravenna is a
depth of savagery which is only reached by the scientific development of
psychological cruelty. The bomb which fell into S. ApoUinare Nuovo, broke
in the corner of the basilica, but happily did not destroy the mosaics. The
whole tomb of GaUa Placidia has been completely enclosed for protection, and
San Vitale and the Baptistery strengthened throughout. At Ancona heavy
shells were fired at the Duomo, high on the hill, and severely damaged it. The
Arch of Trajan has been thoroughly built up with sand bags.

After their hideous depth of savagery, against all art and history, the Austrians
are unabashed. A letter reached London lately from a Viennese stating that as he
had excavated in Mesopotamia he would be glad to join in British work there.
The reply was that the destruction of the library and apparatus of the University
of Belgrade made it impossible for any Austrian to join in British work. That
savage attempt to root out the intellectual life of a nation, was the clearest case
of the degradation with which no civilised person could be associated.

F. P.

The New Catalogue of British Museum Greek Inscriptions relating to Egypt.

The editing of Section II of Part IV of Greek Inscriptions in the British
Museum has been carried out by Mr. F. H. Marshall Hall, M.A., and the texts
numbered from 1063 to 1093 are those acquired from Egypt and the Sudan,
including one inscription obtained as late as 1914.

The volume is most beautifully printed and the facsimiles, or photographs
(with the exception of that of the Rosetta Stone) finely executed ; it will be
a great advantage to scholars to have this series of Egyptian records readily
available, and to know where the originals may be inspected.

One of the most important texts in the collection is that from Syene, or
Aswan, upon a column of red granite, which originally was erected at Elephantine.
Much of the wording has been lost, but by the effort of several specialists a good
deal has been restored, and it is found to comprise no less than ten documents
concerning the later Ptolemies and their relations with the priests of the Chnoub
Nebieb temple at Elephantine.

The records are either petitions from the temple servants to the king, or grants
of privileges from the latter to the priests. The Syene quarrymen also put in their
plaints ; probably, as worshippers of Chnoub, they also had their residences upon
land leased from the temple, and thus sacred soil.

Although the documents concern kings as late as Ptolemy VIII and
Ptolemy X, the latter in a letter dates it in the Macedonian month Dasios,
equivalent to Egyptian Epiphi. Two generals commanding at Elephantine are
mentioned, Hermokrates and Phommus. They are known from other papyri or
inscriptions as being over the forces in the Thebaid.

Another historic monument is that found at Gizeh, which was erected by
the citizens of Busiris in honour of Tiberius Claudius Balbillus, prefect of Egypt
under Nero. The text from the dining hall of the Weavers' Guild at Theadelphia
has been made of more interest by the evidence as to such associations recently
supplied by the Oxyrhynchus Papyri.

A curious text is from the roadstead of Abukir, containing a dedication

Reviews. 29

of a statue of the Phoenician deity Herakles Belos to Sarapis. The donor was not
an Egyptian but a native of Askelon. One inscription is incised upon a gold
plaque, and must have been deposited under the temple of Osiris at Canopus.
It is a dedication of Ptolemy III Euergetes and Berenice his wife, daughter
of Magas of Cyrene.

This Ptolemy was son of Ptolemy II, whose first wife was daughter of
Lysimachus. Ptolemy II subsequently married his sister, Arsinoe, who adopted
her stepson, afterwards Ptolemy III, as her son. This historical fact is now
substantiated by this memorial, which calls Euergetes " son of Ptolemy and
Arsinoe."

A similar votive plaque is in the Alexandria Museum. It preserves a dedica-
tion to Philopator and belonged to the Alexandria temple.

The next inscription chronologically is No. 1514. It is an offering to Ares,
as a deity of hunting, by Ptolemy IV, dated about 206 b.c, and gives a text of
six lines. It refers to elephant hunting, which sport the Macedonian monarchs
much favoured, as it also supplied them with tame elephants for war equipment.

In this inscription Pisidian soldiers are mentioned, being another instance
of the numerous countries from which the Ptolemies secured mercenaries.
Mr. Hall provides what may be considered as the final edition of the Rosetta
Stone, but does not refer to its partial duplicate of the Egyptian text, known
as the Stele of Damanhour. It is a decree of the Council of the Memphis priests
under Ptolemy V. All recent documents that throw light upon this superbly
instructive text are utEised. Thus the hitherto mysterious mention of a thirty-
year period is cleared up, by noting that that was the duration between the
ancient royal 5e^ -festivals. The Egyptian version of the stone instead of
" thirty years " reads " Se<f -festival."

The allusion to the priestess of Berenice Euergetes, the child of Magas alluded
to above, is illustrated by the Amherst papyri, whilst the financial matters in
the Rosetta text are compared with the Tebtunis Ptolemaic revenue documents.
Perhaps the review of the Rosetta Stone was written some time ago, because
no reference is given to Otto, concerning priestly privileges, or to Lesquier for
military matters. The worship of Arsinoe is illustrated by ostraca and a demotic
document.

The last Ptolemaic record in a British Museum inscription concerns the
eleventh of the Lagides. It comes from Paphos, in Cyprus, and quotes a letter
of Alexander Grypus to Ptolemy Alexander, who was appointed governor of
Cyprus by Cleopatra III. He is, however, styled BasUeus in the text. Its
date is 109 B.C., though he was not king in Egypt till 108 b.c. A single line
upon a statuette base {Memphis, I, liii) entitles the Egyptian river god Nt'Xwt
yovin(i)Ta(^T w)i. This expression is easily explained by the deity's statues depicting
him surrounded by his numerous offspring.

A partly preserved slab from Antinoe, only obtained just before the war,
gives the introduction to a panegyric upon a personage, said to have been a
Platonic philosopher named Marcius Dionysodoros. He was also a councillor,
and was one of the fortunate ones who for their erudition was maintained at,
and by, the Museum.

Other epigraphical records and papyri refer to people so supported, including
a text from Thebes and a Rylands papyrus.

There is one text from the Sudan which entitles the Nile " Oceanos," making
the river a double of the Celestial Stream.

3 Reviews.

Several inscriptions, all short and fragmentary, are from Naucratis, including
a poorly-composed poem upon a certain Herakleides who died just previous
to the day upon which he was to have been married. (Naukratis, I, xxxi.)

These inscriptions, which would be a source of pride to any great museum,
have been obtained by voluntary gift, purchase, or expensive explorations, and
not as the loot of unjust wars of conquest. They form such a corpus of infor-
mation regarding Egypt, that no history of that country in Graeco-Roman times
will be complete without full consideration being given to them, and their editor
is to be congratulated upon his work, which is a model for such a treatise.

Joseph Offord.

Cronologia Egiziana. LuiGi Peserico. 8vo, 71 pp. Vicenza, 1919.

This essay attempts to link various astronomical results with historical
statements which would not usually be accepted. Results from Greek and Italian
sources, especially the Parian chronicle, are here connected with Egyptian dates.
The eclipse of 141 1 B.C. is the date when the Pelasgi near Spina won a great victory
over the natives. Eighty years after, in 1331 B.C., the Pelasgic Sus reigned, called
Evander by the Romans and Perseus by the Greeks. Then we read of the
invasion under Merneptah taking Tanis, a Pelasgic captain violating the queen of
Merneptah, the plundering of the store cities of Pithom and Ramesses, a Pelasgic
captain killing Seti Meneptah, only son and co-regent of Meneptah I. We may
wonder where all this detail is to be found ; there is none of it in the Parian
Chronicle. If it is in the author's translations of Etruscan documents, they need
to be set out and established before they can be applied to history. In due
course we reach the immigration of Abisha in the Xllth dynasty " whom some
identify with the biblical Abram " ; a footnote adds that Ab-ram " father of
elevation " is equivalent to Ab-shadu " father of height," which was Ab-sha.
After going through Assyrian and Biblical chronology and the birth of Phaleg,
there comes the " Rubble drift," which we usually call the " Noetic or universal
deluge," beginning at some time in the four years 3048-3045 B.C. After this
it need hardly be said that the writer has never heard of the Egyptian chronology,
and depends upon Meyer for the possibility of a deluge at that date.

As a minor matter, the reign of Ramessu II is placed as beginning in 1325 B.C.,
which seems impossible. The date of 1300 B.C. agrees as well with the occurrence
of a full moon on Mekhir 16. As the relation of lunations to Egs^ptian years of
365 days, and months of 30 days, cannot be easily worked except by compiling
a table, and is wanted for any question of lunar dates, it is well to put it here on
record. The years below are 365 days, months 30 days.

5 years la months = 2,185 days : 2185-22 = 74 lunations.
8 years 7 months = 3,130 days : 3130-23 = 106 lunations.

II years 2 months = 4,075 days : 4075-19 = 138 lunations.
19 years 10 months = 7,235 days : 7234-99 = 245 lunations.
25 years o months = 9,125 days : 9134-95 = 309 lunations.

III years 2 months = 40,575 days : 40574-99 = 1,374 lunations.

Thus, every 25 years the lunations of a given month recur to the same day of the
year, within -05 day. At shorter intervals of 5, 8, 11 and 19 years a lunation
occurs on the same day of some month. For reducing longer periods the cycle of
III years 2 nionths may be used as correct to -oi day, in the Egyptian kalendar.

( 3> )

PERIODICALS.

Acaddniie des Inscriptions et Belles- Let tres.
Cotnptes Rendus, 19 17.

MoRET, A. IJn Jugement de Dieu. The stele published by M. Legrain in
the Annales du Service, XVI, 161, is here retranslated. It has at the top a scene
of priests bearing the barque of the divine Aahmes and Nefertari, and a priest
Pasar standing before it adoring and praying " Oh judge who dispenses justice,
let the owner of the house be justified, thanks to thee." Below is " Year 14 (or
18, or 26 or 34), 25th day under the Majesty of the king of South and North
Usermaa-Ra, son of Ra, Ramessumeriamen, possessing life, the day when came
the priest Pasar with the priest Thay to enquire before the good god Nebpehtira.
Came the priest saying ' As to this field it belongs to Thay, son of Sedemnef and
to the children of Hayu.' The god remained unmoved. He returned to the
god saying 'It belongs to the priest Pasar, son of Mesmen,' the god approved
with his head very strongly, in presence of the priests of the good god Nebpehtira,
the prophet Paaru, the front priest Yzanubu, the front priest Thanefer, the
back priest Nekht, the back priest Tahutimes. Made by the priest, artist-scribe
of the temple of Ramessumeriamen in the temple of Osiiis, Nebmehyu."

This is a couple of centuries before the various other judgments known
under the priest-kings. The case in question is connected with other documents
from Saqqareh. Pasar is son of Mesmen, and under Aahmes I an ancestor of
Mesmen named Nesha had received lands from the king. In the time of Horemheb
quarrels had arisen among the descendants of Nesha, and some tried to partition
the property, but in the direct line Huy, the father of Mesmen, had succeeded
in keeping possession. Again under Ramessu II the collaterals attacked with
false deeds, and got a decision against Mesmen, in favour of Khayuy. Here in
this stele from Abydos is the sequel, that Pasar, son of Mesmen, got a divine
decree in his favour, against the claims of Thay and the children of Huyu. The
modification of Kh at Memphis to H in Upper Egypt is a known dialectic change.
The name Thaui is known in the Memphite family," corresponding to Thay in the
Abydos text. Beside the conclusions of Prof. Moret, that divine decrees long
preceded the priest-kings, and that such could supersede civU judgments, there
is another extremely important conclusion. It has been usual to sneer at the
decrees by the signal of the god as obviously only a trick of the priesthood. Here
we have two priests appealing to the god-king. They must have believed that
the decision was not manipulated, or neither priest would have agreed to be bound
by it. In some way the decision did not depend on human interference, but was
equivalent to drawing lots for a reply. The reason for an appeal to King Aahmes
being recorded on a stele at Abydos is doubtless because his pyramid was there,
and his worship would be carried on by the priesthood with a sacred bark and
image to which the appeal could be made.

32 Periodicals.

The Sculptured Stones found at Hal Tarxien, Malta, in their relation to
Cretan and Egyptian Decoration. Einar Lexow. 14 pp. Norwegian, 4 pp.
summary in English. (Bergen Museums, Aarbok, 1918-9.)

Dr. Lexow starts from the latest dating of Egyptian history, and accepts that
there are no spirals before the Xllth dynasty, that is 2000-1800 B.C. according
to him. Hence he concludes that the spiral patterns originated long before in
the Balkans, and not in Egypt. This is very doubtful, according to the dating used
by the Egyptians. Next he proposes that the beautiful branching patterns found
on the stones in Malta, were the earlier stage of the spirals also found there,
and that such is the origin of spiral ornament. Certainly it is very improbable
that the formal spiral would give rise to the tree patterns, and therefore his
main thesis seems likely. There is no reason to bring in the dating to the
question, as on any dating it seems that there was a large foreign admixture when
the spiral appears in Egypt.

A Stamp Seal from Egypt. Winifred Crompton. 6 pp., i plate. (Journal
of the Manchester Egyptian and Oriental Society, 1917-8.)

This seal of limestone has a rudely cut figure of a man and antelope. Seals
of similar design are quoted, and it seems likely that this is before the Xllth
dynasty, and perhaps of the Old Kingdom. The limestone stamps of the Xllth
dynasty are less distinct in style and show a later stage of such work, which is
clearly foreign.

Bulletin de la Societe Archeologique d^Alexandrie. No. 16. The interest
of the papers here is almost entirely classical, and so rather beyond our scope.
The excavations of Col. Tubby and Lieut.-Col. James in the suburbs of
Alexandria unfortunately miss the main question, as to how much is Ptolemaic
and how much Roman. This might have been settled by the coins found, which
are passed over as "unrecognisable," and "a few coins hopelessly oxidised."
Anyone knowing coins could say within a century what their age was by the fabric
alone. The pottery, lamps, etc., would likewise have settled the date. The
only idea seems to have been searching for notable objects, and not settling
historically the age of what was found. Clear statement should be made as to
whether the objects were contemporary with the graves, or only in the surface
rubbish.

Dr. Granville gives an interesting biography of Henry Salt, the consul who
figures largely in the early discoveries in Egypt. A thoughtful looking man,
with something that recalls Burns and Blake in his expression, he went to India
and Egypt with Lord Valentia in 1802-6, as an artist and secretary. In 1809
he was sent on a British mission to Abyssinia. In 1815 he was appointed Consul-
General in Egypt. He there fell in with Burckhardt and Belzoni, and employed
the latter for many years in excavations, from which come many of the older
entries in the British Museum marked " Salt Collection." He was in bad health,
but could not leave Egypt owing to his duties. He died in 1827 at the age of
forty-seven, and is buried at Alexandria. He was one of the valuable men who
rose to the newer interests of his times, and was able thus to help in the early
growth of research in Egypt.

r. j THE MALLON STATUE,

2. [ FROM DEIR EL-BAHRI,

3. ' EBONY.

5. )

THE VIENNA HEAD.

6. MENTUHETEP II, GEBELEYN.

^ >

ANCIENT EGYPT.

A MENTUHETEP STATUE.

There has lately been published by M. Paul Mallon, of Paris, a portfolio
including some fine Egyptian figures. One of these is of much interest, and he
has kindly allowed the head to be reproduced here. The figure is of -ebony,
twenty-seven inches high. The pose of the standing position is more thrown back
than in the Old Kingdom, from the waist upward. The head has had inlaid
eyes, now missing. The expression is marvellously vigorous and full of vitality,
and it differs from other Egyptian figures not only thus, but also in the type.
The very wide jaw, short chin, and high cheek-bone have hardly a parallel in
other statues. It is clearly one of the great masterpieces, and of a rare style of
work.

What period can be assigned for this ? So far as external evidence goes, it
is stated to have come from the Xlth dynasty temple of Deir el-Bahri ; and
looking at the large slabs of sculpture which passed from the work there to the
dealers, such a figure might more easily be taken surreptitiously. The nearest
parallel for it is a head in Vienna, nine inches high, of green metamorphic stone.
The views of this (borrowed from Hissing's Denkmdler) are here placed parallel
to the Deir el-Bahri head. Allowing for the different school, working in different
material, and the loss of the inlaid eyes, we see a close resemblance in the
features. The wide short jaw, the proportion of the outline of the nose on the
face, the high cheek-bone, the slope beneath the jaw, the squareness of the
temple, all agree within near limits. The sternness of the work in polished stone
naturally makes a different treatment and expression to the vivacity of the wood
carving. The Vienna head is concluded to be of the Middle Kingdom by Bissing,
who points out that the uraeus on it shows it to be after Mentuhetep II, who
first wore it as in our Fig. 6.

Which of the Mentuheteps might the ebony figure represent ? We wiU
here follow the arrangement of Gauthier, as it seems to accord better with the
artistic development than that of Naville, which puts Neb-taui-ra after Deir
el-Bahri temple. The order of Gauthier for the Mentuheteps is as follows, stating
the distinctive Aa-name and Ra cartouche :

I. Neter hezt.

II. Neb.taui Ra.neb.taui.
Ill ? Sonkh.ab.taui.

IV? Sma.taui Ra.neb.hept.

V. Sonkh.taui.f Ra.sonkh.ka.

VI. Ra.mer.onkh.
Ra.skho.ne.

34 -^ Mentuhetep Statue.

Of these I is found at Deir el-Bahri, on sculptures from Gebeleyn, the head
here No. 6. II is at Wady Hammamat. IV is the king of the Deir el-Bahri
temple ; according to Naville divided into two rulers writing the name by the oar
and by the square, two homophones. V is the well-known Sonkhkara. VI is
from a statue found at Karnak by Legrain. The last king here is not placed
by Gauthier.

For the portraiture, though over ninety plates have been pubUshed from
the temple, the royal portraits, unfortunately, have not been collected and
reproduced efficiently on a full scale together. The complete heads on the
British Museum sculptures do not all seem to have been pubUshed. The heads
that are photographed in The Xlth Dynasty Temple of Deir el-Bahari are in Vol. I,
xii, xiii ; Vol. II, v, vi ; Vol. Ill, xii. None of them seem to have the
prominent nose of the ebony figure, as these all agree pretty closely in having a
sUghtly aquiline, massive nose, with little projection, a type seen now in some
Sudanis. The Vienna head, when perfect, may have agreed with the Deir
el-Bahri type. If so, the nose would not accord with that of the ebony figure.
The Fig. 6 of Mentuhetep from Gebeleyn appears to be that in Xlth dyn. Temple,
I, xiiA. The general resemblance of this type to that of Ra.neb.hept shows that
there was a family type ; and it seems, then, most Ukely that the ebony figure,
by its resemblance to the Vienna head, belonged to a successor of Ra.neb.hept,
who dedicated his statue in the temple of his ancestor. When workmen are
not well rewarded for the objects found, much is taken away without any
record of its original place and connection. If we knew the position to which
this figure belonged the burial chamber the royal shrine the famUy shrines
or elsewhere we might have fixed the historic value of one of the most striking
portraits known from Egypt.

W. M. Flinders Petrie.

ON THE USE OF BEESWAX AND RESIN AS VARNISHES IN THEBAN

TOMBS.

In some of the tombs in the Theban Necropolis it appears that wax was mixed
with the colours used for the wall-paintings. The use of wax for this purpose
has not been mentioned before, to the knowledge of the writer, but on turning
over fragments of mud plaster from the walls of the tomb of Antef (No. 155)
which had been buried in rubbish for some considerable time, he found that many
of the colours were covered with a thin grey coating or skin. A brief examina-
tion on the spot proved this to be a wax, and a further investigation by
Mr. Robert Mond in London gave the same result. A close examination of the
walls of other tombs then revealed the fact that wax was fairly frequently used
as a fixative or as a varnish in tombs ranging from the time of Amenophis I to
that of Amenophis II. That the use of wax should be limited to this short period
is interesting, but up to the present it has not been detected in tombs of either
an earlier or a later date.

At the present day, the wax remains upon the tomb walls as a greyish and
partially opaque skin which is readily detachable from the colour beneath, and
thus gives impression at first sight that it was merely applied as a kind of varnish.
Mr. Mond has however found in the sample submitted to him that the substance
was as plentiful in the middle and bottom layers of the colours as on the surface,
which suggests that the paint was mixed with the wax before being applied to
the walls. The melting-point of the wax in the samples examined was 64 C,
and as the melting-point of beeswax is 61 to 64 C, it seems probable that it
was beeswax which was employed. Beeswax is. one of the materials imported
into Egypt from the Sudan at the present day, and doubtless was in ancient
days. The wax produced in Egypt is of a very poor quality and dark in colour.
There is strong evidence that in some cases the wax was applied to the surface
of the colours instead of being mixed intimately with them.

In several tombs, and notably on the walls of the inner passage of the tomb
of Kenamun (No. 93), the wax has been applied in this manner rather carelessly,
and has encroached on, and slightly darkened, the white ground of the painted
scenes. In the tomb of Antef (No. 155), the painter did not trouble to go round
the small patches of the grey ground to avoid darkening them, but covered them
also with wax.

There is no doubt that the application of wax was found greatly to improve

the brilliance of the colours, especially the reds, blues, and greens. The re-melting

of the wax on small painted fragments leads to the colours brightening up in an

extraordinary way.

c 2

36 On the Use of Beeswax and Resin as Varnishes in Theban Tombs.

The question arises how this wax was applied, for even in a hot climate
like that of Egypt it would never naturally be in a more melted condition than
just pasty. It is, therefore, probable that it was mixed with some solvent, such
as a volatile oil like turpentine ; the process of applying heated wax to the walls,
as was done in the case of the Hawara portrait panels , would have been extremely
tedious and uncertain. It would also take a considerable time to cover the walls
of a tomb in this manner.

It is possible, of course, that an open brazier was held close to the portion of
the wall to be treated, and a lump of wax then rubbed over the portion thus
heated. A second application of the brazier locally to parts thus prepared would
cause the wax to be well absorbed by the paint and plaster. If this method
were the one adopted, it would perhaps account for wax being found right through
a colour and not only on the surface, as well as overrunning the limits intended.

The following is a list of those tombs in which the waxing of colours has been
observed :

Tomb 179. Nebamun

251. Amenmose

155. Antef

39. PUIMRE

81. Anena

82. Amenemhet
86. Menkheperrasonb
93. Kenamun . .

Hatshepsowet.

Early Tuthmosis III (?).

TUTHMOSIS III.

Tuthmosis III.
Amenophis I-Tuthmosis III.
Tuthmosis III.
Tuthmosis III.
Amenophis II.

The colours in the tomb of Puimre are applied direct to the stone without
an intervening coat of plaster.

In many tombs the wall paintings were covered with a varnish, which was
made from some kind of resin, whose variety cannot, however, be ascertained
as yet. In some of these tombs, the varnish is well preserved, though darkened
in tone, but in others it has either scaled off through being applied too thickly,
or it shows a badly cracked or fissured surface. Instances also occur where the
varnish has become much blackened through age, more especially in those tombs
which have been inhabited, a resin varnish apparently having a great affinity
for smoke. Sometimes varnish was applied to the whole surface of a wall, but
more usually only certain colours were treated with it, these being principally
yellows and reds. It is difficult in some cases to distinguish between colours so
treated, owing to the varnish darkening in tone (Tomb 150 and others).

There is strong reason to suspect that a varnish or similar medium was
mixed with the pigments as well as applied to their surfaces, as some colours
show a slight gloss combined with a peculiarly hard surface, the appearance of
which is totally unlike that of a colour which has had a varnish applied only to
its surface. It is to be regretted that up to the present only a few samples of
varnished colours have been examined, owing to lack of material. It is highly
undesirable to obtain samples direct from the tomb waUs (which has been done
in the past) and the only way is to obtain them from fallen fragments found in
the course of excavating a tomb, which are either too poor to replace on its walls
or whose proper position cannot be determined.

For those interested in this special question there is given below a list of
some tombs whose paintings have either been varnished or possibly had a varnish
mixed with their pigments :

On the Use of Beeswax and Resin as Varnishes in Theban Tombs. 37

Tomb 40. Amenhotpe
52. Nakht

64. Hekerenheh
74. -.Thanuny

90. Nebamun

93. Kenamun

, 130. May . .

, 139. Pere

, 161. Nakht

, 175. (Name lost)

Whole walls varnished.

Varnish applied only to limbs of some

small female figures.
Reds, blues, and greens, varnished.
Varnish applied to some of the greens.
Yellows appear to have been treated.
Whole walls varnished and others waxed.
Reds and yellows varnished.
Reds varnished in places.
Many colours varnished.
Reds and yellows varnished.

All the tombs mentioned above belong to the period of the late XVIIIth
dynasty, the majority being of the time of Tuthmosis IV. Up to the present no
examples have been found in the Necropolis of tombs of an earlier date that
have been varnished wholly or partially, with the possible exception of yellows.
A certain yellow used in the Theban Necropolis which was made from a compound
of arsenic (orpiment) was generally applied over a white ground owing to its
transparency. It thus acquires a glazed appearance which to the casual eye
suggests a varnish.

There is not any known case of the employment of varnish for the purpose
of protecting or enhancing colours in Ramesside tombs, with the one exception
of Tomb 23, of Thoy or To. Probably varnish was soon found to be unsatis-
factory as a medium for tomb decoration, though it was extensively used in the
XlXth-XXth dynasties and later, for the decoration of coffins and funeral
furniture.

The question now arises as to where the resin or resins were procured to
manufacture such varnishes. Egypt does not produce any resin-bearing trees,
with the exception of the acacia, and the nearest source of supply would be
Syria and the North Coast of Africa, from which places sandarac and mastic are
obtained.

Prof. Laurie has examined the question fairly closely in his Materials of
the Painters' Craft (p. 31), where, in discussing a certain varnish found on a
coffin of the XlXth dynasty, he concludes that the varnish used was a natural
semi-liquid resin as obtained from the tree, like our Venice turpentine or Canada
balsam, probably laid on after warming. He also states (p. 30) that a solid
resin liquified by heat cannot be evenly spread on a surface, and it at once cracks
on cooling. Now in Tombs 52 and 139, in which some female figures are thickly
coated with a resinous varnish, it would appear that this was the method employed ;
for the varnish, besides being laid on coarsely, is now covered with numerous
fissures and cracks [see Nakht and Pere). In other tombs, also, the appearance
of the varnish is very similar, which leads one to suppose that here again the
resin was applied to the colours hot and not mixed with a solvent. On the other
hand, there are tombs in which the varnish is fairly evenly spread and quite
free from the blemishes mentioned above. One is, therefore, forced to the con-
clusion that in some tombs the resin was applied to the walls after being liquified
by heat, and that in others a solvent was used with the resin to make a varnish
either to coat or mix with the colours. What this solvent was it is impossible
to say, as resin is only soluble in alcohol, turpentine or petroleum. If, as seems
likely, turpentine was the solvent used, it could only have been procured from

c 3

38 On the Use of Beeswax and Resin as Varnishes in Theban Tombs.

S3aia and the North of Europe, while petroleum, which is present in Egypt,
could only have been obtained in an unrefined state.

Egypt's strong trade connection with Syria in the XVIIIth dynasty was
probably responsible for the marked change observable in tomb decoration at
that period' and for the introduction of the use of resin as a varnish. Syria at
that time was exporting a quantity of material which may have been new to the
Egyptians, and of which they did not properly understand the uses. The
employment of varnish as a means of protecting colours, or perhaps for the pur-
pose of brightening them, was a radical change which did not last very long,
owing perhaps to the inborn conservatism of the Egyptian, or to the fact that
it was found that a varnish did not in the end improve a colour but actually

darkened it.

Ernest Mackay.

[The use of wax may be seen, mixed with dark green colour, as a filling of
the hieroglyphs on the red granite coffin of Ramessu III in the Louvre ; also in
incised figures on the wooden coffins (Univ. CoU.). This was probably the earlier
stage of using coloured wax for portrait painting. The use of clear wax over
colours was noted on the late sarcophagus of Ankhrui at Hawara ; this suggested
securing the stucco by melted wax, and hence the excavators' system of using
paraffin wax as a preservative. As to the use of turpentine as a solvent for wax
or resin, the natural turpentine would be useless, being a thick syrupy resin. It
is only the distilled oil of turpentine that would be of use. Pliny describes two
rude methods of distillation. " From pitch an oil is extracted ... it is
made by boiling the pitch and spreading fleeces over the vessels to catch the steam,
and then wringing them out." (XV, 7.) " In Europe tar is extracted from
the torch tree by the agency of fire . . . The wood of the tree is chopped
into small billets, and then put into a furnace, which is heated by fires lighted on
every side. The first steam that exudes flows in the form of water into a reservoir
made for its reception ; in Syria this substance is known as cedrium, and it possesses
such remarkable strength, that in Egypt the bodies of the dead after being steeped
in it, are preserved from all corruption." (XVI, 21.) From this it seems that
in the later times, at least, an oil of turpentine was prepared in Syria for
Egypt. The resin employed to coat paintings is described thus : " From the
sarco colla (Penaea SarcocoUa, Linn.) a gum exudes that is remarkably useful to
painters . . . similar to incense dust in appearance, and the white kind is
preferred to the red." (XIII, 20.) F.P.]

' Witness among other things Floral friezes and ornamental ceilings and the use of
the disc of the sun on top of the cheker ornament when that ornament was employed as
a frieze.

( 39 )

THE KINGS OF ETHIOPIA.

The journal Sudan Notes and Queries, issued quarterly since January, 1918, is
mainly devoted to the customs and folk-lore of various tribes, a most needful
help to administrators. The only articles touching Egypt are a series on the
history of Ethiopia by Dr. Reisner, which is mostly familiar ground to our readers.
The important new statement is the list of Ethiopian kings, as discovered and
arranged from the excavations of the Harvard-Boston Expedition. Those with
an asterisk are newly found.

B.C.

Taharqa ...

.. 688-663

*Astabarqaman ...

466-463

Tanutamon

.. 663-653

*Sa'asheriqa

463-443

Piankhy II

653-633

Nasakhma

443-438

Atlanersa...

.. 633-623

Malewiyaman . . .

438-408

Senkamanseken .

.. 623-603

*Talakhaman

408-403

*Anlaman

603-573

Amanherinutarik

403-373

Aspalta ...

573-553

Baskakeren

373-372

Amtalqa ...

553-538

* ?

372-368

*Malenaqan

.. 538-528

* ?

368-348

Nalma'aya

.. 528-523

Harsiotef

348-313

Netaklabataman

523-503

Piankalara(?) ...

313-298

Karkaman

.. 503-488

Nastasen

298-278

The order has been settled by the principle of sequence dating, the resem-
blances of one group of objects to another indicating their order of connection.
The lengths of reigns seem to be approximations of ten or twenty years, or
sometimes five or fifteen, arrived at apparently by the amount of work observed
in each reign. The beginning and end of the list is fixed by contact with
Egyptian sources. Any student of Ethiopic history will need this number
(January, 1919), which can be obtained (3s.) at the Sudan Government Railways
Office, 5, Northumberland Avenue, London, W.C. This journal may well be the
basis of a national magazine of the Sudan.

( 40 )

NILE BOATS AND OTHER MATTERS.

[Continued.)

We must now describe how this constructive difficulty, making a skin composed
of many pieces into a continuous whole, one which could withstand longitudinal
and transverse strains without yielding, was overcome.

Our wooden boats, whether " carvel " or " cUnker " built, depend to a large
extent upon the ribs which, however, would not maintain their verticality but for
the skin of planks nailed to their outer sides : the ancient boat is a unit, a shell.
The method made use of for holding the short planks one to the other becomes
therefore a matter of the first importance. The keel plank (as I will call it)
in the case of the Museum boats is made of but few pieces, so as to avoid the
weakness of joints.

The wood of which these ancient boats are built is the same as that made
use of to-day, very hard, but impossible to procure in straight lengths, hence
the method of building up and fitting together of the parts as here described.

Iron was not made use of, perhaps not available in sufficient quantities.

We might have expected to find pins or pegs driven into holes prepared for
them in the upper and lower planks, but if they are present in these specimens
of ancient boat building they cannot be seen.i In the present case we find only
dovetails with the occasional use of a species of tongue, which will presently
be described (Fig. 5).

Countersunk recesses are prepared along the long sides of the planks and cut
about half through their thickness (see A) ; into these the dovetails are forced,
always on the inside of the hull. The butting joints of the keel planks are
fastened together with large dovetails.

I venture to suppose that we should go wrong were we to assume that all
boats of the period were built precisely as are the Museum specimens.

In the volumes before referred to on Beni Hasan, Part II, Plate XII, we
see several boats differing in shape from those usually depicted. The hulls are
deeper ; the greater draught must have enabled them to take considerable cargoes.
In such boats the method of joining plank to plank with long pegs instead of with
dovetails which pegs and dovetails are now replaced by long iron nails, cUnched,
may have been employed. But, on the other hand, it must be kept in view
that a clumsy draughtsman may be very responsible for a difference between
one hull and another.

None of the ancient drawings are to scale.

In constructing a great barge such as that which is depicted at Deir el-Bahri
and capable of carrying two obelisks, each of them some 32*0 m. in length, the
construction of the hull must have been a matter of great care and no little
science.

Denied the help of iron, and without the command of a variety of long
straight timbers ; with the cross strains the structure must have been submitted

' In our own mediaeval carpentry we find magnificent roofs, held together entirely by
oak pegs : for example at Westminster Hall.

Nile Boats and Other Matters. 4 1

to in getting the two immense monoliths on board ; in taking the chances of
running on a sand or mudbank on the way down the river, and finally in
unloading ; the hull must needs have been a really scientific combination of
timbers. Whence came the large timbers ? Are we at all justified in supposing
that there mi|tht have been more science displayed in building a barge in the
XVIIIth dynasty than in the Xllth ?

We should bear in mind that long before the Xllth dynasty prodigious blocks
of granite were brought down from the Aswdn quarries for the Pyramids and for
the temples at Saqqara.

As regards ship construction, it would probably be less difficult to support
a great weight distributed over a large area, as in the case of obelisks, than
it would be to support a similar weight concentrated, as in the case of a block,
over a smaller area. It would seem impossible that dovetails alone could have
held together the planks of the hull. The main strength of such a structure
cannot have been merely in the skin, but must have been within, by making use
of trusses and similar methods, clothed with the cleverly combined skin.

I may be pardoned if I make a short extract from a letter written me by
the late Mr. Francis Elgar, Director of Naval Construction to the British
Government. He says, " The two great obelisks of Karnak, 97 ft. 6 in. long,
could be carried on a boat about 220 ft. long and 69 ft. beam, upon a draft of
water of about 4 ft. 6 in. or not exceeding 5 ft." He was much interested in
this question.

Some of the largest passenger steamers on the Nile approach this length
but differ exceedingly in beam, they move on the river after its volume has
considerably diminished ; but except at the very crown of high Nile, a barge
of 69 ft. beam and 5 ft. draft would present great difficulties in navigation. As
we have already said, merely to construct a vessel of such beam and yet of so
shallow a draft under the limitations which pressed upon the ancient Egyptians
must indeed have been a difficult matter. Whence came the necessary knowledge,
at what remote period did the people begin to accumulate the experience which
culminated in their power to deal with immense weights, lifting them, trans-
porting them, unloading them, and this not only in the Xllth or XVHIth
dynasties, but in the IHrd or IVth ?

It is not easy for those unaccustomed to deal with figured dimensions to
realise merely by reading a statement of numbers of feet, how large a thing a
barge would be, such as that mentioned by Dr. Elgar. Let me give an example.
James Fergusson, in the monumental work, his History of Architecture, gives
the following dimensions of Westminster Hall : 68 ft. wide and 239 ft. long.
When we compare these with the dimensions required for the barge 69 ft. wide
and 220 ft. long, we can realise what a serious business it must have been to
build, to load, to tow, to navigate and finally to unload such a structure even
under the best conditions.

To return to the boat in the Museum, which would be of very light draft
and not intended to receive cargo. The dovetailing has been already described
(Fig. 5). There is, however, another method by which the planks were held
together, more akin to pegs and perhaps more effective (see Fig. 5).

Sometimes one, sometimes two tongues of wood are projected from the
plank above and driven down into holes made to receive them in the plank below.
In one case the tongue is 0.20 m. in length, 0.08 m. in thickness, and 0.15 m.
in projection.

Nile Boats and Other Matters.
1

cnij

4.0 nt.

Nile Boats and Other Matters, 43

The section of the boat (Fig. i) shows that there is not, as we might have
expected, a stout rim, or gunwale, forming a top rail to the hull (Fig. 6).

In this we see the ingenious method adopted by the boat-builders to
tie together in their length the planks which form the gunwale such as it is.
No doubt a rope of fresh hide was bound tightly round the central tongue. The
hide contracts in drying and in result an exceedingly close and strong junction
is secured. The method is still made use of. The great yard of a dahabeah,
usually made in three pieces and in length averaging more than 33.0 m., has the
two largest pieces covered at their junction with a fresh hide, which, contracting
as it dries and assisted by rope, withstands easily the great strain to which the
yard is exposed under the tension of the sail. The yard of my own boat was
fully 35.0 m. in length. This yard was on one occasion broken in half by the
wind strain, but at the junction of the two heaviest pieces of the timber, one
of which was broken, and which junction was fortified as usual by hide, no
damage appeared.

It will be observed that the hull of the ancient boat is assisted to maintain
its shape by eleven thwarts or cross-pieces, which are carried through the
thickness of the skin of the hull and firmly fixed in position. They are visible
from the outside. They support the deck planks.

A notable example of the way in which the thwarts were made use of in
construction can be observed in the sculptures at the temple of Hatshepsut at
Deir el-Bahari.i

On PI. CLIII we see a considerable number of large rowing boats, which
are being made use of to tow the barge which carries two obelisks. The ends of
the thwarts are seen piercing the hull. On PI. CLIV we see the great barge
itself carrying the obelisks. The thwarts are in three ranges, one above the other,
which is a proof that they formed most important members in the inner
construction of this large hull.

In the case of the boats in the Cairo Museum, planks are laid, their ends
resting on the thwarts and thus forming a movable deck.

This is a very usual method of forming a deck to-day.

hX AA on the plan. Fig. 3, are indicated the places occupied by two posts
to which the steering paddles were attached. Steering paddles not rudders,
as we understand them are clearly shown on Pis. CLIII and CLIV Deir el-Bahari
above referred to. The steering paddles were attached by ropes or thongs to
the upper end of the vertical poles (see PI. CLIV).

In the Museum boat there is no indication that they were provided with
a mast. Had there been such we must find sockets on the centre plank at the
bottom of the boat.

It is to be regretted that another illustration of boat building, in addition
to that already referred to, is not known to us. Of boats already built and in use
we have many examples. We must take refuge with Herodotus, who gives a
short and not very illuminating description of how boats were built in the book
Euterpe.

Of the passage in this book relating to boat building, various readings have
been produced, none of them very helpful. Let us refer to that by Sir Gardner
Wilkinson, The Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians, new edition

The Temple of Deir elBahari, by Ed. Naville. Part VI, Pis. CLIII and CLIV.
Egypt Exploration Fund, 1908.

44 Nile Boats and Other Matters.

by Saml. Birch. Murray. Vol. II, p. 207. " The Egyptian boats of burthen
are made of a thorn wood very similar to the lotus of Cyrene, from which a tear
exudes called gum. Of this tree they cut planks measuring about two cubits,
and having arranged them like bricks they build the boat in the following manner.
They fasten the planks round firm long pegs and after this stretch over the
surface a series of girths, but without any ribs, and the whole within is bound by
bands of papyrus. A single rudder is then put through the keel, etc., etc."
Wilkinson then gives a small woodcut (to which I refer the reader) which
certainly does not at all agree with the Museum boat above described, nor with
the way in which a naggr is built now. On p. 209 he gives a drawing of a boat
the hull of which is constructed with thwarts as in the Museum specimens.
None of the boats so beautifully sculptured in the reliefs at Deir el-Bahri, above
referred to, suggest a method of construction such as that evolved from Herodotus
by Wilkinson.

As I do not pretend to penetrate the mysteries of Greek texts, I have
referred the question to my kind friend, Dr. Griffith, of Oxford.

He refers to a commentary on Herodotus by How and Wells, Oxford, 1912,
Vol. I, p. 214. These commentators translate the passage in question as follows :

" The long bolts at frequent intervals were, so to speak, the string on
which the short pieces were strung, they were driven in vertically to the layers."
The words " string " and " strung " are not to be taken in the sense of tied
together, but " attached," just as we find the word frequently used to-day.
The bolts at frequent intervals were driven in vertically, as we see in the
Museum boats.

If we may assume that the word " layers " should be taken to mean
" horizontally laid planks," we find ourselves to be very near to some parts of the
construction of the Museum boats, and also near to the method shown at Beni
Hasan. Furthermore, we are very near to the method of construction as
practised to-day, as we shall presently see.

Carey's translation is as vague as that of Wilkinson. How any boat can be
" bound within by bands of papyrus," it is hard to say, but if the translator has
put a wrong value on the Greek word and has translated as " bound " a word
which should really be " caulked," he then describes that which is done to-day
and must always have been done or the boat would not float.

The example of boat building before referred to from Beni Hasan (see
Fig. 2) shows most clearly the planking formed of short pieces of wood and the
vertical " butting " joints so distributed that, like bricks in a wall, no one joint
comes immediately above the joint below. In this the description given by
Herodotus is completely supported.

Seeing how fast many handicrafts making use of traditional methods are
dying out in Egypt, it may be of interest to describe how I saw a naggr built in
the year of grace 191 r. The way differs not materially from the methods in use
in the Xllth dynasty. I had the good fortune to see the business carried through
under my eyes for the following reason. Sweet brotherly love does not always
flourish between the inhabitants of neighbouring villages in Egypt. The two are
very ready to fly at one another's throats. If harm cannot be done on a large
scale it can be done on a small.

The noble and lofty principles inculcated by Mahomed are as thoroughly
neglected as are the precepts of Christianity at home. There is the difference
that the Egyptian is but emerging from the infamous misrule of the Turk ; he

Nile Boats and Other Matters. 45

places but little confidence in the administration of the law ; he prefers to ad-
minister the law with his own hand. He begins with his tongue, his hands quickly
follow, and violences are enacted. With us, happily, the law has a much greater
power than in Egypt. We are forced to behave better.

In consequence of the above state of things and fearing that the wood, tools,
etc., etc., might be stolen by way of revenge (no doubt the other side would call
it justice), it was suggested that the naggr should be built on the river bank
just below my house which, being at a considerable distance from the contending
villages and having about it an aroma of the Government, there would be cast a
halo of safety over both the materials and the operations.

I thus was introduced to some customs, more or less local, connected with
carrying through the business which are not without their interest.

When it has been determined that a boat of this type shall be built, it is first
necessary to select the builder, a craftsman who is classed amongst carpenters
and confines himself chiefly to boat building. The carpenter, being instructed
how many " dira " (yards) in length the boat is to be, agrees on a price. The
" dira balady " or country dira is 58 centimetres in length = 23 inches.

The carpenter is paid at per " dira " of running length. Nothing is said about
the beam of the boat or its draught. The carpenter carries in his head certain
proportions of beam and draught in relation to length : a traditional system.

Judging by the clumsy tubs these boats always are, whether we meet with
them at Omdurman, Dongola, Asw^n or Assist, we are justified in believing
that the lines on which they are built are altogether traditional. A boat to take
two masts is as clumsy in its proportions as a boat the building of which I am
about to describe,- taking one mast. The proportions differ materially from those
of the boats in the Cairo Museum.

The naggr is built entirely for capacity. The draft and beam are, in pro-
portion to the length, far greater than are those of the Museum boats. Of
ancient boats there are countless models from tombs and as many drawings or
sculptures upon the walls of tombs. In all cases there is shown a considerable
part of the hull, both at the bow and the stem, out of the water. The difficulty
of moving such a boat against a head wind must have been great (we have all
doubtless experienced the difficulty in a gondola). The boats to convey mer-
chandise, of which we see examples so carefully depicted in the Temple of Deir
el-Bahri, are built on the same lines. The naggr of these days differs con-
siderably.

In any case the existing form is evidently of very long standing. I would
like to ask whether we are really justified in supposing that the models of boats
in the Museums are at all correct. I do not believe that they are more than
sketches. The same remark unquestionably may be made as regards the drawings
or sculptures. They are symbols.

All students of Egyptology know the beautiful sculptured scenes on the
walls of the Temple at Deir el-Bahri before referred to. The workmanship of
the sculptor is so fine, so exact, and many details are set forth with such manifest
accuracy that the impression at first received certainly is that here, at least, we
stand before measured drawings: everything must be drawn to scale as in the
drawings of an architect.

But the more the sculptures are studied, the more manifest it becomes that
it is the method of dehneation that produces the effect ; these beautiful works are,
in fact, not to scale. Dr. Elgar told me he had come to the same conclusion as

4<S Nile Boats and Otlur Matters.

stated above and more especially is this the case with the dehneation of the great
barge bearing the obelisks, and he gave his reasons which were, to me, quite
conclusive, but are too long to state here and too technical.

To return to building what I will call " our naggr." There are sundry
customs which cluster round the proceeding.

The carpenters go forth up and down the river to buy the wood. This is,
very usually, in the form of standing trees, which are carefully examined in
regard to the possibility of cutting them into useful and handy pieces.

We must bear in mind that none of the wood is artificially bent ; all the
curved pieces, such for example as the planks forming the bow, must needs be
cut to shape by the skilful carpenter with an adze, and wonderful it is to observe
the certainty with which he wields this instrument. With the saw also certain
slight curvature is obtained. The wood, trees or planks, are purchased by the
employer. All surplus wood brought upon the ground belongs to the carpenter.
The carpenter is, further, entitled to be fed by the employer during the
progress of the works, and that not with ordinary everyday durra bread and
such like, but pigeons, chicken and other luxuries must be provided.

The neighbours of the employer are also placed under contribution ; they
are supposed to consider that the building of a boat is a matter of interest and use
common to all, so they frequently visit the work, consume a great amount of
time in useless talk and bring as presents to the employer, but for the use of the
carpenter, eatables of various sorts.

Custom further dictates that the carpenters (for in the case under considera-
tion there were two) receive a complete outfit of clothes, such as people of their
degree usually wear. When the boat is ready to be launched, the carpenters
receive a second suit. Coffee is, of course, being freely administered to the
carpenters and visitors during the whole time of construction.

The employer, in addition to the wood, has to find all necessary nails and
bring them to the site.

The wood made use of is that of the acacia Nilotica, known on the Nile as
" sunt," a slow-growing tree hard and close in grain. The tree can grow to a
considerable size, but it seldom gets a chance. A stem of a metre in diameter
is thought very large. After purchase the whole tree stem, large branches and
small, is brought to the river side after being in part, cut up to facilitate
transport. Having arrived, the pieces of wood are scientifically sorted, all the
timber to be used for the naggr being laid on the slope of the river bank, just
within the water, so as to be kept always damp.

The carpenter brings his own saws, hammers, adzes and big augers, also
a pair of gibbet-like affairs which are used with much craft to prop the timber
for sawing. A spot having been selected close to the river side (it must be under-
stood that the work is usually undertaken during the going down of the Nile :
if the Nile is rising the spot selected is high on the bank, so near as to facilitate
the floating of the finished boat) a sufficient piece of land is made level, the naggr
being built parallel with the stream. Just north of it a little hut of durra straw
is made to form a shelter from the prevailing north-west wind. In this the in-
terested parties live until the work is finished, thus keeping watch over the
materials and the progress of affairs.

Let us say that the naggr, when finished, will be 24 ft. long over all.
A straight line is laid down on the levelled surface of the selected site, by
the aid of a piece of string, its direction parallel with the river, and on either

Nile Boats and Other Matters. 47

side of it, alternately, a small stump of a branch is fixed in the ground. In the
meantime the keel, which is to rest on the before-named stumps, is being prepared.^

From small tree stems of a suitable size the longest available pieces are got :
let us say three. These are, with the adze, worked smooth along the top. The
two sides are drtesed vertically but not very true : the under part is left rough
and shapeless. The three pieces are halved together, drilled with the auger
and mighty spiked nails procured from Cairo are driven in and clinched. The
keel thus formed is placed on the stumps and is fixed to them by long nails.

It will be observed that in establishing a keel we have departed from the
method of the Museum boats and it may be presumed, of the ancients, for neither
in models nor wall drawings do we see anything that suggests a keel. As soon,
however, as it was decided to make use of a hinged rudder and not of the steering
paddle, a vertical stem post became a necessity. It must be presumed that
with this change the keel also was introduced, as without that the stern post could
hardly have been made firm at the bottom.

The carpenter now prepares the stern post. It consists of a straight piece
worked square in section, by means of the adze, and halved at the bottom end
to the keel. A spike nail or two is driven in, a fixing which seems very inadequate
and indeed would be so were it not that by the method of building the hull
every part of the structure assists in supporting every other part (Fig. 8).

The bow of the naggr is a more imposing affair than the stem. Having
selected some knees from the wood lying on the bank, three curved pieces are
cut and then shaped by the adze : they form when set together a somewhat
imperfect quadrant. They are halved and nailed together in the way already
described for the keel and the stem post, are quite neatly fitted, being finally
dressed down with the adze after they are fixed in position (Fig. 7).

Where the curved pieces for the bow start upward from the keel, the bottom
piece projects downward below the keel some four inches or more.

I could not ascertain that the carpenter knew why he made it thus. It
seemed with him a matter entirely of tradition, but one can imagine that long
since the advantage of such a projection was observed. When the keel strikes
upon a sand or mud island, the projection would make a groove in the yielding
surface, through which the keel would more easily follow.

Before the stem post or bow are permanently fixed, a piece of string is
procured, also a piece of red ochre, which the sandstone hills in Upper Egypt
provide so liberally. It is called " moghra." The ochre, in water, provides a red
sediment : this is the pigment in which the string is soaked. The string is held
along the middle of the upper surface of the keel and then plucked. The
ochre is thus deposited in a straight line. In the same way straight lines
were made, both vertical and horizontal, in remote times, as hundreds of tomb
interiors still show.

By eye the stern post and rib for the bow are set up, a string is stretched from
the top of the one to the top of the other, and by means of a plumb bob made of a
heavy nail and a piece of string, the centre line or axis of the hull is established.

It is not a little fascinating to watch these effective but primitive methods
being put into operation. Excepting in the presence of the iron nail, there is
not one of these methods that by a study of the ancient drawings and buildings
we cannot see to have been in use four or five thousand years ago.

' In Fig. 2, from Beni Hasan, we see the sticks set up so as to keep the hull in its place.

48 Nile Boats and Other Matters.

The Egyptian knew how to execute work, when he was called upon to do it,
which in its perfection has never been exceeded, as, for example, the external
masonry of the Great Pyramid. Except in some of our finest metal work of to-day,
screw gauges and things of that sort, we never approach it. What absolute
precision and mastery over the most stubborn materials, what fineness of
modeUing of the mouth and cheeks of a statue did he not attain ! We are still
at a loss to know with what means he reached this perfection.

In other pieces of work where such accuracy was not required, he worked
in a manner far more rough and undoubtedly the handiwork was, for the most
part, guided by the eye alone.

The naggr we are now engaged upon comes under the last category.
When one tests what the carpenter has done by a twentieth century standard
and observes the tools and methods made use of, one is not a little astonished
how so considerable a degree of correctness has been arrived at. On the other
hand, a naggr of but a few years old wears an aspect of hoar antiquity.

Worked, as all the surfaces have been, by the adze, the surfaces being
without pitch, tar, paint or varnish, they acquire a silvery hue and distinctive
texture that wood from the saw or plane never gets. The rudder, although not
belonging to the old order of things, is so rough in its make as to suggest a frag-
ment of an old bam door, whilst the sails are usually the worse for wear.

The bow, stem post and keel connecting them standing complete, a little
flag bearing the name of Allah is set up at the highest point of the bow and remains
there during further building operations.

A reciter of the Koran, for a consideration, also attends occasionally : it is
furthermore helpful to the success of the operations that pious and compUmentary
remarks should freely be made.

The large saw already mentioned as brought by the carpenter now comes
into work. A trunk of tree, after the adze has reduced it to a section more or
less square, is marked with slightly curved lines, more or less parallel. This is
done by means of the string charged with " moghra " (red ochre) which is held
by one of the carpenters in short lengths of perhaps 9 ins., and then plucked.
The direction of the string is slightly changed after each plucking until, at last,
a long line somewhat curved is clearly marked.

We now come to the erection of the sawing frame. Two fairly stout branches,
selected from the stock of wood, have been set vertically, their ends buried deep
in the alluvium of the river bank ; a cross piece joins them at the top, they are
firmly roped together. The piece of a tree to be sawn is tilted up against the cross
piece. The "gibbets" above referred to are placed under the other end of the
piece to be operated on. The diagram Fig. IX shows how the gibbets are used.

A, B and C, D are roped together tightly. The trunk or log to be sawn
extends from the cross piece first described and is rested on the cross piece of
the gibbets A, C. The whole affair, ricketty as it appears, keeps steady. One
man stands on the trunk or log to be sawn, the other stands below. A handy
saw-pit is established but without the pit. The contrivance can be set up almost
anywhere.

The sawyer below observes the curvature of the red ochre lines which are
above him ; directing the saw along these lines, three or four stout planks are
produced to the shape intended.

In the case I am describing the planks were about 4 ins. = 10 cm. thick
and as long as the trunk or log would permit.

Nile Boats and Other Matters.

Sundry planks, some 2 metres long, were obtained which were used for the
bottom of the hull.

The planks are not nailed down on to the keel, but fitted against the sides
which, as we have said above, were got to shape not by sawing but by the adze.
The keel projects, when all is finished, but little below the skin of the hull.

It may be supposed that by the somewhat rough method of work above
described, the sides of the keel are not very true. The difficulty is got over in
the old Egjrptian manner, as it was done by the masons. The piece of material
to be set in place is fitted to the irregularities of the piece already estabUshed.
None of the keel is cut away.

The way in which the adjustment of the planks to the keel is made is as
follows. The sides of the keel are painted with a hquid mixture of Nile mud.
Before this is quite dry, the plank to be adjusted is held in position against the
mud paint. Where that paint comes off on the side of the plank, the discoloured
surfaces are dressed away, very deftly, with the adze ; the process is repeated
until the two fit very closely. The same process is repeated for all the joints
throughout the hull.

The ready way in which the demands of the eye are responded to by the
skilful hand is delightful to watch.

The plank, ready for fixing, being held in its allotted position, the carpenter
arms himself with a small paint brush made from a piece of fibrous stick chewed
at the end.i He dips this in the red ochre and marks the places for the nails
(see Fig. X, A.)

A straight mark and a small circle indicate that the nails are to be driven
in from above at A, or below at B, which when the hull is complete will be A the
inside, B the outside (Fig. lo). The plank being set up edgeways on the ground,
the holes for the nails are bored with A. large auger. In this respect we have
come away from the ancient dovetails but are not removed far from the pegs.
The necessary curvature of the planks is gained entirely by the adze. This
statement applies to those of less than two metres in length, which were in most
cases sawn as before described.

The nails are of wrought iron, not very hard, tapering in form and with
large mushroom heads : the nail must not be so stout that it cannot at the small
end be bent over with some ease, as all nails are chnched.

In some cases a recess is prepared as at A, Fig. XI, giving greater facility
to drive the nail diagonally into the next board B.

There are, near the top planks of the hull, pieces in the nature of thwarts
set across from side to side and carrying a boarded deck. Quite half the area
of the hull is thus covered in and the rigidity much strengthened thereby. Across
the hull, just about the middle of its length, is fixed a stout beam, usually made
from the stem of a tree, smoothed with the adze, but following all the inequalities
of its shape. The thwarts above named are passed through the skin of the hull
and are visible on the outside. The stout beam or tree stem is for making steady
the short mast which has a socket in the keel and a strap or other form of stay
to secure it to the beam.

The wooden structure of the naggr is now complete. The next duty is to
enable it to float.

' See Visits to Monasteries of the Levant, by the Hon. Robert Curzon. Murray, 1850,
p. 96.

50 Nile Boats and Other Matters.

We are accustomed to boats being caulked from the outside, but in the
case of the naggr we find the same method employed as mentioned by Herodotus,
the caulking is done from within ; but instead of " byblus " old clothes are
preferred. There is a great merit in this S5retem. To caulk a hull as we do it,
the boat must be on land and attacked from the outside, but in the case of the
naggr the traveller remedies the leak as he travels along, which indeed I have
assisted in doing.

The proprietor sacrifices a strip of his " gallabea " or " camesa," or by
preference, a piece of the traveller's clothes. This is vigorously pushed into the
crevice, with the result that the boat becomes remarkably water-tight. This
method of ca\ilking adds to the ancient and ragged appearance of the hull.
Little bits of rag are seen fluttering on the outside.

In these da}^ the carpenter occasionally fortifies the hull by a few ribs,
but these are in no way parts of a system attached to the keel, but are fixed to
the interior of the skin, giving a httle extra strength where the builder thinks
it desirable.

The sail is always latine.

The naggr has now to be set afloat, but this is not a great piece of business
any inequaUties in the surface of the sloping bank left by the retiring waters
are smoothed down. The boat, its long axis parallel with the stream, is eased
down first at the bow, then at the stem, and so it wriggles its way until at last
it is afloat : imperfections in the caulking are made good ; the mast and cordage
are set up, the sail is attached, and the new naggr at once takes its place amongst
the antiquities of Egypt.

A study of what has been said shows that, as a matter of fact, the naggr of
to-day must be a very direct descendant of the boats built some thousands of
years ago, with the method of construction but little changed.

The saw plays a not very prominent part ; pegs and dovetails have given place
to iron nails. The adze is now as it was long since, the most important cutting
and shaping tool. Steering by a paddle has given place to steering by a rudder.

The progress of this type of boat, primitive as it is, depends still almost
entirely on the sail, punting with a " midra " or long pole is still, as it always
was, universal. The oar, when it is used, is no more than a bare pole, cut a
little flat at one end.

The paddle, like the crocodile, has entirely disappeared between the sea
and the Second Cataract. At Kareima, however, close to Gebel Barkal, just below
the Fourth Cataract, I have had the pleasure of being propelled in the ancient
manner as we see it in the models and on the wall sculptures. The side of the
naggr in which I was traveUing rose to exactly one metre above the water-
Through a loop of rope, twisted round a thwart and projecting outside the naggr,
was passed the shank of the paddle.

The loop acted as a rowlock. The paddle consisted of a fairly stout stick
some two metres long, and at one end was fixed the blade (Fig. XII). The
blade was tied to the shank. The paddle was used nearly vertical. Observing
how the Kareima people used it, one understood the ancient models in the Museums
with the extreme verticaUty of the paddles as there to be observed.

When in a swift stream additional strength was required, two or more men
pulled at a rope attached to the paddle shank immediately above the blade,
and thus, drawing the paddle towards them they very much augmented the
force of the man who held the paddle.

Nile Boats and Other Matters. 5 1

I ask permission to insert the following from Across Asia Minor on Foot
by W. J. Childs, Blackwood. I take the paragraph from the Spectator of March
3rd, 1917. It seems to me of peculiar interest as it shows that, if we go to the
right place, we may see an ancient type of boat on the sea at the present day,
square rigged :

" A sight of this kind I watched one summer evening on the coast of the
Black Sea, when a long boat, whose bow was shaped like a swan's breast, put
off from the shore. Her stem projected above the hull and was curved into a
form resembling roughly the head and neck of a bird preparing to strike. Upon
the mast, hanging from a horizontal yard, was set a single broad square-sail,
and under the arching foot could be seen the black heads of rowers, five or six
men on either side, and a bare-legged steersman placed high above them in the
stem." Mr. Childs sees in this, with great reason, the direct continuance of
Greek tradition. May we not go further back and see the picture of this very
ship in many an Egyptian tomb of far greater antiquity ?

There is yet one more machine for floating on the Nile which, exceedingly
primitive as it is, is still in very general use. It is called "ramus." It is
more than a raft which is merely a float ; it is shaped to a certain extent and can
be propelled, indeed it usually is so, by an imperfect paddle.

The ramus will take at least two people. It is made of boose the straw
of durra, which grows to a length of two, or two and a half, metres. The boose
is tightly tied into long bundles, circular in section, diminishing towards one end,
the bow of the machine. Three or more sticks, A, B, C, Fig. XIII, are tied
across, so as to keep the structure steady. The largest of these sticks are 0. 80 or
0.90 m. in length. I have measured the length of several of these ramus, all
about 4 m. It is not curved upwards from the water at the bow end. The
whole thing is made very rigid by being roped together, as shown in the sketch.
A view of the fishermen working from these floats is given in the Journal of
Egyptian Archaeology, IV, 255.

The passenger propels himself with a paddle made of a short piece of stick
and a piece of flat board at one end. The thing is primitive but sufiicient.

The ramus is much in use when cultivable islands appear above the retiring
waters of the Nile.

SoMERS Clarke.

[The old-fashioned ship-building in England was not so very different to
the Egyptian method. " Stocks. A frame erected on the shore of a river or
harbour whereon to build shipping. It generally consists of a number of wooden
blocks, ranged parallel to each other . . . and with a gradual decUvity towards
the water" (Encyclopaedia Britannica, 1797). Had we the facihty of a rising
river to float off our shipping, no doubt the methods would have been still more
alike. F. P.]

D 2

( 52 )

REVIEWS.

Estudio de Arqueologia Cartaginesa. La Necrbpoli de Ibiza. Antonio VrvES
Y EscuDERO. Madrid, 1917. 8vo, 189 pp., 175 figs., 106 pis. (Junta para
Ampliaci6n de Estudios, Moreto i, Madrid.) 20 pesetas.

This is a noble work of collecting materials for the " extension of study";
though based on the very varied contents of the Iviza Museum, all kinds of
collateral materials from Carthage, and some other sites, are brought in, and
briefly illustrated by sketches for comparison. The plates, 7^ by 4I ins., are all
photographic, fine-grained half-tone or collotype, bright and clear. Unfor-
tunately the industry of the author has had indefinite material to work upon.
The Iviza Museum appears to be a chance collection without any scientific data ;
not a single tomb-group, or association of objects is in evidence, not a single
dating is known beyond what may be guessed from appearance. It is of the
" curiosity " stage, hke the Naples Museum, where no locaUties or groupings are
stated. What might be done in a single season's work by an archaeologist who
knew the dating in Greece and Egypt, would be worth all that is yet known and
collected. In the absence of any dating, it is only possible to note comparisons,
which we here do on the Eg37ptian side.

The earUest contact with dated material is in the curious pottery made
on a wheel, open below and finished off with head and arms above. This
style of figure is known from a tomb of the Xlth dynasty {Dendereh, XXI) ; also
similar figures with hands to the breast from Cyprus (Cyprus Museum 5501-
5542, Sandwith Collection). Seeing how Httle is found in Iviza before the
Carthaginian period, it is very unUkely that such figures are of the Xlth dynasty
age in Spain ; nor are they indigenous in Egypt. They seem to belong to some
centre such as Cj^rus whence they were brought into Egypt in the Xlth
dynasty, and into Iviza perhaps a couple of thousand years later.

Probably a similar connection accounts for the resemblance of the bird vase
{Qurneh, XII) of about the XVIIth d3masty, and the similar bird vase from
Gades {Estudio, XLVII, 4).

There is perhaps an echo of the early prehistoric Egyptian style in the bone
spoons with circular bowls, and the long hair pin {Est., XXX, 7-9, i); when
the close relation of the pottery of that age to the modem Algerian is considered,
there is no improbabiUty in a style of ivory work lasting on in North Africa,
and passing thence to Spain, long after it ceased in Egypt.

Another similarity is in the multiple vases with Hathor head and cow's head,
found at Carthage {Est., p. 130), and the group of vases with the cow's head and
disc, from the deposit of Tehutmes III {Koptos, XIV, 7). The Carthaginian
is also evidently related to the multiple vases on a ring as found in Egypt
(Abydos III, XVI, 4) about the XVIIIth dynasty, and known in Asia Minor
rather later. This tjrpe is foreign to Eg3^t, and may have been brought in there

Reviews.

at an earlier date than it was borrowed in Africa. All of these resemblances
therefore indicate trade in common with centres of production, but not necessarily
equal dates.

fe^

DENDEREH

I V I 2 A

CYPRUS

Q.U R N E H

I V I Z. A

The case is different when we reach the XXIIIrd dynasty, the early period

of Carthage. Jars of this period are well known in Egypt (the parallels here

are the nearest pubUshed, but others are closer), and are the same as found in

Iviza and very common in Carthage {Est., XLIII, 21-23, P- "S). The glass vases

with variegated bands of colour found in Iviza [Est., XXXII) are all of the

later period of such glass, well known from the cemetery of Cumae, and generally

assigned to the ninth century B.C. The glass beads, coarsely made of varied

colour {Est., XXXIV, 1-7) are common about the eighth century B.C. in Egypt.

Cylindrical beads of coloured glass covered with knobs {Est., XXXV) belong to

the same factories and period. A cowry of glazed pottery from Carthage {Est.,

Fig. 84) has the cartouche of Shabaka of the XXVth dynasty. Thus before the

famiUar Greek age of the XXVIth dynasty, there are plenty of connections with

the remains known to be of the ninth to the seventh centuries B.C. ; but there

is no direct connection before that, only joint borrowings from uncertain third

centres of trade. The conclusion seems clearly to be that it was the Carthaginians

who brought Egyptian things westward, and it was not until the Phoenicians had

estabUshed the western connections that an5^hing was regularly traded from

end to end of the Mediterranean.

D 3

S4 Reviews.

In the XXVIth d5masty the Egj^jtian products and influences were common.
Glazed pilgrim bottles with new year wishes are found at Carthage {Est., Fig. 78) ;
circular mirrors {Est., XI, i, 5) ; triangular arrowheads [Est. XV, 4, 5) ; alabastra
{Est., Fig. 62) found at Carthage ; a finger-ring {Est., Fig. 50) as found in Sardinia
and Carthage ; a glazed ball with an uzat eye {Est., Fig. 83) and scaraboids with
a human head (Fig. 77), both from Carthage all of these show the general
spread of Egyptian things westward in the seventh century.

The usual little glazed amulets became familiar, and coarsely copied, in the
West. That glazing was actually done at Iviza is probable from the occurrence
of a lump of little balls of frit {Est., XXXIV, 27), exactly such as were produced
in Egypt, for the glaze factories to employ in making blue glaze. Perhaps,
however, this may have been for making blue paste amulets ; anyhow it shows
manufacture of amulets locally. A square amulet of bronze from Carthage
{Est., Fig. 58) shows a Phoenician adaptation of Isis and Horus, distinguished
by the moon and sun respectively.

Coming later, the series of lamps runs through all stages as at Naukratis
from the cocked-hat tj^e of a flat pan folded over into a spout, through the central
pivot-hole type, to the closed-in top, and then the addition of a side handle.
There seem to be very few of the types with figures, only the two cupids and
negro's head ; and there are none of the multitude of frog or palm t5:pes which
abound in Egypt in the second to fifth centuries a.d. This seems to show that
Iviza decayed after the first century, and ceased to import foreign goods, however
common. There is no trace of the Byzantine types of lamps, so frequent at
Carthage and in Sicily.

Of purely Roman age there is not much. A square metal mirror {Est., XI, 4),
some box handles (XVII, 3-6), a glazed dish with lions on the edge, from
Carthage (Fig. 82), some bone hairpins (XXX, 10-14), little figures of cast glass
(XXXIV, 20-23), and what may be a surveyor's mark, like those found in Egypt
(Fig. 36), are all of them early Roman rather than late. Knowing how flourishing
Carthage and Spain were in late Roman times, it is strange that more does not
appear in this volume. One single earring from Cadiz, seems to be of Byzantine
age (Fig. 17). The only conclusion is that purely Roman work had so completely
driven out local or national style, that nothing remains but entirely Roman
material, which the author has rightly discarded from a work dealing with
Carthaginian archaeology.

Some good plates (XLI-XLIII) are given of the " indigenous pottery."
This differs from what we know of the Italian, Greek or Egyptian. How far it
may be in common with the Algerian or Spanish is not settled. Of the Cartha-
ginian forms drawn there is but one which accords with the Iviza forms. The
most pecuUar products are the large masks of pottery, about 6 to 8 ins. high,
mainly from Carthage, but also from Sardinia and Iviza. These have no descent
from the Greek Silenus and other types ; they can scarcely be intended as
merely comic absurdities, and rather suggest a use in regular plays or per-
formances. If Carthaginian literature had survived we might have seen the clue
to these.

The great characteristic of Spanish work in aU ages has been a fulsome
spread of ornament. The terracotta figures are examples of this, with headdress
and tunic covered with rosettes and spirals {Est., LXXXV, LXXXVII, i ;
LXXXVIII, 3). This taste is what renders the mediaeval architecture of Spain
so fatiguing in its details to those bred in plainer styles.

Reviews.

Some of the terms used here in classification are hardly exact. The scarabs
named Mykenaean are by no means so early ; those called Egyptian are all
Phoenician imitations ; the scarabs of so-called Assyrian style are rather the Persian
edition ; and those termed Carthaginian are mostly local variations of Greek design.
The figure called, neo-Punic (XCVII) seems rather to be pure Greek in a local
school, probably Cyrenean.

KDPTOS(SiMPuriED)

A B y D OS

C ARTHAGE

\J \J

Q,UR,NEH

VIZA

EGYPT XXII

IVIZA

I V ( Z A

The general position then seems to be that there was little intercourse of the
East with the Western Mediterranean till after the Trojan war ; the traditional
drift of peoples westward after that, in the reputed Trojan colonies, and the
foundation of Cumae in 1050 B.C., began the movement which the Phoenicians
carried on, and it was their trade that spread the taste for copies of Egyptian
work. Scarcely anything of Egyptian make was traded West (the bust of
Sekhmet, Est., VIII, 2, is about the only piece), but there was a wide field for the
Phoenician imitations, in scarabs and glazed ware, which flooded the trade,
much as Naukratite imitations spread in the seventh and sixth centuries. Then
after the Roman conquest there was a great collapse, and what little life remained
in Carthaginian regions was completely dominated by Roman works.

D 4

S6 Reviews.

The Tomb of Senebtisi at Lisht. By A. C. Mace and H. E. Winlock. 4to.
132 pp., 35 pis-, 85 figs. New York, 1916.

At last we welcome the first volume of the results from the Expedition of
the MetropoUtan Museum of Art at New York, begun ten years before. The
scale and style of the present volume is delightful, but if one tomb claims such
treatment, will the Ufe of the explorers suffice to bring out the results of ten
years ? Respice finem is a motto which seems to be forgotten by most ex
cavators. They scarcely regard the fact that no one else is likely to find time
to work up and publish their discoveries, if they do not find time to do so them-
selves. Whatever a man does not issue of his own work will probably never
be seen, and might as well have been left undone. It will be useless to science,
and lost to sight, hke the plunderings by the European consuls a century ago.

This volume is a complete account of a burial of the Xllth dynasty, which
had been attacked anciently, but was saved owing to the plunderers being
interrupted before much mischief had been done. The chapters deal with the
general conditions, the clearing of the tomb, the coffins, the jewellery, the cere-
monial stores, the pottery, and the dating. The oblong pit, large enough to lower
a coffin, and about 16 feet deep, and the narrow recess chamber, are all of the
usual t3^e, like dozens of such burials in any Middle Kingdom cemetery. The
great value of the account is in showing what a complete burial contained,
and explaining the former contents of hundreds of similar tombs now empty.

Over the coffin, far from the loose rubbish that had fallen forward into
the chamber, there was a pile of bricks and stones. This seems to have been
placed there by guardians of the tomb, to cover over the attempted attack on
the coffins by the plunderers ; the same careful hands had filled up again the
plunderer's hole down the shaft. The coffin had been considerably decayed, but
the original decoration was carefully preserved by treating it inch by inch with
shellac or with paraffin wax. On the outer coffin were inlaid eyes of alabaster
and obsidian. This coffin was of the usual rectangular form, with raised block
ends and rounded top, such as began in the third djmasty. Around the edges
were gold strips, and down the axis of the lid an inscribed band, naming two
women, Sat-Hapi and Senbtas ; there is no explanation of the occurrence of the
first name, or whether these were two names for the same person, as was often
the case for men.

The careful tracing of the arrangement of the bead girdle, the collar and
other parts of the outfit, has added much to our stock of information. It is
an irony that the minute record of a much damaged burial should be worth more
than the accounts of the perfect burials found by incompetent diggers. The
detailed discussion of the coffins and fittings, compared with those from other
important tombs, makes this volume a text-book of the subject.

The inner coffin is claimed to be " the earliest definitely datable example
yet known " of the anthropoid coffin. Two questions are involved here. First,
the style of the decoration of bead collar and tresses of hair (frontispiece and
PI. XX) seems to be far removed from a starting point. The similar form of the
spiral at the end of the tresses and the marking of the breasts, shows that cop5dng
had gone on long enough to lose the original idea : the formality and want of attach-
ment of the rectangular bead work below the collar, again, is evidence of repeated
cop)dng. Second, how early is this coffin ? Unhappily the evidence of date is
not given : it is only stated (p. 114) to be " dated with great certainty to the
early part of the Xllth d3masty," and to be connected with " the great wazir

Reviews, 57

in whose tomb she was buried " (p. 49). Sometimes relatives are buried in a
family tomb considerably older ; and here it is agreed (p. 32) that the technique
and appearance of the coffin of King Hor is identical with this. Such resemblance
takes us to the end of the Xllth dynasty, or more probably into the Xlllth.

This question of date is important as affecting a whole class of pottery.
The application of white edging or stripes is well known, and is usually dated as
after the Xllth dynasty ; occurring here, it is claimed as beginning early in the
Xllth dynasty. The styles in this burial which do not agree with what is usually
dated to the Xllth d5masty, are stated to be due to belonging to the ruling class,
whose fashions were not yet generally copied. We need very certain proof
before we can thus formulate a difference of fashion of several generations between
the styles used in different classes of society. Such social viscosity has not yet
been proved in other periods ; within a generation or two copying however
cheap or rough takes a new style through all classes.

Let us hope that workers will devote their energies to publishing all their
results, even if less luxuriously than in the present volume. No one ought to
be allowed to turn up more material who is three years behind in publishing.

Etudes sur I'Origine et le Developpement de la Vie Religieuse. I. Les Primitifs,
I'J^gypte, I'Inde, la Perse. Rich. Kreglinger. Bruxelles, Lamartin, 1919.
i2mo, 370 pp. 6.50 frs.

This work is primarily written from the point of view of the study of recent
peoples. It gives nearly half its exposition to these, then long sections on Egypt
and India, and a shorter part on Persia ; " the other great religions, including
Christianity, will be studied in subsequent volumes." If all the work is similarly
carried out, it will be a most welcome text-book. The present volume is clearly
arranged, well written, with logical development and sympathetic treatment.
It aims at reaching the point of view of the primitive thinker, and realising
the aspect of life as seen by those who are without our accumulated experience.
It is well documented, giving a reference for almost every statement, and quoting
important passages in full.

In the first part, on primitive ideas, realism is first considered, concluding
that " savages do not think or perceive as we perceive and think ; with the
more complex kind of life, experiences are multiplied and individualised, knowledge
is widened, all the state of mind and mentality expands." To the savage mind
impression constitutes reality, dreams are as real as waking impressions, drawings
or statues are the equivalent of the bodies which they represent, the name is
of the same effect as the person, and may give control of the person, the word
of command creates the object or directs it. Magic rites are next described: of
war, hunting, rain and sun. The basic idea of all these, is that man can control
that which is beyond his reach by imitative actions. Under the head of
Materialism are collected the instances of eating powerful men enemies or friends
^in order to acquire their abilities. The bones of oxen placed with the dead in
Egypt are taken as being likewise to provide strength ; but as goats and other
small animals are also buried, and offerings of bread and drink, it is more likely
that the ox bones are also part of the food provided. The transference of sin
or disease to an animal is also quoted from many lands. The possibility of
telepathy and sympathetic influence is fully accepted, and examples are quoted
of physical contact in teaching and conferring powers.

58 Reviews.

A full and important section is that on mana, or the pervading influence
emanating from sacred objects and tabu. This influence can be transferred, and
the rudest sense of it is as a fluid or wind which passes from the possessor to
the recipient. The notion is found in Australia, Borneo, Annam, New Hebrides,
Madagascar, South Africa, and North America ; it also lies at the root of
Brahmanism. It should be added that this was familiar also in Egypt as the sa,
or power, which was imparted by the god laying his hand on the back of the
kneeling ruler. There was a class of sa-priests, who possessed this influence and
imparted it. The essential value of it was protection by the gods, literally
" backing," as sa was the " back " as well as the " influence." All kinds of
objects may contain mana stones, fire, wind, mountains, trees and weapons.
The Dionysiac rites, and the eating of sacred animals, are parts of this system.
The next section deals with the rites of contact with the earth, of fertility, and
the marriage system.

Totemism is a valuable section, comparing and criticising the various defini-
tions of the subject. The conclusion is " totemism is a belief that, in a society,
certain persons or clans are connected, or identic, with species of animals or
vegetables ; and it implies all the rites resulting from such a belief." It is re-
marked that nearly always a whole species, and not a single animal, is the totem.
Here Egypt helps us by the names of early animal divinities being all in the
plural, khnumu rams, anpu jackals, bau herons. The animal standards of tribes
in Egypt, from prehistoric times, later fixed as the standards of the Nomes, seem
to be on the same footing as the animal standards of the Hebrew tribes and of the
various peoples in Italy and Greece. The eating ceremonially and rarely of the
sacred animal is a rite of totemism, in order to maintain the bond of unity
with it : to the examples quoted may be added that of the annual eating of the
ram at Thebes, and the eating of the Apis bull at Memphis, of which only
fragments of bone were left to be buried, in some cases. Some interesting points
of primitive thought are quoted, showing the savage, like the child, disregarding
his individuality and thinking and speaking of himself as a part of the species ;
this further may throw light on the aspect that animals bear to each other.
" The social institutions of the present world find in these fundamental characters
of ancestral mentality, their distant explanation, and often their sole justifi-
cation."

The second part, on Egypt, deals with the soul, the king, and the gods.
Here the author follows the view that the disseverment of the body was for fear
of its return, and he calls it an act of impiety. This view, true in some coimtries,
never was a motive in Egypt. The dead were often provided with weapons,
unbroken and effective, proving that no dread of their action was felt. Moreover,
after dissevering the body and cleaning the bones, they were carefully re-
constituted in their original order. To prevent any action they would have
been left in confusion. In the early texts it is stated that the body was cleaned
in order to prevent decomposition, and to preserve it. The funeral prayers do
not pray that the head may not be removed from the body, but that it may be
returned to it, and the bones replaced ; this shows that the unfleshing of the
body was not looked on as impious, but as part of a needful ritual of preservation.
It is not the fear of division that prompts these prayers, but the fear of not
being rightly re-united. The old idea is repeated that the contracted attitude of
burial was embryonic ; there is no ground for this, as the attitude is that usual
in sleep, and the dead were merely wrapped together as they lay in order to

Reviews. 59

bury them. The djmastic people brought in full length burial, and that is the
usual attitude of sleep among the Egyptian peasants in modem times.

A curious statement is given, without reference, that the Gizeh Sphinx was
faced by another on the east bank of the Nile, forming a guardant pair to the
entry of UppAr Egypt. This needs to be verified, as it would clear up the
meaning of the Sphinx, if correct.

The division of the hieroglyphs of animals, at the legs or neck, is supposed to
be intended to prevent their injurious effect on the dead. This will not account
for the removal of the feet of the harmless birds, which seems to show that
mutilation was to hinder the animals from moving.

The earlier type of the ushabtis, as single figures of the deceased, is ignored,
and only the later modification as servant figures is stated, though that did not
begin till the XlXth dynasty. The idea of giving one for each day of the year
was a late view in any case, and only rests on one or two having days named,
which may be the day of death or of burial.

The ka being the family spirit, of which all descendants partake, is briefly
stated ; but the African beUef in the same family spirit should be quoted, as it
is the strongest evidence of such a view.

In describing the gods, the local origin and worship of each is well enforced,
and their local and tribal origin might be further illustrated by the compounding
of gods together when different tribes were mixed. A worthy summary of the
great advance of Akhenaten concludes this part of the work. The usual well-
fixed lines of Egyptian belief are stated, and need not be repeated here, beyond
the matters just named, which require further consideration.

The third part, on the Rehgions of India, is a clear and well-arranged historical
account of the changes that can be traced. Several long extracts give authori-
tative statements of belief. The gods of the Vedas and their origin are fully
discussed. Next the system of Brahma, and the philosophical subtleties into
which it developed. Lastly, the revolt of Buddhism, and the new morality and
philosophy which it brought in.

The fourth part treats the kindred development of Zoroastrianism in Persia.
The essential of this is the duality of the conflict of good and evil, which pervades
the deities, the spirit world, and the actions of men. The date of Zoroaster is
discussed, concluding that it cannot be later than about 1500 B.C., and that
the movement originated in the Aryan homeland before the Hindu invasion of
India. Though so closely akin to Hinduism, it reveals a violent antagonism
in the opposite characters of the spirits. The Asuras are the good spirits in
Persia, evil in India. The Devas are the evil spirits in Persia, the good in India.
Indra is the great god of primitive Hindus, Andra is the worst of demons in
Persia. Varuna the god of heaven in India is the demon of luxury in Persia.
Vata, whose wind is the breath of life in India, is the demon of storm, snow, and
destruction to Persia. " The religion of Zoroaster is one of the grandest doctrines
which have ever been conceived, and which shines not only by the depth of the
principles which the prophet discovered at the base of the world's evolution,
but also by the admirable vigor of logic by which he subordinated all the details
of his morals and eschatology to the first principles." After describing the
struggles of good and evil for the possession of man, " We find thus in the religion
of Zoroaster a grand conception which is not met with either in the Egyptian
beUefs, nor in the profound speculations of the Hindus. The world has a history,
it obeys the laws of evolution which from its present state lead it to an ideal

6o Reviews.

stage toward which are tending all the forces that move it. Neither in Egypt
nor in India is the world conceived as progressing or developing ; each man only
thinks of his own future his own survival or annihilation and the happiness
which he seeks either in Paradise or Nirvana is only a distant future which he
waits to realise. . . . For Zoroaster the world obeys a plan, it is in historic
growth, a field of battle where a passionate struggle is waged between opposing
forces, . . . the eternal and unquestionable opposition of good and evil, with
one only hope that of the victory of the good. It is on this foundation, solid
and simple, that his entire morality rests."

This little book, by its clear and sympathetic style, is worth more than
most of the pretentious and prejudiced works which encumber the history of
reUgions.

From the Garden of Eden to the Crossing of Jordan. Sir William Willcocks
93 pp., 8vo, 4 maps. 1918. 5s. Cairo.

When any work appears deaUng with a large number of debatable matters,
the first question is whether we must accept it as a final statement, or as material
for consideration, or as suggestions to be criticised. What value are we to assign
to the statements of the author ?

We are met on the first page by a strong statement. On Gen. ii, 6, " There
went up a mist from the face of the earth," we are told " The word translated
mist undoubtedly means free flowing irrigation," and " this Hebrew word occurred
nowhere else in the Bible." But it does occur also in Job xxxvi, 27, " For He
maketh small the drops of water, they pour down rain according to the vapours
[or ' free flow irrigation '] thereof which the clouds do drop and distil." Now
what has irrigation to do in a purely natural cycle here described ? Also the
word " went up a mist " is unquestionably up, and not poured down as a free flow
irrigation. Were all this merely a suggestion, it might pass as unfortunate ;
but it "undoubtedly means" what we see to be impossible. Close to this we
are told, " Now no mist, not even a primaeval one, will keep a garden alive."
Yet in Palestine on the hills, crops of sesame are grown entirely by dew, without
rain ; still more may this be the case in a low and damp situation. On p. 4 we
read that " the date palm has remained even to our day the tree of life" ; how
then could the idea arise that the tree of life was not eaten ?

Another " undoubtedly." " The letter E which precedes the names of the
shrines (in Babylonia) is undoubtedly the same as iheyeh which every Arab uses "
as a vocative. Now the E means the house or temple, the yeh is the common
vocative Oh ! On p. 54 we read of " the salted lands near the lakes " of the
Delta in Ramesside times. But there were no lakes at that time, as the sea
broke in at the time of Justinian ; till then there were marshes of the Nile
stream, but no land under sea level. Such statements as these must reduce us
to considering each point on its own merits, without relying on the author's
judgment.

The main matters of this discursive work will now be summarised. The
position assigned to the Garden of Eden is traced by identifying the four rivers
which flowed from it. The Pison is said to be the old Euphrates line from
Ramadie to Kerbela : the Gihon, the Chebar or Pallacopas ; the Hiddekel, the
Tigris ; and the present Euphrates passing Niffur. The site of Eden, whence
these streams divide, is claimed to be N.W. of Hit, the only position where a

Reviews. 6 1

garden could be placed which could be irrigated by free flow irrigation all the
year. But how much of this depends on the above views on the " mist " ?

The rise of the flood waters fifteen cubits is taken as showing an unusual
Euphrates flood, which swept over the country, and stranded the Ark on a desert
mound named^Ararat. Why or where a rise of desert is so named we are not
told. Much is said about the modem Arab gebel, meaning not a mountain but
only desert land of any kind ; but this is beside the point, as it does not touch
the meaning of the mountains named in the account of the Flood ; they are har,
which always means a mountain, while there is an entirely different word midbar
always used for a wilderness or desert.

Reaching the times of Israel in Egypt we are told of Joseph and Potiphar
being at Zoan, but there seems no proof of this. The Auaris or Ha-uar camp of
the Hyksos is identified with Hawara in the Fayum ; but probably this, and
many other Hawaras, are named from the Howara tribe of Arabs. A strong
point is urged that the control of the Delta and Nile irrigation depended on
holding the entry to the Fajmm, into which the Nile could be turned, and so cut
off water from the country to the north of it. But the possibility of this view,
setting aside the ancient acceptance of Ha-uar in the Delta, depends on the
Egyptian account. In that campaign immediately after taking Ha-uar they
besieged Sherohan, Sharuhen in the south of Palestine, and fought the Menti of
Satet, or Bedawin south of Palestine. This impUes that Ha-uar was near Palestine
and not far away south of Cairo.

The plagues of Egypt are compared in detail with the seasonal changes
of the country, as Osborn did sixty years ago. The course of the Exodus is then
traced in a northerly route on the Palestine road, and Mount Sinai is supposed to be
Kadesh Bamea. We read " Elim is undoubtedly Katia," but this phrase is not
decisive. One of the main difficulties in the view of a northern Exodus is the
mention of the Wilderness of Paran, which is obviously the same as the modern
Feiran in Sinai, and carmot be the same word as Bamea, with which the author
suggests its connection. This one site which can be identified by name seems
to make it fruitless to identify unnamed sites on any other route. The objection
that Sinai was " garrisoned by Egyptian soldiers . . more strictly garrisoned
and more hostile to the wandering tribes of Asia than the Delta itself," is entirely
untrue. There never was a garrison in Sinai, only armed expeditions occasionally
visited the land for mining. Further, whatever Egyptians went there were only
a small handful of labourers and a few soldiers, and they only occupied the actual
mines, and never controlled the desert. The only valid reason for the northern
route is the flight of quails, which are said never to pass far south of the Medi-
terranean. But that is not enough to gainsay the plain fact of the name of
Paran.

Of course irrigation and water control often appears here in different con-
flections ; but it is disappointing that a writer with so many ideas, and such
experience of the East, should not have seriously taken stock of the facts ; thus
he has missed making a valuable aid to understanding the many subjects involved.

( 62 )

PERIODICALS.

Journal of the Society of Oriental Research.

Mercer, Dr. S. A. B. Sumerian Morals. (Vol. I, 2.) This is a long and
careful study of the practical morals, as distinct from the theoretical ethics.
First the family life is considered. Marriage was a civil contract and " there
is no means of showing that it had any specific religious character." This accords
with Egyptian usage, where the contract dealt with property as affected by a
union, which apparently had no other legal status. The penalty for divorce
was fixed, as in Egypt, at the marriage, and it could be performed at any time
by the husband. Polygamy was possible but unusual. Polyandry was being
extinguished at the time of Urukagina, before 3000 B.C. on the shortest reckoning.
At that period women had an important position, the kings having the queens'
names often with theirs in decrees. This looks as if an earlier matriarchal system
was still respected.

In the matter of repudiation of a parent or a son, no notice is taken of the
observation of Miss Simcox (Primitive Civilisation) that these included cases of
adoption, and the separation of a child from his natural family by legal process .
The system of adoption is described as regards the future position.

The business law was ample and detailed, and fully punished acts of
carelessness which caused injury to others. Treaties between peoples were
regarded as compacts made by the gods, under whom the rulers acted in war and
peace. The ideal character attributed to the gods was high according to our
ideas, much higher than that of the Greeks. So far as this reflects the ideals of
the people, it puts the Sumerian above most races that we know. " Their gods
were holy, righteous, just, truthful, pure, good, perfect, compassionate, merciful,
mighty " ; but they " were subject to the need of change and repentance, just
as men are." In the summing up, " in spite of the presence of much materialism
in their social life, and of much regard for ceremonial in their religious life, their
moral ideals were singularly high."

A similarly exhaustive statement of all the passages of texts referring to
Early Babylonian Morals (Vol. II, 2) seems to show very little difference from
the earlier Sumerian ideas. The older population had set the standard adapted
to the climate and the conditions of life in the country, and little difference
could be expected, unless some great new ideals arose.

Mercer, Dr. S. A. B. Egyptian Morals. (Vol. II, i ; Vol. Ill, i.) In
these articles the general character of the Egyptians is discussed, as shown by
their ideals of life ; the difficulty as to the relation of the practical life to the ideal
is hardly touched. If the ideals of a people are pitched much above the average
practice, there is too much hypocrisy ; but if there is no suggestion of hypocrisy,
or a double standard, this points to a fair correspondance between the ideal
and the practice. From this consideration it seems that we may fairly give the
Egyptian credit for most of the virtues that he claims or commands. There
is another line of evidence, not touched in these articles, the physiognomy of the
nobles and kings, which thanks to the great art of the early times is known

Periodicals. 63

to us as familiarly as the portraits of modern statesmen. In these faces of the
leaders of Egypt we see unmistakably all that is best and noblest in their ideals
of action the dignity, foresight, patience, and vigour, with usually kindliness,
and sometimes humour. We feel it would be an inspiration to worthy life to be
led by such men; we can credit them with all the virtues that they claim.

The different standards of action are duUy realised by Dr. Mercer as limiting
the quality of the individual. " He must be commended or condemned not on
the basis of our code of morals, but on the basis of the morals of his own nation
and times." Yet it is said of the standard itself that we must judge of it as better
or worse than our own. Here there should be more reserve, due to the different
conditions, climate and necessities of life in different lands. The relative
proportion of qualities to each other largely depends on circumstances. Entirely
different builds of character are now needed in New York or an English village,
in Russia or in Spain, at the present time. What is a virtue in one country
might be a vice of character in another. The morality of the ancient Egyptian
is so closely fitted to the nature of the country, that it seems impossible to improve
upon it for the present day ; all the faults of the people are so exactly reproved
and countered in the admonitions, all the needs of character are so strongly stated
in the claims to excellence, that any judgment of the moral standard by that of
ourselves is inapplicable.

After classifying the various evidences of family qualities, social qualities,
international and religious qualities, the general ideals are dealt with, the standards
of good and evil, of free will and of right. The early Egyptian is concluded to

have been " devoted to goodness, truth and justice Considering the

limitations of his time, he cannot be too highly praised."

The second article, on the morality of the Middle Kingdom, is on the same
lines. The main development since the early times is in the individuality, the
feeling of personal right. The decay of society at the close of the Old Kingdom,
left a strong sense of the hollowness, insecurity and injustice of the course of
life. The strong rulers who insisted on a high standard had disappeared, and
those who sought justice stood alone. Falsehood, and the insecurity of life which
it produces, were the great evil of the time. The evils of life had driven men to
look for future compensation, and the ideas of different kinds of future existence
grew and spread. The Kingdom of Osiris, with the personal judgment, began
to take its place as a more reasonable prospect than the haunting of the graveyard.
Dr. Mercer's articles give a summary which will be especially useful to those
who make comparative studies with other lands. It might be an advantage to
bring in the sidelights given by art and by ideals of the future life, to extend the
view of character.

Report upon Archaeological Research in the College of Literature, Kyoto
Imperial University. Vol. II. March, 1918. Though this does not concern
Egypt, yet we must welcome the rise of archaeological work in Japan. There
are 76 pages of Japanese text, 24 plates, and then mercifully a summary of 24
pages in English. The style of the excavations seems thorough. Plans and
sections are given, the varieties of pottery and fiint implements are photographed,
and the skeletons are measured in detail and the skulls photographed. This
is laying an excellent foundation for comparative studies, and we congratulate
Prof. Hamada, who is the director of the work. He has also published entirely
in Japanese a volume of his travels in Greece, with many photographs, 250 pages
in all.

( 64 )

NOTES AND NEWS.

The troubles which have befallen Eg3T)t and the rest of the world have much
reduced the number of excavations undertaken here, though the conditions of
life in Egypt are better than elsewhere. Prices of labour and of food are high,
but have not risen quite as much as in England. Gold and silver have vanished,
and depreciated paper is the currency. All classes of natives seem to feel how
misled they were in the outburst of a year ago, organised by Germany, and they
do their best to regain their character for reason and politeness. The familiar
station of Bedrasheyn is a heap of brickbats, and there are no tourists going
to Saqqareh.

The American work continues with Dr. Reisner in Nubia, Mr. Winlock at
Qurneh, and Mr. Fisher at Memphis. England is represented by Mr. Carter,
working for Lord Carnarvon at the Tombs of the Kings, and by the British
School at Lahun and Gurob. Dr. Grenfell has been out on a mission to acquire
pap5n-i for the British Museum.

The work of the British School has been carried on by Prof, and Mrs. Petrie,
Captain Engelbach, Captain and Mrs. Brunton, Mr. Miller, Mr. Jefferies and
Miss Hughes. The duty of fully working out and recording a site is incumbent
on excavators ; and in clearing and planning the cemetery at Lahun, though
the Xllth dynasty tombs were exhausted, there was found a cemetery of the
1st to Ilird dynasties. A hundred graves of this period show the stages of
development, from the prehistoric open pit grave, the pit divided for offerings,
the shallow shaft and chambers, the stairway tomb with stone door slab, to the
deep shaft tomb, which continued through all later times. Many stone vases
and much pottery were found which will jdeld precise dating. One great tomb
of the Xllth dynasty had been broken up ; but the fragments of inscription
left were for Anpy, noble and chancellor, over all royal works throughout the
whole land, and over the store of produce. Strange to say, he was a devotee
of Sneferu, though living under Senusert II.

At Gurob the sebakhin have removed so much earth that graves are now
found ranging from the XVIIIth dynasty back to the prehistoric, with many
scarabs. A few large and important objects have rewarded the work at both
sites.

Captain Engelbach is going to take up his duties as Inspector of Upper
Egypt. Captain Mackay is in the army at Jerusalem, awaiting the development
of the Service of Antiquities, which seems to hang fire, though destruction is
rampant in the Hauran. The weather at Jerusalem has been as wild as else-
where, with two feet of snow and great icicles.

I : 1. GOLD URAEUS OF SEMUSERT II. LAHUN.
1 :4. MAGIC JAR OF ALABASTER. LAHUN.

ANCIENT EGYPT.

THE BRITISH SCHOOL OF ARCHAEOLOGY IN EGYPT, 1920.

After five years of absence from Egypt, the conditions seemed to be suitable
to resuming the work at Lahun last winter. No difficulties occurred, thanks
to the goodwill of Lord Allenby, who has been kind enough to honour us by
becoming the Patron of the School. The official world, both British and native,
did all that could smooth our stay in the desert at Lahun. The party comprised
Capt. Engelbach, R.E. (who was later joined by Mrs. Engelbach, and went on
to Ghurob), Capt. and Mrs. Brunton, Mr. Eustace Miller, Miss Hughes, Mr.
Jefieris, with Mrs. Petrie and myself. It seemed impossible to realise all that
had passed since we left there, when we sat at mess in the same huts. We had
nearly all of our older diggers, only two or three absent and doing other work.

The season opened with an interesting discovery before reaching the winter's
work. At the north-east comer of Cairo, where the track strikes off for Gebel
Ahmar, there are wide clearances of gravel, which has been used for road making.
The flints are very large, mixed with blocks of fossil wood, much roUed, evidently
washed down by floods from the Petrified Forest about twelve miles away east-
wards. The high polish on these palaeoliths shows long washing with sand.
A few very rudely flaked flints are among these, with large irregular shces knocked
away to obtain an edge, without any definite form. These seem to be the earUest
worked flints known in Eg3^t. When arrived at Lahun, we visited the gravels,
full of boulders, which cap the hills between the Fayum and the NUe, all cut to
pieces with sharp denudation valleys through 80 ft. of thickness ; but not a
single worked fhnt could be found of that age of High Nile. The working seems
to start when the Nile was about 100 feet over the present level.

On the edge of the desert at Lahun our best digger, Aly Suefy, had found a
patch of ground about a couple of hundred feet across, thickly strewn with broken
flints and many implements of Mousterian age. These were evidently in position
as left on the surface, and had not been buried under deposits. The Nile, there-
fore, has not been above its present level since then, and the fluctuations have all
been within the 50 ft. or more of the valley now filled up with deposits.

The entrance of the Nile waters into the Fa5mm was obviously a favourable
place for fisheries, which would attract a popvdation. We now find that from
prehistoric times onward there have been settlements on both sides of the valley,
at Lahun and at Ghurob. The early people seem to have been poor, but by the
1st dynasty a wealthy class had arisen here, and the graves have a full allowance
of offerings, and vessels of alabaster. At the edge of the Lahun desert, close to
the station of Bashkatib, we found a cemetery which had been partly attacked
in modern times ; on the lower ground, covered by denudation wash, there were
still a hundred graves which had only been attacked anciently. These burials-
comprise the whole series of forms, from the plain open grave of the prehistoric

66 The British School of Archaeology in Egypt, 1920.

to the deep shaft tomb which was usual in historic times. The primitive grave
was lined with brick, as a rectangular pit. This pit was then sub-divided by
brick walls, with the body at the northern end, head north, face east, in a con-
tracted position. The other compartments, from one to four in number, contained
stacks of offering jars. These jars were a continuance of the prehistoric ritual

-of placing jars of vegetable ash in the grave, many containing black ashes, but
others having only black mud as a substitute. The next stage was that of making

a side recess to hold the body, instead of a roofed grave ; this form began in the
late prehistoric age, and it was carried on here into the stage of providing a
complete chamber opening from a shallow pit, which was the successor of the
original open grave. This form was placed where a thin structure of harder rock
lay over a softer marl, thus a hard roof of a foot or two in thickness covered the

chamber. Not only was a place for the body provided, but also a second recess
for the offerings.

When the burial took place in a chamber it was obviously useless to make
an entrance pit equally deep all over. A slope was therefore made down to the

chamber, and this was formed into steps for easier access. Thus a stairway
tomb was developed, which expanded into a cruciform chamber, with side

chamber for the burial and the offerings From the stone vases and pottery,
which are well dated to a single reign by the Royal Tombs of Abydos and allied
groups, the age of these developments of the tomb can be fixed. The open grave
in this cemetery was made during the earlier half of the 1st dynasty. The
shallow chambered tombs are of the second half of that dynasty, and the stairway
tombs are of the same age.

The stairway tomb was sometimes closed by a thin slab of stone over the

doorway. This was easily pulled forward by plunderers, so it was secured by
being let into grooves in the rock at the sides of the pit. This type, though
begiiming as early as the middle of the 1st dynasty, lasted on to the close of the
Ilird dynasty, as at Meydum, and was even copied in the archaistic tomb of the
chief architect in the Xllth d5masty. The deep shaft, with one or more chambers
at the bottom, was the next type. This type was also begun by the middle of
the 1st d5aiasty, and probably continued here to early in the Ilird d5Tiasty,
judging by the form of the offering bowls and the head-rests. After that the
cemetery declined, and nothing can be dated untU the Xllth dynasty. Thus,
by the forms of pottery and stonework, which we know to have undergone rapid
changes, we learn that the various developments of the grave were all started
as early as the middle of the 1st djmasty, and continued side by side, until the
greater security of the deep-shaft tomb caused it to supersede the other types ;
it was favoured also by the increasing wealth of the country which enabled more
costly tombs to be made. This sudden appearance of several types of tomb
rather suggests that the development had taken place elsewhere, and that the
various stages belonged to different tribes, allied in the dynastic invasion.

The contents of these graves are of the usual forms of alabaster, basalt and

pottery vessels. The stone is mostly in the open graves, rarer in the shallow
chambers and stairway tombs, and absent from the deep-shaft tombs. This
agrees with the scarcity of stonework in the tombs of the Ilnd and Ilird dynasties
elsewhere. Some unusual objects were found: an alabaster vase surrounded
with lotus petals of slate and alabaster, the forerunner of the glazed lotus vases
of Hierakonpolis and later times ; three pottery vases of foreign origin, like those

- found in the tomb of King Den, and a small vase with black band, like that in

The British School of Archaeology in Egypt, 1920. 6^

Tarkhan II, ix, 11. These confirm all this foreign pottery as being of the 1st
djTnasty.

At Tarkhan it was found, on measuring the skeletons, that the group which -
appeared to be that of the invaders showed a stature 8 per cent, shorter than that
of the earlier people. Though not many skeletons could be obtained in suffi-
ciently good condition at Lahun, the question was examined on six of the open-
grave burials, against 18 in closed tombs. The result was that the closed burials
were 7J per cent, shorter in the leg, and 6 per cent, shorter in the arm. As these
differences were three or four times the amount of the probable error of the
contrasted quantities, there is good reason to accept them as veritable. This
points to the open-grave burials being those of the prehistoric race, and the
closed tombs those of the dynastic invaders, and thus corroborates the suggestion
that the various types of burial were already in use before they were imported.

The large cemetery of the Xllth dynasty was the main object of work this
year. Much remained to be done in exhausting chances of discovery, and in
completely examining and planning the whole site. The interior of the pyramid
of Senusert II was completely searched ; in turning over the dust and chips
Ijdng near the sepulchral chamber, the gold uraeus was found, which must have
been on the front of the crown. It is a massive casting, with inlay of camelian
and lazuli, a head of lazuli, and eyes of garnet in gold setting. Two stone lamps
were also found in the pyramid, besides two or three already obtained from there.

The tomb of Princess Sat-Hathor-ant, where the jewellery was found in
1914, was further examined ; behind the fine hmestone lining a recess for offerings
was found, containing common pottery and the great alabaster jar figured in
the frontispiece. Perhaps this is the finest jar known. It bears a magical
inscription stating that the princess would have everything that was produced
on earth, and all she needed, in this jar. Such a form of magic provision is'
not known before ; it superseded all the offerings, the models, and the scenes of
the tombs, by one comprehensive formula, which carried magic and the power
of the word to its utmost extent.

Outside of the pyramid enclosure a great tomb was opened up, the tunnel
of which ran toward the pyramid, ending in a chamber beneath the enclosing
wall. This contained a splendid panelled sarcophagus of red granite, and a
canopic box of granite. The sarcophagus, like that of Senusert, and of one
of the princesses, wels of exquisitely accurate work, with an average error of less
than a hundredth of an inch. No name was found in this tomb. The position
of the tomb shaft, 100 ft. outside the pyramid enclosure wall, suggested that other
shafts might be hidden as far out as that. The whole ground on the north of the
pyramid wall was therefore turned over down to the rock, moving a mass of chips
which had been thrown into old quarries there, to a depth of sometimes 15 ft.,
but no other shaft was found. In the face of the enclosure round the pyramid
there was an inserted stone, resting on another block inserted in the rock floor ;
but it proved all solid rock behind these. Opposite the queen's pyramid, a
length of the brick wall was separated by vertical joints, as if it had been filled
in later ; this was removed, but solid rock was behind it. Then the whole length
of the brick wall, as far as the great stairway, was cleared behind, to search
the rock, which was all solid. Lastly, a shaft was sunk in the rock, 40 ft. deep,
in the position most likely to intercept any gallery leading to tombs under the
rock mastabas north of the pyramid ; and cross-tunnels were cut from this to
north and south in both of the strata where the Egyptians had elsewhere made

E 2

68 The British School of Archaeology in Egypt, 1920.

galleries. All of these trials not reaching any passage, there only remains to
be tried an extensive rock-drilling, to see if any chambers were actually cut imder
the small pyramid and mastabas.

While searching further in the platform built up of chips to the south-east
of the pyramid, a stairway of brick was found, running diagonally to the
P5Tamid comer. This was made before the great enclosing wall which cut
across it, and it was the approach for the high officials during the course of
building, to avoid the inconvenience of climbing over the waste-heaps.

On the top of the hill behind the pyramid, the foundations of a large building
were found in 1914. At that time, and in 1920, many pieces of diorite statues
and of a circular altar, limestone sculptures and architectural fragments, were
found scattered about here. A most complete search failed to show any tomb
shaft, and the fragments found were not like those of the mastabas. Considering
that the sed-heb chapel of the apotheosis of Sonkhkara was on the top of the
hill at Thebes, it seems probable that this was the sed-heb chapel of Senusert.
At the comers of it were foundation deposits, with pottery, trays of reeds, and
bull's head and haunch.

The town of the pyramid builders at Kahun was further searched, on the
roads, and a few parts which had not been cleared in 1890. A large number of
clay sealings were found, and a curious portico which seems to have been a place
of domestic worship.

On a hill in view of the pyramid stood a great mastaba of brick, over a
tomb with a steep entrance passage, and a great shaft for lowering the sarco-
phagus, like the Vlth dynasty tombs of Dendereh. The tomb-chapel on the side
of the hUl, in front of the sepulchre, was like those of Beni Hasan. This curious
combination was due to the taste of the chief architect of Egypt, Anpy, who was
buried here ; he also cut off public access to the chapel by a deep pit, right across
the court, and too wide to be jumped. Only some pieces of the inscriptions
and of two statues remained, for the place had been ravaged for stone. Another
curious preference is seen on his statue, where he is said to be devoted to Sneferu ;
this devotion to the first pyramid builder may have been due to the architect's
interest in building the Lahun pyramid.

In the XVIIIth dynasty there were some wealthy people, under the early
kings. Groups of scarabs were found dated to Aahmes, and four to Amen-
hetep I ; with these are several scarabs which are clearly of the earlier time
of the Xllth dynasty, probably obtained from the mastabas near by. The
cemetery at Ghurob continued in use down to Ramessu II.

A puzzling monument is a granite sarcophagus of a prince " heir of the
lord of the two lands, the king's son, Pa-ramessu." This was his style until
the sarcophagus was nearly finished ; then on one panel of the body he is
entitled " the king's son (Ramessu mery Maot) neb uben maot kheru." Here a
cartouche is assumed, and the addition neb uben, "lord of shining " ; while on
all the other places where the name Pa-Ramessu occurs, there has been an
erasure, and neb uben has been put over it. On the lid, the middle band has
Pa-Ramessu, with the squatting man and whip determinative ; this is doubtless
what has been erased on the body. The lid, having some spare space, was altered
by putting on each side of the middle band " the king's son (Ramessu mery
Amen) neb uben " with a cartouche. It seems then that an heir-apparent
Pa-ramessu had come to the throne just before his sarcophagus was completed,
and had the alterations made with cartouches. Yet he caimot have reigned

The British School of Archaeology in Egypt, 1920.

long, or at the capital, because his burial was only in the outskirts of a small
provincial town. Who this prince can have been it is difficult to decide. There
were two statues of a Pa-ramessu, who filled the highest offices of state under
Haremheb (Ancient Egypt, 1916, 35-6), and who may justly be taken to be
the same as Raifiessu I. His father was named Sety. He cannot be the prince
of Ghurob, as his tomb is known at Thebes, and he was not a king's son. Looking
later, there is no prince Pa-ramessu, and if we accept the shorter from Ramessu
(which occurs on the sarcophagus) there is no prince Ramessu except the second
son of Ramessu II, who died between the twenty-sixth and thirtieth years of
his father's reign, and who cannot therefore have succeeded to the throne.
The later Ramessu princes reigned fully, as Ramessu III to XII, and therefore
cannot be this obscure prince. Their tombs are known at Thebes, except
that of Ramessu VIII. It is thus possible that this is the sarcophagus of
Ramessu VIII, but unlikely, as his second cartouche does not appear. The
so-called Ramessu IX, whose tomb is unknown, is really Saptah II, son of
Sety II, and he would certainly have had Saptah in his cartouche. So far as
we know at present, then, this sarcophagus belonged to some unknown prince
who was the heir to the throne, and who hardly succeeded before he was over-
thrown. Possibly he was an elder brother of Ramessu II. The sarcophagus
is unique as having a sledge beneath it, carved all in one piece in the granite.

The season's work has thus given some entirely new results both of objects
and of inscriptions, and the steady clearance of sites that are not reserved has
now been carried as far south as the entrance to the Fayum.

W. M. Flinders Petrie.

(jKA.Mlh, aAkcoPHAGUS AND CHAMBER, LaHUN.

E 3

( 70 )

THE ETHIOPIAN SOVEREIGNS AT MEROE.

Dr. Reisner has restored for us the history of Ethiopia during the Napatite
period. His archaeological work in the province of Dongola has been a remark-
able achievement, and it has settled the chronology of the Sudan from the time
when it began to be a world-power town to the epoch of Alexander, as well as
the racial affinities of the dynasties who ruled at the time over Ethiopia. But
the work done by Dr. Reisner at Napata and its neighbourhood, can be supple-
mented by the work done by Professor Garstang at Meroe.

Owing to the war only a bare outUne of this has as yet been published. A
considerable number of royal names, however, were discovered in the course
of the excavations which carry back the history of Meroe to Dr. Reisner's Ilnd
d5masty. Here is a list of them :

(i) Atlenersa Ra-khu-ka, " king of Upper and Lower Egypt." On blue
faience found in the Great Palace. (Reisner : B.C. 650-40.)

(2) Senq-Amon-seken Ra-sekheper-en, " king of Upper and Lower Egypt."
On blue faience found in the Great Palace. Also on a blue object discovered
at Memphis, (b.c. 640-20.)

(3) Aspalta Ra-mer-ka, " king of Upper and Lower Egypt." On stones
of the Great Palace which he restored or enlarged, on a stela from the Sun-temple
which he built, and on blue faience, (b.c. 590-70.)

(4) The Horus Amtalqa Ra-uaz-ka, " king of Upper and Lower Egypt."
On blue faience and small pyramids of solid gold, probably tribute, found in the
Great Palace, (b.c. 570-50.)

(5) Mal-neqen, " king of Upper and Lower Egypt." On stones from the
Palace which he restored or enlarged, on small gold pyramids and on blue faience.
(B.C. 550-40.) He never has his Throne-name, but the personal name is some-
times written Mal-neq, and the determinative nefer is almost always attached
to the first syllable, indicating that malna signified " good " in Meroitic.^

(6) Amon-kalbat, who seems to be Dr. Reisner's Netaklabat-aman, the
leader of his Ilird dynasty, (b.c. 535-15) On blue faience from the Palace.

(7) Amon-kalka, Dr. Reisner's Karkaman, the second king of his llird
djmasty. On blue faience from the Palace, (b.c. 515-495.)

(8) Sa'heri ^ . This must be Dr. Reisner's Saasheriya, the fourth king
of his Ilird p=z^ dynasty. On blue faience, (b.c. 475-55)

(9) Amon-stykal. This must be Dr. Reisner's Astabarya-aman, the third
king of his Ilird dynasty, with the ox (ka) written instead of the sheep {ba).
On blue faience, (b.c. 495-75.)

' The Meroitic word must be malna, since in the inscriptions of Askhankherel in the North
Pyramid 5, the name of " the Osiris Malna-[qen] " written Ma/na-NEFER.

The Ethiopian Sovereigns at Meroe. 71

Dr. Reisner's IVth dynasty is not represented at Meroe. But we have

(10) Han . . . who may be a queen. On blue faience.

(11) Amon-ardu[s]. On blue faience from the Southern Palace.

(12) Amon-matleka[n]. On a stone from the south side of the City wall.
To be distinguished from (4).

(13) Amon-ark Ra-khnum-ab, " king of Upper and Lower Egypt," whom
I would identify with the classical Ergamenes, the builder, as I believe, of the
great city wall. (b.c. 210-180.) Southern Pyramid 6.

(14) Amon-mer-Ast Ra-nefer-ankh-ab, " king of Upper and Lower Egypt."
Southern Pyramid sand blue faience from tomb 298.

(15) Ra-neb-kheper. On a scarab with deformed Egyptian hieroglyphs
and AUG in Latin letters.

(16) Neb-hotep-... On yellow faience from the South Palace.

(17) Neteg-Amon and Queen Amon-tari. On blocks from the temple of
Amon and the sanctuary south of it. It is probable that Amon-tari also restored
the Sun-temple. Neteg-Amon was buried in the Northern Pyramid 22.

(18) Agini-rherhe and Queen Amon-renas. On two stelae from shrine south
of Meroe, and on blocks from the Sun-temple. The stela records the Ethiopian
invasion of Egypt, (b.c. 24-22.)

(19) Queen Amon-shahet. On an obelisk in the temple of Amon. She
was buried in the Northern Pyramid 6, where Ferlini found jewellery (now at
Berlin) of the late Ptolemaic or early Roman period.

(20) Toqrerhi-Amon. On blocks from the Lion Temple, and Northern
Pyramid 27.

(21) Shen (?) On blocks from the Lion Temple.

(22) Ark-kharer. On a plaque obtained by the late Mr. Bishop from the
temple of Amon. He appears as crown prince at Naga, and was a son of (17).

(23) Ya-baleq. On a fragment of stone (920).

To these may be added (24) Amon-khabil, " the Sun-god of Qash, ever-Uving,
the Horus of the Reservoir," at Basa, the site of a reservoir and temple, a day's
journey from Meroe on the road to the Red Sea.

Dr. Reisner has shown that the Napalite dynasties were of Libyan origin
which explains the fact that in the sculptures of the Sun-god temple the Meroites
are represented with the features of the blond race Greek noses, high foreheads,
and thin lips. The later sovereigns from Neteg-Amon onward are negro or
negroid, and it is at this time that the queens take precedence of the kings.
After the end of Dr. Reisner's Ilird dynasty (b.c. 450, according to his chronology),
Meroe either became independent of Napata or, more probably, was destroyed by
foreign invaders.

Little chronological help can be obtained from the form or position of the
existing pj^amids. Each of the three groups contains pyramids of very different
periods. In the Western group of those that remain, six are stepped ; the
rest have straight and, in six instances out of nine, fluted sides. In two of the
stepped ones the art belongs to a good period ; another with fluted sides was
plastered all over, and surrounded by a walled court. The chapel of another
fluted pyramid contained three seated figures instead of a false door. In two other
instances a tablet was inserted in the centre of the false door, the tablet in one
case (No. 15) being in Meroitic, and recording the name of Amon-tari. A Greek
bronze lamp was found in one of these pyramids. In the Southern group all

E 4

72 The Ethiopian Sovereigns at Meroe.

the existing pyramids are stepped, and the chapels have false doors, solar disks
and boats. One of them (No. lo), the joint tomb of " the Priest " [kdni) Kaltela
Ra-ar-ta(?)a, " Lord of the Lake-land," and of Kalka, " the king " is of late
date ; another (No. 41) is the tomb of a " daughter of the king " ; a third
(No. 4) is the pyramid of Kenrethr, " the Sun-god of the South " ; it is attached
to another pyramid the chapel of which is destroyed, and is of considerably
later date than the adjoining pyramid of Amon-mer-Ast.

In the Northern group the pyramid of queen Kentakit (Candace) Amon-
Srti (No. i) stands apart by itself. That of Arkhenkherel Ankh-ka-ra (No. 5),
who associates with himself an older king, " The Osiris Malna-NEFER," i.e.,
Malneqen, is also intrusive, and has straight sides of peculiar form. It may have
been the first of the group to be erected. The other pyramids with straight sides
are No. 2, with four great bulls on each exterior side of the chapel, three images
instead of a false door, and a representation of Hathor standing on the lotus ;
No. 6, that of queen Amon-shahet (19), where FerUni found his jewellery, the
chapel of which has an arched vault ; No. 8; No. 11 which is very late and
barbaric ; No. 12, with late reliefs and blank cartouches, a standing figure of the
king taking the place of a false door ; No. 13, with late reUefs ; No. 14 ; No. 17
of king Amon-ton-m-Mari Neb-ma-ra (late) ; No. 18, with a court, of Amon-
khetosen ; No. 19, of Triginal with full-faced king in place of a false door (very
late) ; and No. 27, of...tera (?) Amon Kheper-ka-ra, with seated king instead of
a false door (very late). The sides of Nos. 16, 17, 18, and 19, though straight,
are not fluted. The stepped pyramids are: No. 3; No. 4 (of Amon-...akha
[Ra]-...n-ab) ; No. 7, of Alu(qa)-Amon Ankh-zeto-mer-Ast "lord of the two
lands," who seems to have been a contemporary of Ptoleny IV ; No. 9, with a
pylon ; No. 10, with pylons and winged bulls ; and No. 22, of Neteg-Amon,
with the bier of Osiris in place of a false door.

That the Sun-temple the first stage on the road from Meroe to the Red
Sea was built by Aspalta, we may conclude from the fragments of his stela
that were discovered there. It was subsequently restored, after partial destruc-
tion, by Agini-rherhe (18), perhaps with the spoils of his Egyptian campaign.
But it is probable that the list of conquered or tributary provinces which adorns
the eastern front of the temple was the work of Amon-tari, since when the
cartouche accompanying it was first uncovered I was able to read the characters
[A]m[on-t ?]r. As the list was not quite correctly read from the photographs
in Mr. Griffith's publication of it, and has since suffered severely from exposure,
it is worth while to give it as it appeared immediately after excavation.

The first three cartouches are (or were) :

3. 2. 1.

That is (i) " Men " (abr in Meroitic)-' ? -g.
' ' ' (2) a-wa-a-r.

3 ? (3) c-g-i.

Since -g and gi are plural suffixes.

the three cartouches do not contain geographical names, but are merely an
introductory formula : " The men {ahrg) of the countries " {awar' =gi) or
something similar.

The Ethiopian Sovereigns at Meroe. 73

Then follow (or followed) the geographical names :
(4) G-m-t-a ; (5) T-'-s-n-a ; (6) B-r-i-ha-a ; (7) P-t-r (?) [or kh ?]-'-! ;
(8) A-n-rh^-' ; (9) ...-rh-y-rh-y ; (10) ...-wa-sh-' ; (11) ...-...-n-q;

(12) ...-t-r-a ; (13)... -rh- A [perhaps a word signifying " cities "] ; (14) ...-g-to-' ;

(i5)...-a (?) -q-' ; (16)..'.-.'..- kh-' ; (17). ...... -...-a.

One word more. Nastosen, who is placed by Dr. Reisner, B.C. 330-310,
was a native of Beniat, usually identified with Meroe. But no trace of his name
has been discovered there. Can he be the Amon-khatosen of the Northern
PjTamid 18 ? And is he further to be identified with " Aktisanes the Ethiopian,"
who, according to Diodorus, overcame Amasis and was counted among the
Egyptian kings ? We know that in the troubled earUer years of Ptolemy V,
two Ethiopian kings, Harmakhis and Ankh-m-khu, ruled at Thebes, and the
discordant medley of excerpts which take the place of Egyptian history in the
pages of Diodorus would make anything possible.

A. H. Sayce.

' The character which I transcribe rh is represented by sd in the transUteration of some
of the names in which it occurs (e.g., Merul and Mandulin, karhake and Candace), though it
remains r in the name of Meroe (M-rh-e-u-i) and interchanges with the ordinary r in two
Meroitic inscriptions discovered by Prof. Garstang. Hence we might have a name Uke A nd
corresponding in Greek to Anrh'.

( 74 )

NOTES ON THE JEWELS FROM LAHUN.

The jewellery found at Lahun by the British School of Archaeology or rather
all of it except those pieces retained by the Cairo Museum recently arrived
at the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York, where it was placed on exhibi-
tion in December last. Without exception, those who have seen the treasure
have been struck almost as much by the conscientious care and ingenuity shown
by Prof. Petrie and Mr. Bnmton in its reconstruction, as by the marvellous
skill and taste of the ancient jewellers who made it. It was therefore with con-
siderable diffidence that I suggested two changes in stringing. I would not
care to dignify these suggestions with a published note, were it not that both
Mr. Lythgoe and Mr. Mace, who mounted the jewellery for exhibition, have
tested them out, verified them as correct and adopted them. This being the case
it seems desirable that the reasons for the changes should be put on record in
Ancient Egypt, especially since the article which Mr. Lythgoe prepared to appear
in the Metropolitan Museum Bulletin, December, 1919, at the time the jewellery
was put on public view, did not seem to be the appropriate place to explain
them in detaU. These two changes, adopted in exhibiting the jewellery in New
York, involve the stringing of the Senusert II pectoral and the cowries, and I have
added a third, tentative, and as yet not finally adopted, change in the stringing
of the lions' heads. This last is not susceptible of the demonstration which I
beUeve can be presented for the first two changes.

To Mr. Mace I am indebted not only for many details on the particular
jewels, but for numerous references and suggestions embodied in the following
pages. I should state finally, that this note is written before the arrival in
America of the definitive publication of the Lahun excavations by the British
School, and that, therefore, reference can only be made to Prof. Petrie's
preUminary descriptions^ with the consequence that I may have missed a number
of interesting points.

The point of departure for these suggestions was the string of gold cowrie-
shells. Prof. Petrie has demonstrated that in the intervals between the
eight large gold cowries, sixteen gold " double rhombic " beads should be strung,
two in each interval. This arrangement is assured by the distance between the
thread holes in the cowries and in the " rhomboid " beads a distance which is
practically identical in both cases. Now there can be little question that these
cowries and " rhomboids " were intended to be strung tightly together, and if
this is dene they make a string 20J ins. in circumference, clasped. Because of
the corrosion of the bronze cores of the cowries, threading them is now impossible
and the only photographs of them which can be taken without the dangerous
operation of re-drilling them, are somewhat deceptive. Each cowrie has two

Times, May 20, 1914; The. Illustrated London News, June 20, 1914 ; Ancient Egypt,
1914, p. 97 ; Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, 1914, p. 185 ; and Catalogue of the Exhibition
held at University College, London, 1914.

Notes on the Jewels from Lahun.

thread holes through it, one shghtly shorter than the other, but the difference
in lengths between these two holes is so slight that it would take a string of
cowries and " rhomboids " of 40 or more inches in length to make a complete,
closed circle with all of the beads l5^ng flat as in the photographs. In short,
with this 2oJ-iri. string, when the clasp was closed, the beads would all be standing
on edge, more or less vertically. If worn about the neck such a string of cowries
would have the appearance of an upright collar, but a very ill-fitting one, for
the circumference of a woman's neck is usually no more than from 12 to 14 ins.,
and this collar would therefore have hung almost upright an inch or so beyond,
and under her chin. As all Egyptian necklaces were flat lying, except the tight

I. Girdle of Cowries, as arranged in the Metropolitan Museum.

collars about the throat, it is evidently necessary to look for some other arrange-
ment of this string.

After this conclusion it was inevitable that one should turn to those other
" rhomboid " beads of camelian and green amazon stone which had been strung
with the " drop-pendants." Prof. Petrie had already considered this com-
bination, but gave up the idea on two grounds.^

First. The size of these " rhombic " beads is such that, strung side by side,
the space between the two threads would be greater than that between the two

' Ancient Egypt, 1914, p. 98.

76 Notes on the Jewels front Lahun.

threads of the cowries and gold " rhomboids." This in many cases is true ^in
others it is not. In fact these hard stone " rhomboids " show a marked variation
in size. While the gold beads were made mechanically either from dies or moulds,
these stone beads were cut individually, and a larger error was tolerated in
gauging them than was to be expected in metal work. Some of them are accu-
rately made to take the strings of the cowries ; others will overlap shghtly, but
not objectionably, if strung on the same threads {see Fig. i). Finally ^and to
me personally, this is conclusive the variations among the " rhomboids " is
not as great as that which exists between the big and Uttle lions' heads from this
find. Although of gold, variations in the distance between string holes of from
2 to 3 mm. actually exist among these heads, and yet there is no question but
that they belong together.

Second. In Prof. Petrie's consideration the stone " rhomboids " are
needed for the suspension of the " drop-beads," making a long, fringe-like necklace
to be worn below and outside of all the other ornaments. This difficulty can
be met satisfactorily I feel sure.

Two pectorals were found and one of them has been suspended on a string
of amethyst ball-beads. Even if these latter are not employed as I suggest
below, the second pendant is still to be provided for, however, and there can be
little question that the " drop-beads," combined with the 20 gold and 12 green
ball beads not otherwise strung, belong to it. Examples of such suspending
strings of drop-beads are not at all uncommon on the monuments^ (Figs- 2 and 3),
and it is extremely interesting to find that at Dahshur, pectorals were associated
with just such strings. De Morgan found in the First Treasure, with a pectoral
of Senusert II, 30 gold ball beads and 37 drop beads of gold, camehan, lapis
lazuli and amazon stone, ^ and in the Second Treasure two pectorals, 43 drop
beads and 98 ball beads, all of gold.' I suggested, therefore, that the drop
and ball beads of the Lahun treasure made a characteristic pectoral suspender.
Variations in the arrangement and number of spherical beads among the drops
are found in all examples, and therefore the arrangement of this string was left
to experiment. There were 73 drops strung together in the " fringe-necklace,"
and one other handed over separately to Mr. Mace by Mr. Brunton. Graded
and arranged by colours it was evident that one more camelian and one more
lazuli drop were needed to make any consistent arrangement, and those two
were restored. The small number of ball beads obviously was an enigma, but
there is precedent for the omission of them between the drops, and they therefore
were strung provisionally at the ends. The result (Fig. 5), is a double string of
exactly the length to support the pectoral just over the lower chest where it

' A few examples at random are Xllth dynasty : Griffith, Beni Hasan, III, PI. Ill,
single string of alternating drop and ball beads, coloured blue, green, blue, yellow ; XVIIIth
dynasty : Quibell, Tomb of Yuaa and Thuiu, PI. XII, double string of drops alternating
with balls in pairs ; L.D., III, 77A, triple string of drops alternating with balls in pairs ;
RoseUini, M'on.. II, PL LXXX = Champollion, Mon.. IV, PI. CCCCXXXII, double string of
drops alternating with balls, coloured green, blue ; Daressy, Annates, 1901, p. 5 ff. = Reisner,
Amulets, 12196-12201, double and triple strings of dark and light blue, red and gold drop
beads alternating with ball beads in threes ; XlXth dynasty : Caulfeild Temple of Kings,
PI. XVI, quadruple string of drops alternating with balls in threes ; XXth dynasty :
Vernier, Bijoux, 52005, PI. V.

' De Morgan, Dahchour, I, pp. 60, 63, Pis. XV, XVIII.

' Ibid., pp. 64-5, Pis. XIX-XXII.

Notes on the Jewels frotn Lahiin.

A A

I mmmmm t}

2. Pectoral with Gold-capped Drop-Beads.
(Fragments from Tomb 226. Thebes.)

3.? Pectoral with Drop-Beads.
(Tomb of Yuaa and Thuiu.XII. )

4. Glazed Figure. Lisht.
(Metropolitan Museum.)

78 Notes on the Jewels from Lahun.

should hang.^ Furthermore, the materials of which it is made gold, lapis-
lazuli, cameUan and amazon stone are exactly the same materials as those used
in making the Senusert II pectoral. This identity of colour scheme may be taken
as evidence that the drop beads and this pectoral of Senusert II together make
one jewel. If no other use be admitted for the amethyst string, it may be
assumed to have belonged with the Amenemhat III pectoral, now in Cairo.

Thus, with the drop beads provided for, we arrive at the point, where (i),
the slight errors in size of the " rhomboids " can be explained by the conditions
of their manufacture ; where (2), the stone " rhomboid " beads are no longer
necessary for the threading of the drop beads ; and, where (3), they are in turn
looking for a place. It becomes a matter of necessity, therefore, to try them
with the cowries, the previous stringing of which has resulted in an ill-fitting collar.

Sixty-one rhomboid beads, 31 of camelian and 30 of green amazon stone,
were strung with the drop beads and one more of amazon stone, presumably
found later, was turned over to Mr. Mace by Mr. Brunton. It does not seem totally
beyond the bounds of possibility that, even with the most conscientious work
in the tomb, two more should have escaped detection. And still more likely,
if these beads were worn by the Princess in life, that the strings might have broken
at some time, the beads been scattered, and two of them completely lost before
they were restrung again. I see no strong objection to considering the set as
having been originally 64 in all, made up equally of red and green. Admitting
this number, they divide readily into eight lots of eight each for the eight intervals
between the eight cowries. With the double gold beads they make a total of 96.
For experimental stringing there was no further guide, and one is left to
satisfy his own personal tastes. An extremely attractive arrangement of gold
and stone " rhomboids " between each pair of gold cowries is : green, gold,
red, red, gold, green. Such is the arrangement shown in Fig. i, and it may be
said in passing that in its original colours it makes one of the most charming
jewels ever found in Egypt.

The resulting string, when clasped, has a circumference of 33 or 33J ins.
If actually threaded, the beads, and particularly the cowries, would still stand
more or less on edge when the clasp was closed, because experiment shows that
there is not enough variation in the size of the rhomboids to make an inner row
appreciably shorter than the outer. The photograph of the beads lying flat
is therefore still deceptive, and there can still be no question of the string being
intended either for a collar or necklace. In fact the one part of the human body
where it would fit naturally and lie smoothly would be above the hips, for 33
or 33J ins. is a normal measurement on a slender person around the top of the
pelvis.

In other words, the cowries strung with the rhomboids seemed to make a
girdle, and a very little research supplied the confirmation of this fact. The
Metropolitan Museum possesses a number of Xlth and Xllth dynasty " dolls " of
faience and limestone, most of them from the excavations in Lisht and Thebes,
and I have found another of wood in the Boston Museum of Fine Arts, possibly
of the same date all wearing cowrie bead girdles. The Boston " doll " (Fig. 6)
is a remarkably striking example. There can be no hesitation in recognising
the cowries, because they are both modelled in relief and painted yellow to
represented gold. In scale they are correct. In number they are identical

1 Newberry, Bersheh, I, frontispiece.

5- Pectoral and Bead Necklace. As Strung in thB Metropolitan Museum.

8o Notes on the Jewels from Lahun.

with the Lahun girdle, if in addition to the three shown in front and the three
behind, two more were supposed to be hidden under the hands on the hips,
which are unnaturally narrowed on the flattened " doll." Even the distance
between cowries is as it should be if we are to suppose that the spaces now blank
were once filled with dots of paint to represent smaller separating beads. If
there never were such dots of paint, we must suppose that sometimes the cowries
were worn with bare threads between, a method of stringing beads or shells which
is not without parallel.^ Most of the New York " dolls " represent the cowries
in very rudimentary form, but all are perfectly recognizable in the hght of the
" doll " already figured. The clearest example in the MetropoUtan Museum is
shown in Fig. 4, like those in other museums. This " doll " is of faience,
and like all of the others in this material, has accessories shown in black under
the glaze. Here, not only are the cowries drawn to scale and properly spaced,
but between them two strings of separating beads are plainly marked. To
forestall a possible criticism, I should explain that the marks on the legs are
pendants. Behind, one of them falls exactly between the two legs in a way that
would be impossible if tatooing were intended, and as far as the belt itself is
concerned, the Boston " doll " with its modelling in relief demonstrates the fact
that the cowries are not tatooed.

The recognition of a girdle among the Lahim jewels leads to its recognition
at Dahshur. In the First Treasure there were six large cowries, and apparently
98 " rhomboid " beads of gold (in pairs), camelian, lapis lazuU and amazon
stone. ^ The numbers are interesting in the light of those from Lahim. In the
Second Treasure,* there is no mention of rhomboid beads with the cowries and,
if none were actually found, we are forced to conclude that these cowries were
worn, as the Boston " doll " (Fig. 6) may represent them, without connecting
beads. In the Tomb of Khnumit there were found nearly 100 " rhomboid "
beads, but no cowries,* which probably should be reconstructed as a bead girdle
Uke that of Senebtisi. This last was made up of " rhomboids " only.* Buckles
for two bead girdles were found in the Tomb of Ita,* and from the Tomb of
Nubhotep comes an object which, while not the buckle of a girdle of the type
here dealt with, was seemingly the fastening of a kind of cloth scarf, or sash,
which crossed the shoulders and encircled the waist.'

A regular item of a Middle Kingdom court jewel-set thus was a girdle, and
this girdle seems to have usually been made up of cowrie shells and rhomboid
acacia beans,* either together or separately. Furthermore, even the less wealthy

1 As for example the ivort beads described in Mace and Winlock, Senebtisi, p. 63, and
the drop bead suspenders of the Rameses III pectoral in Cairo, Vernier, Bijoux, PI. IV.

De Morgan, Dahchour, I, p. 60, PI. XVII.

Ibid., p. 65, PL XXIII. Dahchour, II, Pis. VII-VIII.

' Mace and Winlock, Tomb of Senebtisi, p. 68, Pis. XXII-XXIII. The other girdle
was purely Osirian.

' Dahchour, II, pp. 52-3.

' Dahchour, I, PI. XXXVIII, C. No description is given, but the illustration shows it
to be identical, even to the colours, with the sash buckle of Neferure', in Rosellini, Mon.,
I, PI. XIX, 23.

Mace and Winlock, Senebtisi, p. 68, note i. Small silver and gold cowrie shells are
sometimes found in the Middle Kingdom, but it would be difficult to say whether they are
necklaces or girdles. See De Morgan, Dahchour, 1, p. 66, PI. XXIV : Winlock, Bulletin of
the Metropolitan Museum, 1914, p. 17, Fig. 8 ; Garstang, Burial Customs, p. 222, and
Williams, Jour. Egypt. Arch., 1918, p. 173, PI. XXVIII.

Notes on the fewels from Lahun. 8 1

women of the period wore girdles/ and the fashion passed over from the Middle
Kingdom to the Empire. Thus Prof. Petrie has pubUshed the jewellery of
a woman buried at Thebes during the Hyksos Period " around whose waist,
outside the innermost cloth, was a girdle of electrum beads, 26 of semicircular

6. Wooden Figure with Cowrie Girdle. Boston Museum.

form, copied from a disc of leather folded over and stitched ; the spaces between
these had two threads of six beads each, and in one case a space of seven beads.
Three spaces had been gathered together by a tie of thread, so as to shorten the

Mace has found two : one published in Diospolis Parva, p. 41, from Pit 90, which was
a belt 10 ins. wide of faience and shell disk beads with a fringe of real shells ; the other
at Naga ed-Der, which was a belt of twelve strings of disk beads of the same materials.
Several others of the Xllth and Xlllth dynasties and of the XVIIth and early XVIIIth
dynasties have recently been found at Thebes by Lansing. A preliminary report on his
excavations is appearing shortly in the Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum.

82 Notes on tite Jewels from Lahun.

circuit of the girdle to fit the body. The whole girdle was 31 6 ins. long, and was
shortened to 284 ins."i A little later, about the middle of the XVIIIth dynasty,
a young woman found by Passalacqua in Thebes wore what must have been a
charming girdle of gold, lapis-lazuli and camelian. From his description, it
consisted of a series of " square-knots " similar to the little gold clasps found at
Lahun, spaced at intervals along a double string of smaller beads.* Finally,
even in modem times Nubian girls are occasionally seen wearing belts of cowries
and beads very much like those worn by their ancient ancestresses.'

To consider now the way in which the girdle was worn. Personally, I
have never seen a bas-rehef or statue of a woman wearing a girdle over her
clothing. Before the Empire the tight-fitting woman's shift descends from chest
to ankles in an unbroken line. In the Empire a cloth sash is often bound over
it about the hips, but the many representations of bead girdles are always on
naked girls or occasionally worn by girls next their bodies, under transparent
garments.* The " dolls," which, whatever their purpose in the graves, unques-
tionably represent dancing girls, are striking Middle Kingdom examples ;
dancing girls and maidservants are shown so attired in a woven bead belt at
innumerable banquets in the XVIIIth dynasty ;* swimming girls on the toilet
spoons wear nothing more ;* and it constitutes the sole article of apparel of the
ridiculous caricatures of negress slaves.'^ It may be objected that all of these
little persons can hardly be compared with propriety to the Princesses of Dahshur
and Lahun, but at the time that the dancing girls and servants were wearing
such girdles two of the young princesses of the royal family, Neferubiti and
Neferure, daughters of Thotmose I and Thotmose III, respectively, appear clad
in jewellery identical with that from Lahun, including girdles very much like
this one of cowries and nothing more.* And then there is the very well-known
statuette in Turin (Fig. 7) of a charming little girl of good family who is clad
in the same way. Like Neferubiti and Neferure she has not yet passed adoles-
cence. On the walls of the belvedere of the harim at Medinet Habu, where no
one but the royal family could penetrate in ancient times,* we see full-grown
women of the court represented in sufficiently scanty clothing to tell whether
they wore girdles or not. These decorations from the harim of Rameses III are

Petrie, Qurneh, p. 9. PI. XXIX.

Passalacqua, Catalogue raisonnif, p. 159. The girdle was stolen from him, but he
describes it as having been of the same form as his necklace No. 599 which is Schafer,
Goldschmiedearbeiten, p. 31, PI. VIII, No. 35A.

Roberts, Egypt and Nxtbia (1846), II, vignette. Firth, who called my attention to
this picture, has seen such girdles being worn in Nubia in recent years.

Roselhni, Mon., II, PI. XCVIII ; Champollion, Mon., II, PI. CLXXV ; Prisse,
Mon., PI. XLIV, and L'Art (Dessin), PI. VII ; Wilkinson, Manners, I, p. 501, Fig. 261.
What appears to be a girdle worn over or under the dress in L.>., Ill, 42, 1 take for the hem
of a short-sleeved shirt.

' Davies, Tomb of Nakht, frontispiece and plate XV are the latest published examples
of a very common scene.

Prisse, Mon., PI. XLVIII, and L'Art (Industrial), Pis. XXI, XXIII.

' Maclver and Mace, El Amrah and Abydos, PI. I. ; Wainwright, Jour. Egypt. Arch.,
1915, p. 203, PI. XXVI.

The best copies are the earliest (Rosellini, Mon., I, PI. XIX, 23-24, and Champollion,
Man., II, Pis. CXCIII-IV). The later copies are all less detailed.

Rosellini, Mon., I, CXII-III ; Champollion, Mon.. II, Pis. CXCIX-CC ; L.D., III,
208 ; Wilkinson, Manners, II, pp. 59-60 ; Holscher, Hohes Tor von Medinet Habu, Figs.
8, 40-42.

Notes on the Jewels from Lahun.

7. Wooden Figure with Girdle. Turin.

F 2

84 Notes on t/u Jewels from Laliun.

in fact unique, but if we are to take them literally we must conclude that in
the seclusion of their private apartments the Egyptian ladies laid aside their
hobble skirts and disported themselves at their ease, clad only in their jewellery,
or at most in diaphanous garments, which were represented in paint only and
have since been washed completely away. The fact that the ladies of this par-
ticular harim wear no girdles, need not be taken as proof that they, were not
worn by higher-class women of the Empire.^

Having, as I believe, estabhshed the existence of girdles among the treasures
of Lahun and Dahshur, I should like to conclude this paper with some con-
sideration on the string of gold lions' heads. It is a subject of some diificulty,
purposely avoided in the preceding pages. With the exception of the similar set
from the Second Treasure of Dahshur, these heads are unique in Museums and,
so far as I am aware, there is no representation of them on the monuments. In
fact they appear to have been jewels whose vogue lasted so short a time that
they never found their way into Egyptian pictorial art, and thus for any
explanation of their wearing we are forced to rely wholly on practical
consideration.

In the first place, their condition is such that Prof. Petrie was able to
string them. This done, and the clasp closed, they have every appearance of
making an upright collar, and such they have been unhesitatingly called. Only,
when in New York the experiment was actually tried of putting them on a woman
of normal size, one glance was enough to convince everyone present that they
never could have been such a collar. Again it is a question of circumference.
Clasped they should be worn on a throat measuring i6| ins. round, because,
standing upright as they do, on an ordinary woman they sag down under the
chin in a most unbecoming way. Now an upright collar, to be attractive, should
be a fairly close-fitting one. If the wearer of this collar had a throat of such
a size that the collar fitted closely, the uneven surface on the iimer side would
make it most uncomfortable, and to draw it in if to 2 ins., while clasping it,
would be a painful operation if it was an5rwhere near the snug fit which one would
expect. The tight, upright Egyptian collar of the monuments seems to have been
designed like a bead bracelet and must have been clasped hke a bracelet, with
a buckle which does not have to be drawn in to be fastened.

Actual experiment, then, makes it seem improbable that the lions' heads
should make a collar. Immediately one wonders how they could have been worn.
The neck being practically eliminated ^arms, wrists and ankles being out of the
question ^the head and waist remain the only parts of the body to consider.
This is assuming with Prof. Petrie that the large and small heads belong
together an assumption which can be taken almost as an estabhshed fact.

The suggestion was made that they constituted a circlet. The answer to
this appears to be that they present features both uimecessary for a circlet,
and never found among Egyptian circlets. All known Egyptian circlets are,
practically speaking, hoops, not jointed nor having a clasp, and being modelled
or decorated on the outer surface only. The wearer's head is thus eliminated
to all intents and purposes, and there remains only her waist to consider.

For the idea that the hons' heads constituted a girdle, naturally the inspira-
tion was in all that has been written above. Again, size and workmanship class

Were they customarily worn under the garments by grown women, they would un-
questionably be shown sometimes at Tell el-Amama, where the bodies are shown in full detail
through the clothing.

Notes on the Jewels from La/tun.

them with the cowries. And finally, it is only around the waist or hips that it
would be comfortable to wear anything that has to be shortened almost 2 ins. to
be fastened. To be sure, it is impossible to advance arguments as convincing in
this case as in the case of the cowries, but stUl it is an idea which has a great deal
of probability. It remains necessary only to discover some method of stringing
which would give a length approximating that of the cowrie girdle.

The experiment was tried, therefore, of lengthening the strings and spacing
the beads equally on them, leaving bare thread between. Knots were made to
hold the heads at equal intervals, and as authority for this arrangement the fact

8. Claw Necklaces and suggested order of Lion-head Girdle.

was quoted that the cowries of the Boston " doll " and the Second Dahshur
Treasure may have been so strung. To me, personally, however, the double line
of bare threads did not seem in keeping with the fineness of the other jewels.

The suggestion was also made that small beads, such as are used in the
bracelets and armlets, may have been employed. But of the little beads there
are hardly enough for the requirements of these very bracelets and armlets even,
and a double string, of the required length of twice i6 ins. more, could not possibly
have escaped the painstaking and conscientious search of the finders of the tomb.
' Hence, unless it is supposed that the lions' heads were not strung up when
they were placed in the tomb, there is really only one set of beads which could have

F 3

86 ' Notes on the Jewels from Laltun.

been used. The solution that I suggest, therefore, is that the lions' heads were
threaded with the amethyst beads which formerly were strung with the Senusert II
pectoral. This is a solution to be accepted with all reserve, and one which is for
the present, at least, held in abeyance by Mr. Lythgoe and Mr. Mace. The latter,
for instance, objects to this particular arrangement because of the size of the
amethyst beads, in relation to the smaller lions' heads especially, and raises the
point that up to the present no ball beads have been found strung in any way
except as necklaces, in Eg3^tian tombs. Nevertheless, since there appear to be
grounds for considering that the lions' heads cannot be a collar, and are probably
parts of a girdle, there seems to be some point in setting forth in this place the
result of the experiment of stringing them with the amethyst beads. At least
by so doing I may be inspiring others to settle the matter one way or the other.

In the first place, when one puts the amethyst beads (on which was formerly
strung the Senusert II pectoral) between the lions' heads, a girdle is made up
32J ins. long, clasped. The length is near enough to that of the cowrie girdle to
have been worn in the same way and the beads divide up excellently into sets,
ten in each interval.^ For this arrangement no mechanical objection can be
raised. The diameters of the beads are such that they go perfectly on the threads
passing through the lions' heads, and they stand, in thickness, midway between
the big and little heads. Secondly, when laid beside the claw necklace there is
a harmony of colour and workmanship which gives a wonderfully sumptuous
effect (Fig. S).^ One gets the impression that the multicoloured cowrie girdle
was to be worn with the pectoral and its polychrome string of beads, and that
this gold lion-head and amethyst girdle was intended to be worn with the gold
claw and amethyst necklace. As a matter of effect, aside from all other con-
siderations, the stringing of the lions' heads and amethyst beads results in an
incomparably magnificent jewel. Finally, the girdle so constructed conforms in
type with the majority of those already quoted in having a series of large elements
spaced along and joining two strings of smaller beads.

As has been said already the lions' heads from Lahun are paralleled nowhere
except in the similar set from Dahshur. It is practically impossible, therefore,
to demonstrate either the truth or falsity of this suggested stringing as a girdle.
There is, however, one circumstance which is at least favourable to its correct-
ness. The Second Dahshur Treasure, among which the other lions' heads were
found, contained two gold claws and 252 amethyst ball beads.* Accepting 252
as a minimum (the actual number may have been considerably greater) it is
quite possible to reconstruct the same combination of lions' head girdle and claw
necklace in this case as well. Of course amethyst ball beads and claw necklaces
are common enough without such girdles, and right in the First Treasure, 240
amethyst beads and two gold claws were found without any lions' heads.* And
yet, while there is no positive evidence to be derived from the Second Treasure,
at least it is suggestive to find that in the only two cases where lions' heads have
been found the same combination is a possibility.

' This takes up 140 beads. One more was strung with the pectoral, but there is a place
for that in the claw necklace, making a total of 152 amethyst beads in the latter.

Showing the effect of a purely experimental stringing of the lions' heads. If they
were thus strung as a girdle they were intended to lie flat on the hips. Hence in the photo-
graph, where they lie flat on a table, the intermediate beads present an irregular appearance.

> Dahchour, I, p. 66, PI. XXIX.

* Ibid., p. 63, PI. XVIII.

Notes on the Jewels from Lakun. ' 87

In conclusion, I should like to repeat that while I feel that it is possible to
demonstrate rigidly the new stringing of the pectoral and the existence of the
cowrie girdle, the proposed reconstruction of the lions' heads as a second girdle
to go with the claw necklace, is purely tentative.

. H. E. WiNLOCK.

[The evidence for the use of cowries in a girdle, seems good reason for
accepting that arrangement in the Lahun series. The close similarity between
the cowries and the lion heads, in size and fastening, leads also toward these
having been in a girdle. The suspension of the pectoral by long drop beads is,
however, a difficult matter. The dates of the examples quoted should be observed.
From the Ilird down to the Xllth dynasty, there seems to be no example of
drop beads threaded in a long string. At Meydum there are long equiterminal
beads and balls ; in Beni Hasan III, iii, the same ; in the funeral offerings
(Lacau, Sarcophages, xlix-liii) the belt fringes are all of long and ball beads,
the strings for collars are the same. In no case is there a drop bead in a long
string. In the XVIIIth dynasty there was a great fall in taste, and a loss of
the old ideals after Tehutmes III ; then drop bead strings appear, with
Tehutmes IV. The effect of the broad masses of drop beads close to the minute
work of the pectoral is killing, and it is hard to believe that the refined taste of
the Xllth dynasty would have made such a mistake.

As to the absence of clothing along with jewellery, note the account by Lady
Mary Wortley Montague of the Turkish baths, where a large company of ladies
will join in social functions, clad only in their jewellery. We must also remember
that the Egyptian scenes were not of life on earth, but for life in a future state ;
even we should hesitate in a picture of heaven to introduce knee breeches,
crinoUne or hobble-skirts. At Deshasheh (Vth dynasty) the actual dresses
buried for a woman were with tight long sleeves like a modem ghalabiyeh, and not
at all like the low garment with shoulder straps figured in the tomb scenes of that
age. The festive scenes of the XVIIIth d5masty tombs represented the joys
of a future life, and need not be accepted completely as true in this world.
W. M. F. P.]

f 4

( 88

GENERAL MAUDE'S PROCLAMATION.

The War has been responsible for many things ^not all of them bad, and among
the good ones may be counted the wholesale manner in which archaeology has
been brought to the notice of the nation. Many thousands of men, who otherwise
would never have thought of such a subject, have found themselves among ruins
and other relics of past civilisations, when they were sent East with the various
armies. A large proportion of these men have visited these remains, and have
even been conducted round the museums of the larger towns, and some have been
subjected to lectures in hospitals and elsewhere on the history, civilisation and
art of the particular country in which they then happen to be. While no doubt
the majority of such men could wish for more exciting fare, there is always a
minority which is keenly interested and full of a thirst for information on little
points which happen to have come before their notice ; as for instance, where the
horse came from, and when he first made his appearance in history ; whether it
was possible to cut hard stones with copper and emery, and so on ; and it has
even been the writer's pleasant lot at the Cairo Museum to be searched out by
members of his previous week's audience, in order to certify themselves on various
points, which had been so hotly debated during the interval as to have become
somewhat confused.

This unexpected spread of interest in archaeology has its dangers, as the
preservation of the past is essential to understanding it ; and no one is competent
to know what must be observed without a proper training. It was most
satisfactory to see in the Basrah Times as early as August 6th, 1917, a fully
conclusive proclamation signed by the late Sir Stanley Maude on May 22nd. It
reads as follows :

Whereas it is convenient to take over both for the preservation of
ancient monuments, ancient objects of vertu, and relics movable and
immovable of ancient times, hereinafter styled " antiquities," and also
for the prohibition of traffic in forged articles falsely asserted to be antiquities ;
I, Lieutenant-General F. S. Maude, K.C.B., C.M.G., D.S.O., in virtue of the
authority vested in me as General Officer Commanding His Britannic
Majesty's Forces in Mesopotamia, do hereby proclaim as follows :

(i) Throughout the occupied territories all antiquities, to wit, all ancient
monuments, ancient objects of vertu, relics movable and immovable
of ancient times, which formerly were the property of the Ottoman
Government, or shall hereafter be discovered, are the property of the
Administration of the Occupied Territories acting on behalf of the
said Territories.

(2) The term " ancient " for the purposes of this proclamation shall be deemed
to signify antecedent to the year 1500 a.d.

General Maude's Proclamation. 89

(3) Whosoever having discovered any antiquity fails to inform accordingly
the nearest Assistant Political Officer in charge of a district within
a period of 30 days shall be liable to a fine not exceeding 50 rupees.

{4) Whosoever having discovered any antiquity unlawfully appropriates
the same to his own use shaU be liable to a fine not exceeding ten
times the value of the article discovered.

(5) Whosoever negUgently or mahciously destroys, defaces, or in any way

damages any ancient monument or any site which he has reason
to believe to contain antiquities, shall be liable to a fine not exceeding
10,000 rupees.

(6) Whosoever trafiics in or abets the traffic in antiquities, except under a

licence duly issued by the Ofiicer appointed hereto, shall be liable to
a fine not exceeding 10,000 rupees.

(7) Whosoever, whether licensed or not licensed, sells or offers for sale as

antiquities any article which he has not reason to believe antique,
shall on conviction be liable to imprisonment for a period not exceeding
six months or to a fine not exceeding 10,000 rupees, or both ; and
his stock of antiquities or pseudo-antiquities shall be Hable to be
confiscated.

(8) Whosoever reports the discovery of an antiquity over which the Adminis-

tration decides to exercise its right of property shall be duly compen-
sated ; and when any such antiquity is relinquished by the
Administration, the Administration shall deliver the said antiquity
to the possession of the person appearing to have the most proper
claim therein, together with a certificate enabling the said antiquity
to be transferred in accordance with the terms of this Proclamation.

(9) The power vested in the Administration under this Proclamation together

with power to perform all necessary acts subsidiary thereto are
hereby delegated to the Chief Political Officer or such person or
persons as he may appoint to act on his behalf.
Signed at Baghdad 22nd day of May, 1917.

F. S. Maude, Lieut.-General,
Commanding the Army of Occupation.

The law is admirable in conception and it is to be hoped that it may be
effectively carried out.

Apart from the depredations of the mere plunderer, who goes to obtain
saleable loot. Article 5 is framed to combat the ravages caused by the ignorance
of two distinct classes of destroyers, at whose mercy antiquities only too often
lie. These are, firstly, the ignorantly callous ; and secondly, the ignorantly keen.

The wrecking of the earliest sculptures of Egyptian history in Sinai was a
sad case of the wanton destruction by modem " practical " men. They were
too ignorant to know either the historic value or the market value of what they
deliberately destroyed without any benefit to themselves. The late Inspector
of Antiquities at Luqsor had great trouble with some " practical " engineers
who had " no use " for what they knew nothing about. At Silsileh there is the
great bed of sandstone which the ancients largely quarried, leaving numerous
examples of their methods, and inscriptions of historical value, etc. Extensive

90 General Maude's Proclamation.

as these records of the world's doings are, they by no means cover the whole
available area for quarrying. Yet when these engineers needed sandstone for
some work which they had in hand, they declined starting on a fresh piece of
the cliff, but insisted on quarrying on the ancient sites, thus quite needlessly
destroying for ever records of the world's progress which can never be replaced.
Most fortunately the Department of Antiquities interfered in time to prevent
any serious damage being done, and no doubt the necessary sandstone was
obtained from the immediate neighbourhood.

Another kind of danger is also to be prevented by the clause about any who
" negligently . . . destroys ... or in anyway damages . . . any site." The
amateur excavator usually damages or destroys more information than he pre-
serves, and the hunting for something pretty or valuable is as destructive when
done to amuse an amateur as when done for the profit of a dealer. A quantity
of hunting is reported from various sites, even printed, with the melancholy
result that the hunters could not in the least date what they were working at,
or give any useful account of it ; while the date and proper record would have
been an elementary matter to anyone educated in the subject. Even if every-
thing is preserved and put in a local museum, the value of it is destroyed if there
is no record of the relative positions and ages of the objects, no statement whether
found in original position of deposit, or in ancient rubbish, or in modem tip-heaps.

Action such as this, while excellent in its intention, is deplorable in its results,
for the novice full of his search all unwittingly does what is probably furthest
removed from his mind or wishes, he destroys irretrievably more than he saves.
It is not generally understood what a great range of facts have to be observed
in excavating, how many subjects must be all promoted together, how varied
must be the interests and view of the excavator, how ready he must be to succeed
in preserving all he may find. Recently some great scholars who were not
trained as excavators ^found some splendid bead-work of coloured figures,
they could not preserve it, and it all fell to pieces. Anyone who knew his business
would have easily preserved the whole of it complete ; but the great scholars
had never even heard of using paraffin wax.

The encouragement of plundering by the purchase of antiquities from dealers
is a difficult subject. The only proper rule is never to buy anything that is not
of great importance to be preserved, where the information must not be lost.
The ordinary objects, and specially any pieces of monuments recently broken,
should be left on the dealers' hands. The encouragement of the chance finder
to proclaim his accidental discoveries is most important ; it will put all honest
possession on a legal basis, give the earliest notice to the Government, and provide
an above-board supply of objects to the tourist and the foreign museums. The
recommendations officially given for the new law in Palestine also recognises
fully the rights of every chance finder, and encourages the open sale of all that
can be honestly sold.

Thp activities of the forger are also heavily penalised. Large quantities of
cylinder seals and cuneiform tablets have been produced in recent years, and a
stiff hand must be put on such frauds. The manufacture of false antiquities
has reached such proportions now in Egypt, that it may be considered one of the
national industries, and indeed the Department of Technical Education includes
a collection of modern " antiquities " among its exhibits of the crafts of the
country. The result is that there are numbers of antiquity shops throughout
Egypt in which a very large percentage of the objects exposed for sale are

General Maude's Proclamation. 9 1

forgeries. Moreover, the trade in forgeries has not only reached extreme
proportions in quantity, but also in quality, for the workmanship has improved
so much in recent years that when a new line in statue heads or some other
novelty comes on the market, it is quite likely to deceive the expert until he has
examined it long and carefully. The writer well remembers accompanying one
of the leading experts on Egyptian antiquities on a visit to a well-known
up-country dealer. Before long two or three fine alabaster vases of large size
caught his eye. They purported to be of late pre-dynastic, or of early dynastic,
date, but after a long and detailed study of their form, material, and workman-
ship, accompanied by a critical cross-examination of the dealer, the prospective
purchaser passed them over with the remark : " Twenty years ago I would have
given you 25 for them, but to-day I dare not risk it."

The most obvious lesson of the whole wretched position of museums paying
heavily to encourage the destruction of monuments for plundered spoils, with
the loss of all archaeological history, is that properly recorded observation and
excavation of certified and dated objects is the only right channel for either
museums or the public to draw upon. The moral to those who stay at home,
and to our local and national museums, is that every effort should be made to
train excavators and to carry on the largest amount of proper excavation in
order to save what little remains to us of the history and treasure of the past.

G. A. Wainwright.

( 92 )

REVIEWS.

Bulletin de I'Institut Frangaise d' Archdologie Orientate. Cairo, 1918.

[We much regret that this will be the last contribution of our good friend,
Mr. Joseph Offord, who died at the beginning of this year. He did much to
spread the knowledge of the French works on Egypt ; both for his work and his
genial personality he will be much missed and regretted.]

An important fascicule of the Bulletin is that of the first of Vol. XV, 1918.
It contains some 140 pages, with about 25 hieroglyphic titles of Pharaohs and
princes, to each page. It embodies the " Repertoire Pharaonique pour servir
d'Index au Livre des Rois d'^gypte " of M. Henri Gauthier, that is to say, his
great five-volume work in the series of the " Memoires de I'Institut Fran^ais
d'archeologie Orientale du Caire." By issuing this Index in the comparatively
inexpensive format of the Bulletin, with every royal name again reproduced in
its hieroglyph form, the Institut has placed within the means of many students
the opportunity of acquiring what is practically a catalogue of Egyptian royalties,
from Menes to the Emperor Decius.

In Vol. XIII of the Bulletin de I'Institut, Mr. F. W. Read has a paper upon

the precise sense of the word j^^ ^^^^^' '^^^^^ ^^- ^- ^- Gardiner,
in an article upon " The Egyptian Word for Dragoman," had rendered as " teacher
of foreign languages." Mr. Read's view is that " scholar " would be a nearer
translation of the title, and his main basis for this rendering is a passage in
Chapter 125 of the Book of the Dead, wherein it is applied to Thoth the Scholar
god par excellence.

Another essay of interest in the thirteenth volume is that by M. Henri
Gauthier, " La Necropole de Thebes et son Personnel." This refers to the inscrip-
tions belonging to a considerable number of personages who were attached to

certain priestly and lay offices for a site near Thebes known as n

" The place of Truth." Most of these people were buried in the hill of Deir el-
Medineh, and a quantity of funerary objects and records of them have for many
years been in the Turin Museum.

In the spring of 1917 the French Institut at Cairo carried out excavations at
the hill site and found further tombs of members of the association or fraternity
of the Place of Truth, enabluig M. Gauthier to explain who and what they were
more completely than Maspero was able to do, some years ago, when treating of
them chiefly from the material at Turin.

Many of them were attached to the cult of the deified Amenhotep I, and
it appears that his worship was certainly the origin of the confraternity of the
Place of Truth.

Reviews.
Many of the office holders were also entitled sotemu oshu ^ ^ i

They wore special garments and headdresses as depicted upon the sepulchre
paintings and steles. Some were simply servants of Amon, the domestic for
hand washing, aod the official for weighing silver and gold, and so on. One was
" serviteur de I'administration de la cuisson au bois (?) de la patisserie du palais,"
which reminds one of the chief baker in the story of Joseph.

M. Gauthier's researches show that the members of the Place of Truth were
permitted to serve living Pharaohs, in the administration and temples, or at least
that those determined as being sotemu oshu were so.

As far as we at present know, no female seems to have been a member.

M. Georges Daressy, in a long article, makes excellent archaeological use of an
Arabic work, which he entitles the " Livre des Perles Eufouies, et du Mystere
Precieux," an edition of which, based upon three manuscripts, was published by
Ahmed Bey Kamel some fourteen years ago.

Among the articles in Vol. XV of the Bulletin is one by Mademoiselle Chatelet,
a pupU of M. Loret, which is entitled " Le Role des Deux Barques Solaires."
The object of the thesis is to prove that the well-known Monzet and Mesketit
sun ships are not the vessels Ra occupies from sunrise to midday, and from noon
to sunset, but that one is used for a complete day, and the other for night.

The first evidence is from M. Jequier's version of " Le Livre de ce qu'il a
dans I'Hades," which states that at the twelfth night hour " the great god departs
from Hades that he may embark upon the Monzet."

From the inscriptions upon the tomb of Sety I, close to the representation
of the events of the first hour of the night is a line reading " This god in the
Mesketit barque which navigates in the arerit of this domain."

Another literary proof is obtained from the phrase in the Book of the Dead^
Chapter XV, Papyrus Ani, PI. 20, reading " He sails in the Monzet, he ties up
{amarre) in the Mesketit."

A final proof is given from three of the pyramid texts given by M. Lacau
(Rec, XXV, 153), which read " Thou passest the night in Mesketit, thou passest
the day in Monzet." Good cause for so rendering this sentence are quoted,
Mdlle. Chatelet summing up claims that the real myth was that the exchange
of vessels occurred at sunrise and sunset, but modestly adds that, perhaps acci-
dentally at certain periods in variant theological schools, other views may have
been current.

Another interesting essay in this fifteenth volume is that by M. Gustave
J^quier upon " Some Objects appertaining to the Funerary Ritual." The first
of these symbolic relics he treats of are the " Piquets d'amarrage " or the mooring
pegs for the dahabeahs of the dead. Illustrations of these are to be foimd upon
the Sarcophagus of Sa-Uazet, published in Riqqeh and Memphis VI, Plate XXIIL
These special pegs thereon depicted, instead of having merely a knob, or spreading
a flattened top to support the driving blows of a mallet, terminate in a human
head and bust. It seems manifest without any literary proof that these sepulchral
mooring posts are deified in some sense. They are to be seen in the same form
emblazoned upon Theban tombs, but in two connections the first as objects of
some funeral cult, secondly, as accessories at a ceremony relating to the due
presentation of the deceased to the gods of the dead. In the Book of the Dead,
in some illustrated papyri, one of these human-headed pickets is shown as securing
down the bird-catcher's net in the Elysian fields.

94 Reviews.

A more frequent picture of these objects is to be found in the representations
of the Nile-boat voyage of the mummy (a favourite Theban theme at the XlXth
d5masty era), to the shrine of Osiris at Abydos, of Anubis at Siout, and Amentit
in Lower Egypt. In the rubrical texts for these scenes two pickets are men-
tioned, that of the prow and that of the poop. They are shown driven into the
soil, and priests are rendering offerings unto them. Then another scene shows
the boat being moored with ropes to the pegs, and libation offerings being made
to them.

In these scenes, the pickets do not have human heads to them, but the rites
with which they are worshipped are the same as those for a deity, and without
doubt, M. Jequier says, these objects are the Deesse-piquet of the Pyramid

limit (L I ^^&^A

Texts, first recognised by M. Lefebure, the great Menat (J ci <=>.

They are also in some inscriptions identified with Isis or Nephthys.

Finally, these mooring pegs are mentioned, as might be anticipated, in
descriptions of the voyages of the Solar barque.

M. Jequier also writes upon the regal item of decorative costume called at
various times Uatet, menkeret, and khebset, that is the animal's tail, worn by the
Pharaoh upon ceremonial occasions, as shown in so many paintings and reliefs.

He proves by careful consideration that these tails are so accurately drawn
that the usual idea that they are intended for lions' tails is erroneous, and that
they are undoubtedly intended for those of a bull. This is confirmed by the
frequent assimilation in Egyptian literature to a bull, and especially so by the
figure of the king as a bull upon one of the prehistoric slate palettes from
Hieraconpolis. The tail is always shown as being worn suspended from a
waistbelt.

The syllable set of its name Khebset, M. Jequier derives from a root sed or
set, meaning tail. It forms the moiety of the word heb-sed, festival. The " Feast
of the Tail " or Sed Festival, so often alluded to in Egyptian writings, and por-
trayed in reliefs, certainly seems to be a symbolical ceremony of the assumption
of royalty or overlordship, and the putting on at that function of the belt and
its appanage, being a similar performance to an act of enthronement.

M. Henri Gauthier has a lengthy article upon the title given to various
personages of Ami-Ra-Akhnute and its diverse attributions. The question of
interest he deems to have decided is not so much the official title of Ami-Ra as
that of the complete significance of the term Akhnute, which many years ago
Egyptologists decided was a definition for a particularly private chamber, or a
select portion of some edifice, generally that of a royal palace.

M. Gauthier agrees with this rendering, but is also able, by carefully collected
textual quotations, to prove that there were a number of other places, such as
official bureaus, registrar offices, and safe deposit chambers, which were known
to the Egyptians as Akhnute. In fact, he succeeds in citing from inscriptions the
titles of some score of Ami-Ra officials belonging to as many different departments
qualified as an A khnute chamber, or department, in buildings of various characters.

The Akhnute, of which this personage was presiding officer, or custodian,
appears to have been a " Selamlik," and so not a saloon of such a private nature,
or of such forbidden access to the public, as the word usually signifies. For it is
certain that as a rule admission to an Akhnute was only obtained for some special
reason, or by privileged people. It should be mentioned it was sometimes used
as a name for the royal nursery

Reviews.

When M. Loret wrote upon the subject he only enumerated some four or five
different Akhnutes, but starting from the Hood-Wilbur papyrus, edited by Sir
Gaston Maspero as the " Hierarchie," M. Gauthier gives some sixty instances of
these of&cials, but without any distinctive statement as to the nature of their
Akhnutes.

In his second chapter he gives those whose names are followed by deter-
minative qualifications, such as Ami Ra of the " Prepose au Pays du Nord," and
those of the " White House " and " Golden House."

One title new to us is that of the Ami Ra Akhnoute of the Kherp hatu, which
M. Gauthier thinks applies to some further special palace apartments. Another
chapter endeavours, by a comparison of numerous texts, to define what were the
duties of the various grades of Ami Ra of Akhnutes.

The second fascicule of Vol. XVI, 1919, of the Bulletin de I'Institut Frangaise
d' ArcMologie Orientate of Cairo is mainly occupied with the completion of Mr. K.
A. C. Cresswell's article entitled " A brief Chronology of the Mohammadan Monu-
ments of Egypt to A.D. 1517."

From the industrious pen of M. Henri Gauthier there is a description of a
large number of inscribed Funerary Cones, found upon the eastern slope of the
hUl of Goumet el-Medineh at Thebes. The inscriptions upon them and upon
those previously edited in various journals or museum catalogues now present
some thirteen variant types of texts. Of these no less than six are derived from
the numerous specimens now for the first time reproduced by M. Gauthier. He
reproduces those of a chef de bureau, named Amonemapit (or Amonemat), who,
like many other Egjqitian people of importance, especially officials, enjoyed the

honorific title of S) <^^^ [p^^ and M. Gauthier thoroughly threshes out the pro-
bable meaning of it, rendering it khrd kep, " child of the nursery." That is
to say, he had in youth been one of the playmates of the royal children, or per-
haps it may mean that his mother having been wet nurse to a royal infant, he
was also reared in the court nursery.

Two very valuable essays are provided by M. Jean Cledat, " Pour la Conquete
de rfegypte," and " Notes sur ITsthme de Suez." The first is a full account of
Egyptian methods of defence and offence upon the present Suez Canal route
frontier, in ancient times, including the Ptolemaic and Roman periods. The
geographical peculiarities of the district between the eastern Delta and Palestine
are explained, quotations from papyri and inscriptions utilised, and notes upon
various campaigns which opened or closed within this area are given, as well as
quotations from the reports and diaries of travellers and ofl&cials, frontier officers
and fugitives, such as Saneha.

M. Cledat is profoundly impressed by the splendid British engineering
achievement by which fresh water is conveyed across the desert mounds and
valleys, all the way from Kantara to El Arish. It carries the precious fluid
for 150 kilometres, and is one of the most beneficent works of modem times.
Yet British-like we have never even described its design and equipment, much
less boasted of the matter, though the French journal Illustration has done so.

The notes upon the Isthmus of Suez are of much more importance than their
title would suggest. The first is upon a Persian stele at Qabret. But few words
remain of the inscription it once bore ; one of these is that for Satrap, and some
others refer to the Tamahou country. The remains of a Byzantine fortress at
the same locality are illustrated by a plan.

g6 Reviews.

Two steles of Rameses II are described ; they mention the semi-Asiatic
deities of Sutek, Anta, Baal and Sopdt, " master of the Orient land," who in
a relief presents those countries to the Pharaoh.

Section 4 of this paper gives a ground plan and a detailed account of a Migdol
watch tower fort, the innermost of three halls in which was employed as a temple
in the time of Rameses II. Part was used as a storehouse, seven large vases
being provided for holding grain.

Section 5 refers to the Israelite passage of the Red Sea, and because of
M. Cleat's special knowledge of the districts concerned, is of very great value ;
he gives an exceUent map. He has been impressed by the very excellent work
of the late M. Leon Cart, a Swiss archaeologist and traveller, but M. Cledat addresses
himself to ascertaining the true situation and the Egyptian title for every place-
name in the Bible narrative. His work is additional to the previous attempts of
this kind by Lieblein, Naville and Daressy, and previous to Dr. Alan Gardiner's
treatise upon the City of Rameses, published this year in the Journal of Egyptian
Archaeology. M. Cledat does not mention the topographical papyrus in the
Cairo Museum summarised by Dr. Spiegelberg, but it is doubtless well known to
him, nor the geographical details in the Arezzo manuscript of a Palestine pil-
grimage, but he gives every important old Egyptian record its place.

The final paper is by Prof. Edouard Naville upon the " First Words of
Chapter XVII of the Book of the Dead." After a long and convincing argument
he decides for rendering them " I am Atum, I was alone (or the imique one)
when I rose up from Nu. I am the past (yesterday) and I know what shall be
the future (to-morrow)." The resemblance of the phrase to the " I am yesterday,
to-day and to-morrow," and the priestess of Dodona's dictum, " Zeus was, Zeus
is, and Zeus is to be," will naturally occur to many.

M. Naville takes the opportimity to enlarge upon the manner as well as
matter of Egyptian monumental and manuscript writing. He concludes that
wall inscriptions were executed vertically because engraved or painted from a
ladder, and shows by the arrangements when copied upon papyrus, that the roll
was placed upon the knees of the scribe, as is the case in Egypt to-day. He also
gives valuable information as to the method and the results of the adoption of
Demotic scripts. What he says about the appliance used for scribes or sculptors
writing upon chamber or temple and palace walls is interesting, because if the
Hittites used scaffolds going the whole length of the space to be covered, instead
of ladders, it might accoimt for their boustrophedon plan of writing. The scribe
having got to the end of the wall, instead of walking back and recommencing at
the other end, simply continued his text, working backward beneath (or above)
the previous line.

The final essay is by the veteran M. Loret, " A propos d'un pretendu verbe
irr^;ulier."

Joseph Offord.

NOTE.

We regret to say that owing to the length of negotiations about the division of
our discoveries at the Cairo Museum, it has been impossible to have an exhibition
this year. The boxes have not yet arrived by the end of July, but we hope to
include the objects from this year in next year's exhibition.

W. M. F P.

KHEKER FRIEZES.

W -ttir W

r/A\V //AW l/AV\//A^

1. XU, XVIII DYNASTIES, p. III.

3. LATE XVIII; XIX DYNASTIES, p. IIS.

5. XX DYNASTY, p. 118.

2. MID XVIII DYNASTY, p. 112.
4. TOMB 78. LATE XVIII, p. 117.
6. TOMB 71. MID XVIII, p. 120.

ANCIENT EGYPT.

THE GENESIS OF COPTIC TWISTS AND PLAITS.

A STUDY of the development of plaited ornament as a decorative motive is
one full of interest, and one which, in the past, has occupied the attention of
far too few. Work along these by-paths of research is often useful, and may
always be considered as legitimately supplementing the pioneer work of the
archasologist.

The wonderful spread one might almost term it epidemic of the use of
plait motives throughout Europe in the early centuries has, of course, been
noticed and commented upon. But Prof. Lethaby is, I think, the only one who
has suggested^ that it is to Egypt we must look for the rise and spread of this
truly wonderful development.

This considered opinion of a man who has made a life-long study of the
evolution of design needs no support from me. But, on the other hand, it
certainly lends a greatly added interest to our study of Egypto-Roman art,
insomuch as we now know that we are at work upon things more rare than
usual, the early links of a chain of rich fancy, which has given us the beautiful
interlacing of Celtic and Scandinavian art, the knots and borders of Longobardic
sculpture, of the Roman pavements and Byzantine panels, no less than the
clever grotesques of the MSS. of the Slavic races.

It is really a matter of regret that the Professor left his enquiry where he
did, for clearly there must be an origin for the elements which are so frequent
in the art of Coptic times.

The present paper, then, is an attempt to glean a sheaf of scattered vestiges
from more ancient times, which, even though imperfectly, will nevertheless
give indication of the probable sources from whence the Copts drew their early
ideas of plaited ornament.

That the invention of the plait is not to be ascribed to the Copts themselves
must be premised. Nevertheless we are here but a step removed from the centre
whence the plait went forth to the enrichment of European art, and an enquiry
into the origins of some of the forms as they are found frequently on Coptic
cloths, will at the same time deal with the broader question of the cultural
influences at work in Roman times in Egypt.

The simplest motive, and the one from which it would seem obvious that
the plait must have originally developed, is the simple twist (Fig. i). It is
surprising, indeed, that so obvious and simple a decorative contrivance should

Lethaby, W. R., " The origin of Knotted Ornamentation," The Burlington Magazine,
X, 1907.

98 The Genesis of Coptic Twists and Plaits.

be so persistently absent from archaic art. Not, of course, that it is entirely
absent ; but, considering the great frequency of, for example, the meander and
fret in Greek, and even dynastic Egyptian art, it is notable that examples of
the twist are curiously few and far between.

Nevertheless, there are well attested examples of the occurrence in pre-
Coptic times of twists not only of single strands, as in Fig. i, but also of double
and triple strands that parallel the two twists of Coptic age shown in Figs. 2
and 3.

It is significant that, although not very frequently, it is found in Greek as
well as Egyptian design, as witness Fig. 4, a twist of single strands from an
early Attic vase in the Metropolitan Museum, New York (first half of the Vllth
century, B.c.)^ and Fig. 5, from a Corinthian vase in the Louvre (Vlth century,
B.C.) a twist of double strands. The single twist in Egypt may be exampled
by Fig. 6, found rarely on scarabs of the Middle Kingdom, and Fig. 7 from a
Kalum pot (Xllth-XIIIth dynasty). Fig. 8, a scarab of the Hyksos period may
be looked upon as a link with the Xllth dynasty scarab. Fig. 9.

But it is to the Cylinder seals of ancient Babylonia that we must look for
the earliest examples of the twist. In Syro-Cappadocian and Sumerian times it
is of frequent occurrence. Yet here we are confronted, it would seem, with
something more significant than a mere decoration. What exactly is the
significance one cannot tell at present, but usually when it occurs on the cylinders
it is not as a border. It is a complete figure, a twist of several nodes, the number
varying from three to eight. Fig. 10, a twist of five nodes, is from a Sumerian
cylinder^ and is therefore at least as old as the Vlth Egyptian dynasty ; fig. 12 is
from the cylinder of the pre-Hyksos king Khandy, and 13 from a scarab of Apepy.
Having found no twist of earlier age than these we are compelled to pause. As
for its ultimate origin and symbolism it would seem probable that it may be closely
associated with serpent worship {see Fig. 11) from a Sumerian vase.^ Of the
serpent I shall have something more to say. At present we may compare Figs.
10, II and 12 with Figs. 14 and 15 from Coptic cloths. I think the deduction
is inevitable. As for the channel of influence, the occurrence of the complete
twist in Greek art would suggest it. Fig. 16, from a plate in the Cabinet des
Medailles, Bib. Nat., Paris,* is of Vllth century, B.C., and Fig. 17 from an
amphora in the British Museum, dating from the Vlth century, B.C.

Passing from the twist to the plait one must recognise that therein we have
evidence of a distinct advance, not only in conception, but also in designing skill.
This cultural step being obvious, it is all the more surprising to find that, if not
actually on Sumerian, yet on Syro-Cappadocian cylinders, the genuine plait is
already evolved (Figs. 18 and 19)^. Strangely enough, except for one example,
the true plait seems to be quite missing from Egyptian decoration of pre-Roman
dajre. As in the case of the twist, the vehicle of its introduction into Egypto-
Roman art was doubtless the art of ancient Greece ; for it is not infrequent on
Grecian, mouldings, the guilloches (Figs. 20-22), and occasionally on pottery.
Fig. 21 is from a fragment of a vase from Naucratis (Vllth century, B.C.)* and

> Jour. Hell. Stud., XXXII, 1912, p. 370.

* Delaporte, L., Cat. des Cylindres Orient, 1910, PI. XIII, Fig. 154.
' King, L. W., Sumer and Akkad, Fig. 29, p. 76.

* Bull. Corr. Hell., 1895, p. 74, Fig. 2.

' Delaporte, L., Cat. des Cylind. Orien., 1910, PI. XXIX, Figs. 418 and 425.
" Bull, de la Corresp. Hell., 1895, p. 81, Fig. 5.

The Genesis of Coptic Twists ana Plaits.

Fig. 24 from a Proto-Corinthian vase of about the same century. ^ I give here a
four-strand plait from a cylinder from Aiden which is perhaps a trifle older and
probably Phoenician origin, Fig. 25 {circa 700 B.C.), and for comparison illustrate
specimens of three- and four-strand plaits taken from E^ypto-Roman and Coptic
cloths in the Victoria and Albert Museum (Figs. 26-28).

Vladimir Bok in his monograph on Coptic Textiles ^ states that "The plait
is met with on ancient Egyptian monuments beginning with the Xllth dynasty."

This statement would be more misleading than it is were it published in any
less difficult language than Russian. As it is I am inclined to think that he must
have had in mind the twist rather than the plait. And yet there is one un-
doubtedly genuine example of ancient Egyptian plaitwork that can be seen any
day at the British Museum. I refer to the plait design as it appears on the

' Jour. Hell. Stiid., XXXII, 1912, p. 341, Fig. 18.

' BoKT>, B. r., KonmcKin yjopHamua miiaiiu. MocKsa, 1897.

G 2

100 The Genesis of Coptic Twists and Plaits.

fragment of the beard of the Sphinx. Fig. 29 gives the scheme of plaiting which
is clearly visible on the specimen.

We will next consider an interesting group of figures which occur frequently on
textiles of Egypto- Roman and Coptic date, and which, although they vary in
many ways, are yet apparently all related. A typical example of the Illrd-IVth
century on a fabric from Akhmin is shown in Fig. 30. A portion of a similar design
of IVth-Vth century is given in Fig. 31, while Fig. 32, although quite dissimilar,
is most probably a derivative from the same parent source, its less pronounced
cruciform shape being probably due to its earlier date (Ilnd-IIIrd century).
The relation between these forms and the quite simple form. Figs. 33 and 34, will,
I think, be apparent. But I imagine that in this simple form we have it in its
pagan aspect. For it has persisted and is found in Celtic and Scandinavian
ornament, where it was considered by Worsaae^ to represent the earth with
its four corners. Surrounding this Danish example is a serpent with its tail in
its mouth, the great sea-serpent lying in the all-surrounding ocean. To revert
to the Coptic examples. Figs. 30 and 31 have this form interplaited with the
cross, no doubt used as a Christian symbol.

For the origin of this motive we must, I believe, again look to Sumer, although
there are practically no directly connecting links, that I know of, if we except
scarab designs of the type shown in Figs. 35 and 36 (after Xllth dynasty), and I
think these are inconclusive. An interesting comparison may, however, be made
with the Buddhist symbol shown in Figs. 37 and 38. This is one of the Eight
Glorious Emblems or auspicious symbols frequently figured in Buddhist art
and iconography.* It also occurs as the lucky diagram Srivatsa, the symbol of the
tenth Jina (Sitala) of the Jains, and in China as the Buddhist knot (Chang), or
the sacred entrails (Fig. 39).

This Chinese sign was doubtless introduced by the Buddhist missionaries who
reached China in the 1st century a.d. How the symbol arrived in Buddhist
India one can only surmise ; but one cannot help remembering that Buddhism
was still in its infancy when, in 329 B.C., Alexander made his momentous inroad,
an event which impressed Indian art and decoration most strongly. Also we
know that commerce was carried on between India and Babylonia from quite early
times, and we find that in the Ilird century B.C. the famous Buddhist Emperor
Asoka claimed that missions sent by him to Greek kingdoms had resulted in
conversions to Buddhism. These facts prove an amount of intercourse quite
sufficient to account for the passage of this symbol. And although apparently
not to be found in Greek ornament, yet if we look from these examples to that
shown in Fig. 40, we cannot but notice their striking resemblance. Moreover, I
think I may suggest (with probability on my side), that in this Sumerian figure we
have the prototype of even the Coptic examples.

The figure is taken from one of the three most ancient specimens of
Sumerian glyptic art yet known, one of the seals of the patesi Lugalanda (about
Vlth-VIIth dynasties Egyptian). The somewhat laboured attempt at an interpre-
tation of this sign by M. Allotte de la Fuije^ may, I think, be put aside. It is far
more Ukely to be the expression of a religious idea than a cryptic rendering of the
artist's name. It may even contain the idea of Worsaae of the four corners of the

' " Danish Arts."

Waddell, Buddhism in Thibet, p. 392.

* Rev. d'Assyr., VI, No. 4, p. 117.

The Genesis of Coptic Twists and Plaits. lOl

earth, but I believe that all these knot figures embody the idea of eternity, or per-
haps, at least, longevity.

There is one more motive found on Coptic textiles of which I must speak.
I have left it uijtil the last because it is perhaps the most interesting of all. Figs.
41 and 42 show it as it appears on Egypto-Roman and Coptic textiles, and it will
be recognised immediately as a familiar motive not only on these fabrics but also
on Roman mosaics from the Ilnd century a.d. onwards. It is also of frequent
occurrence later among Celtic and Scandinavian plaitwork as noticed by Dr. H.
Colley March. 1 It is one of the seven World Ravishing Gems of Buddhism, and,
in fact, is found so far afield as among the Mound builders of the American con-
tinent. It is sometimes called, in English, the duplex, in French I'entrelac, and
Sarre enigmatically terms it the " Lieblingsmotive."

This motive, more elusive in archaic art than any, has yet I believe a history
that may well be said to be more ancient than any other known symbol. For it
is, I am convinced, derived directly from that ancient of days, the Swastika.
That this is so can best be demonstrated by examples. Figs. 43 to 46 show the
stages of development in as simple a form as can be. It could, of course, be proven
at greater length, but the present is hardly the occasion. The Swastika is, of
course, a universal symbol of fire and motion, i.e., the sun ; and its derivative must
be allowed to have, in some measure at least, a similar significance in pagan
sjmibolism.

I have mentioned its occurrence on Roman mosaics, and this is most significant
for our enquiry. For we are thus swept right past Coptic and Egypto-Roman art
without touching it, so to speak, and we find it on a 1st century mosaic at Pompeii
(Fig. 47)^ in the Isis temple, which was rebuilt after the earthquake of A.D. 63.

There would seem to be an entire absence of this motive from both Greek
and ancient Egyptian ornament, but I give an illustration of a gold ring from
Selinous^ {circa 1500-1000 B.C.), which is sufficiently like to afford comparison
(Fig. 48). And from Egypt I give an impression of a Kahun sealing (Xllth
dynasty).* The latter (Fig. 47) is certainly half way between the Swastika form
and our figure.

But for the identical motive we must come to more recent times than this
last. Again we go to ancient Babylon for our illustration, and we find here not
indeed the simple duplex, but an artistic conception obviously based upon the
same theme (Fig. 50). Incidentally it may be observed that this is, so far as my
investigations have gone, the earliest example of knot work yet known. It might
well be thought to be from some Celtic or Scandinavian cross so excellent is it.
But it is taken from a Syro-Cappadocian seal (dated circa 1926-2225 B.C.), in the
Bibliotheque Nationale.* The fact that this is a design more complex than the
simple duplex argues that the latter must, at some period, have preceded it. But
to find it in an earlier age we must look to pre-mykenian Crete.

Sir Arthur Evans* tells us that " of the origins of our complex European
culture this much at least can be confidently stated. The earliest extraneous
sources on which it drew lay respectively in two directions in the valley of the

1 Trans. Dorset Field Club, XXV. ' From Riegl, A., Stil/ragen, 1893, p. 310.

* Fougferes, G., SMnonte, 1910, p. 42.

* Petrie, W. M. F., Illahun, 1889-90, PI. X, No. 190.

' Babelon, E., Guilde illus. du Cab. des Med., 1900, p. 32, and Delaporte, PI. XXXVIIIt
Fig. 649.

* " New Archaeolog. Lights on Orig. of Civilis. in Europe," Smithsonian Report, 1916.

G 3

I02 The Genesis of Coptic Twists and Plaits,

Nile on one side, and in that of the Euphrates on the other." This being so we
need not be surprised to find that here on the " doorstep of European civiUsation "
the duplex may be traced a step further back into the past. Fig. 51 represents
the design of a steatite seal from Hagios Onuphrios,^ and considered to date from
the Early Minoan III period (IXth-Xth dynasties Egyptian). It will be seen
that this design consists of the simple duplex with the addition of an interlaced
square. If we now glance at the next figure we shall observe that the figures
are identical, and yet this latter is from the IVth century Romano-British pave-
ment at Wellow near Bath (Fig. 52). That the Cretan example is the prototype of
the Roman there cannot be any doubt. A seal of ivory found at Hagia Triada,
and dating from the second part of the 1st Minoan period, is illustrated by Mosso,*
which appears also to be inscribed with this form.

Before concluding one more illustration must be referred to. It is shown in
Fig. 53, and is taken from an asphalt relief discovered by de Morgan at Susa.*
Dr. Capitan considers this to be an expression of the same idea, and it must be
admitted that it is more than probable, for undoubtedly it is composed of two
interplaited ovals. The fact of its being a representation of two serpents is, too,
in my opinion, a point in favour of this. It is ascribed to the epoch of Naram
Sin, equal to the IXth dynasty.

Looking back over the field of enquiry that has been covered it seems
obvious that certain general conclusions may be deduced.

The Copts, and the Egypto-Romans before them, derived these decorative
motives in their art, if not actually from Roman sources, at any rate from a
common source with Rome. In this connection the significance of the evidence
provided by the mosaics cannot be overestimated. For we know that the
Romans obtained their art of mosaic from the Greeks about 80 years B.C.
Moreover, we know that the source of inspiration was Alexandria, which town
passed under Roman rule at that time.

The decorative features we have been considering are in Egypt found with
greatest frequency on the textile fabrics. But in Roman art they are most
closely identified with the mosaic pavements. So much so that there is
practically no doubt that the Romans derived them, with the art itself, from
Alexandria.

We must therefore conclude that Egypt obtained her art inspirations from
thence, also owing nothing to purely Roman but much to Romano-Alexandrian
influence. What is more natural than that the city of Euclid should be the
centre from whence these advanced designs should proceed, designs which,
based upon the symbols of archaic cults, were revivified and developed in the
hands of skilled artists. Alexandria's position made it a focus of influences
from East and West. Not only Greeks, Romans and Egyptians, but repre-
sentatives of eastern lands congregated within its precincts. There is no doubt
that many ancient cults were tolerated, and may have brought into its decorative
art the symbolism of archaic faiths. Of these quite the most popular was the
cult of the Serpent, the Agathodaemon and Uraeus, sacred to Serapis and Isis.
Shrines existed there whereat the cult was practised, and the two serpents are
frequent features on coins of the period.

* Evans, A. J., Cretan Piclographs, 1895, p. 107, Fig. 84.

Mosso, A., Palaces of Crete, 1907, p. 249, Fig. 117A.

de Morgan, Recherches. Del. Perse, XII, Fig. 394, and XIII, PI. XXXVII.

The Genesis of Coptic Twists a?id Plaits.
30

G 4

1,04 ^'^ Genesis of Coptic Twists and Plaits.

But we know that serpent worship was a prominent cult in the reUgious
system of the Sumerians (refer back to Fig. ii), and with the ancient Persians
we have seen that the two were Hnked into the prototype of the duplex. Space
will not allow of exhaustive proof, but I am convinced that the motives we have
been considering all originally embodied some phase of the cult of the serpent.
The twist, the plait and the interplaited cross of ovals were all part of the
ritual of the archaic counterpart of Isis and Osiris.

On Egypto-Roman and Coptic things they have, of course, lost their pagan
significance, and are probably used merely as decorative motives with one
exception, the duplex. This, by virtue of its being cruciform and dual, was
probably, as Dr. CoUey March sajre, adopted as an emblem of the two-fold nature
of Christ.

Whether this was so at so early a date is not certain. But it is certain
that both in pagan and Christian art these non-terminate plait motives had the
power of auspicious symbols, conveying the idea of good-luck. Particularly
was this the case with the duplex ; but we find, in these days, its popularity
has waned its parent, the Swastika, has outlived it.

Cyril G. E. Bunt.

[These conclusions on the Sumerian being the earliest forms of the twists
and plaits accords with other facts of their distribution. The formula which
seems to agree with all the cases is that the twist and plait is a Central Asian
motive [see the wickerwork screens in Kirghiz tents) ; that from there it passed
down the Euphrates, also into Syria, and first into Egypt under Hyksos influence.
Plaits and twists were unknown in Italy until the Dacian captives were brought
in and set to mosaic work ; plaits were brought from the north into the basket-
work capitals of Justinian, and the round plait in architecture only occurs in
true Gothic work in Italy, the Lombard plait being angular, rushwork and not
osiers. In Ireland the spiral is alone in the pagan age, and the plait only comes
in after Norse influences of the Christian period. W. M. F. P.]

( 105 )

THE SPHINXES OF TANIS.

In the Annates du Service, 1917, M. Daressy opens the question of the peculiar
type of art fouj^d in the sphinxes of Tanis, the fish-offerers and the Fayum statue.
For figures of these see Ancient Egypt, 1916, pp. 188-192, and plates. He points
out that Zon or Zoan is distinct from Hauar or Avaris in the Memphitic list, and
that there is no reason to identify them ; and that the absence of any mention of
Zon on the monuments of Tanis, and of any works of the great XVIIIth dynasty
there, seems to show how unimportant the place was in early times. Suddenly
in the XlXth dynasty it was started as a northern capital by Ramessu II, and
filled with sculptures brought from other places. Of the early statues five have
dedications belonging to Onkhtaui at Memphis, the later works of Ramessu II were
made for the Heliopolitan gods, and a statue is dedicated to Upuat of Siut and
Hathor of Dronkah near by. From El Kab has come a sphinx in white silicified
limestone exactly like the Tanite sphinxes in work and dimensions. All these
facts result in detaching this peculiar style of work from Tanis, and suggest that
it is more probably southern.

Head of Tanis Sphinx.

Head of Galla Woman.

The ground is thus cleared of an hypothesis that has confused the subject
for fifty years past. The southern source of such work at El Kab paves the way
for our recognising in the " head of a Galla woman " (published in Maspero's
" Struggle of the Nations," p. 233) the same type as in the sphinxes from Tanis.
We require now an enquiry as to the sources and limits of this type in the south.
Mr. Wainwright was struck by the similarity to the Tayesha, who were the body-
guard of Osman Dagna, a Semitic African tribe.

If now we are to regard these sculptures as representing a Sudani people, it
is clear that they belong to an invasion between the Vlth and Xlth dynasty, as
there is no other period likely before the Hybros age when these figures were
appropriated. The break-up of the Old Kingdom was due to Mesopotamians press-
ing in from the north using button-badges, and to the Sudanis from the south,
who took up Egyptian art for their own purposes. Similarly the break-up of the
second prehistoric civilisation was both Elamite and Nubian ; the end of the
Bubastite age was invasion from Ethiopia and Libya. To the weak, misfortunes

seldom come single.

W. M. F. Petrie.

( 106 )

ALEXANDRIAN WORLD MAPS.

As Alexandria was the centre of geographical learning where the world maps
of Eratosthenes {circa 200 B.C.) and Ptolemy {circa 150 A.D.) were published,
it may not be out of place to insert a short note on the possible survival of the
former. The question of the authenticity of the actual maps accompanying
the text of Ptolemy has recently been much discussed, but no one so far as
I know has suggested the possibility that a copy of the earlier Hellenistic
world scheme may still exist. There is in the Harleian collection in the British
Museum a very remarkable map of the world drawn in the gth or loth centuries.
It seems to be the work of an Anglo-Saxon scholar that is, it must be his copy
of an earlier map. The way the cities are represented within their walls has
resemblances to the Madeba mosaic plan of Palestine, and the prominence of
such places as Alexandria and Constantinople all show that there was a
Byzantine or Hellenistic original. Another point of interest is the fact that
some of the places in North Africa, to which Prof. Petrie called attention as
being mentioned in the old tradition of the peopling of Britain, are named on
this map.

The map of the world given in Prof. Breasted's Ancient Times (1916) as
the world according to Eratosthenes, seems to me to have more than an
accidental resemblance to our Saxon map. In it we have an oblong world
surrounded by ocean ; India is at one end, and the Mediterranean Sea enters
at the other. It is still more remarkable in comparison with the Harleian map
that the Caspian Sea is shown as connected with the ocean by an inlet from
the north. Sjnia and Mesopotamia are near the centre of this world, which
lies on the ocean as a rug rests on the floor. Furthermore, on the Saxon map
there are a number of loosely-drawn lines, which are frequently roughly parallel,
and at right angles to one another. The names of countries and cities seem
to have been set down in relation to these lines, which indicate boundaries or
position. Now Dr. Breasted writes of Eratosthenes : " His map of the known
world, including Europe, Asia and Africa, not only showed the regions grouped
about the Mediterranean with fair correctness, but he was the first geographer
who was able to lay out on his map a cross-net of lines indicating latitude and
longitude." It seems evident that the map in the Harleian collection must
have had for its source a map with such lines upon it. It may be that the
Saxon map follows some original constructed more or less in harmony with the
theories ,of Cosmas, the 6th century traveller, who published at Alexandria his
Christian scheme of geography about 550 a.d. It is probable, however, that
Cosmas reverted to the flat-land of Eratosthenes rather than inventing it afresh,
and in any case the Saxon map is too detailed and, indeed, too correct to depend
on anything but a classical source. There is a photographic reproduction of
the Harleian map in Trail's Social England and a small text block in the Encyclo-
paedia Britannica (" Maps ").

W. R. Lethaby.

( 107 )

THE SUBTERRANEAN PASSAGES OF ALEPPO CITADEL.

Ancient Aleppo (the Egyptian Khalebu, the Greek Bercea) is supposed to have
stood entirely on the partly natural, partly artificial mound now known as the
Citadel, which measures 275 X 160 m. at the summit, and about 40 m. above the
level of the town. This seems probable since no pre-Arab remains are to be
seen in the town, although Aleppo is known from Egyptian and Babylonian
records to have been of extreme antiquity.

Under the Arab rule of Malik ez-Zahir, the mound was fortified, or more
probably re-fortified ; a deep moat was dug round it and a strong defensive
wall was built round the summit. The wall of Ez-Zahir still stands, but the
interior of the Citadel is in ruins, the only modern building of any size being
a Turkish barrack. The remainder is a mass of debris of Arab and Roman age
which could easily be excavated now and would well repay a thorough
examination.

Aleppo Citadel from the S.S.W.

The Arab Commanding Officer told me that he had found the entrance to
subterranean passages near the barracks, and invited me to explore it as he was
not keen on doing it alone. I accordingly called on him with Lieut. Lee-Bross^
of the 1st Spahis. He first led us to a chamber (A) close to his quarters, at the
east end of which was a large rectangular well, the top being solid masonry and
about 4.50 m. north and south, by 3.75 m. east and west.

The Arab Officer then showed us the entrance to a gallery built against the
outside of the east wall of the chamber. This gallery was almost stopped up
with rubbish, and sloped downwards at an angle of about 20. It soon turned
to the left at right angles, and began to follow round the outside of the well in
a counter-clockwise direction with windows opening into the well at intervals
in each circuit. At first this gallery was in a very bad condition, but became
better and freer of rubbish as we went down. After two circuits we came to a
small vertical shaft which we climbed down, after which the passage, now much
larger, and with a well-cut staircase the whole of its breadth (about 3J m.)
continued to wind downwards. At 16 m. depth the gallery was no longer built

Io8 The Subterranean Passages of Aleppo Citadel.

in the rubbish, but cut in the soft limestone. This gives an approximate idea
of the depth of artificial deposit on the Citadel. Although the passage was now
in the rock, its tendency to crumble has necessitated arches and patches to hold
up and hold back the dangerous portions. As we went still lower, the patches
were made in pottery bricks, 0.23 m. long by 0.03 m. deep, which seem to be
Roman. The level of the commencement of the pottery revetting was 26 m.
below the ground level of the Citadel. About this level a gallery, now obstructed,
appears to run southwards. At 30 m. we again came to a gallery having a
masonry arch at the entrance, and then apparently running north in the rock. It
is now totally stopped up with stones and rubbish. At 37.80 m., a very small
passage opened out on the right of the main passage ; the roof had fallen in many
places and was very rotten. I crawled in for about 25 m. almost due north and
found the end. It apparently was a trial gallery left uncompleted. A few metres
farther on the main gallery ends in a pile of rubbish, though it may continue
a little further. Here we went down a small vertical shaft, which could be
covered by stone slabs which lay beside it. At a depth of 3.50 m. we reached a
small horizontal passage (H) which went back under the main gallery for about
1.50 m. Here a larger gaUery ran left and right. We first turned to the right,
and after about 3 m. we came to the well, being now almost at the bottom of it
(i.e., within 7 ft.). I was lowered down into it and could see straight up the shaft ;
this was 41.34 m. below the surface of the Citadel. The curious part of the shaft
was that the four sides were corrugated, and gave the effect of looking up the
concertina extension of a kodak. The bottom of the well was partly filled with
stones and filth dropped down from above, and beneath the shaft the depth of
the water varied from a couple of inches to a foot. On the east, south and west
sides of the bottom of the well, large galleries about 2 m. high and i"50 broad,
ran away for a unknown distance. The entrances of these had masonry arches,
made without keystones, and the galleries themselves were well " rendered "
with cement. I could not follow these more than about 10 m. as the water
became deeper owing to there being less rubbish the farther one goes from the
well-shaft. The stench was bad, but with thigh boots one should be able to follow
these passages to their ends wherever they may be. These are shown at (M, N, O),
in accompanying plan. It seems as if these were gigantic water conduits for
the supply of the town. With sufficient time I believe that the exits of these
conduits could be discovered even without following them internally, as they
must communicate with the river somewhere. We only had three days at our
disposal so it was out of the question for us to search further, as we had other
work to do. We then returned to the branch passage at (B) which, as has been
remarked, was about 2 m. above the water level of the well, and followed the
passage (BD). The section of this gallery is shown at (Q), and the whole of it
is very finely " rendered," its primary object being obviously a water-channel.
After proceeding north for 58.50 m., it turns west for 31.40 m., and then south-
west and west-south-west as shown at (DE, EF and FG). At (G) the passage
turns sharply to the right. Here after 6.60 m. it is paved with large blocks.
Below these blocks there is a small channel, 0.35 by 0.35 m. protected by a strong
iron grating running forward. The whole gallery is obstructed about 1.30 m.
further on, and no jnore progress was possible without excavation. At this place
we found a limestone block 0.75 by 0.60 by 0.28 m., having a cufic inscription
on it in relief, the block being upside down and not belonging to the masonry.
Lieut. Brosse copied this as far as he could, and I can furnish a copy to anybody

The Subterranean Passages of Aleppo Citadel.

109

who specializes in this class of inscriptions. At the point (J) there is a small
hole opening out of the gallery. I squeezed through this, and found myself at
the bottom of a circular shaft running vertically upwards (about i m. diameter,
and 5.10 m. high). I climbed up this and found the top covered by large slabs
of stone which T could not shift. I noticed the soil here was softer and more
crumbling and earthy, which showed that the top of the shaft was no great
distance below ground level. We then returned to the point (G) where a small
opening led into another shaft running vertically upwards. This shaft, 1.20 dia-
meter, was 7 m. high. At the top of the shaft on the north there was a sort of
doorway of limestone about 0.80 m. wide, the jambs being smoothly dressed. We
could not see the height owing to its being partially filled up with stones and
rubbish. The right jamb of the door has a mason's mark, much resembling the

MOftT

V<*L. Of M>-' 2 ^"'"

O m.

+ 20r

+ A-Sm.

MoSyuC
(Ruin)

tnlntut.

BflRR/>CKS wB

fMooCRN)

CITADEL OF ALEPPO ;^ooo

Egyptian 'onkh, 0.23 m. long. The chamber was almost entirely^filled up, but
could easily be cleared. On the other side of the shaft running up at an angle of
about 50 and 150 east of north, was a large gallery roughly cut in the earthy
limestone and 10 m. long. At the top of this, turning to the left, we could just
squeeze into a small masonry antechamber (H) . This was separated from an
apparently larger chamber by a heavy basalt door, leaning at about 60 outwards
from its frame which consisted of four blocks of basalt. The dimensions of the
door were 1.38 m. high ; 0.75 m. wide and 0.17 thick. On the west and on the
inner side there is a cruciform recess for a bolt. Above this lock recess is a hole
for the door pivot ! The roof of the antechamber consists of a circular column
of basalt. The inner chamber was very much obstructed by rubbish, but by
crawling in I could see that the roof by the door consisted of basalt 0.42 m.
diameter, and a square sectioned block of the same material. The inner chamber
seems to lead into another smaller chamber roofed with slabs. This place was
too unsafe to examine thoroughly, without a certain amount of clearing and
shoring, which we had not time to do.

In the accompanying chart the dotted parts show the buildings, etc. above
ground ; they have been enlarged from a military map, and I do not vouch for

no The Subterranean Passages of AUppo Citadel.

their accuracy. The underground passages were surveyed by us with a prismatic
compass and are fairly accurate. It will be seen that the chamber at (H) comes
nearly under the foundations of a small square Arab tower, now in ruins, on the
slope of the Citadel. Point (H), however, must be at a much lower level, and
be connected to the foundations of a more ancient building. (The Arab
entrance to the north Tower was on its south side leading straight up into the
Citadel. This was blocked up, and we could not find its other end in the Citadel.)
At the point (J) the level of the moat is distinctly higher than elsewhere, and I
do not think that the gallery at (J) is very deep below moat level. It is very
probable that the passage runs out under the town.

I think the function of the gallery (B D E F G J) was to fill the moat. This
would be done automatically when the water rose to sufficient height in the well.
The subsidiary passages and shafts (J and H) were probably cut to connect
buildings then standing with the Citadel, making the conduits serve a double
purpose. That danger of invasion from these passages was apprehended is
obvious, since in the spiral well passage small shafts, mentioned earUer, were
constructed, so that the passage up into the Citadel could be easily blocked.
As to the date, although the Arabs may have added and adapted certain parts
of it, I cannot think that this was their original work. It certainly would repay
a detailed examination, as all the rubbish could be basketed along into the well
chamber and removed from there.

I can get no information as to whether this has been examined before ;

the local inhabitants are entirely ignorant of it, except that one old Arab told

that the Citadel was connected underground with the Bab Antakiyeh. It is

possible that the Turks or Germans during the war may have examined these

passages. I should be very glad to hear if anything is known further of this

matter.

R. Engelbach,

Capt. R.E. (T.R.).

C III )

KHEKER FRIEZES.

[Number refetences are to the " Topographical Catalogue of Private Tombs of
Thebes," by Gardiner and Weigall. A.E., Ancient Egypt, C.F.Y., Carnarvon,
Five Years' Explorations at Thebes. D.P., Davies, Ptah-hetep. K. King's Tomb.
L.D., Lepsius, Denkmdler. P.D.A., Petrie, Decorative Art. Q., Queen's Tomb.]

The extreme upper portions of the walls of painted and sculptured tombs
in the Xllth and XVIIIth dynasty, and also more rarely in later times, were
usually finished off with a peculiar form of decoration, commonly known as the
Kheker ornament.

The word Kheker occurs fairly often both in Old Kingdom and in later hiero-
glyphs in connection with the toilet, and also in the plural form as Khekeru,
meaning ornament, which word has the figure of a Kheker as its determinative.
It is this word for ornament that has given its name to this distinctive variety of
Egyptian ornamentation.

The form of the Kheker most often thus employed in the Theban Necropolis
is that shown in Fig. i, where it seems to represent a series of reed or plant
stems tied together at the tops and gathered in again close above the base, below
which they spread out once more. Another suggestion for the meaning of this
decoration is that it represents the fringe or tassel of a carpet or mat, the roundel
above the base being a knot. The plant theory is probably the more satisfactory
explanation of the form and was first suggested by Prof. Petrie, who wrote :
" Suppose a screen of papjTus stems, the roofing stems tied on to the uprights
and the loose wiry leaves at the head tied together to keep them from straggling
over and looking untidy. Here we have all the details of the Kheker ornament
simply resulting from structural necessity. The leaves are gathered together at
the lower tying ; and there the end view of the concentric coats of the papyrus
stems of the roof are seen as concentric circles, above which the leaves bulge out
and are tied together at the top." (P.D.A., 101-2.)

This view of the origin of the Kheker ornament finds support in the fact that
the Kheker frieze is practically always found at the top of a wall in a tomb. It
occurs, moreover, in painted scenes as a free standing ornament to the tops of
doorways and shrines when such are depicted on tomb walls (iii and Q. 36, 44, 52,
55). In three instances (Puimre, Amunezek, Menkheperasenb, and perhaps more),
however, a row of Khekers serves as a kind of low square fence or enclosure in the
scenes of funeral ceremonies in the inner chambers of Tombs 39, 84 and 112. It
is also to be seen running down one side of the interior of a shrine in Tomb Q. 52,
Thyti. In the tombs of the Old Kingdom no example is known of the use of a
Kheker frieze to ornament the upper portion of the walls of a tomb, although it is
employed to decorate the tops of shrines and doorways, etc., when such are depicted
on the tomb walls. The Kheker is always of the pointed variety, very similar to
that shown in Fig. 4, in shape but not in colour, but usually with two roundels

112 Kheker Friezes.

at the bottom, placed one below the other, of which the lower one takes the place
of the base of an ordinary Kheker (L.D. ii, loi). In the tomb of Ptah-hetep.
however, a Kheker with the base as shown in Fig. 5 is used for the sign WSHT
{D.P., I, xviii).

A peculiar headdress sometimes worn by dancers in scenes in the tombs of the
Middle Kingdom is also suggestive of the Kheker ornament, especially its upper
portion (C.F.Y. viii ; A.E. 1914, 126).

In the Middle Kingdom when the Khekers began to be employed as a frieze
for tomb walls, the splay-topped form was that most commonly in use (Fig. i).
This variety is also the most common in tombs of the XVIIIth dynasty in the
Theban Necropolis, though the pointed variety is still employed in minor positions.
During Ramesside times, the pointed form reappears again as a frieze, but only in
the Royal Tombs, the splay-topped form still remaining in use in the private
tombs.

Splay-topped Khekers are alwa)^ drawn at the top of a tomb wall in a row,
with their bases touching, or almost touching, one another. The colouring until
rather beyond the middle of the XVIIIth dynasty is constant, namely, blue out-
side, red inside and green between, the tie bands being similarly coloured with bands
of blue and green above and below a middle band of red, five bands in all. The
roundel at the base is also painted with an outer circular band of blue, an inner
one of green and a red centre.

Towards the end of the XVIIIth dynasty and also in the Ramesside period,
the roundels of the Kheker ornament were commonly painted of one colour
only, red or yellow, though the remaining portion of the Kheker was coloured in
the old way. We have, however, six exceptions in the Necropolis in Tombs 38, 76,
77, 91, 147 and K. 22. In the last of these tombs the Khekers forming the frieze
at the northern end of the outer chamber are coloured blue, green and white.
It is possible, however, that it was intended to eventually add red, and thus give
the frieze the normal colouring. In the roundels of the Khekers in Tombs 76,
77, 91, 147 and K. 22 only two colours were intended and used, i.e., red and blue,
the red being in the centre and predominating.

In some of the tombs of the end of the XVIIIth dynasty, and in most of those
of Ramesside date, instead of being painted with the usual stripes of blue, green
and red, the tie of the Kheker is painted entirely in yellow and the stripes or
bands are indicated by lines of red or black (Fig. 2). The earliest date at which
the yellow tie first appears in Khekers in the Theban Necropolis is the time of
Thutmosis III (Tomb 112), but it appears more frequently in the time of
Thutmosis IV, as may be seen in Tombs 58, 75, 76, 77, 89, 90, 91, 116, etc., though
in some tombs of this date, and even later, the usual five coloured bands are still
to be seen. In three tombs (76, 84, 112) Khekers with the usual blue, green and
red ties are found on some of the walls, while on others the ties are coloured
yellow. It is interesting to note that the lines drawn on the yellow ties to repre-
sent the former bands of colour are not always true as to number, showing that
the old features were already being forgotten.

In most cases, as shown in uncompleted tombs, the Kheker pattern was set
out with the aid of six horizontal lines, the top and bottom ones of which deter-
mined the height of the Kheker. The two lines below the top one marked out the
proper width of the tie, and the remaining two fixed the position of the roundel
at the base of the ornament. These lines were always set out with the aid of a
cord soaked in red ruddle (21, 22, 43, 78, 82, 112, King Haremheb).

Kheker Friezes.

Owing to the irregularity of the ceiUng, only five of these horizontal lines
were drawn in some tombs, the usual top line being omitted, with the result that
the height of the Kheker frieze varies considerably on the same wall. The usual

7, Tomb

8, Tomb 255; 9, Tomb 51 ; 10, 11, Tomb 45.

reasons for this were either poor work or the excessive hardness of the rock which
prevented a level ceiling being cut.

114 Kheker Friezes.

In Tomb 82 there are seven horizontal lines provided for the proportioning
of the Kheker frieze, the extra one running through the middle of the roundel.
There are also seven lines in Tomb 78, the seventh line marking the width of a
disc over the Kheker.

It rarely happened that the artist kept strictly to these lines. The top of the
Kheker frequently projects above the top line and the roundel is frequently below
the space provided for it between the two guiding lines. It would appear, there-
fore, that these horizontal lines sometimes served as rough guides only and not as
definite boundaries. Hence the great variation in the position of the roundel and
tie that is often met with in the Khekers on the same wall.

The distance between the topmost and lowest horizontal lines is found to
vary greatly. Taking a number of these distances and averaging them, it has
been found that the three heights for the Kheker frieze that were most commonly
in use were 180, 196, and 204 milhmetres.

In careful work, three, and sometimes five vertical lines were also drawn
on a tomb wall to ensure the proper width and proportion being given to each
Kheker. In every case these lines were carefully drawn in red paint with a
fine brush, which lead to their being easily obscured when the background Wcis
painted in. When three lines were used the middle one ran down the centre
of the Kheker and the remaining two fixed its outer limits. In cases where five
lines were employed, the additional two marked the inner edge of the blue stripe,
which in most cases splays outwards at the extreme top of the Kheker. It is
probable that these vertical lines were utilised in most of the tombs which show
better workmanship, but, if so, they have in most cases been obscured by the
background, which as a rule was painted in last, doubtless for this purpose.
Tombs in which these lines can still be seen are Nos. 22, 87, 88, 112, 201 and 251.

Lines for the spacing of pointed Khekers (four in number) can be seen in
Q. 38, and it may be noted here that as pointed Khekers have no ties, four lines
are sufficient to set them out.

On one wall at least in the inner chamber of Tomb 42 (Amenmose), the Kheker
frieze was drawn on similar squares to those used for the purpose of figure
drawing. This was a very unusual proceeding in the Theban Necropolis, and
there is apparently only the one example.

In rough work, the whole Kheker was merely outlined in red before the
colours were applied, but in the more carefully finished tombs additional lines
were added to mark the limits of the coloured bands (Tombs 42, 72, ']'], 89, 201,
etc.).

In most cases after the colours of the Khekers were painted in, a white line
was placed over the edges of the stripes of colour to hide their junction and also
to emphasise their colours. These white lines were very carefully put on in
some tombs and in others very roughly, so that they vary much in thickness and
regularity. The outside of the Kheker was rarely outlined in white, with the
exception of the margin of the roundel.

In one tomb (42) the artist evidently ran short of red paint when drawing
the outlines of his Khekers and employed blue instead for the purpose.

It seems that the Kheker ornament in a few of the better finished tombs was
subject to definite proportions, as in the case of human figures. For instance,
the top of the ornament from the tie upwards should be equal in height to that
of the base as measured downwards from the bottom of the roundel ; also the
depth of the tie should be the same as that of the top and base. The diameter

Kheker Friezes. 115

of the roundel was generally half as wide again as the height of the upper portion,
base and tie of the Kheker when drawn perfectly round; in most tombs, however,
it assumes a sUghtly elliptical form. The body of the Kheker appears not to
have been subject to any definite proportions, hence the Kheker ornaments in
various tombs" tdu comparison show an apparent divergence in proportion, some
appearing slightly attenuated and others the reverse in form.

The Kheker friezes in Tombs 45 and 260 present a peculiar feature which
the writer has not been able to find in any other tomb, namely, three small black
spots placed above the three middle bands of colours at the apex of the ornament
and also a series of five similar spots down each vertical edge of the tie (see six
on left of Fig. i). It appears to have been a refinement in the decoration that
was very rarely carried out, as, in the two tombs in which this addition appears,
not all the Khekers were treated in this manner. As the two tombs in which
these spotted Khekers appear. are more than a mile apart and, curiously enough,
similar tombs nearly always he near together, it does not seem probable that
they were the work of the same artist, neither do they agree in style.

A curious addition was made to the splay-topped Kheker at the close of
the XVIIIth dynasty, namely, a round ball placed on the top of the ornament ,
(Fig. 3) . The earliest date at which this is met with in this Necropolis is that
of the tombs of Surere Ramose and Ramose,^ and of one tomb in which the name
is erased, the first two being of the time of Amenophis III, and the third and fourth
of that of Amenophis IV. As this addition to the Kheker is not found in any
tomb of earlier date than those mentioned above, it might well be possible that
foreign influence had something to do with its appearance. There seems no
doubt that this ball at the top of the Kheker represented the sun, or rather the
disc of the sun, and on that account it was invariably painted red or yellow,
and was always undecorated. This was probably due to the Aten influence
shortly before ; the new addition to the Kheker came into general use in Ramesside
times, when the Kheker ornament, used in conjunction with other friezes, was
a common feature in tombs, especially in those of the period of Rameses II.

It would appear that it became the custom in the period of Amenophis
III-IV to colour the roundel of the Kheker either red or yellow and no longer to
decorate it with the usual circular bands and centre of blue, green and red.
The sculptured roundels of the Khekers in Tomb 48 (Surere) are unfortunately
not painted, but, as they are not incised with the chisel in concentric rings, it
would appear that they were intended to be painted one colour only. The
roundels of the Khekers in Tomb 192 (Kharuef) were, however, both sculptured
and ornamented with coloured concentric rings. This disc form of the roundel
was also usual in Ramesside tombs, with the exceptions that in Tomb 216 the
roundel is painted blue, and in Tombs 19, 35, 112, 134, 135, 220, 148 and 259 the
old colouring is retained. A marked deterioration from the graceful shape of the
early Kheker is noticeable in Ramesside times in the Theban Necropolis, not only in
the smaller tombs, but even in the more important ones. For instance, probably
owing to the non-use of the usual five or six horizontal lines which helped the

There are two tombs with the name of RamSse. One of these (No. 46) cannot be
strictly dated, but has been assigned by Dr. Gardiner in consideration of style, etc., to the
period of Amenophis III. In this tomb the ordinary Kheker with a yellow roundel and
the Kheker with yellow roundel and yellow disc are both employed, the former in the outer
chamber or corridor of the tomb and the latter in the inner chamber. (Nos. 48, 46, 55
and 188.)

H 2

1 1 6 Kheker Friezes.

artist to proportion his ornament, the Kheker tends to become more and more
slender in appearance, especially at the top, where it is drawn in by the tie.
Sometimes, also, the very order of the colours which was insisted on in the
XVIIIth d5Tiasty was altered by inserting an extra band of colour, as in Tombs
19, 31, 45, 106, 134, 135, 255, etc., or by the reversal of the greens and blues,
the latter error being found in only one tomb (No. 30, Khensmose).

There are two interesting examples in the Necropolis of Khekers outside
the periods of the XVIIIth, XlXth and XXth dynasties. The first is found in
Tomb 60 (Antefoker), which belongs to the Xllth dynasty. In every respect the
Kheker ornament in this tomb corresponds with those of the later periods, with
the one exception that the blue outer band, now almost faded away, is outside
the tie and not within it. The second example is in Tomb 36 (Aba), which is of
the XXVIth dynasty, where the Kheker conforms to the usual shape but the
arrangement of the colours is different. Instead of the ornament being coloured
blue, green and red, reading from the outside, the order of the colours is in this
case, blue, red and blue, the roundel being correspondingly treated. In other
parts of the same tomb the Khekers are painted entirely yellow.

It has already been mentioned that the Kheker ornament ran along the
extreme top of a wall, but there are exceptions to be found in Tombs 35, 161
and 254. In the first tomb, the ornament is placed below a floral frieze and
separated from it by a broad band of blue. The second tomb, on the western end,
also has a floral frieze with a Kheker frieze beneath it, and the last tomb has a
broad band of Chequer pattern above the Kheker frieze, consisting of seven
rows of small coloured squares alternating with white squares, each row being of
one colour only, blue, green and red. On the two side walls of the western end
of this tomb there is also a band of yellow above the Kheker frieze.

A similar use of yellow may be seen above parts of the frieze in the inner
chamber of Tomb 147 (no name), where owing to the irregularity of the roof, a
wide gap occurs in places between the top of the frieze and the ceiling. Rather
than leave this bare, the decorator of the tomb coloured it with yellow.

In the tomb of Queen Nefertari a border painted to resemble sand is placed
above the Khekers on some of the walls.

In four tombs (40, 64, 76 and 253) there is a thin band of ornamentation just
below the ceiling line, known as f Tail-edging." This form of decoration is
very rarely placed above a Kheker ornament, though it is common as vertical
bands for the corners of tombs.

When the Kheker frieze is painted on the walls supporting a barrel-shaped
or arched roof, it is sometimes put wholly or partially above the spring of the
vaulting, which makes it appear to be part of the ceiling decoration and not that
of the wall. In such barrel-vaulted chambers, it should be noted that the
frieze follows a straight line across the two end walls at the same height as on the
side walls, no attempt being made to make it follow the curve of the ceiling,
except in the shrine of 93. A semi-circular space is, therefore, left above the
frieze on the end walls which is generally filled in either with two figures of the
deceased for whom the tomb was made, adoring a figure of Anubis couchant on
a pedestal or with various figures of gods and emblematic signs.

In a few cases (38, 40, 43, 75, 90, 253, 254 and 258), the Kheker ornament is
only found on some of the walls of a tomb, the corresponding portion of the
walls being decorated with floral friezes. Both the pointed and splay-topped
forms of Kheker are to be found together in three tombs (Nos. 42, 106 and 253),

Kheker Friezes. wj

the first case being especially interesting because the two kinds are actually to
be seen on the same wall. In this connection, it should be noted that on one
wall of Tomb 75 (Amenhotpe-si-se) a length of the Kheker frieze is found end
to end with a strip of floral frieze.

Kheker friezes usually have a white or grey background, but there are
exceptions, which may be seen in thirteen tombs (21, 26, 40, 46, 51, 55, 76, 89,
106, 130, 147, 253 and 259). In these tombs the colour of the background of
the Kheker friezes is either red or yellow, in spite of the fact that the scenes
below have the usual white or light-grey ground, except in the inner chambers
or shrines of certain tombs, in which the background is yellow (21, 26, 40, 51,
55, 76, 89 and 253).

We even find in some tombs both coloured and white backgrounds for the
Kheker ornament in the same chamber, though not on the same wall (76, 89
and 253).

The pointed form of the Kheker was the only form used in the Royal Tombs
of Ramesside date, except in that of Sety I. It is also met with in nine of the
tombs of the Nobles (39, 40, 42, 78, 85, 93, 106, 178 and 253), but, with the
exception of four of these tombs (42, 78, 106 and 253) , it occupies a very subordinate
position. The pointed form first appears in this Necropolis as a frieze in tombs
of about the time of Amenophis II (42, 85 and 93).

The colouring of these pointed Khekers varies considerably, and in no case
does it resemble the colouring of the splay-topped, or ordinary type of Kheker,
with the exception of Tomb 106 and the two Royal Tombs K. 22 and Q. 52. In
five of the tombs of the Nobles (39, 40, 178 and 253) the pointed Khekers are
only in two colours, either red (?) and blue, yellow (or red in 40) and blue, red
and green or yellow and green, the arrangement being a broad mass of one of
these colours in the middle of the Kheker, bordered on all the edges by a narrower
band of a second colour. The roundels are treated in the same way, the
centre of one colour being surrounded by a thin band of another colour. In two
tombs (106 and 178) the roundels of this form of Kheker are painted wholly in
yellow.

The pointed Khekers in Tomb 78 (Fig. 4) deserve special attention as
nothing quite like them as regards the colouring is known elsewhere in the
Necropolis. The middle portion of the upper part of the ornament is coloured
in horizontal bands or rather blocks of blue, red and green separated by thin
lines of yellow. The outer portions of the Kheker are painted yellow and the
base is coloured in alternate bands of blue and yellow. The roundel, as will
be noticed in the illustration, is a very elaborate one and consists of a blue centre
surrounded by a ring of red with a ring of blue outside that again ; it is further
decorated with white radii. The various bands of colours, with the exception
of those belonging to the roundel, are edged with thin lines of dark red.

In the Royal Tombs the pointed Kheker is coloured in much the same way
as those noted in the tombs of the Nobles, that is, in two colours, one of which
was used as a border. These are, however, two variants which are not to be found
used in a Kheker frieze in the tombs of the Nobles, the first being decorated
with thin vertical stripes of blue, red, blue, green, blue and red, the last being
in the centre. The roundel and base are similarly treated with these colours.
Here we have an arrangement of colouring very similar to that of the ordinary
splay-topped Kheker, except that there are eleven vertical bands of colours
instead of the normal five.

H 3

ii8

Kheker Friezes.

The second variety is that shown in Fig. 5, a blue Kheker ornamented with
fine lines (either dark blue or black) and edged with yellow. This can be seen
in Tombs K. 11, Q. 43 and Q. 55, except that the colouring is in the first of these
two tombs green and yellow, and in the second and third blue and red, green
and blue predominating in the respective cases. In the tomb of Amenophis III,
pointed Khekers are only present on the columns and are ornamented in exactly
the same way as the ordinary Kheker, the roundel being painted red and edged
with blue.

As a general rule, the colour of the roundels of the pointed Khekers agrees
with that of the remaining portion of the ornament, but in seven of the Royal
Tombs (Q. 42, 43, 51, 52, 55, Siptah, Rameses III) the roundels are coloured red,
wholly so in three of these tombs (Q. 43, 51, K. 11), and edged with yellow in the
remaining four, the body of the Khekers being painted either green or blue and
edged with yellow or white. In the case of Tomb Q. 51, however, the Kheker
is blue and edged with red.

It is curious that none of the roundels of the pointed Khekers in the Royal
Tombs are wholly painted yellow, seeing that this colour was so popular for the
purpose in the splay-topped Khekers. Yellow was also never used as the
dominant colour in a pointed Kheker, but was solely employed as an edging.

In no case, either, was a ball or disc placed on the top of a pointed Kheker,
as is so common with the splay-topped type.

In the Royal Tombs pointed Khekers are provided with either red or grey
backgrounds, the former being the most popular colour. Yellow was never
employed as a background for this form of Kheker, though it was so used with
the splay-topped form.

In tombs in which the scenes are carved among the tombs of the Nobles,
the Kheker ornament is usually either merely painted on the smooth rock face
or the bare outlines, and sometimes the divisions of the colours, are incised.
In some cases the frieze is carved in relief, as may be seen in Tombs 48, 57, 55,
106, etc. In many sculptured tombs, the Kheker frieze is merely painted on some
walls and on other wails in the same tomb is both carved and then painted.
The reason for this was probably the necessity of finishing a tomb as soon as
possible, either because the owner found the cost of sculpturing the whole of the
decoration of his tomb too much for his resources or because he died before his
tomb was completed.

As most of the Royal Tombs are very heavily plastered, the Khekers are
frequently found to be cut in this plaster as well as being merely painted. This
is most common in the tombs of the Queens.

Tombs in which Khekers are found with a Disc at the Apex (as Fig. 3).

Tomb.

Seti I.
Haremhab.
19.

23-
26.

30.

31-

Colour of
Disc.

Yellow.

Red.

Yellow.
Yellow.
Red.
Red.

Colour of

Roundel.

Date.

Yellow.

Seti I.

Yellow.

Haremhab.

Blue, greeU;

, blue and

red.

Seti I.

Red.

Meneptah.

Yellow.

Rameses III.

Red.

XlXth-XXth dynasty,

YeUow.

Rameses II.

Kheker Friezes.

Tomb.

Colour of
Disc.

Colour of Roundel.

Date.

35 (On cornice^

. Red.

Blue, green and red.

Rameses II.

41-

Red.

Rameses to Seti.

YeUow.

Yellow.

Amenophis III.

Unpainted.

Amenophis III.

Blackened.

XlXth dynasty.

Yellow.

Seti I.

Yellow.

Amenophis III.

Red.

Rameses X (?).

112

Red.

Blue, green and red.

XlXth-XXth dynasty

134

Red.

Blue, green and red.

XlXth dynasty.

135

Red.

Blue, green and red.

XlXth dynasty.

148

(Burnt).

Red (?).

Blue, green and red.

Rameses III-V.

157

Blackened.

Rameses II.

158

No colour.

Meneptah.

159

Yellow.

Red.

XlXth dynasty.

163

Red.

XlXth dynasty.

178

Red.

Yellow.

Rameses II.

188

Uncertain.

Yellow.

Amenophis IV.

189

(Burnt).

Red (?).

Rameses II.

216

Red (?).

Blue.

Rameses II.

220

Red.

Blue, green and red.

XlXth-XXth dynasty

255

Red.

Yellow.

Haremhab.

259

Yellow.

Blue, green and red.

Haremhab (?).

It will be seen from the foregoing list that out of a total of 25 tombs, after
excluding the five, which are either blackened, uncoloured or doubtful, there
are eight tombs with friezes of Khekers surmounted with a disc that still have
their roundels painted in the old colours, namely, blue, green and red. In
nine of the tombs the roundels agree in colour with that of their discs, and in
five tombs the roundel is painted red if the disc is yellow or vice versa. It may
be gathered from this list, therefore, that the colouring of the new feature of
the disc did not always influence the colour of the roundel.

In two of these tombs (Nos. 148 and 189) it is difficult to tell whether the
colour employed for the discs was originally red or yellow, owing to the tombs
having been badly burnt, thus causing a possible change of yellow to red.

At the close of the XVIIIth dynasty the Kheker ornament often appears
in conjunction with other symbols. When it is used in this manner it is always
the splay-topped form that is the one employed, there being but two examples
(Q. 51 and new Ramesside tomb of Foucart, 1918) in Thebes where the pointed
variety of Kheker is so used.

The commonest design in friezes where Khekers are used with other figures
is a Hathor head alternating with figures of Anubis couchant on a pedestal,
the figures and heads being separated from each other by two or more Khekers.
Next in order of popularity is a row of figures of Anubis on a pedestal, the figures
being divided by groups of Khekers.

Only one example has up to the present been found where Hathor heads
appear alone with Khekers, and this occurs as a frieze on the southern wall of
Tomb 45. The Kheker ornament is also used to form a frieze with the symbols

H 4

I20 Kheker Friezes.

Dad and Thet in the inner chamber of Tomb 65. Sometimes a frieze, other
than a floral one, was made up without employing the Kheker in any way, as
can be seen in Tombs 14, 16, 45, etc. With the exception of one tomb (No. 71,
Senmut), all such tombs are of Ramesside date, and for convenience sake the
style of ornament and the order in which the ornaments appear are given in
an appended list, which also deals with those friezes in which Khekers are
combined with other figures.

Kheker Ornament in conjunction with Representations of the God
Anubis couchant on a Pedestal.

Tomb 30. I Kheker, Anubis, i Kheker, vertical band of inscription,
I Kheker, Anubis, etc.
31. 2 Khekers, Anubis, 2 Khekers, Anubis, etc.
35. (Inner chamber.) 3 Khekers, Anubis, 3 Khekers, Anubis, etc.
189. Same as 35.
.. Q- 51- 3 pointed Khekers, Anubis, 3 pointed Khekers, Anubis, etc.

Kheker Ornament in conjunction with Hathor Heads and Anubis
couchant on a Pedestal, with or without Vertical Bands of
Inscriptions (Figs. 8, 9).

Tomb 41. (Shrine.) i Kheker, Hathor head, i Kheker, Anubis, i Kheker,

Hathor head, etc.
51. I Kheker, Anubis, i Kheker, Anubis, i Kheker, Hathor head,

I Kheker, Anubis, etc.
135. 3 Khekers, Hathor head, Anubis, 3 Khekers, Hathor head,

Anubis, 3 Khekers, etc.
148. 3 Khekers, band of inscription, Anubis, band of inscription,

Hathor head, band of inscription, 3 Khekers, etc.
157. 3 Khekers, band of inscription, Anubis, 3 Khekers, band of

inscription, Hathor head, band of inscription, 3 Khekers,

etc.
,, 158. 3 Khekers, band of inscription, Hathor head, band of inscription,

3 Khekers, band of inscription, Anubis, band of inscription,

etc.
159. Same as No. 158.
178. 3 Khekers, Hathor head, 3 Khekers, Anubis, 3 Khekers, Hathor

head, etc.
255. Anubis, 2 bands of inscription, Hathor head, 2 bands of inscrip-
tion, 2 Khekers, 2 bands of inscription, Anubis, etc.

Kheker Ornament used in conjunction with Dais and Thets.

Tomb 65. (Inner chamber.) 5 Khekers, 2 Dads, 2 Thets, 2 Dads, 5 Khekers,
2 Dads, etc.

Kheker Friezes. 121

Kheker Ornament used in conjunction with Hathor Heads (Fig. 10).

Tomb 45. (South wall.) 3 Khekers, Hathor head, 3 Khekers, Hathor

head, etc.
58. (Inner chamber.) 2 Khekers, band of inscription, Hathor head,

band of inscription, 2 Khekers, etc.
163. 2 Khekers, band of inscription, Hathor head, 2 Khekers, band

of inscription, etc.

Kheker Ornament used in conjunction with Figures of Deceased

Adoring Anubis.

Tomb 134. (Inner chamber.) Deceased, 2 bands of inscription, Anubis,
3 Khekers, band of inscription, deceased, etc.

Frieze made up of Figures of the Deceased Adoring Anubis (Fig. ii).

Tomb 16. (North wall only.) 3 bands of inscription, deceased adoring
Anubis, 3 Nefer signs, Utchat eye, incense jar, Shen sign.
(These symbols occupy the whole length of the wall and
are therefore not repeated.)

(? 7a). Anubis, band of inscription, deceased and his wife, band of
inscription, Anubis, etc.

45. (Eastern and western walls of southern end of tomb.) Band of
inscription, figure of deceased, band of inscription, Anubis,
band of inscription, figure of deceased, etc.

Frieze made up of Small Figures of Deceased and his Wife Adoring

Anubis and a Hathor Head.

Tomb 221. Band of inscription, deceased and his wife before Anubis, band
of inscription, deceased and his wife.

Frieze made up of Daci Signs only.

Tomb 31. (Two walls in outer chamber.) 2 Dads, 2 bands of inscription,
2 Dads, etc.

Frieze of Anubis couchant on a Pedestal alternate with Hathor Heads.

Tomb 58. (Inner chamber.) Hathor head, Anubis, Hathor head, Anubis,
etc.

166. (Jamb of entrance to shrine.) Same as Tomb 58.

149. Hathor head, 2 bands of inscription, Anubis, 2 bands of inscrip-
tion^ Hathor head.

122

Kheker Friezes.

Frieze made up of Anubis couchant on a Pedestal with Dad, Thet and

OTHER Signs.

Tomb 14. Anubis, Thet, Dad, Thet, Anubis, Thet, Dad, etc.

Frieze of Hathor Heads and Coloured Cones (Fig. 6).
Tomb 71. (Outer chamber.)

Frieze of Hathor Heads with supplementary Nefer Signs.
Tomb 6. (Second chamber.)

There are three tombs (Nos. 13, 166 and 184, outer chamber) in which the
friezes are destroyed. The first one has only a vertical band of inscription
and the front portion of an Anubis figure left of its frieze. The sole remains
of the frieze in the second tomb is an Utchat eye on a Neb sign. In the third
tomb it is just possible to see that Khekers in groups of three formed part of
the frieze. The intervening signs or symbols between these Khekers are now
entirely gone.

Numbers and names of tombs mentioned in this article :

15. Shuroy.
19. Amenmose.

21. User.

22. Wah.
31. Khons.
35. Bekenkhons.

38. Zeserkarasonb.

39. Puimre.

40. Amenhotpe or Huy.

42. Amenmose.

43. Neferronpet.
45. Dhout, usurped by

Dhutemheb.
48. Surere.
55. Ramose.

57. Khaemhet.

58. Unknown.
64. Hekerenheh.

65-

Imisibe.

134. Thauenany.

.71-

Senmut.

135. Behnamun.

72.

Re.

147. Erased.

75-

Amunhetpesise.

161. Nakht.

76.

Thenuna.

166. Ramose.

77-

Erased.

184. Nefermenu.

78.

Haremheb.

201. Re.

82.

Amenemhet.

251. Amenmose.

84.

Amunezeh.

254. Name lost.

87.

Minnakht.

255. Name lost.

88.

Pehsukher.

K. II. Rameses III.

89.

Amenmose.

K. 22. Amenhetep III.

90.

Nebamun.

Q. lA. Setra.

91.

Erased.

Q. 42. Paraheremef.

93-

Kenamun.

Q. 43. Setymerkhepeshef.

106.

Pesiur.

Q. 51. Aset.

112.

Menkheperrasonb.

Q. 52. Thyti.

116.

Erased.

Q. 55. Amenkhepeshef.
E. Mackay.

( 123 )

REVIEWS.

Die Annalen und die zeitliche Festlegung des Alien Reiches der Agyptischen
Geschichle. Ludwig Borchardt. 1917. 64 pp., 6 plates. (Berlin, Behrend.)

In this study of the Palermo stone, and other pieces of the similar Annals,
there is certainly one solution of the problem ; but we must ask, is this the only
solution ? The main idea is that the five rows of year-spaces, each of different
spacing, can only rarely coincide in the divisions, and therefore the terminals
of these different series can be found by continuing them up to a coinciding
position. This will be seen described in Ancient Egypt, 1916, pp. 116-118;
Dr. Borchardt protests that he was already on that track before no doubt
and the English method of 1916 had been already worked here in 1902. The
verdict in 1916 was that " the irregularities prevent accurate conclusions " at
any great distance. This has been ignored by Dr. Borchardt, who states the
breadths of spaces to five places of figures, while his actual measures were only
to three figures (11 spaces in 78-25 mm., 9 in 83-6, 11 in 83'0, 11 in yo-i, 8 in
63*5 ; and, judging by the lower four registers, the first length was 77-25 and
was misread). Much more serious is the variation in the regularity of the
spaces, which vary as 65 : 70, 53 : 58, 45 : 50, 57 : 62. Hence there are several
solutions fairly possible for coincidences of the lines of the registers; such as
the numbers 24, 18, 22, 26, 21 ; or 81, 61, 75, 89, 71 ; or 146, no, 135, 160, 128
(nearly Herr Borchardt's) ; or 162, 122, 150, 178, 142. There is yet more
uncertainty due to all the measures being derived from photographs. Until
there is an accurate direct measurement made of every line and thickness of
each of the stones, it is wasted time to try for refinements. The best deter-
mination between the various possible number of spaces is the general character
of the spaces on the back, belonging to the kings of the Vth dynasty. These
agree to the length which is proposed, of 146, 112, 138, 163 and 131 spaces on
the front ; so although there may be various solutions, there is a strong
probability in favour of the one here set out.

A source of dating which is developed here is the high Nile being recorded
in the latter part of the year, when divided between two reigns. As the times
of high Nile are usually between 18 September and 7 October, and never more
than three weeks beyond those limits, hence that part of the year must have
coincided with a few months before the New Year. This gives the most effective
result in the reign of Nefer-ar-ka-ra, Vth dynasty, thus dated between 3120 and
3460 B.C., or perhaps a century further either way. Objection has been made
that this writing of the high Nile in the second half of divided years was due
to convenience ; but that could only be true of one case in the four which occur,
the other three could equally well be written in either space. This date on the

124 Reviews.

Egyptian system one Sothic period eariier would be 4580-4920 B.C., or the
extreme limits of 4480-5020 B.C., the first of which would just agree with
Manetho's history. The result of the spacing of the Annals deduced above is
also shown to be closely in accord with Manet ho, and Dr. Borchardt concludes
that " Manetho had really good sources, and his copyists have not altogether
spoiled him." Yet however much he rehabilitates Manetho from the 1st to
the Xllth dynasty, he will have none of him from the Xlllth to the XVIIIth,
but keeps to the arbitrary setting of eight contemporary lines of kings in that
period, to bring it down to two centuries.

One evidence against shortening the time stated for the IVth dynasty is
the prodigious amount of building quoted. Even if those kings built twice
as quickly as Sahura, they would need 50 years each to get through the tasks
of Sneferu, Khufu or Khafra. The mention of 955 years in the Turin Papyrus
is inconclusively discussed. The uncertainty of reading (755, 955, 1755 or
1955) and the very fragmentary state of the document prevent any result being
more than a guess.

An interesting matter is the recurrence of a zet heb. It appears in the
70th, 190th and 350th year-space. The 70 and 190 being 120 years apart give
rise to taking this as the festival of a shift of Sirius by one month ; and the
350th would be 400 from a hypothetical start at 120 before the 70th, and thus
a festival of the shift of 100 days. But there is no sufficient explanation of
the term zet here ; and as Uazet may be thus written, it would be more regular
to take these as festivals of Uazet; the last example being also side by side
with Nekhebt, the parallel goddess, would bear this out.

A matter which casts a serious shadow on this work is the " doctoring "
of two ivory tablets on p. 53. A second version of one tablet has the gratuitous
insertion of TT put in for the sake of argument, of which there is no trace on
the original. A second version of another tablet has a break smoothed out, and
a perfectly clear incised line obliterated along with it, in order to make out a
similar hypothetical group. Neither of these proposed readings has the least
ground, and to propose fictitious readings only throws a shadow on all the rest
of the material.

We may say then that there is a fair case for the rendering of the Annals
here put forward ; but it is much less exact and certain than it is stated, and
the omission of some passages would have left the remainder in a stronger
position. The dating concluded from all the sources discussed is : 1st dynasty,
4186 B.C. [or 5646] ; Ilnd, 3938 [5398] ; Ilird, 3642 [5102] ; IVth, 3430 [4890] ;
Vth, 3160 [4620] ; Vlth, 2920 [4380] ; Xllth, 1995 [3455]-

Imperial University of Moscow, Egyptian Collection I. B. A. Turaeff.
Sq. 8vo, 84 pp., 12 plates, 10 Figs. text. Petrograd, 1917.

A melancholy interest attaches to the last works of civilisation that emerged
from the welter of Russia. As the 48 heliogravures are the part easiest for
reference, we note the inscribed and important pieces in order. I 3, a half-length
of a king of Xllth dynasty, attributed to Amenemhat III, like the Karnak statue,
a bad style from which the other statues redeem this king ; also four anonymous
heads. II, a gracious seated figure of a Vth dynasty priest of the Sun temple,
Uzot-oher. A pair of seated figures, the woman Pernerek, larger than the man
Sneferu- men, a child between them, IVth dynasty. Ill, a very early cross-
legged figure, holding a papyrus across the knees, no name. A seated figure of

Reviews.

125

Sen-nefer, Xlllth dynasty (?). Seated figure holding a tablet with adoration to
Amen, and prostration to Horakhti, by Tetares, early XVIIIth. Seated figure of
Ren -onkh -em -o. IV, two boys wrestling, Xllth. Small figure of Amenhetep III
from a group. Squatting figures of Asek, XXVIth (?). V, four wooden figures,
not fine or inscribed. VI, cross-legged figure, papyrus on knees, Xllth. Statuette
of a woman in very tight ribbed dress. Statuette of a Xllth dynasty woman
inscribed on front. Statuette of Sebek-hetep, son of Mut. VII, pair of figures
of Naiay and Ast, daughter of Nefu ; fine work, mid XVIIIth ; amulet worn
by man. Another fine pair of late XVIIIth of ...akhu, naming his sons Userhet,
Tu-uaa, Aay, and At-uah ("the hour multipHes "). VIII, three wooden
statuettes of Pu, Rennay by her daughter Ra- aa. kheper- ka- senb, and Amenhetep
by the same. These last two are good examples of the transition from the
early XVIIIth style. IX, Basalt torso of Hor-sa-ast under Nekhtnebef, with
figure of Maot worn as an amulet. X, head, probably of Ethiopian queen,
Upper half of statue of XXVIth. Squatting statue of XlXth. Head of Nekht-
horheb, nose unfortunately battered, a front view is to be desired. XI, Ptolemaic
headless figure of Imhetep, son of Sam and Heronkh. Naophorus kneeling.
^Peda mahes, wife Thent -ua, son Horusa. Squatting figure, headless, of Horkhab
XII, anonymous heads, and Roman statuette holding robe, of good work for
that age. There is a full index of names ; the text is entirely in Russian. The
collection so far is what any dealer's shop might supply, without any selection
for historic or artistic importance.

The Magic Papyrus Salt 825, of the British Museum. B. A. Turaeff.
8vo, 13 pp., 5 plates. Petrograd, 1917. A discussion and complete translation
in Russian. We hope that Prof. Turaeff may survive the present disasters, and
renew his contributions to this journal, which would be most welcome.

A Brief Chronology of the Muhammedan Monuments of Egypt to A.D. 1517.
Capt. K. a. C. Creswell. 128 pp., 18 plates. (Bulletin de ITnstitut Frangaise
d'Archeologie Orientale, T. xvi.)

For the work of the Arab period of Egypt this study will be an invaluable
guide. The inscriptions and architecture are here viewed together, and the ques-
tions of the development of structural forms are placed on a firm foundation by the
dated monuments. The buildings are noticed in historical order, with the dates
A.H. and A.D. in the margin. The author states : " I have seen and examined
every monument in this list (with four exceptions) in chronological order . . .
in order to acquire a true historical perspective. ... In this respect Cairo
is unrivalled by any other city in Islam. What town, indeed, can show a series of
monuments which, commencing in the IXth century, numbers over 220 before
the year 1517 is passed ? " More than half of these monuments are actually dated
by an inscription. Every date of alterations and rebuilding are here collected and
discussed ; for instance, 11 dates for the Mosque of 'Amr, 8 dates for the Mosque
of Ibn Tulun, 20 dates for El Azhar.

Though not in the usual scope of this journal, we may note points of general
interest such as the use of pillars projecting as roundels on the face of walls is
due to requiring bonding for a wall with a rubble core : the earliest armorial
bearings on buildings are 1300 a.d., a time entirely under Central Asian domina-
tion, and the badges perhaps introduced from there ; and the earliest monumental
date in figure is 1321, but on coin weights figured dates are found three centuries

1 26 Reviews.

before. A matter of much interest, which the author does not touch on, is the
close relation of style between Western Europe and Egypt ; the gateways of the
Xlth century at Cairo might belong to France or England in almost all points ;
the pendentives of the XVth century show the love of short vertical lines of our
perpendicular style ; the illuminated Qurans of the XlVth century in colour
and flow of line might be French. Each century is more like its contemporaries
in the West than like the next century.

Capt. Creswell has shown what a diligent student can do in leisure hours of
two or three years ; what have hundreds of English officials done in ten times as
long that they have been in Egypt ?

Levende og D<pde i del gamle Aegypten. By Valdemar Schmidt. 4to.
265 pp., with 1519 figures. 90 kr., or 120 frs. 1919 (Frimodt, Copenhagen).

At last the veteran curator of Ny Carlsberg has put forth his great collection
of material relating to burial in Egypt from the prehistoric to the Roman period,
extracted from all publications on the subject. While of immense value to
students, it will also be very useful to experts as enabling styles and details to be
readily compared. The figures are very clear and legible, and each has a full
description and reference to its source which may encourage the study di
Danish. Such a collective work is the more needed as the literature increases,
400 serials and publications being listed here as references. The scope includes
the tomb-plans, coffins of all kinds, mummies, funeral figures and statues,
and the scenes and mythology figured on the coffins. It will save many a weary
search for comparisons, and will prove to be one of the most useful works of recent
times.

Ancient Survivals in Modern Africa. By G. A. Wainwright. 8vo. 46 pp.,
10 plates. 1919 {Bull. Soc. SuUanieh de Gdographie, Caire).

These papers amplify the comparisons which were made in this Journal, 1914,
pp. 115, 159. The resemblances between ancient and modem forms figured
here are (i) Throwsticks, as in Monbuttoo. (2) Bows with reflex curve, as in
Eritrea. (3) Falchion, as in Monbuttoo. (4) Leaf-shaped dagger of Greece,
as in the Sudan. (5) Narrow leaf-shaped bronze spear-head, as in Eritrea. (6)
Wide iron spear-head, as among the Baggara. (7) Barbed arrows of ancient
Nubia, as on Upper White Nile. (8) Drums with cross bracing used anciently
by Nubians, now in Eritrea. (9) Harp with wide bowl, and head on the top, as
among the Niam-niam. (10) Ljtc with diverging sides and bent top bar, as in
Eritrea. (11) Head-rest, as in Eritrea, with pillar and saddle forms. (12) Re-
volving fan, as in Nubia. (13) Wide palm-leaf carrying basket, still identical in
Egypt. (14) The coiled oval store-basket with lid, as in Nubia. (15) Sandals of
palm-leaf, as in Somaliland. (16) Game trap of converging spikes, as on White
Nile. {17) Double bag-bellows, as on White Nile. (18) Semicircular feather
fans on long handles, as in North Cameroons. (19) Black-polished pottery, as in
Central Africa. (20) Cups and bowls with a small spreading stem, as in Unyoro.
Finally there are notes on the composite bows, and bows reversed when strung.
Such papers as these build up the study of the descent of civilisations.

Une Station Aurignacienne d Nag-Hamadi. By E. Vignard. 4to. 20 pp.,
18 plates. 1920 {Bull. Inst., Frangais d'Arch. Or. Caire).

The station reported is on the west side of Diospolis Parva. It is claimed
that the chelleo-mousterian work is only found on the plateau, and the aurignacian

Reviews. 127

site is on the low desert. The aurignacian is stated to be also the age of many
pieces from about Ramleh and Khan Yunis in Palestine. But we are told
" the solutrean, the magdalenian, the campignyan were unknown in Egypt."
Yet the very forms here published in pi. xiv 3, 4, have been found abundantly,
see Naqada Ixxt; 31, 35, 40, 43 ; and these ovoid forms were never found in the
graves, but only in a site with ashes on the desert. The solutrean seems well
knowTi already in the great quantity of surface flints west of the Fayum ; the
magdalenian flake is the type found in the prehistoric graves. Though we cannot
thus accept all that is stated, we welcome these drawings of 116 flints from this
site. In some final remarks on the steatopygous type, it is stated that Dr. Capitan
has found it still in Tunisia.

Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, June, 1920. (New York.)

This number is valuable as giving photographs of important specimens in
the Museum. A diorite group of Sahura with a nome figure of Koptos ; a diorite
portrait sphinx of Senusert III ; a basalt figure of Harbas holding an Osiris,
XXVIth ; a sculptor's model of a ram's head ; and on the cover a charming
Fayum portrait of a boy, with three lines of writing upon the dress, unfortunately
not transcribed or noticed.

The Museum. Margaret Talbot Jackson. 8vo. 280 pp., 7 pis. Long-
mans, 1917.

Though this is rather a book for trustees and curators, much or most of it
will appeal to any archaeologist. The questions of the site, buildings, fittings, and
exhibiting are discussed, besides the matters about staff and students, which are
so much more fully developed in America than in Europe. It is instructive to
read of the new museum in Berlin, " So many mistakes have probably never been
made elsewhere " ; it is on an island so cannot be enlarged, and with heavy express
trains past it. It is on a quicksand, requiring 200 feet depth of concrete to
fill it, the digging out of which almost upset the next museum. Some usual
fallacies are not cleared away by the authoress. Lighting should always be direct
from sky, and not diffuse from ground glass or ceilings. Floors should be of tUe,
and never of slippery waxed wood. Picture galleries need dark screens placed so
that the pictures can reflect them, and so avoid bright reflections. Labels should
not spoil the effect by harsh contrast, a brown label with darker ink is quite clear
enough. A dust-trap, with free ventilation is needful for cases, as all airtight
fastenings are fallacious. Though these points are omitted, yet all curators
and museum frequenters should read this book for the systematic view of
management.

Thirtieth Annual Archaeological Report, 1918. 8vo. 131 pp. (Toronto.)
This is naturally occupied with Canadian history, and pre-historic remains.
A long paper by Dr. Harris deals with the ideas about a lost Atlantic continent.
The undoubted civilisation of Peru and other countries is only evidence of a
remote occupation of America. The real difficulty lies in the disproportion in
age of any civilisation or tradition with the hundred- or thousand-fold age of any
geological connection of land. The traditions are quoted from Central America
and the Antilles, from Plutarch, Plato, Proclus, Diodorus ; but all of these
cannot cover more than 3,000 or 4,000 years at the most. The age when the
migration of animals indicates a land connection is the late Eocene or early

128 Notes and News.

Oligocene (Gadow, Wanderings of Animals), and that is a matter of at least three
or four miUion years, probably more. It seems hopeless to look at the traditional
ideas as evidence of more than local disturbances of the coasts, unless geologists
can allow of a change of an entirely different order to anything now granted.

Report upon Archaeological Research, Kyoto Imperial University. By K.
Hamada. 8vo. 72 pp. (Japanese), iii + 8 pp. (English), 30 plates. 1919 (Kyoto
University). As archaeologists we must welcome this gratifying extension of
research by Prof. Hamada ; the prehistoric tombs were carefully excavated by
him, the sculptures are reproduced in collotype with 5 plates in colour, and all the
pottery is drawn accurately in section, giving a corpus of 173 types. The example
given by European work has started our friends to equal it with their usual
ability. Prof. Hamada has also published his travels in Italy and France, with
a large number of photographs, as a popular volume, unfortunately for us entirely
in his own language.

NOTES AND NEWS.

Mr. and Mrs. Brunton have already returned to Egypt to start on rock drilling
in search of any chambers in the queen's pyramid and mastabas at Lahun.
Mr. MiUer and Mr. J. G. West will join the work, having obtained passages already.
The rest of the party hope to obtain passages, namely Major Hynes, M. Henri
Bach, Mr. Montgomerie-Neilson, and Prof, and Mrs. Petrie. It is hoped to
continue the work southward from that of last season.

In Palestine the new School of Archaeology has begun work under Prof.
Garstang at Ashkelon, where Minoan pottery has been found in the sea face of
the mound of ruins. Unfortunately there is a great mass of mediaeval and
Roman material to be removed before the more important strata are accessible.

The Egypt Exploration Society has left the great work at Abydos for the
present, and Prof. Peet is to excavate at Tell el Amarna this winter.

Capt. Engelbach, R.E., has been appointed Chief Inspector for Upper Egypt,
stationed at Luqsor.

Mr. Wainwright has been appointed Chief Inspector of Middle Egypt,
stationed at Asyut.

It is to be regretted when societies criticise each others' affairs, as in a state-
ment in a recent presidential address ; this compels us to consider the facts.
It has been remarked that the Egypt Exploration Society " is practically alone
in the'^study of Egyptian archaeology, with the exception of the Egyptian Research
Account, and the Egyptian wing of the Liverpool University, both of which per-
form useful functions." Looking at the last fifteen years, since the Egyptian
Research Account became the British School of Archaeology in Egj^t, it has
published, 1018 plates, nearly all discoveries of antiquities, while the Society
which it is said " is practically alone in the study of Egyptian archaeology,"
has published 654 plates, mostly copies of known monuments and not discoveries.

ANCIENT

EGYPT

1921.

Part I

CONTENTS.

1. The Alphabet in the XIIth

Dynasty.

W. M. Flinders Fetrie.

2. The Lahun Caskets.

A. C. Mace.

3. Burial Rites of West Africa.

N. W. Thomas.

4. A Negro Captive.

W. M. Flinders Petrie.

5. Queen Tetisheri.

H. E. Win LOCK.

6. Reviews.

7. Periodicals.

8. Notes and News.

EDITOR, PROF. FLINDERS PETRIE, F.R.S., F.B.A.

Yearly, 7/. Post Free.

Quarterly Part, 2 s.

MACMILLAN AND CO.,
LONDON AND NEW YORK;

AND

EGYPTIAN RESEARCH ACCOUNT,
Boston.

Ancient Egypt. Net price of each number from booksellers is 2s.
Subscriptions for the four quarterly parts, prepaid, post free, ys., are received by

Hon. Sec. "Ancient Egypt" (H, Flinders Petrie), University College, Gower

Street, London, W.C. 1.

Books for review, papers offered for insertion, or news, should be addressed :
Editor of " Ancient Egypt,"

University College, Gower Street, London, W.C. 1.

Subscriptions, received in the United States by :

Rev. Dr. Winslow, 525, Beacon Street, Boston.

NEGRO CAPTIVE FROM A THRONE.

BRONZE. XVIII DYNASTY. NEW YORK ' iSTORICAL SOCIETY.

ANCIENT EGYPT.

THE ALPHABET IN THE XIIth DYNASTY.

It is now eight years ago that the Formation of the Alphabet placed all the materiar
of the primitive Mediterranean alphabet in order. Since then further evidence
has not appeared until this year, except on the much later Semitic arrangement.
Two seals of limestone that were obtained from the town mound of Illahun are

obviously of the Middle Kingdom, and one figured here bears a seated man holding
a bird, with a rough fret-pattern over the head, and four signs (fig. i) which are
repeated here enlarged (Fig. 3). When clearing and re-arranging all the un-
exhibited material at University College this summer, the box-full of pot marks
collected at Kahun thirty years ago was sorted ; among them some pieces of

3 The Alphabet in the Xllth Dynasty.

a line of inscription were at last put together, and form a row of nine letters
(the middle line of Fig. 4). The word of five letters (Fig. 2) was found and
published in 1889 (Kahun xxvii, 85).

There are thus three inscriptions, each of which is dated by different
means to the Xllth dynasty ; Fig. i by the style of the limestone seal ; Fig. 2
by being cut on a wooden tool which is only known in the Xllth dynasty, and
found in a town of that age ; Fig. 4 by being from the same town, and on a jar
certainly of that age. The signs are nearly all far older, being known in the pre-
historic ages or ist dynasty ; at those times they were probably owners' marks,
and may have acquired sounds. But it is now evident that the use of these as
letters for consecutive writing was fully established in the Xllth dynasty that
is, on the Egyptians' own dating, as long before the Phoenicians as we are after
them.

It seems now fairly clear that there were three systems of writing in Egypt,
and each of these is first known with a different race. The geometrical marks of
the alphabetic system appear with the first prehistoric people, who seem to
have been Libyans. They belonged to the west, and were the source of all the
Mediterranean alphabets. Secondly, the later race of prehistoric times, seems to
have come in from Syria, and brought in the word-signs, or ideographs, several of
which used by them were common in later Egypt. Lastly, the dynastic race
brought in letter-signs, by a group of which a word was spelled phonetically.
The latter two systems mixed together became the later hierogl5q)hic sj^tem,
while the oldest western alphabet continued in use among the foreigners settling
in Egypt and perhaps among the lower classes. Long after all this, the Semite
got hold of the alphabet and proceeded to spoil it. He degraded the vowels to
be variable, owing to his phonetic inflections ; he used vague cursive forms in-
stead of the clear uncial signs ; and he invented fancy names from the similarities
of his shapes of the signs to irrelevant objects. This naming of the signs has
nothing to do with their origin, but is like the Irish naming of all the letters from
trees, in which there are enough resemblances to the Mediterranean names to
show that both come from a common source.

How far is it possible to read these signs, may be asked ? The group. Fig. 2,
has been read by Dr. Eisler, and accepted by Prof. Sayce, as AHITUB ; this
seems rather a jump at a well-known name, as the middle sign is not known else-
where, either as a vowel or a consonant. The seal name, Fig. 3, seems to be in-
tended to be read on the impress, or from the left on the seal, B, V, BH(?), G;
the third sign is not exactly known elsewhere, but is most like a sign of the pre-
historic, and Xllth dynasty, which seems related to the South Spanish B, perhaps
an aspirated form. The large inscription. Fig. 4, begins with a line of the usual
formula "year 29, ist month of Shemu"; then comes the line of alphabetic
signs, the first of which is broken, TH(?) GOIF PORO ; below are Egyptian
hieroglyphics again, nes{?), per nesut ; " belonging to the house of the king."
Is this g. bilingual version ? Can PORO be Pharaoh ? The O sign is found with
this value in Karian and the Runes, and it does not appear in any other alphabet
with a known value. As there can be no question of the O and I, the third and
fourth letters, this serves to prove that the signs are alphabetic and not syllabic
at this period.

Although the long priority of the alphabetic signs in Egypt leaves the tradi-
tion of Phoenician origin out of the case, it is as well to point out how hopeless
it would be to cling to it in any form. Even Diodoros did not believe in it, for he

The Alphabet in the Xllth Dynasty, 3

says ; " There are some who attribute the invention of letters to the S5Trians, from
whom the Phoenicians learned them, and communicated them to the Grecians
when they came with Cadmus into Europe ; whence the Grecians called them
Phoenician letters. To these that hold this opinion, it is answered, that the
Phoenicians were not the first that found out letters, but only changed the form
and shape of them into other characters, which many afterward using, the name of
Phoenician grew to be common " (v. iv). This account which Diodoros prefers
is quite in accord with what can be traced. The Mediterranean alphabet was
modified by the north Syrians (as shown by the vowel-endings of the names of
letters), and the Phoenicians changed the forms from uncial to cursive. The
order of the short Phoenician alphabet of 22 letters, in place of the full alphabet
of 60 letters, was imposed on the world by their being used as numerals which
became essential in trade.

When we see how widespread was the full alphabet, it is plain that the
Phoenician had only a small part of the whole. There are 23 letters that were used
in Egypt, Karia and Spain, all unknown in Phoenicia. There were 10 other
letters which the South Arabian had in common with the Mediterranean and the
Runes of Northern Europe, yet all unknown in Phoenicia. It seems obvious that
there was a very widespread alphabet, from which at a much later time the
Phoenician selection was formed.

The Greek maintained a part of this in the five letters which followed the
close of the Phoenician series. The evidences for these, and many other details,
can be seen in The Formation of the Alphabet, and briefly in an article in Scientia,
December, 1918. The fresh material that we now have proves fully how the
Mediterranean alphabet was in regular use for writing as early as the Xllth
dynasty.

W. M. Flinders Petrie.

A 2

( 4 )

;

THE LAHUN CASKETS.

The accompanying plates show the Lahun jewellery caskets as recently recon-
structed in the Metropolitan Museum, New York. A few notes as to the evidence
on which the restorations were based may be of interest.

It will be remembered from Prof. Petrie's account of the discovery (in Ancient
Egypt) that the wood had almost entirely disappeared. Nothing was left of the
caskets but a handful of ebony dust, a mass of broken ivory and the remains of
the gold decoration. The preliminary sorting of the material was carried out
at University College, and the general character of the boxes and outlines of
restoration was there determined. Arrived in New York, the first step was to
soak the ivory in water, to rid it of the salt which had already begun to work out
to the surface. This soaking greatly increased the work of mending, for the
pieces in some cases split into a number of thin slivers, and it was necessary to
siphon the water very carefully into the soaking dishes to prevent the smaller
fragments from floating out of position. It had the advantage, however, of
cleaning the surface, and making possible a much closer classification according
to colour and grain. It was estimated that upwards of two thousand separate
pieces of ivory and gold were involved in the restoration.

Large Casket (Fig. 2).

The wood had almost entirely disintegrated, but the powdery remains showed
that it had consisted of light streaky Sudanese ebony. ^ This particular variety
of ebony known in the American trade as marble wood has been used through-
out in the restoration.

The size of the corner-posts was determined by the gold feet-coverings, which
had been preserved intact. The length and width between corner-posts were
settled exactly by the dimensions of the ivory slabs above the panels {see Fig. 2),
and the over-all measurements were confirmed by the cornice ivory, of which
hardly any had been lost. For the size of the panels themselves exact measure-
ments were possible in some cases, and their number was determined by the 20
gold dad signs for the larger panels, and the 16 gold and carnelian squares for the
tops of the smaller ones. One of these carnelian squares was missing, but the
gold frame for it remained (filled in with coloured plaster in the restoration).
The blue glazed strips that had filled the smaller panels were still preserved,
but they had lost all their colour, so imitations in coloured plaster were inserted.
The width of the dividing strips of ebony between the panels worked itself out
automatically, by dividing into the number of spaces required the difference
between the slab lengths and the combined panel widths. For the height we
had as certain factors the ivory cornice, the gold torus-moulding, the width of the

> See Beauvisage, Recueil de Traveaux, 1897, p. 77. The word " ebony " itself is interest-
ing, as being one of the few ancient Egyptian words that have come down into our own

language (m'^jT'i)-

Facitig p 4.

FIG. I. LESSER CASKET, RESTORED. I :4.
FIG. 2. GREATER CASKET, RESTORED. 1:4.

Facing ^. 5.

FIG. 3. LID OF LESSER CASKET, RESTORED. 1 : 4.
FIG. 4. LID OF GREATER CASKET, RESTORED. 1 : 4.

The Lahiin Caskets. 5

slab, the length of the panel, and the height of the gold foot. The ebony strip
below the panels was shown to be necessary by the fact that the ends of the panel
ivory and of the gold ciaci& were left rough : the one above was needed, both for
symmetry, ajid for providing a space for the side fastening-knob. The height
of the legs was copied from a box of the same period in the Louvre. Fragments
were left of the silver struts at the bottom of the box proper, and the exact shape
was given by the rounded ends of the gold feet. The extra bars of ivory below
the ends of the casket were a puzzle for a time, but their position also was shown
by the Louvre box (No. 1392). It was evident also from marks on the ivory
that the ends of the bars were meant to be covered. The narrow ivory strips at
the top of the cornice could have gone nowhere else, for on fitting the pieces
together a length was obtained which exceeded the measurement on any other
part of the box.

The shape of the lid seems at first sight strangely unfamiliar, for on the
monuments the tops of such shrine-shaped boxes always have the curve running
lengthwise to the box. There was, however, in this case no question as to the
direction of the curve, for the ivory that formed the ends of the lid came together
almost perfectly. The Hathor heads (Fig. 4) were spaced out on the lid, and the
shape of their wigs worked out from the tiny strips of gold. The discs are of
carnelian, with encircling rings of gold and silver. The blue of the wig, six of the
eyes, four of the carnelian wig-pendants, and the coloured part of the pectorals
are restorations.

In addition to the ivory already mentioned there remained over

(i) Two slabs about 28 x 7-3 X -2 -3 cm.

(2) Two bars 25-5 x i -8 x -4 cm. Both ends of these bars had apparently

been sunk into the wood for a distance of about 3 mm.

(3) A quantity of strip similar to that used at the top of the cornice. Of this

strip there were at least 16 ends which showed marks of having been
let into the wood.
These had no place in the exterior decoration, and must have belonged to
the inside fittings. The casket may very likely have had a tray at the top for
the mirror and razors, and a drawer to pull out below for the toilet vases. ^

There were also preserved two copper fastening knobs covered originally
with gold or silver (?) and a copper bolt and staple.

Small Casket (Fig. i).

Here there was much less evidence to go upon, and the restoration is in some
points frankly conjectural. The bottoms of the ivory panels were irregular and
obviously meant to be covered, and a well defined ridge on the face showed clearly
the limits of the covering wood. Similar ridges at the bottom of the strip panels
made evident the position relative to the wide panels which they occupied.
It then became manifest that in order to complete the design the introduction
of a third element, in addition to the ivory and ebony, was needed. This we
supplied by making use of a red wood, very similar to rosewood, which is common
on other known twelfth dynasty boxes. The covering of the bottom of the panels
called for an ebony framework, similar to that on the large casket. The gold
torus-moulding involved the addition of a cornice of ebony this time, as there

* For an example of such drawers see Carnarvon and Carter, Five Years.

A 3

6 The Lahun Caskets.

were no pieces of cornice ivory and the ivory lid-ends determined the shape of
the cover. The three ivory name-plates on the lid (Fig. 3) seemed lost in the
expanse of dark wood, so the ivory and red rectangles were added, though their
presence is purely a matter of opinion, as the ivory strip might equally well have
belonged to the interior decoration.

In this casket also there was a good deal of ivory that seemed to have no
place in the exterior decoration-r-

(i) A thin sheet ii-6 X ? X -i cm. The ends of this sheet were levelled
off, whereas the sides were straight. This may have come from a tray.

(2) Two complete bars 14-5 X i-i X '35 cm., and two incomplete shorter

lengths. Of these bars one end only can have shown : the other
was sawn irregularly, and must have been buried.

(3) More strips similar to that on the lid.

(4) Strip 12 -f X -4 -5 X -35 cm. This must have been laid on edge,

as the narrower face was the only regular one. One end of this strip
was cut straight to show : the other was irregular.

(5) A few small triangular pieces, -5 X 3 cm.

(6) 3 complete oblongs 3 X 1-9 X -3 cm.

(7) I complete oblong 7-2 X i-i X -3 cm., and remains of at least two

more. They were rough at one end, and were apparently meant to
be buried 2-5 cm.

Many of the details of these restorations were worked out in consultation with
Mr. Winlock, and to Miss Cartland I am indebted for much help in the actual work
of reconstruction.

A. C. Mace.

( 7 )

THE BURIAL RITES OF WEST AFRICA
IN RELATION TO EGYPT.

Native customs are very various in West Africa, as in other parts of the world,
and there is no field in which the variations are greater than in burial rites ; this
is owing partly to the fact that burial is largely a family matter in most tribes,
and partly to the extraordinary facility with which burial customs seem to be
borrowed by a people that will thereafter practise them unchanged for centuries .
A comprehensive survey of West African burial customs would be an enormous
undertaking, for which detailed information is for many areas almost wholly
lacking ; even were this not so, the great number of tribes, and the diversities of
custom within what is commonly termed a tribe, would make such an under-
taking of necessity encyclopaedic in bulk, for at a low estimate there are probably
at least a thousand distinct negro tribes.

The term tribe is a vague one in Africa and does not really imply any political
unity or even, in many cases, the possession of a common language ; for when we
refer to the Ibo tribe, we are embracing under this head a congeries of peoples so
diverse in language that two towns within a few miles of each other could hardly
communicate with one another in pre-European days ; as the Ibo territory covers
thousands of square miles and the people number some fom: millions, it is clear
that the term tribe is, strictly speaking, a misnomer ; none the less, this is
commonly the sense given to the term in Africa,

A cursory examination of the burial customs as recorded in the literature, old
and new, of the coast, reveals the existence of elements in the burial customs
which seem to be of very diverse origins. Some tribes practise rites indistinguish-
able from mummification as found in Egypt ; others formerly had similar customs
but gave them up, sometimes under the stress of foreign invasions, soon after
West Africa became known to Europe at the close of the Middle Ages. Side by
side with these rites, but associated with them in a single complex we find un-
disguised cannibalism, which we can perhaps explain as an intrusion of older
tribal customs on the sphere of the borrowed rite. A third set of practices, often
associated with burial in an underground chamber, and therefore, primd facie
to be connected with the mummification portion of the complex, is the custom cf
orienting the corpse, usually facing east. Again, there is a large and important
group of customs associated with the practice of removing the head of the corpse,
either before biu-ial or at a later period ; this may take the form of exhumation
and storing the bones in a charnel house, of depositing the skull in a sacred grove^
where ancestral cults have their home, or of handing the skull to a king or chief
as the emblem of sovereignty and also the visible embodiment of the spirit of his
predecessor.

In certain parts of West Africa we find associated with this custom a well
defined practice of head hunting, that is to say, of taking the heads of enemies

A 4

8 The Burial Rites of West Africa in Relation to Egypt.

for the sake of the magical powers associated with them ; how far these two
customs are to be regarded as independent, how far as associated, either both
imported or lineally related, it is not easy to say.

This is by no means a complete catalogue of all the burial rites of importance ;
we have, for example, a widespread custom of human sacrifice ; in Nigeria,
west of the Niger, what is commonly termed a totem is sacrified at the burial
ceremonies, or at least killed and eaten ritually ; and there is in most tribes a
custom of second burial, that is to say, the actual interment is followed at an
interval of months or years by a second rite, in which there is a second interment
of some object representing the dead man. It is a matter of great interest to
determine the relation of this element to the features previously mentioned ;
for it may be interpreted as a burial of the remains which were originally exhumed
in order to take the skull or bones for ritual purposes ; but it may likewise be
regarded as a ceremony intended to send the dead man to his own place ; it is,
however, possible that these two interpretations are in reality one simply two
sides of the same rite ; but on this point further evidence is needed.

We come to a wholly different cycle of customs in the cult societies, most
frequent perhaps in Nigeria, where they form the germ of such powerful secret
societies as Oro in the Yoruba country, and from small beginnings have spread
beyond their own immediate area, growing in power until they have like the
Ogboni, actually become the supreme government of the realm.

In some tribes these customs take the form of dressing up the dead man,
in others we get a stage further and find that for the corpse is substituted one
of his relatives ; , on another line of development a masked figure takes the place
of the corpse. All these customs appear to be connected in some way with the
practice of dismissing the dead man to his own place, or of calling him to his
house to take his place among the worshipped ancestors. They are therefore
bound up with one aspect of the rite of human sacrifice ; for over a wide area
in West Africa is found a custom of selecting a favourite slave or other person,
with whose well being was bound up the life of the person concerned in other
words as a double or human representative of the genius, which was on the Gold
Coast known as kla or aklama. In view of the widespread Egyptian influence
traceable in reincarnation beliefs no less than in burial rites, this word seems to
be referable to the Egyptian ka ; there is a common suffix li, of uncertain meaning,
which often assimilates its vowel to that of the root ; the root vowel is not
infrequently dropped, and it is therefore clear that kla is a regularly formed
derivative of ka.

In connection with the reincarnation belief may be mentioned the Kisi
custom of putting upon the grave steatite or other statuettes, regarded as the
representatives of the dead man.

I have mentioned above the use of an underground chamber ; we may
perhaps regard as a variant of this the provision of a side chamber to the grave,
often shut off, before the earth is put back, by branches or logs ; the usual native
explanation is that it is intended to keep the earth from coming in contact with
the body, but this may be of the nature of an aetiological myth. In a variant of
this custom we find what I propose to term a hood grave, in which a lateral
cavity is provided for the head. Also connected with the underground chamber
complex is perhaps the tumulus, commonly of earth, raised above the grave, or
sometimes above the body deposited on the surface and covered with the roof
of a hut. In certain areas we find monoliths and stone circles associated with

The Burial Rites of West Africa in Relation to Egypt. 9

burial ; but there is no evidence, except in the Northern Provinces of Nigeria,
that these burials were the work of an indigenous race.

In a certain number of cases canoe burial is found ; in others the corpse
is placed in a^pot, or covered with a pot.

In a few cases, notably that of the griot or musician among the Mandingo,
the corpse is placed in a hollow tree, the explanation being that if it were placed
in contact with the earth, a drought would be the result. It is possible that the
griot is an immigrant, and that in this rite we have a reminiscence of his native
mode of burial. In certain other cases, for example, those of women who die
in pregnancy, those who die of " bad diseases," or those who die in debt and
have no relatives who will undertake the responsibility of disposing of the corpse
and shouldering the burden of debt, the dead body is exposed.

A few tribes west of the Niger put cowries or gold in the mouth of the
corpse, and explain the custom as intended to supply the deceased with ferry
money with which to pay his passage across the river of death. In cne case gold
plates are or were put over the eyes, mouth and nose of the corpse ; but this is
clearly associated with a different cycle.

As regards the position of the grave and similar questions, there is a good
deal of variation. Some tribes bury a man in his own house and abandon it,
others bury him in the house and continue to use it ; many bury in the fields
or bush, some by the way side, some, especially in the case of chiefs, in the bed
of a running stream. There may be a vault for all the members of a family, or
an area set apart for their graves, or certain localities may be reserved for those
of a certain rank or age.

More or less independently of all these elements varies the actual position
of the corpse, which may be extended on its back, upright, squatting, lying on
its side in a contracted position or otherwise. It frequently happens that the
precise orientation of a body is not ascertainable for lack of data as to the posi-
tion ; a further difficulty arises from the fact that we cannot compare, in respect
of orientation, the customs of a tribe that lays the corpse on its back with those
of a tribe that lays it on its side, at any rate without direct evidence as to what
view the native takes of the matter. If a man is buried with his head to the
west, it may or may not be true that he is supposed to be facing the east. For
if at one time the corpse was laid on its side, for which was substituted at a later
period extended burial on the back, it is clear that the orientation would be
changed unless the orientation of the grave underwent a simultaneous alteration.

It is impossible to discuss here in their relation to Egyptian practices even a
small proportion of the customs here passed in review. It will be enough to deal
with three or four items, mummification, decapitation, orientation and the like.

Regarding mummification customs it is perhaps hardly necessary to argue at
length the Egyptian origin as an alternative to convergence ; no theory of conver-
gence will account for agreement in non-essential details, though it is of course
possible that one or two such cases are pure coincidences. A few cases, how-
ever, of mummification may be cited. In Sierra Leone, then known as Bulombel,
early in the fifteenth century when an important man died his body was opened
at the side and the entrails taken out and washed ; the cavity was filled with sweet-
smelling herbs like mint and the body rubbed with palm oil ; meal and salt were
added to the herbs introduced into the body cavity.

This custom is now no longer practised, so far as I know ; it seems to have
disappeared after the Manes invasion of the sixteenth century, which imposed

10 The Burial Rites of West Africa in Relation to Egypt.

on most or all indigenous tribes paramount chiefs of alien birth, whose burial
rite was that still in use at the present day.

This present system is the burial of the body in the bed of a running stream,
and we may suspect that it was also accompanied with decapitation ; for in the
present day the Temne chiefs, or some of them, preserve the head of their immediate
predecessors as a magical instrument.

On the Ivory Coast the Baule take out the entrails of a dead man, wash the
cavity with alcohol, and introduce a mixture of alcohol and salt to replace the
entrails ; the orifices of the body are plugged and gold plates put over the eyes,
nose, etc.

The Asanti kings, the Ata of Ida and other potentates, were or are mummi-
fied and their bodies preserved for years ; it is of interest to note that in the case
of the latter, who is of the Igara tribe, the bodies of four Ata remain unburied ;
for it is the custom, it appears, for the dignity to pass in rotation to four families,
and the Ata of each family must have in his keeping the body of his immediate
predecessor of the same family.

Among the Jukun, whose king is or was slain by his successor, the entrails
are removed, and the corpse is smeared with butter and salt ; then it is dried
over a slow fire for two or three months ; finally the death is announced to the
people, and the slayer of the dead man takes his place, stepping over the corpse
in the course of the accession rites.

In the Kukuruku country the king of Ijeba is inhumed for a fortnight after
being rubbed with alcohol ; this temporary measure may or may not be related
to the custom of mummification. The simpler and more widespread practice of
drying the body over a slow fire, recorded among the Gambia tribes, in several
parts of Nigeria and probably elsewhere, is also of uncertain origin.

I have alluded above to the hybridisation of customs ; this is very marked in
the case of some of the rites in the mummification complex. On the Gambia
the corpse is dried over a slow fire, then buried in a side-chamber grave, the
aperture of which is closed by the door of the dead man's house ; a few days
later it is exhumed, boiled with rice and eaten by the relatives. There can be
very little doubt that in this case there are traces of customs belonging to several
distinct systems ; this is equally clear in the case of the Baya of Central Africa,
who bury the corpse in a stream after disembowelling it.

In the present day we often find that smoke-drying the corpse is resorted
to, if the burial is delayed for any reason, such as lack of funds for the necessary
feasts ; in other cases the body is quietly buried and the rites postponed till
funds accumulate. This may be one of the origins of the custom of second burial
mentioned above.

It is of course possible that some of these rites are indigenous, but it seems
hardly possible to maintain that the procedure of mummification disembowelling
by a lateral opening, treatment with alcohol, sweet-smelling herbs, salt, honey,
etc. ^has been evolved independently. At the same time there is scope for
enquiry into Egyptian origins ; for there is the possibility that both sets of
customs go back to a common so\irce. If the Egyptian origin of the complex
discussed above seems manifest, the case is very different when we come to the
decapitation rite ; there appears to be evidence that the same practice prevailed
in Egypt at an early period ; but there is comparatively little evidence that it
was also common in historic times. In any case there is little reason to associate it
with the mummification complex. We cannot therefore argue that the ascription

The Burial Rites of West Africa in Relation to Egypt. ii

of an Egyptian origin to mummification, as practised in West Africa, necessarily
entrains the attribution of a like origin to other customs, not in themselves
typically Egyptian, nor associated with those Egyptian customs and beliefs for
the transmissiwji of which we have good primd facie evidence, merely on the
ground that at some period a custom of decapitation, which outwardly resembled
that of West Africa, was known in Egjrpt.

Two grounds have been assigned for the Egj^tian custom of decapitation ;
it was intended firstly to facilitate the entry of the deceased into the other world ;
secondly, to prevent his return to this world. So far as can be seen, neither of
these motives is operative in West Africa. The corpse which is beheaded is that
of the witch, and the motive is to prevent its return to the scene of its malefices ;
but in the case of the ordinary man, an invitation is given him to enter his house
and join the body of ancestors to whom prayers and sacrifices are addressed.
The admission of the negro to the other world is facilitated by the due perform-
ance of burial rites, including sacrifices, not by mutilations of the corpse. Where
the latter take place, they are associated with the preservation of the skull in
connection with the cult of ancestors.

On the whole it seems probable that the Egyptian explanations of the custom
are secondary. If the rite was practised at an earlier period, the reason for it
must have been forgotten, or lapsed with the introduction of a new cycle of
ideas. It is virtually impossible to derive from Egypt the skull customs of the
West African area, even if we only include in our survey the rites that have to
do with the heads of relatives. It becomes still more impossible to associate the
customs with those of Egypt when we take account also of the ceremonies con-
nected with the skulls of enemies ; for there is, so far as I know, no evidence
that head hunting was ever an Egyptian practice.

As regards orientation, it is well to remember that the orientation of the
grave is necessarily different from the orientation {i.e., the facing) of the body,
unless the latter is on its back ; in the latter case the term orientation is used in
a vague and somewhat anomalous way, for the direction in which the corpse
would be facing if it were stood upright. It is noteworthy that some authors
confuse this point ; one author for example records that the Mascagnes of Senegal
grill the body with rice, remove the skin and bury it in a pot, which is put in a
side-chamber grave ; but when he adds that the grave runs east and west and
that burial takes place with the face to the east, it is not quite clear what he
means.

Generally speaking, when the corpse lies on its side, it faces east ; this is
the case with the Mosi, the Mandingo, the Wolof, the Serer and the Bambara
in the west, and with the Dakakari, the Hona, the Kerikeri, the Nupe and other
tribes of Nigeria ; as exceptions, the Kilba and Marghi bury their dead facing
west.

Where we have to infer from the wording of the report that the corpse is
on its back, there is more variation ; the Gbandi bury with head to the west,
so do the Mumbake of Nigeria. The Dukawa and Mumuye of Nigeria bury the
body with head to the east, the Kamberi with head to the south. While the
Miriam turn men's heads to the north, women's to the south, the Kaje turn men
to the west, women to the east, and the Kisi on the borders of Sierra Leone reverse
the positions.

If it is true that the orientation of a corpse is in the direction from which
the tribe originally came (or possibly in the direction from which the custom

12 TJu Burial Rites of West Africa in Relation to Egypt.

practised by the tribe originally came), it is of much importance that, in the
comparatively small collection of scattered notices, complete agreement is
found among the western tribes, and that the tribes of Nigeria should for the
most part foUow the same custom. As to the signification of the direction in
which the head is laid, it is possible to speculate at length without arriving at
results of much value. First and foremost we need to know the native view on
the matter. If the statement as to the direction of the dead was made sua
sponte by an informant, it is one thing ; it is quite another if the answer was
elicited by a leading question.

I do not propose to discuss here the relation of the rites briefly described in
this paper to those of Egypt ; but it seems desirable to note the close agreement
of many of them with the customs of Indonesia, which has, on grounds of material
culture, been regarded as connected with the West African area. First of all,
the skull cult and associated head hunting finds its explanation far more naturally
in this culture than in Egypt or North Africa, though it must not be forgotten
that head hunting is also a Balkan amusement.

The preservation of the body pending the performance of the final cere-
monies is likewise Indonesian ; and it is the practice to close the apertures of the
body as a protection against evil influences of a magical nature ; we have seen
that this is also done in West Africa, though the grounds for the custom are not
stated. The treatment of the body by fire is practised in Timor as a means of
hastening the process of decomposition, i.e., in order to separate the flesh from
the bones, without which the final rites cannot be performed, which send the
soul to its own place.

Cannibalism, associated with rites of another order on the Gambia, is a
method of disposing of the flesh in Indonesia, and likewise a ritual repast. The
reason for not consigning the body to the earth before decomposition is ended,
is that the earth is holy and may not be polluted ; this recalls the side-chamber
grave and the precautions taken to prevent earth from touching the body. This
ritual is commonly interpreted in West Africa as being in the interest of the
corpse, but this may well be an afterthought.

In Indonesia the chief's successor is not appointed till decomposition is
finally ended. In Sierra Leone the new chief is secluded for a period and the
death of the old chief not mentioned, though it is probably no secret ; an analogous
case has been mentioned above. These customs find their natural explanation
in the Indonesian rite and its explanation. An interregnum for the death of the
king is also common to J)arts of Indonesia and West Africa. Finally, ossuaries,
which are known to the Wolofs in the far west, and also to some of the Ibo east
of the Lower Niger, are an Indonesian custom.

It may appear a bold hypothesis to derive important elements of West
Africa belief from an area comparatively remote like Indonesia. I put forward
the hypothesis tentatively in the first instance, conscious as I am of my ignorance
of matters Egyptian ; but if Egyptologists find it impossible to explain the rites
common to Africa and Indonesia by reference to well-established Egyptian
customs, practised at a date that makes transmission to other parts of Africa
probable, I submit that the Indonesian hypothesis may be accepted as a working
explanation of the data.

I need hardly recall the fact that musical instruments, weapons, architec-
tural features, and other elements of West Africa culture have also been traced
to Indonesia. For these the question arises whether they were transmitted

A Negro Captive. 13

direct, or via the south coast of Asia. We have also to solve the problem of
whether they were carried by people of whose culture they formed an integral
part, or whether they were transmitted much as manufactured goods in our
own day pass from hand to hand. Architectural resemblances are perhaps less
easily explained' in this way than similarities in readily transportable material
like weapons ; but it seems still more difficult to account for the transmission
of burial customs independently of the movement of peoples, in large or small
numbers. The field of burial rites therefore seems to be on the whole a favour-
able one for arriving at a definite decision, and I put forward these facts and
suggestions in the hope that Egyptologists may furnish valuable material for
the final solution of the problem.

NoRTHCOTE W. Thomas.

A NEGRO CAPTIVE.

(5ee Frontispiece.)

Pieces of royal furniture are so rare, outside of the Cairo Museum, that we should
notice a figure in the collection of the New York Historical Society. This figure
of a kneeling negro, with his hands bound behind him, evidently has been for
some object like a royal footstool. The king Amenhetep II as a boy is shown
resting his feet on a group of captives, five beardless negroes and Hittites, and
four bearded Syrians, making up the traditional nine subdued peoples, often
shown as nine bows beneath the king's feet. The negroes of this footstool,
figured in the tomb of Ra (Lep. Denk. Ill, 62), have the elbows tied behind them,
and are kneeling as here. The casting of a bar between the feet was doubtless
to provide for attaching them to the furniture round which it was to be ranged
with other captive figures.

The casting, from its complexity, must have been modelled in wax, and cast
cire perdue. It is said to be " exceedingly heavy " which <=eems to show it to be a
solid casting without a core. The specific gravity would settle that. The head
has been biu^nished, the front partly so, but the back between the arms is left
with the original skin of the casting. From the absence of polish on the knees
it does not seem ever to have been actually mounted and used, as any wear of
handling and cleaning would have smoothed the prominent part. Probably this
has been found as left behind in a workshop. The illustration here is of the actual
size, for which I have to thank Mrs. Ransom Williams, who has lately been
describing the collection of the Historical Society.

W. M. Flinders Petrie.

( 14 )

ON QUEEN TETISHERI, GRANDMOTHER OF AHMOSE I.

In a well known inscription from Abydos, King Ahmose I recounts how he erected
a pyramid-chapel in the Sacred Land to "the mother of his mother and the
mother of his father, the Great Royal Wife and Royal Mother Tetisheri, trium-
phant," whose tomb was in the Theban Necropolis, and whose cenotaph was already
built in the Thinite nome.^ The King first expressed a desire to accomplish this
act of piety while talking with his wife Ahmose-Nefretiri " seeking the welfare of
the departed." There is, it is true, no definite statement as to how long the
grandmother of King Ahmose had been dead, but one gets the impression that
she had died several years before, and that the cenotaph already erected in Abydos
was either beginning to fall in ruins or that it belonged to an earlier reign and was
therefore not as sumptuous as Ahmose thought fitting for his ancestress. In
other words, it woiild seem fair to say that she was not only genealogically two
generations earlier than Ahmose, but that historically she belonged wholly to that
earlier age.

I must confess that some time ago in beginning a study of the XVIIth
dynasty I started on this supposition, but I eventually concluded that such an
interpretation of this text was impossible. About twenty years ago Erman
discovered {A.Z. 1900, p. 150) that an XVIIIth dynasty Book of the Dead from
Abusir, and now in Cairo, had been written upon a piece of papyrus which had
already, at the beginning of the dynasty, been used for some farm accounts.
At the end of these he could make out :

Erman judged that reference was here made to actual estates of Sitkamose
and Tetisheri rather than to their chapels or tombs, and nothing to the contrary
appears ever to have been advanced. Taking this as the case, then Tetisheri and
Sitkamose were endowed with estates presumably near Abusir, for it would not
be very likely that a scrap of paper of this sort would travel a great distance from
its point of origin.

The interesting point is that the only villages to-day called " Abusir " I
base this statement on the Baedeker maps are in the Fa'yum and north towards
Memphis, and that of these the " Abusir " of the Cairo Museum records is doubtless
the well known one in the Memphite Necropolis. As late as the reign of Kamose

Gardiner in Abydos III, pp. 43 ff ; Breasted, Ancient Records, II, pars. 33 S ; Sethe,
Urkunden des iSten Dynasties, p. 26, translations, p. 14.

On Queen Tetisheri, Grandmother of Ahinose I.

this region was well within the domain of the Hyksos whose southern frontier
was Cusae-Meir {J.E. A., 1916, p. 108-10). Since Tetisheri was a Theban princess
she could scarcely have held title to land in the North until after the expulsion
of the Hyksos. I was therefore forced to the conclusion that Tetisheri survived
the expulsion of the Hyksos, or in other words, that she lived into the reign of
Ahmose. The only alternative solution of the difficulty would have been to
suppose that the campaign of Kamose was pushed to the point of taking or be-
leaguering Memphis and thus freeing Abusir and its neighbourhood, but of this
there is no other evidence. Having come to the conclusion that Tetisheri sur-
vived until the reign of Ahmose, it was very gratifying to me to have it confirmed
by an unpublished fragment of a stele in University College, London, pointed out
to me by Prof. Petrie, who bought it in Egypt some years ago, and through
whose courtesy I am able to bring it out at this time.

t^ o

^U &Ag

.-.-, > xr.j -;

The stele has a semi-circular top with the usual winged disk in the lunette.
Its width is thirty-eight centimeters. The lower part is entirely broken away.
The very brief inscription announced that " [In the . . . Year], IVth Month
of Summer, lyth Day, of His Majesty The King of Upper and Lower Egypt Nebpeh-
tetre' , Son of Re' Ahmose, given life, [he built] anew this wall as his monument to his
father Montu Lord of Thebes, the Bull in the midst of Hermonthis." On the left
can be seen the tops of the plumes of " Montu, Lord of Thebes." On the right is
the peak of the White Crown worn by " The Good God, Lord of the Two Lands
[Nebpehtetre'] Son of Re' [Ahmose] "

Behind Ahmose there stood a Queen whose figure was, properly, shorter
than that of the King, and whose name is given as " The Royal Mother Tetisheri "
in which the first d and the () are unquestionable, as Prof. Petrie demonstrated
to me, and the lacunae impossible to fill satisfactorily except with another a
and i.

Here Tetisheri is surviving the coronation of Ahmose and participating in the
restoration of the Temple of Montu in Thebes. The Abusir farm accounts show
that she lived to see the Hyksos expelled, and on that occasion received from her
royal grandson an estate in the reconquered North. Her death, of course, took
place before the reign was out, and even before Ahmose contemplated building
an extension monument in Abydos ; because a first cenotaph was put up there
in her honour at the time of her burial at Thebes. It was only toward the end of

l6 On Queen Tetisheri, Grandmother of A/ttnose I.

the reign, while the King was erecting his false pyramid and tomb in the Sacred
Land, that he erected the second cenotaph found by the Egypt Exploration Fund in
1903.

There is one more point to be remarked. In what we must presume was an
important official function, the Petrie Stele shows the Dowager Queen Tetisheri
accompanying the reigning king to the exclusion of all others. In the same way
on a temple built for Ahmose shortly after his conquest of Nubia, the viceroy has
caused the King to be shown with the Dowager Queen Ahhotep alone (Buhen,
p. 87, xxxv) , and one is naturally led to remember that in Karnak Ahmose set up
a proclamation, in the course of which he decreed that Ahhotep be shown practi-
cally the same deference as was shown himself. ^ In short, the terms of the docu-
ment (an endowment of the Amon Temple of Karnak) , sound very much like the
declaration of a regency during the king's absence from Thebes, or a republication
of the proclamation of regency on the occasion of the endowment of the temple.
Late in the reign this prominent place in affairs was taken by Ahmose-Nefretiri,
the wife of King Ahmose. It is she who shared with the King the honour of
building Tetisheri's second cenotaph, and she who appears with the King on a
dated monument of the twenty-second year, * and following her husband's death
she occupies the place of honour throughout the reign of her son Amen-hotep I,
and even appears on the coronation stele of Thotomose I.* Taking the clue
given by Ahhotep, we may conclude that these queen-mothers appear on the
monuments because they arethe regents or potential regents at the time. This
would be Tetisheri's position in the " Year . . ." of the Petrie stele, a year to
which we must unquestionably give a low number.

Tetisheri must be looked upon therefore, as in every way a predecessor of that
remarkable line of XVIIIth dynasty queens whose rights and prerogatives were
so high that they were virtual rulers of the country. Presumably it was in them
that the family strain was purest and through them that the inheritance passed.
Most of them survived their husbands, and in widowhood held enhanced influence.
For about a century the royal family was to all intents and purposes a virtual
matriarchate. The active, warlike functions and the ritualistic offices were the
men's, and officially they took precedence, but a large share in actual government
evidently lay in the hands of this line of women.

Tetisheri is nut only the earliest of this line whose name has survived she
must have actually headed it, fur she was by birth a commoner whose parents
were known by the simple styles of the Honourable Tenna and the Lady Neferu
{Ann. Serv., 1908, 137). Lowly as her origin may have been, however, she was
the ancestress of a line of women famous in Egyptian history : Ahhotep, Ahmose-
Nefretiri, Ahhotep II, Ahmose and finally Hatshepsut with whose ambitions
the female line of the royal family reached its climax and suffered its eclipse.

H. E. WiNLOCK.

' Legrain, Ann. Serv. IV, pp. 27-29 ; Sethe, op. cit., p. 21 ; translations, p. 11.
' Breasted, ^. R., II, pars. 26 ff ; Sethe, op. cit., p. 24 ; translations, p. 13.
" Sethe, op. cit., p. 80 ; translations, p. 41.

C 17 ;

REVIEWS

Lemons sur I' Art ^gyptien. By Jean Capart. 1920. 8vo. 541 pp. 20s
(Vaillant-Carmanne, Liege).

This is the text for the 200 plates which appeared in 1911 as L'Art Iigyptien:
when conditions improve in the world a special series of illustrations are
promised, and this is called a provisional edition. After an historical introduction,
the eaily civilisation is described, the oldest monuments, the sources, materials,
and forms of architecture, the conventions and ideas of the Egyptians. The
temples, tombs and statuary of the Old Kingdom are described. The architecture
and art of the Middle Kingdom come next, and then a fuller treatment, on the
same lines, of the material of the New Kingdom and the later period. New ground
is broken by the enquiry as to the connecton of the scattered statuary without a
history, which was dispersed by Mariette and others without record. The work
is full of remarks or critical detail, which cannot be summarised, but need full
consideration ; such reading will well repay attention, however much others
may feel a different appreciation of the questions. Unfortunately there is no
index, and only a scantj^ table of contents.

Le " Pseudo-Gilgamesh " figure sur le couteau Egyptien de Gebel el 'Arak du
Louvre. By J. Capart. And Note de M. G. Bdnidite. 8vo. 15 pp. (Comptes
Rendus Acad. Ins. 1919). The hunting scene on the seal of Den, and the sign
qes of Cusae, are here produced as Egyptian parallels to the hero and lions
on the handle. Further, the personal names Qesmer and Qes-em-hot are quoted
as evidence that Qes was a deity. The phrase " Cusae leads " is, however, like
that of " Memphis for ever," yet we do not say that Men-nefer was a god. This
endeavour to regard the hero and lions as Egyptian in origin entirely ignores the
striking dress which is northern and not Egyptian, and the cold-climate fur of the
lions. These alone would prove a northern origin, regardless of the form of the'
group.

M. E. Pottier remarked that the aspect of the group was Asiatic, above all
in the hair, dress and long beard of the figures. To this Dr. Capart replies
inconclusively.

M. Benedite replies that the qes figure is the old group of restraining the
long-necked panther, as on the palette of Narmer, and is not a lion-hero : also
that the royal figure in a quilted robe {Abydos II, xiii) is more Asiatic than Egyptian
in style. He asks how can we escape from the fact that the more Egyptian art
is seen in its primitive aspect, the more evident is its relation to Mesopotamian
irt ? In this, however, only the art leading to the dynastic age is considered ;
the art of the true prehistoric is outside of this comparison.

Bericht uber die grabungen . . . auf den Friedhiifen von El-Kubanieh-
Siid. Winter 1910-1911. By Hermann Junker. 4to. 1919. 227 pp., 56 pis.
(Akad. Wissenschaften in Wien).

The site of this work was nine miles north of Aswan on the west bank of the
Nile ; the periods of the cemeteries described are prehistoric, Xllth dynasty, and

1 8 Reviews.

Byzantine. Of the prehistoric age 24 plates are occupied with views of 96 burials
8 plates are of pottery of dynasties o-i, all common ; 7 plates are of slate palettes,
ivory pins, comb, and falcons, finger rings, beads and shells, flint flakes, and a
rectangular copper axe, two bracelets, tweezers, fish-hook and needle, all of
copper. Of the Xllth dynasty are 8 plates of burials, 3 of beads, a few scarabs
and cylinders and bone armlets, harpoon, wand, and user. Five plates are of
Christian burials. It is sad that such excellent and careful work was not
rewarded by a single object of importance, the lavish publication only concerning
material quite familiar and usual. The best object is a white-lined bowl (in the
text) with a spotted disc in the midst, from which radiate 23 palm branches.
A few pot marks are mostly of animals, and a few signs. The catalogue of graves
is not in any order, so reference is difficult, and the pottery is insufficiently typed.
The graves of the Xllth dynasty were shallow rectangular pits in the rock,
or lined with bricks. A cylinder of Amen-em-hat III, another of the XVIIIth
dynasty, and 5 usual scarabs of Xlll-XVth dynasty were found. There were
fragments of many cartormage masks, pottery, and four small alabasters, all as
usual. The date, by the cylinder and one cartonnage, probably extends to the
XVIIIth dynasty. When there are so many important sites still needing record,
it seems that the care and publication spent here should be given where it is
needed, rather than to a poor cemetery of this kind.

Prehistoric Cultures and Races of India. By Panchanan Mitra. 8vo.
88 pp. (Calcutta University Journal, Dept. of Letters, 1920).

This paper by the professor of prehistoric archaeology needs notice, as it
concludes that " the pre-dynastic Egyptians and the chalcolithic Indians very
probably belonged to a common ' Erythraean ' race ; the home of that ancient
race was most likely Punt in Ta Netar, which though finally located in Africa,
had also a counter-part on the Indian shore of the Arabian sea ; and Ta Neter,
the land of gods, was probably an early colony from pre-' Aryan ' southern India
and Punt from the Pounnata of Ptolemy in Southern India."

The existence of a long age of copper is recognised in India, but as it is all
pre-historic it attracts less attention than the iron age. Iron is named in the
earliest writings, but as the Vedas are not earlier than 1200-800 B.C. this does not
precede iron in the west. It is claimed here that the iron age in South India was
active in 1600-1500 B.C., and spread thence to Mesopotamia, but no evidence of
so early an age is given. The iron-using people were agricultural, had weaving,
gold and bronze (? copper) ornaments, and kept buffaloes, sheep and goats. Iron
was wrought as swords, daggers, spears, javelins, lances, hatchets and spades.
Rude stone monuments were erected. Two modes of burial were followed ;
mostly urn-burial under megaliths, or in long cists, less usually by cremation.

The similarity of the pottery to that of Egypt and East Mediterranean, and
a like series of owners marks, is the main ground for a connection. This connec-
tion would be with the prehistoric Egypt, and not the dynastic, whereas the
theory given is that the Sumerian (or dynastic Egyptian) was linked with the
Dravidian. The resemblance of Punt to Pounnata in India is not much to rely
on ; and that of Ta Neter to Teu Nodr " country of the gods " will not work, as
it is not nodr but teu that means god. Before granting an Egyptian-Indian con-
nection we must see clearly which of the races on each side is specified, and how far
India, undated before 1200 B.C., can be linked with stages in Egypt thousands
of years earlier.

( 19 )

PERIODICALS.

Aegyptus ; remsta Italiana di Egittologia e di Papirologia.
1920. 30 lire ann. (R. Accademi Scientifico-letteraria in
Milano via Borgonuovo 25.)

We must welcome fresh activity in our science on the Itahan side, in this
journal, which is to be issued quarterly, to comprise 400 pages annually, though
the first two numbers indicate more than 500 pages for the output. The classical
age and the papyri are naturally the main interest to Italy. Prof. Calderini is
the chief editor.

LuMBROSO, GiACOMO. Comments on Arrian's account of the founding of
Alexandria (III i, 4) and on the Heroeion to Hephaistion at Alexandria, and in
Pharos {VII 23, 6).

Farina, Giulio. / popoli del mare. This is a review of the various lists of
foreign peoples. The analysis of the 87 articles belonging to the Keftiu, of which
60 are Syrian, is set aside because we do not know all the products of countries
in 1500 B.C., and artists may have made mistakes. It is just this looseness of
treatment which Wainwright exposed, by showing that the artists were consistent,
and that confusion arose by the mistakes of commentators. The conclusions
reached are that the Luku were of Lykaonia, the Shardena of Pisidia, the Pulosathu,
Zakkaru and Daanona of Lykia, and thence the two former settled on the coast of
Palestine.

Arangio-Ruiz, Vincenzo. Applicazione del diritto Giustinianeo in Egitto.
A discussion of the law as shown by the Byzantine papyri, published by Jean
Maspero.

Calderini, Aristide. Ricerche sul regime delta acque nell'Egitto greco-
rotnano. This recites the various attention to canals and water-works in Eg5T)tian
history, beginning with the director of the inundation under Azab ; there is,
however, an earlier one under Den, and the mace-head of the Scorpion king,
pourtrayed making canals before the 1st dynasty. The reference to canals in
the Greek papyri are all collected and discussed, with a list of names of 50 canals,
and restored plans of properties along the canals.

NoRSA, Medea. Un nuovo prossimo volume di -baperi delta Societd Italiana.
This volume will contain 140 more Zeno papyri, and 80 of Roman and Byzantine
age.

De Francisci, Pietro. // papiro Jandanae 62. A Byzantine business letter
discussed with the Justinian law.

Breccia, E., gives a summary of the Staff of the Cairo Museum, an abstract
of Dr. Reisner's recent work, a report of museum work and accessions, and results
at Alexandria. Reviews follow, mainly on papyri. Lastly the outline of a system
of bibliography, and 361 entries classified, of recent publications.

Part 2. Lumbroso, Giacomo. On the letter of Aristaeus, referring to
animals unclean among the Jews. This seems now to be accepted as genuine.

B 3

20 Periodicals.

Maroi, Fulvio. C7n documentob ilingue di datio tutelae deW egitto greco-
romano. This Greek and Latin document published by Grenfell has a formula of
initials, which is here amplified thus : d (escriptum) e (t) r(ecognitum) e (x
e (xemplari) b (ibliothecae) t (abul.) s (uper) s(scripto).

NoRSA, Medea. Scolii a testi non noti. ^A fragment of a text naming
Neoptolemos and Achilles, with scholia.

Segre, Angelo. Misure tolemaiche e pretoletnaiche. A summary of what
is well known on the cubit and systems of long measure. Also a statement of
Kite {qedet) weight, with a few dozen weighings of examples not a tenth of what
are known ; also an outline of the capacity measures. So far this is familiar
ground, but the latter part dealing with the Ptolemaic system used in papyri
will be useful for that period.

Calderini, Aristide. (Continuation of paper on water works). A list
of the embankments, and the system of maintenance, gathered from papyri.

Hunt, A. S. P. Mahaffy. A careful appreciation of the great Provost of
Trinity College, Dublin.

Short papers and reviews, with a continuation of the bibliography.

New York Historical Society, Quarterly Bulletin.

In the days of Mehemet Aly, an important figure in Cairo was the American
Dr. Abbott, who used his opportunities to collect many fine antiquities. This
collection is now with the New York Historical Society, and Mrs. Ransom Williams
has been publishing illustrations of the important objects.

January, 1918. The Ushabtis include some of the finest class, such as an
inlaid coloured glass figure of a lady Sat-ta of late XVIIIth dynasty. Another
fine one of limestone is in a model sarcophagus, name Auy. There are examples of
queens Mehti-en-usekht and Karama Mut-em-hat; and, illustrated, Amen-em-apt,
chief artist of the temple of Amen, and a treasurer Psamthek. A mummy case
with ushabtis and a roll has been given in Ancient Egypt, 1920, p. 18. We
hope a full catalogue of the whole series will be published.

April, 1918. The head of Semenkhu-ptah, appeared in the number just
quoted. A large piece of a temple scene of Sankhkara, with the upper part of
figures of the king and Uazet, is of the same style as the sculptures of Menthu-hetep
and Senusert I, of artistic, but not historic interest. It is clearly the same as
Brugsch gives {Thes. 1455) as his copy is incomplete, which shows that he did not
see it, owing to its being sent to America before he went to Egypt, and he only
obtained a copy.

July, 1918. Bronze statuettes. A fine kneeling figure of one of the " Spirits
of Pe " is 6'7 ins. high, cast cire perdue. A solid bronze Hathor standing, with
cow's head, disc and horns, was dedicated by Ast-resh, son (?) of Penptah, about
the XXVth dynasty. Figures of Bastet are cat-headed and human-headed ;
a cat and kittens, and a standing Harpocrates, with a shrine before him closed by
a hinged lid, are all without names. A lion-throne of Harpocrates was dedicated
by Pen-khepra, son of Peda-amen. The kneeling negro bronze appears in this
number of Ancient Egypt. A standing bronze of a man in a kilt, head shaven,
may probably be of a priest ; the arms are cast separately and dowelled on,
which seems to show a rather early date.

October, 1918. Wooden statuettes of gods. The illustrations are of a
jackal-headed figure 13-6 ins. high, with cavity for papyrus in the back; an

Periodicals. 21

Osiris figure 20 7 high with cavity from the base upward ; seated figures of
Bastet and Osiris with cavity in throne ; an Osiris-khent-amenti figure of late date,
with cavity for a dummy serpent mummy ; a large Bastet squatting on a lotus,
a case for a mummy cat still in position. Of solid wooden figures there were
three of Osiris and two of Isis and Horus, painted or gilded.

April, 1919. A cire perdue bronze of seated Horus of Roman age, was thrown
aside as a defective casting, with the core in it and the mould round it. After
removing more of the mould and cleaning it, the defect in the flow of metal round
the back of the head is well shown as an instructive technical example.

July, 1919. There are about 320 figures of gods in the collection, of which
there are illustrated a seated Harpocrates, a triple aegis of Osiris, Isis and Horus,
a seated Maot in bronze ; and in blue glass a double-fronted Bes(rough) and a
pantheistic Sokar-ram-hawk.

The descriptions given of these objects will spread the interest in them, and
make Eg3rptian matters more intelligible to the public. Let us hope the whole
collection will be published for the benefit of science, and not for the amusement
of book collectors with the abnormal extravagance which lately besets American
issues.

Bulletin of the Cleveland Museum of Art, Oct.-Nov., 1918.

The well-known High Priest of Memphis under Shashanq I, Shedes-nefer-tum
dedicated a stele which is figured and described by Mrs. Williams. The central
figure is Harpekroti, seated on the lotus, perhaps the earliest example of this
subject. Adorations to the Memphite gods are made by Hora, x descended of
Psheri-mut, Senkhrenf and Yufonkh.

Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art. New York.

December, 1918. An exhibition of daily life of Egyptians, by objects and
drawings, shows the right museum development, and the attention to the history
of civilisation, which no country but America has properly followed. The work
of this museum has opened three dwelling sites lately, a town of the XX -XXIIth
dynasties at Lisht, the palace-city of Amen-hetep III at Thebes, and the town of
Hibis in Khargeh Oasis. We hope that all these results will be fully and quickly
published.

February, 1919. A pair of seated figures from about the end of the XVIIIth
dynasty was found in a tomb at Asyut. The persons are Auy and his sister
Rennut. His parents were Amen-hetep and Rennut, and those of his wife Aay
and Yaa. Their figures are in relief on the back of the group, receiving offerings
from a younger Auy, and a sister Hathor. It is a charming piece of best work of
the age. The tomb chapel and another statue are in the local museum at Asyut.

August, 1919. A fine bowl of millefiori glass recently acquired, leads to a
discussion of the nature of " murrhine " vases, and the conclusion that they were
of this glass. They were said to come from Alexandria, and this points to glass
work, and is considered to outweigh the statement of Pliny that murrhine vases
were dug from the earth. What if morria, the Greek form of the name, myrrhites
the Roman, is really from myria, a myriad, and the name millefiori carries on the
same idea ?

B 3

23 Periodicals.

Museum of Fine Arts Bulletin. Boston, October, 1918.

These 15 pages give a very brief account of Dr. Reisner's discovery of the
burials of the Ethiopian kings in their p)n:amids. All the tombs had been robbed
of their gold, but many pieces were accidentally left behind, and all the ushabtis.
These bear out the view that the Ethiopians had a finer standard of work than
the Egyptians of the Vllth century, which is suggested before by the sudden rise
of style under the Ethiopian rule in Egypt, both in ushabtis and scarabs.

The tomb chambers were all inundated, but by diligent baling the water was
reduced, and the hundreds of ushabtis recovered. The group of pyramids is at
Nuri opposite to the capital at Napata. The tombs found include that of Taharqa,
with over a thousand ushabtis ; Tanut- Amen ; Senkamanseken, with blue ushabtis
and the chamber walls covered with the negative confession ; Amtalga ; Hariotep;
Astabargandu, Nastasan ; Amlaman ; and others as yet unknown. Tombs
of fifty-three queens and princesses were also found. The lid of the granite
coffin of Aspalta is copied from the wooden coffins of that age, with upright corner
posts, and a small jackal and hawk standing up on it. Foundation deposits were
found at the corners of the pyramids, as in the Xllth dynasty. When may we
hope to see a full publication for reference of all Dr. Reisner's undertakings ?
The little sketches are welcome enough, but that is not what is due for scientific
work.

Crocodiles in Palestine. By Prof. G. Buchanan Gray. 8vo. 10 pp.
(Quarterly Statement, Palestine Exp. Fund, 1920, p. 167).

The ancient, mediaeval, and modern statements about crocodiles inhabiting
the river Zerka are here discussed ; though the reported views of the animals
were extremely brief and dubious, yet the general belief, and the production of
the remains by one of the natives, seem to warrant accepting this as a habitat.

L'exode et le passage de la Mer Rouge. By G. Daressy. 8vo. 23 pp.
Map. 1919 (Bull. Sac. Sultanieh de Gdographie, Caire).

This is mostly dealing with Sir W. Willcocks' views as to a northern route
of the Exodus. On geographical grounds, these views are firmly contradicted,
and the traditional understanding of the route is upheld. The papyrus list of
twenty places in the eastern region is detailed in support of this.

Annales du Service des Antiqtiitds de T ^gypte. XVII, 191 7.

Daressy, G. Fragments de deux cercueils de Saqqarah. Parts of two coffins
of Ptolemaic age were brought by Mariette from Saqqareh, and have not yet
been published. That of Apollonias has parts of chapters 127, 133 of the Book of
the Dead, also various figures of gods with brief legends. The coffin of Khayf
has many figures of genii with their names, scenes of the sun during the twelve
hours of day alternate with the transformations of the dead in the twelve hours of
night, altogether 178 subjects beside texts.

Daressy, G. Statues de Mendh. The first is Peda...amen, son of Pama,
bom of Ymhetep, the second a son of the great judge Rere, the third isTefnekht,
bom of Nes-nebhat. A few geographical details here should be utilised in dealing
with this nome.

Periodicals. 23

Daressy, G. Le lieu d'origine de I'arbre ash. The article debates the
meaning of Remenen, usually identified with Lebanon. Such permutations of I
and of b are stated to be unknown. As a final n is used for /, it is proposed to
read the name as Ermil ; and this would be Hermil, the actual place of the
forest on Lebanon.

Daressy, G. Les titres du Grand Pretre Piankh. This priest-king seems to
have had only secular titles in his youth, fanbearer, scribe, vizier, general, royal
son of Kush, keeper of the southern lands, keeper of the granaries, commander-in-
chief, as recorded in a letter on an ostrakon from the Tombs of the Kings.

Daressy, G. Deux canopes provenant de la Moyenne-Egypte. These were
bought at Mellawi, probably from Meir, and are Persian or early Ptolemaic in
date. They belonged to Pa-du-hor-mehen, son of Set-ar-bu, and give religious
titles. A head of another jar was for Pedu-horen.

Daressy, G. Deux grandes Statues de Ramses II d'HdracUopolis. South
of the well-known temple is a plain, on the east of which is the mound Kom al
Aqareb ; in this the two statues have been found, with a granite building probably
part of a temple gateway. On one block is the name of Queen Sebekneferu,
on another Senusert III is named. The statues appear to have been of the
Xllth dynasty, appropriated by Ramessu II, and one of them, later, by
Merneptah.

Daressy, G. Poids Egyptiens. Three rough stone weights, inscribed in
ink, from the Tombs of the Kings, show units of 130-2, 145-9, 139-7 grains.
The first is on the daric standard, though marked deben like various other
standards, merely meaning a unit. The other two are of the usual qedet
standard. A bronze couchant bull from the Fayum marked 5, is on a standard
of '^i7'i grains, perhaps a very light qedet.

Daressy, G. Le Roi Tdos a Athribis. A re-publication of Sharpe's Egyptian
Inscriptions, pi. 43, from a copy by Harris.

Daressy, G. Stele du roi Pefnifdubast. A limestone stele from Ehnasya is
dated in the tenth year of the same king who dedicated the gold statuette {Ehnasya,
front). It records a donation of land by Aruath, born of the royal daughter and
wife Takhredt-ne-ast. The solar cartouche being Nefer-ka-ra, it is suggested
that he was a vassal of Shabaka. If so, he would be the grandson of Pef-du-bast,
of the time of Piankhy.

Daressy, G. Le Dieu de Toukh el Malaq. A black granite statue of a
bull-headed god, with a disc and uraeus between the horns, has a prayer to Shu
in the temple of Hat-amen. Tukh el Malaq is 12 kilometres from Benha, and
the place Hat-amen may be Kom Atrun, 3^ kilometres west of Tukh.

Daressy, G. Une Stele de Xois. A stele probably of Augustus dedicated by
Imhetep-sa-ptah .

Legrain, G. Rapport sur les Nouveaux Travaux executes a Louqsor. Oct.
1916-Mars 1917. After an account of the Thebaid under the Romans, and the
martyrs of Thebes, there follows a statement of the course of work in cleariiag the
Roman Forum of Thebes. Pedestals were found with dedications to Julian by the
Governor Aurelius Ginus, a.d. 360. A triumphal arch, and a gate of the Forum,
led up to the four pedestals, and the cross-road through them led into the
Ramesside court at Louqsor.

Daressy, G. Legende d' Ar-herus-nefer d Philae. M. Barsanti copied this
inscription in 1896. It is an adoration of the god, dated under Tiberius, and should
be considered, in disentangling the later mythology.

n 4

24 Periodicals,

Daressy, G. La Statue No. 35562 du MusSe du Caire. This is the lower part
of a small seated figure, with four signs like those of early date from Sinai. It
was found west of Aswan, with objects of the XVIIlth dynasty, beneath a rock
inscribed at that period.

Daressy, G. Debris de Stile d'Hor-em-heb. This represents an offering to
Osiris, and gives the complete titles of Horemheb.

Lucas, A. Efflorescent Salt of Unusual Composition. Silky efflorescence
on terracottas from the Fajmm proves to be butyrate of lime. The source of
the fat is unknown.

Daressy, G. Inscriptions Tentyrites. i. Stele of Pa-haf, the first prophet
of Hathor, governor, son of Nes-Min, and Ta-khred-tehuti. Nes-Min had the same
office, and a notable point in the reading is that the nesut plant is used for writing
nes. 2. Stele of a prophet of various gods, Her-taui, son of Pa-khred, son of
Pen-khred, son of Nes-Min, the latter written as before. He went to Osiris at
70-f-x years, probably 90 +x. 3. Stele, name lost, naming fifty religious posts
held by one man, a pluralist of pluraUsts. 4. Feet of a black granite statue,
name lost, with many religious titles. 5. Stele of about the time of Scty I, of
Pa-nezem (?), engraver of Panopolis, in honour of Hathor.

Daressy, G. Sarcophage Ptoldmatque d'Assiout. Hard limestone coffin of
Dut-nefer, born of Sat-bastet. A hymn of Ra entering the underworld, apparently
unknown except on a wooden coffin from Qau, the variants of which are given
here.

Daressy, G. Rituel des Offrandes a Amenhetep I. The upper half of a
roll of papyrus, with ritual of Rameses II offering to Amenhetep I. This is
mainly of interest in connection with other details of offering services ; comparison
is made with those of Unas, Sety I, and Paduamenapt. Of general interest are
points in the Osiris legend, as that Isis was delivered by a negro wise-woman of
a feeble infant ; and in the Greek legend a negress-queen, Aso, helps Typhon to
attack Horus.

Daressy, G. La " Demeure Roy ale " en Basse-Egypte. A lintel from El
Damayin, 3 miles S.W. of Faqus, names a royal house ; it is supposed to have
been brought from elsewhere, and the final conclusion is that Faqus may be
the place of the palace of Sety II. The geographical discussion of this region will
be useful in future research.

Daressy, G. Inscriptions du Mastaba de Pepi-nofer d Edfou. An Old
Kingdom mastaba, the inscriptions of which are now in Cairo, is here published.
Pepy-nefer, with a good name Mery-Ra-nefer, was a young man under Teta, passes
over Aty in silence, and then became superintendent of the South, to the general
benefit of the people, and especially in managing the supply of cattle from the
nomad shepherds. Two limestone statues one perfect were also found.

Elias, Girgis. Inspection de I' Oasis de Dakhleh. This records four town sites
and three temples, only one of which is inscribed, with names of Nero, Vespasian,
and Titus.

MuNiER, Henri. Fragments des Actes du martyr e da I'Apa Chnoubd. Though
in Sahidic, this martyrology refers to Bubastis, and names the canal passing through
the city. There is no indication of date, but from the character of the persecution
it was probably under Decius or Diocletian.

Munier, Henri. Une Lampe Chrdtienne de Karnak. This lamp of fine
red pottery is inscribed for Abba Loukios and Abba Arsenics, Martyrs. These
names are known and celebrated on i6th Khoiak as Syrians who suffered at

Periodicals. 25

Ekhmim. Loukios is a corruption of Eulogios. Other lamps are quoted, as
one of " Alexander Archbishop," who was patriarch of Alexandria 312-328 ;
one naming " loudas and lakobos Apostles," from Thebes ; and one from Kom
Ombo, naming " The Saint Michael."

MuNiER, Henri. 'Note sur le Village de Hagd. Zawyet-el-Meyitin is proposed
as the site of Hage, on the strength of that being the birthplace of the father
of a man whose tomb is found at Zowyeh.

Daressy, G. L'Art Tanite. Maspero recognised five centres of sculpture,
Thebes, Hermopolis, Memphis, Tanis and Sais. The importance of Tanis is
attacked here. It is shown that five of the statues of Tanis all refer to Memphis,
proving that Ramessu II plundered Memphis to adorn his city of Tanis.
Another statue names Hathor of Maz, or Dronkeh, showing that statues were
brought from as far as Siut. Many monuments came from Heliopolis. Even
the well-known sphinxes were imported, as part of an exactly similar sphinx
of the same size was found under the floor of a temple at El Kab. M. Daressy
concludes that these sphinxes came from Upper Egypt ; that some at Memphis
were inscribed by Apepi, and later they were taken to Tanis by Ramessu II.
The bearers of offerings of this same type are placed by M. Daressy in the
XVIIIth dynasty, and refer all the peculiarities of hair and beard to their
representing the king as the Nile Hapi. He confesses, however, that the type
of face is that of the sphinxes, and does not try to reconcile this with the type
of the kings of the New Kingdom. The later artist's trial-pieces and small work at
Tanis is the same as such elsewhere. The conclusion is that there was no special
school at Tanis. We have dealt with this question with illustration in the
last number.

Chaban, Mohammed. Le putts du gindral Ankh-uah-ab-re-si-nit d Saqqarah.
The pit was beneath one of the pillars of the church of Jeremiah. When excavated
four chambers were found at 60 feet deep opening from a hall ; in this hall
another pit descended 15 feet further to three more chambers, all anciently
pillaged. The glazed ushabtis number 384, and give the usual chapter with
name and title of general ; 367 other ushabtis are for his mother Astkheb, bom
of Thet-Hor. The general's father was Psamthek, and his grandfather a general
Nes-aoh. A few small vases and scraps were also found. Near the mouth of
the pit were blocks of the XlXth dynasty, with inscriptions of Ptahemheb,
Amenemhab and Ra-mes.

Daressy, G. L'origine du Sceptre uas. A stick of this form was observed
to be used in hooking in bunches of dates for cutting, also used in carrying a
bundle by a negro. If M. Daressy would visit Sinai he would find such a form
of stick carried by all the Bedawin. The extent of the use of it should be
studied.

Daressy, G. Bas-reliefs d'Athribis. Four pieces of a remarkable scene of
Ramessu II, supposed to be part of the Osiris mysteries. There are figures of
Hapi, standing and kneeling on running water, offering to the Bennu in a tree ;
Anubis preparing four canopic jars with human heads ; filling a pot by a syphon
from a jar (see the drawing of syphons on the Satiric Papyrus of Turin, Auswahl,
xxiii). In a list of offerings the round-headed sistrum is distinguished from the
naos-headed Hathor wand.

Daressy, G. Stele de Karnak avec textes magiques. A text on pieces of a
stele from the great pit at Karnak, differing from any on the steles of Horus : too
much broken to be translated.

36 Periodicals.

Daressy, G. Let formes du Soleil aux diffirentes heures de la journie. Six
lists of the emblems and divinities associated with the different hours are here
compared.

Edgar, C. C. On the dating of early Ptolemaic papyri. This deals with
the complication of the Egyptian and Macedonian kalendars, and the starting
point of the regnal years, from the Zeno papjnri at Cairo ; but the whole of the
group scattered in various collections needs to be used. One disturbing result
is that the provincial " was often five or ten days wrong when dating by the
two calendars."

Daressy, G. Deux naos de Qouss. A naos in red granite of a prince,
judge, and vizier Shema is of the Old Kingdom. The second naos is of Philadelphus,
already published in Description de I'Egypte, ChampoUion and Lepsius.

Daressy, G. Chapelle de Mentuhetep III d Denddrah. A small chapel
of Mentuhetep Neb-hap-ra was found standing in the rubbish mounds. It
had suffered from salt and corrosion, and was further damaged after discovery.
The king grasps a papyrus stem twined round with convolvulus, apparently
representing Lower and Upper Egypt. There are added inscriptions of
Merneptah.

Daressy, G. Monuments d'Edfou datant du May en Empire, i. A stele of a
kher heb of Hor-behudet, royal son, Ab, son of luf, bom of Ab ; his wife Hor-mes,
bom of the royal sister luf and the prince of Edfu Apu. 2. Altar of offerings
for the same Ab, son of luf, and his wife Hor-mes. 3. Stele of a kher heb Hora,
son of Hor-any, son of Neferhetep, born of Senb ; his wife Hor-sat, daughter of
the prince Abaci, born of the princess Ast ; his son Sebekhetep. Figures bear
other names, of luf-senb. Neb-ant, Nubududu. 4. Altar of offerings for An(y,
bom of) Nubdudut ; his wife Senb ; Antef-hetep ? ; and Anher. 5. Stele of luf.
6 and 7. Statuettes of yellow limestone of Ayni.

Daressy, G. Alexandre Barsanti. This Italian had been the handjnnan
of the Cairo museum since 1885. Originally sculptor-modeller, he repaired and
mounted objects, managed the removals of the museum, transported the heavy
monuments from various parts of the country, repaired buildings, cleared buildings
and carried on excavations. He organised a working staff competent for all
these enterprises, and he wrote numerous accounts of work and discoveries in
the Annates du Service. In every part of the country the people were familiar
with the work of " Skander," as he was called. At fifty-nine years, such incessant
and heavy work ended in a brief heart attack. The Service will hardly find
another such active and efficient worker ; but we may hope that different men
will be employed in these tasks of museum repairer, architect and excavator,
which each require very different training and abilities.

Ronzevalle, Seb. Sur le nam ^gyptidn du Liban. This defends the old
rendering of Remenen as Lebanon, and disputes the equivalence with Hermil
proposed by M. Daressy.

Ronzevalle, Seb. Notes sur les Statues No. 31919 et 35562. A figure of red
granite from Aswan with Aramaic inscription of Bel-sar-usur. On the front is
a sign supposed to be the lance of Marduk. Probably of the Vlth century B.C.
A figure of sandstone described by M. Daressy as having a proto Semitic inscription
like those of Sinai, is read as Gaash {see Jos. xxiv 30 ; Jud. ii 9). " There is no
ground for dreaming of Asiatic writing, as M. Daressy has suggested, seduced by
the theory of M. Alan Gardiner, on the monuments yet undeciphered of Sarbut el
Khadim. The essay at decipherment, attempted by MM. Gardiner, Cowley and

Periodicals. 27

Sayce, of the texts, which are so important for the history of the Semitic alphabet,
does not appear admissible."

Bovier-Lapierre, Paul. Note sur le traitement mdtallurgique du fer aux
environs d' Assouan. De Morgan had observed limonite iron ore near the
monastery of St. Simeon, but had not seen any workings. Now, up a side valley,
small remains of iron smelting have been found, but fuel would always be a
difficulty, and probably most of the ore was sent away.

Daressy, G. Le Convent de Nahieh. This name of the Arab treasure hunter
is now identified with Ed Deir, near Abu Rowash. The ruins there cover about
50 acres ; the deir had columns of granite, marble work and mosaics.

Daressy, G. La porte de Beltim. Parts of a doorway from Kom el Ashaar
at Beltim on the extreme north of the Delta, bear a dedication to Uazet of Pu
and Depu (Buto and Phragonis) ; figures of Isis and Nebhat adoring the Zad ;
names of places seem to refer to the coffin of Osiris having landed at that site
from Byblos.

TOME XVIII, 1918.

Strazzulli, a. ; Bovier-Lapierre, P. ; Ronzevalle, Seb. Rapport sur
les fouilles d Eldphantine. Previous hunters had only turned over the Persian
layer in search of papyri. Now the stuff has been completely sifted over with
good result, the lower layers also cleared, and all the houses planned. " The
history of the fortress of Yeb would have been perhaps possible, if entirely dis-
interested excavations had methodically occupied the whole site, and ended in
establishing strata of uniform periods. None of the expeditions which have
worked at the Kom have had such an aim." This is the criticism of the irregular
and unscientific work that has gone on. Search was made for the site of the
Jewish temple, unsuccessfully. On the plan (i : 500) is noted the position of each
object discovered in place ; these comprise a wooden statue of the Old Kingdom,
on the rock, a prehistoric bird palette, a polished prehistoric bowl, and some
tombs and other objects of later periods.

Barsanti, Ai-EX. Rapport sur les travaux exdcutds d Saqqarah, 1912. Repairs
of the Serapeum and tombs.

Barsanti, Alex. Rapports sur les travaux exdcutds au Ramesseum. Res-
toration of a column, and repairs at Tombs of the Kings.

Barsanti, Alex. Rapport sur les monuments de la Nubie. Details of small
repairs needed ; the most serious causes of damage are the collisions by boats over-
throwing walls and columns when submerged, and the gradual decay of the sur-
faces by repeated wetting and drying, which will finally efface the sculptures as
might have been expected, in spite of all interested assurances by the Engineers.

Daressy, G. Position de la Ville de Takinach. This city of the inscription
of Piankhi is identified with an irrigation basin, Diqnash, in the region of Feshn
where it was expected.

Daressy, G. Samtaui-Tafnekht. The socket of a statue of this prince has
been found at Ehnasya, naming him son of a royal son ; the leg of a statue was
found with it. There is also a statue of him from Sais. He is named as the
admiral of the fleet of Psemthek I. Two other men of this name may be
descendants of the prince.

Daressy, G. La locality Khent-nefer. A lintel with this name was found at
Qantir, near Faqus ; but other references place it near Gizeh, and probably the

28 Periodicals,

lintel has been moved in later times. It is proposed that it is the Ta-khenefretis
of the Memphite nome mentioned in a Greek letter, and perhaps represented by
Shenbari, a village east of Ausim.

Daressy, G. La chapelle de Psimaut et Hakoris d Karnak. The clearing of
this chapel has shown the order of the dynasty to be as stated by Manetho.
The inscriptions uncovered are not of importance.

Daressy, G. Monuments d'Edfou datant du Moyen Empire. 8. Stele of
luf sumamed Ab, son of luf and born of luf. The title kher heb is reduced
simply to the heb basket. 9. Stela of Ab bom of Ta-akhred, naming also Ada
born of Ta-urt, and his son luf ; also Ab and his son Adu. 10. Statuette, seated
on the ground with one knee up, of Adu, made by his son luf. 11. Part of stele of
Nubu-ne-ab, daughter of the prince Hor-em-khau bom of Urt ; his son Sen-rau.
12. Stele of luf, son of Dudunub, made by his brother Horemhat.

Daressy, G. Deux statues de Balansourah. Seated figure of a prince of
Nefrus, Any, made by his brother Mahu. Seated figure of Mutnefer, wife of the
preceding. Nefrus was therefore at Balansureh, where one of the four sacred
rams of Egypt was worshipped as Khnumu. Near to it there is also a place El
Birbeh, where the temple of Nefms probably stood.

Edgar, C. C. A further note on early Ptolemaic chronology. Continuance
of the discussion with fresh material. " I think it will be found impossible to
avoid the conclusion that at least two and more probably three different systems
of reckoning the year were in common and rather indiscriminate use at this period."

MuNiER, Henri. Un ^loge Copte de I'empereur Constantin. " This text is
a sequence of that at Strasburg, both being in the Sahidic dialect. For one finds,
amid a sea of invocations and praises, the apparition of a cross to Constantine,
the explanation of it by a Saint Eusignius, and allusions to the Council of
Nicaea."

MuNiER, Henri. Vestiges chrdtiens d Tinnis. This site was large, with many
churches and mosques, baths and ovens ; Arab writers describe it with admira-
tion. The bishop attended the councils of Epheseus and Chaleedon, a.d. 431 and
451. By 535 the sea had covered part of the land, forming the lake of Tinnis,
and the extent of it increased every year. Then came the flooding of Lake
Menzaleh in a.d. 554 by subsidence of the Delta. Yet the town survived till it
was taken at the Arab conquest, 641. By 11 93 the inhabitants were ordered to
remove to Damietta. The flooding of the catacombs at Alexandria is 9 feet, and
they were probably well above water-level when cut {see Comp. Rend. Acad. Sci.,
16 June, 1917). This gives the best information we possess on the gradual
subsidence, which seems to have been continuous from 500 to 1200, though the
greatest visible effect was on the breaking of the sea walls, and flooding of large
areas, in 554. A few columns of granite and grey marble have been removed
in 1912, and one has a figure of St. Procopios, the martyr of Caesarea in Palestine.

Daressy, G. Une statue du taureau Mndvis. A figure published by Griffith
is here discussed, with reference to the chancellor Bay named on it.

Daressy, G. La gazelle d'Anoukit. On an ostrakon a gazelle is adored, with
inscription of adoration of Anuket, and nesut da hetep to Anuket, by the royal scribe
of the ast maot, Ahayt. This explains the quantity of mummies of gazelles in the
hills near Komir, between Edfu and Esneh.

QuiBELL, J. A. A visit to Siwa. This was by steamer to Mersa Matruh,
and then south by military motor. An interesting account is given of the con-
ditions of life and the physical details of the Oasis of Amon, which was conquered

Periodicals.

by the Egyptians a hundred years ago. There are some small temples of the IVth
century B.C., quarries, and much-plundered tombs. The ground is too salt and
damp for antiquities to be well preserved, unless gold. Worked flints are found
only near the lagoons. Regarding the retrocession of the fauna, the ostrich was
extinguished only two generations ago. A Siwan vocabulary and sentences
are added.

Daressy, G. Statue de Zedher the Saviour. This is a black granite squatting
figure, fitting in a base with an altar before it ; the whole is 37 inches high. It is
covered with minute inscriptions of magical texts. The translations and descrip-
tion of these fill 46 pages of the Journal. This will be a principal source of texts
of the steles of Horus on the crocodiles. They refer particularly to protection
from scorpions and serpents. The man's father Zedher had two wives, one
Ta-khredet-ahet mother of Zedher-pa-shed of the statue ; the other wife Tayhes,
daughter of Pedu-ne-hor and Ta-nefert-hert, whose children by Zedher were Pa-ru-
ahet, Zedher-pa-asheru, Ta-khredet-ahet, Khut, and Ta-khredet-ne-ta-asut. This
is given with vast prolixity of repeating parents' names and titles every time.
Evidently the object was to " make talk " on the figure. Why the name is
translated " the Saviour " is not clear ; shed might as well be " the saved," or
" the suckling," or " the reader." The latter is suggested by a reference to his
doing good to men by means of the writings of this shed who is in Ro-sat-zatu ;
also he claims that " no fault has been found before the master of the gods (Khenti-
khati) in all the things that I have done according to the books." These passages
seem to show his ability in reading the sacred books, and hence his title of " the
reader," pa shed. Another person named is Uah-ab-ra son of Dun-s-pa-nefer,
bom of Kho-s-bast. Ro-sat-zatu, named above, was near Athribis, where this
figure was found. The texts are, of course, essential in any study of magic formulae,
but are not of other interest.

Edgar, C. C. Selected papyri from the archives of Zenon. A great find of
papjTii of Zenon, who had been a private secretary of the State Land Agent,
was found in 1914-15 at Philadelphia in the Fayum. Like most large finds
it was split up, and the papyri are scattered in Cairo, Italy and various other
countries, much to the hindrance of a consecutive study of them. As they
date from the time of Ptolemy Philadelphos, they are the earliest large group
yet found. The more valuable part of the correspondence refers to Palestine
and Syria, during four years. Zenon was a Carian Greek, and some of the letters
refer to affairs at Kalynda. Among other business we find that he was away
east of Jordan, where he bought a young slave girl for 50 drachmae, and several
other papyri mention shipping slaves from Syria to Eg5T3t. Another matter
was trying to get money from a Jew named leddou, which only resulted in
insults and blows. There is a description of difficulties officially in getting in
old gold for coinage. Gold plate was offered to be coined, but there was no
regulation of its value.

Daressy, G. Inscriptions Tentyrites. 6. Stele of Padu-hor-sam-taui who
in his 8oth year went to Osiris. He was wise in the sacred writings, and those
which covered the wall of Heliopolis, and the wisdom of Safkhet are named.

7. Part of a stele naming Antefa, a governor of the South, in the Xllth dynasty.

8. Black granite statue of Menkh-ne-ra, son of Pa-ashem, who was general
of the southern nomes, and a great pluralist in religious offices. At some time
the base has been changed, as it has a demotic inscription naming the "great
statue of Kirgis the strategos " {see Ancient Egypt, 1917, p. 132). 9. A group

30 Periodicals.

of two nude figures side by side has the limbs hidden by the coils of two serpents ;
one is a child, Horus-Apollo, the other a woman representing the moon.

Gauthier, H. Les sUles de Van III de Taharqa. Of the stele at Cairo
a dupUcate has been seen by Mr. Offord in London.

Daressy, G. Une Mesure Egyptienne de 20 hin. This has been put
together from fragments found in the pit of Karnak. It has the name of
Tehutmes III, but no mark of quantity. From the form it appears to be a
standard measure of 40 hins, not 20 as described. It is estimated to have
contained 1,231 cubic inches, giving a hin of 30-8 inches. Other marked
examples vary from 25-0 to 33-0 for the hin. These are only secondary
markings on vases made for other purposes. The best mean value is 29-2 cubic
inches.

Chaaban, Mohammed and Daressy, G. Rapport sur la ddcouverte de la
tomhe d'un Mndvis de Ramsh II. An interesting discovery of an unopened
biurial, largely decomposed, however, by water. To the north of Heliopolis
the stone roof of the tomb chamber was found 20 inches under the surface.
Two walls could be traced on the surface ; these probably belong to the court
or chapel for the worship of the bull, as the steles which were placed in the chapel
were found sunk outside the walls of the tomb, facing inward, so the chapel
inside must have been larger than the tomb outside, or 25 feet wide. The tomb
is 23 X 16 feet outside, the chamber 207 X 121 inches, or 10 X 6 cubits. The
walls are roughly built, and have been repaired in parts, as the door jamb.
The doorway is still blocked as originally. The stones used by Ramessu II
had come from a building of Tut-onkh-amen, re-used by Horemheb. Strangely,
the figures of Amen and Khousu had been erased ; if the name of Tut-onkh-amen
is not placed over that of an earlier king, this would show a triple conversion
of that king. There were two sets of canopic jars, the order of which is usual,
but turned with north in the place of east {Riqqeh, 31). The sculptured scenes
on the burial chamber walls are of Ramessu II offering to various gods, and
the spirits of Buto and Nekhen. Two limestone ushabtis were found 8-6 inches
high, parts of bronze fittings of the funeral couch, which is figured in a shrine
on the walls, and various small amulets and pottery.

Daressy, G. La tombe du Mndvis de Ramses VII. This tomb is nearly
identical with that under Ramses II (Rec, xxv 29). The scenes are here
re-described with the assistance of the previous tomb.

Daressy, G. Un decret d'Amon en faveur d'Osiris. This is a papyrus
of the Persian age. It is analogous to the decrees of Amen in favour of Nesi-
khonsu and Panezem. The assumptions of the high priests could not go beyond
this: "Speech of Amen Ra...'I divinise the august soul of Osiris Un-nefer,
I give well-being to his body in Kher-neter, I preserve his body, I divinise his
mummy.' " This ! to Osiris, god of the dead. M. Daressy politely supposes
that tlHs only referred to a dead man and his family under the names of Osiris
and his family. There is, however, no hint of any human being concerned in
this.

Edgar, C. C. Selected papyri from the archives of Zenon. The system of
dating the Macedonian year is still obscure. The letters here published do not
seem to be of intrinsic interest, but will be valuable for combining with the rest
of the group in restoring a full view of official life day by day. The details are
technical matters of the duties and relations of ofiicials.

Periodicals. 31

Gauthier, Henri. Les " Fils royaux de Ramsh." This is a study of the
various descendants of the Ramessides. The persons and sources discussed
are as in Petrie, History iii, 242, except the last.

(i) NemartI;, son of the daughter of the great chief of the mountains,
Pa-nreshens. Further, he is said to be a royal son of Sheshenq
Meramen, presumably Sheshenq I. This name has been left un-
explained, but a possibility should be here noted : nr is the Egyptian
mode of writing /, so the name is " The Leshenes," which is fairly
equivalent to Lissaenos, " the man of Lissos," that is, probably,
Lissos in Crete. As to being a royal son of Sheshenq, it seems
incredible that if Sheshenq had married his mother the royal descent
should not appear on his statue at Miramar, nor on his bracelets in
the British Museum, but only on his statue in Cairo. This seems
to show that he was a royal son by adoption or officially, like the
" royal son of Kush " and others. If we accept this, we get a light
on the frequent title in the XXIInd dynasty, " Great prince of the
mountains " ; it referred to any foreigner from a hill country, and
perhaps was predominantly Cretan.

(2) Zed-hor-auf-onkh, son of the royal daughter Zed-anub-es-onkh, whose

plaque was made by Sheshenq I.

(3) Zed-ptah-auf-onkh, known by mummy, coffins, boxes, ushabti and

papyrus, from his burial at Deir el Bahri, in the loth or nth year
of Sheshenq I.
{4) Uasarken (?), high priest of Amen, in the 28th year of Sheshenq III,
on a stele in Berlin.

(5) Auuapuat, with a foreign sign after the name, on a fragment of alabaster

vase in Cairo museum.

(6) Pa-shed-bastet, chief of the Mahasu, on a stele from Abydos, at Uni-

versity College, London, dated in the 36th year of Uasarken I.
M. Gauthier concludes he is not the same as Pa-shed-bastet, son of
Sheshenq III.

(7) Ast-(em)-kheb on a stele under Uasarken I, Paris, apparently a woman.
The position is accepted that these were descendants of the Ramesside family.

Gauthier, Henri. Trois vizirs du Moyen Empire. Res-senbu and his
brother Ymeru were both viziers, and sons of the vizier Onkhu. Onkhu married
Merryt, daughter of Hentpu. Ymeru had a sister Senbhenas, who married
Upuat-hetep, son of Khnumu-hetep and Tahent. Upuat-hetep's children were
Khnumu-hetep, Neshmet-hetept, Khensu and Amen-hetep. The question is
whether Onkhu, vizier under Sebek-hetep III, is the same as Onkhu, vizier
under Khenzer ; either they were different, or Khenzer was not placed in the
Turin papyrus. Another vizier, Hennu, has been omitted in A. Weil's Veziere,
as well as Res-senbu.

Daressy, G. Rapport sur le ddblaiement des tomhes 6 etgde Biban el Molouk.
An unpublished report of 1888, naming some small objects found, and the
ostraka, since published in the Cairo catalogue.

Daressy, G. Antiquith trouvdes a Fostat. In clearances at Old Cairo
there have been found (i) part of the base of a diorite statue of Khafra, doubtless
from the pyramid temples ; (2) part of a black granite obelisk of Ramessu II ;

32 Notes and News,

(3) a Ptolemaic basalt torso of Senti, son of Pen-sebek ; (4) part of a Coptic
epitaph.

Daressy, G. L' emplacement de la ville de Benna. This town, which is
given in a Coptic list of bishoprics, as part-successor of Leontopolis, is to be
sought near Tell Moqdam. It is named by Maqrizi as Benu, and though destroyed
before 1375, the name remains in Binnai, an irrigation basin.

Daressy, G. Une statue de Deir el Chelouit. Near this little temple, south
of Medinet Habu, a black and red granite statue was found of the XlXth dynasty,
of Seta, a prince, royal sealer, and treasurer.

MuNiER, Henri. Deux recettes mddicales Coptes. Written on the back
of an Arabic paper letter. The purpose is not stated, so they seem to be a
physician's prescriptions.

NOTES AND NEWS.

The work of the British School in Egypt began this season early in November
when Mr. and Mrs. Brunton went to Lahun to search beneath the Queen's
pyramid and royal mastabas, to which no entrance had yet been found. Tunnels
have now been run diagonally beneath the pyramid and in other directions, so
fir without result. Mr. West joined in this work.

The main party, consisting of Major Hynes, Mr. Miller, Mr. Neilson and
Mons. Bach with the Director and Mrs. Petrie, assembled at Ghurob at the
beginning of December. During a fortnight the work there showed how httle
now remains to be done at that site. A black steatite cyUnder of Pypy of the
1st dynasty, some bowls of the Ilird dynasty, a few bm-ials of the XlXth with
usual alabaster and pottery, and some granaries with protective amulets, were
all that was found. Half a dozen graves at Zeribah, foiu miles south, proved to
be of XXHnd dynasty, all plundered.

The camp was then formed at the great cemetery of Herakleopolis. This
has been largely cleared by various authorised and unauthorised diggers, but
no plan or details are published. A systematic working of it has now been
stirted, and remains of the 1st, Ilird, IXth, and XlXth dynasties are already
in hand. The great tombs have several chambers on different levels, and seem
to have been for families. One has yielded parts of sarcophagi, steles, figures,
canopies and ushabtis of the two viziers, Parahetep and Rahetep his son,
under Ramessu II ; another of the same age is of the keeper of the cavalry
Pahonneter ; a man of the same office and name, buried at Hibeh under Ramessu
III, was probably his grandson. Sarcophagi of red granite are very massive
and coarse ; one of black granite of which parts remain was thin and finely
carved. This excavation continues the regular clearance of the western side of
the Nile, southward from Dahshur ; in such systematic work the fat and the lean
must be accepted as they come, but the historic importance of the city here
promises to repay work on its cemetery.

Of other excavations there is little news yet to hand, but the excavations
for New York continue under Mr. Winlock at Thebes, and also at Lisht under
Mr. Mace.

Erratum. In Ancient Egypt, 1920, p. 105, 9 lines from botttom, for
Hbyros, read Hyksos.

<y<i i^-- ., ^sji-viz > v-s -

BORDERS OF THEBAN TOMB-PAINTINGS.
LOTUS FLOWERS AND BUNCHES OF GRAPES.

COLORS IN ORDER OF TINT , YELLOW, GREEN, BLUE, RED, BLACK.
TEHUTMES IV TO HEREMHEB. 14201330 B.C.

-i-

ANCIENT EGYPT.

THE BRITISH SCHOOL OF ARCHAEOLOGY IN EGYPT.

The work of the British School has been moving southward, in the course of a
systematic clearing of the western bank of the Nile valley. At Lahun the search
beneath the small pyramid of the queen of Senusert II occupied Mr. Brunton
most of the season. Tunnels were cut at two levels, in the most likely strata,
running diagonally and to the faces, but no chambers or passages were found.
It seems, therefore, as if the burials were all on the south side, and the small
pyramid and mastabas on the north were cenotaphs. A few remaining tombs
were also cleared at Lahun.

While this was going on, the rest of the party were finally searching the
cemetery of Ghurob, where a few more graves were found, including some of the
earlier dynasties, one having a primitive black cylinder of a man named Pypy.
The other graves were of the XlXth dynasty. Several granaries were found,
some of which had blue glazed amulets put in them for protection. One rare
find was a perfect wooden sickle. This site, worked at by various diggers for over
thirty years, seems to be practically exhausted.

The main camp then moved south to the cemetery of Herakleopolis, now
Ehnasya, which had been wrecked anciently, and worked by Dr. Naville and
several later searchers, but without giving plans or record. There was, however,
much to be done by careful and complete clearance, which well rewarded us, and
after this it may be regarded as exhausted. The site has a remarkable history.
In the geologic past the Nile had found an exit to the Fayum about ten miles
south of the Lahun entrance. The strata collapsed into the worn channel, and
lie tilted up at 45 degrees. This break in the ring of the Fayum basin gave later
an easy access from the west into the Nile valley. Through this gap various
waves of Libyans have come, the best known of which are the Libyan chiefs of
Herakleopolis in the XXI Ind dynasty. Doubtless that city was founded at first
by such an invasion, which accounts for its unusual position, far from the Nile.
In recent times it is likewise the seat of a large and unruly Libyan invasion, from
Tunis and the Oases. Looking at the flatness of the desert opposite to Herakleo-
polis, it seems likely that the two miles of mud now between the Bahr Yusuf
and the desert have only recently been flooded, and probably the canal ran
along the old desert edge, and the city was founded on the opposite bank. This
would have been in prehistoric times, as it is a city of the earliest class, having
the worship of the Corn Osiris {Historical Studies, II, pi. ix). The first cemetery
is therefore probably below the present cultivation.

Upon the desert the oldest graves are of the 1st dynasty. Of the Ilnd dynasty
there are many, including large tombs with stairways, sometimes turning at
right angles. A few of these were found intact, with characteristic stone vases.
The objects found will be described in the next part of this journal, as, owing
to robbery of some boxes on the Egyptian railway last year, it is undesirable to
publish objects until in England.

34 The British School of Archaeology in Egypt.

The great period of the cemetery began in the Vlth dynasty, with the
tombs of some nobles, and continues till a maximum was reached about the
IXth dynasty, of which age there were hundreds of graves. They contained
principally pottery, and in many instances the bodies had been spitefully burnt
in the graves or entirely removed. This points to an extreme hatred of these
people by later residents, and indicates that they were foreigners. No trace was
found of the burials of the great men of the IXth dynasty which centred on
Herakleopolis. It is certain that no large group of their tombs can have escaped
us there, and it seems as if they lay in some other district. Strange to say, the
flourishing age of the Xllth dynasty, so abundantly active at Lahun, has not left
a single grave that can be dated by any remains. The site seems to have been
deserted at that age.

The XVIIIth dynasty began again here about the time of Tehutmes I or II,
and from that age on to Ramessu II there were frequent and rich burials. Of
these some were left of fine quality. One of the earlier tomb chapels was com-
plete, with a large painted stele of the finest work, representing four generations
of the family ; before it was an altar inscribed, and in front of that a kneeling
figure with a tablet of adoration. The whole group is now in the Cairo museum.
The greatest tomb was that of the two viziers of Ramessu II, Parahetep and
Rahetep. It had originally a large chapel on the surface, of which pieces were
found widely scattered and reused. The various statues and steles of the family
had been defaced, broken up, and partly thrown down into the tomb. The
extensive family of these nobles (see Student's History, III, 90) has had a few
more names added to it from these monuments.

Though the XXIInd dynasty generals were so largely of Herakleopolite
titles, not a single fine burial of that age was found. This suggests that their
connection was purely titular, like our Prince of Wales, and not of local authority.
Only a few of the usual coffins were found, with illiterate inscriptions belonging
to the period. The late tombs of Roman age were very poor, and some dozens
that were worked yielded nothing. The surprise of this site is the prominence
of the Ilnd dynasty, and the deficiency of the XXIInd.

The number of well-dated skeletons gave opportunity to compare them with
those of sites on either side, at Medum, Tarkhan and Deshasheh. The main
results are that the Ilnd dynasty heads were longer and narrower than in the
Vlth. Those of the Vlth dynasty were larger in all ways than skulls of other
ages and places, perhaps owing to their being those of nobles. In the IXth
dynasty the heads diminished, but yet were larger than others of that age. The
limb bones are larger in the IXth dynasty than in any other time or place ; the
leg 3 mm. longer than at Deshasheh, 7 mm. longer than at Tarkhan ; the arm
over 4 mm. longer than at other sites. The people of the IXth dynasty were
therefore distinctly larger than the Egyptians elsewhere, in head and in limbs.

The party of workers this year consisted of Major Hynes, Mr. Neilson,
M. Bach, Mr. Miller, with the Director and Mrs. Petrie. Later Mr. West came
over from Mr. Brunton's work, which he had assisted, and joined us for a short
time. Subsequently Mr. Brunton took over the excavation at Herakleopolis,
and Mrs. Brunton has taken a large part in the drawing of objects. The
exhibition will, it is hoped, be held during the four weeks of July, 4th to 30th,
at University College, London.

W. M. Flinders Petrie.

( 35 )

ORIGINS OF SOME SIGNS.

ft'

The variants in the form of the HN sign show that the root-meaning of the word
is " Young, youth." The sign represents the young leaves or flower-buds of a
plant ; though the species of plant varies, the essential point is never forgotten .
The earliest example (Fig. i) is from the tomb of Rahotep at Medum, and repre-
sents the sprout of a marsh plant ; similar plants occur in the tomb of Nefermaat
(Fig. 2) the slight variations being due to the drawing by different artists. The
open flower, of which the hieroglyph represents the bud, is seen on the head of the
boatman (Fig. 3), also from the tomb of Nefermaat. This example shows that
the plant was a flowering rush, perhaps Juncus acutus. Figs, i, 2 and 3 are taken
from Prof. Petrie's original facsimile drawings, and are reproduced half-size.
Figs. 4 and 5 appear to me to be the same plant drawn with a good deal of artistic
licence ; the tombs at Meir show that the artist's sense of the dramatic often
overpowered his sense of truth, both in the scenes and in the hieroglyphs, and
these two examples seem to be a case in point. Fig. 6 is another flowering rush,
Juncus effusus, coming into blossom ; it appears to be a form of the sign used
in the Xllth dynasty, for it occurs both at Beni Hasan and at Meir ; I am not
aware of its use at any other period. Figs. 7 and 8 represent the young sprouts
of a succulent plant such as grows after rain in the desert at Saqqara, near the
tombs in which it is represented ; it is probably a Zygophyllum. Figs. 9-13
are clearly representations of one species of plant, but without sufficient definition
for accurate identification. Fig. 9 may be one of the compositae, but it also sug-
gests Cakile maritima. This is the form which was in common use as a hieroglyph,
and became gradually conventionalised ; Fig. 12 shows the usual hieroglyph of
the XVIIIth dynasty, and 13 a slightly varied form of the XlXth dynasty.

Neith has two emblems ; one is certainly two arrows across a shield, and
many suggestions have been made as to the meaning of the other. The most
usual explanation is that it represents a shuttle, thus connecting the goddess
with weaving. But the shape of the emblem shows that it cannot be a shuttle.
A shuttle must of necessity taper at each end in order to pass freely between the
warp threads, whereas the emblem shows two projections curving outwards
at each end. Such an object, if thrown like a shuttle between threads, would
inevitably catch in the threads and entangle and break them. Again, there is
no proof that the shuttle was invented so early in the history of Egypt. The
use of the shuttle presupposes some mechanical method of alternating all the
warp threads at once ; the earliest process of weaving was by laboriously passing
a ball of thread in and out of the warp threads by hand. This method was con-
tinued even after the invention of the shuttle, as the width of the cloth shows ;
the cast of a hand-thrown shuttle is at most 4 ft., while the cloth in the tomb
of the Two Brothers in the Middle Kingdom was 9 ft. wide ; this must have been
made by the slow and laborious method of passing the thread in and out by hand,
but the skill shown proves that the weaver was well accustomed to the process.
The emblem in question then is not a shuttle ; the hieroglyphs of the Old King-
dom, which give the sign in detail, show that it represents two objects, curved
sharply at each end and lashed back to back in a kind of case. The only object
which at all resembles these things in shape is a bow of the type of Fig. 15, which

c 2

36 Origins of some Signs.

is itself a stylised form of the bow carried by the men in the Hunters' palette,
and is carved on the scorpion vase of HierakonpoUs (Fig. i6). The curious
folding of the bow-string in the Hierakonpohs example seems to indicate that the
material was a strip of thick leather, which became " goffered " by pulling.
Prof. Petrie, however, suggests that the bow-string has had beads threaded on
it to be used as a primitive musical instrument, a kind of early sistrum for
rhythmic rattling. Both emblems of the goddess are therefore weapons of war ;
the one is the crossed arrows and shield, the other the two bows.

The A -sign occurs as early as the 1st dynasty, where it appears on a stela
from the Royal Tombs (Fig. 17). It appears to represent a bead tassel, with a
single tie. This is in accordance with later forms of the sign, and also with
representations of the actual object. The sign as a phonogram reads dpr <=>,

and means, " To equip, to provide." The actual object was an ornament or
tassel of beads which was attached to the two ends of the bead-collar and hung

PI Q /WWW

down the back of the wearer ; as an ornament it is called mdnkht ^\ .

In the Illrd dynasty the form shows two ties (Fig. 18), but is without the
characteristic pendant beads ; this example is from the monolithic granite false-
door in the tomb of the Sheikh el Beled at Saqqara. In the Old Kingdom the
actual object is often represented, and always among the jewellery with the neck-
laces (Figs. 19, 20) ; on Middle Kingdom cofftns (Figs. 21-24), it occurs beside
the necklaces in the representations of the property of the deceased, each necklace
having an dper matching it in colour and material ; if the necklace has hawk-
head or plain semi-circular terminals, the dper has the same (Figs. 23, 24), this may
account for the third hawk-head found in the tomb of King Hor at Dahshur
(de Morgan Dahshur, p. 100) ; two of the hawk-heads were obviously the
terminals of the necklace, and de Morgan supposed the third to be the top of the
flagellum, though he acknowledges that the supposition is doubtful. In the
same tomb there was a model of a collar with plain terminals, and a model dper
in gilded wood, also with a plain terminal (p. 100). In the tomb of Nub-hetep
there was again a third hawk-head terminal, which must have belonged to the
hawk-head necklace of the princess (p. 114). On statues of the Middle Kingdom
the dper is represented with plain terminals (Figs. 25-31) ; the greater number
of examples on both coffins and statues are finished with a row of pear-shaped
pendant beads, but Figs. 30, 31 have hanging lotus-blossoms instead. Fig. 32
is from the remarkable cartonnage found at Beni Hasan, probably of the early
XVIIIth dynasty. Later in the dynasty the hieroglyphic sign (Fig. 33), shows
a reversion to the form with a single tie, in use in the Middle Kingdom (compare
Fig. 21). Fig. 34 from the " tombeau des graveurs " at Thebes, shows lotus-
blossom terminals with a lotus-blossom dper to match. The long narrow type
of the actual object, as represented in the Old Kingdom, is found again in the
example from Abydos (Fig. 35), where King Sety is offering it to Ptah. Fig. 36
is one of the amulets in the list at Dendereh. On comparing it with Fig. 22, it
is seen that the type has persisted from the Xllth dynasty to the Ptolemaic
era. , Figs. 37-40 are from bronze figures of gods in the collection at University
College ; only one. Fig. 37, has the characteristic form of the dper, the others
possibly represent some other kind of ornament.

The actual method of attaching the dper to the collar is not easy to under-
stand. In Figs. 22 and 36 the strings are arranged in loops through which perhaps

Origins of some Signs.

&Ua^. STifrwi

CAISTOF. p \-JJ

tKUOHitCriOB

BRONZE OSIRIS

BRONZf 0RI^

U.C.t.. COLLECT lO*.

KARNM. TMorHniillL
Tinut ( Pi j<vi

the strings of the necklace were passed, but the method of making the loops is
not shown. Fig. 27 shows in detail what is presumably a reef-knot with the ends
of two strings hanging down ; this can only represent an instance of the dper
with a loop at the top, either made of its own string, or being actually part of the
terminal. The strings of both the necklace and the aper are made of the threads
on which the beads are strung ; the terminal is pierced with several holes along
the base which unite in one hole at the top. The threads on issuing from the
top of the terminal are twisted together ; in the case of the aper, they form some-
times one string, sometimes two. The method of attachment in Fig. 28 is

C 3

38 Origins of some Signs.

inexplicable, the loop at the top serving no purpose whatever. Figs. 41-43
show the dper in use ; Thothmes III as Osiris wears an dper with a long tie ;
a short-stringed aper, as long as the collar is wide, is worn by the Horus-hawk
at Abydos (Fig. 41).

The dper is generally found among the ornaments of men, very rarely among
those of the women. This is probably on account of its position on the person ;
the woman's hair or long wig would cover it, while on a man it would be easily
visible. In early times it seems to have been worn only by nobles of high rank ;
in and after the New Kingdom it appears to have been confined to a few gods
and to the King as god.

Its amuletic quality is indicated by its dedication to Hathor, who is called

at Dendereh ^^~^?^ Lady of the Aper (Brugsch, Wtb. 182). As an amulet it
was for protecting the wearer from the assaults of spirit-foes, and was part of
the great spiritual armoury by which evil demons were repelled and routed.
With a powerful amulet placed between the shoulder-blades one of the most
unprotected parts of the body the wearer would be fully " equipped " against
unseen and ghostly enemies. For this reason it survived as a small amulet,
generally carved in hard stone, down to the Ptolemaic period.

The actual object made in beads has never been found, but at the Ramesseum
a model dper was found (Fig. 44). It is made of leather embossed to represent
beadwork, and was attached to a leather menat and leather braces. Though this
dates only to the XXIInd dynasty, the use of the dper and braces together goes
back to the Old Kingdom. Fig. 45 shows a procession of bearers of offerings,
each carrying a jar and a personal ornament ; the first holds a necklace, the
second an dper, and the third has the wide beadwork braces on his arm with the
strings hanging down. Fig. 20, from the same tomb, shows a man in full dress
wearing a necklace and braces, and standing beside tables loaded with beadwork ;
on the lower table are laid a collar, an dper, and two braces.

M. A. Murray.

( 39 )

- THEBAN BORDERS OF LOTUS AND GRAPES.

"^ (See Frontispiece.)

A VERY popular border was a design of lotus flowers and bunches of grapes,
which is to be seen in twelve tombs (Nos. 8, 38, 49, 64, 74, 75, 90, 147, 151, 175,
181 and 249 ; for names see Ancient Egypt, 1920, p. 122). The simplest form is
found in tomb 175 (Fig. 12), where open lotus flowers alternate with bunches of
grapes, the latter appearing to be suspended in mid-air. On the western walls
of tombs 38, 175 and 249 there are very similar borders, but it is probable that
they are unfinished, and that it was intended to complete the stems, as there is
a blank space left above the flowers and fruit. On the whole this design, as illus-
trated in Fig. 12, is very stiff and uninteresting.

It was somewhat improved, however, in tombs 8, 74, 75, 151 and 249 (Figs.
14, 15) by the addition of tendrils to the bunches of grapes. A further addition,
and what appears to be an attempt to improve on Nature, is a series of looped
stems joining the lotus flowers and clusters of grapes together, as may be seen
in tombs 49, 90, 151 and 181 (Figs. 16, 17).

The borders of this type in tombs 151, 181 and 249 differ from the others
in having a red spot just below the tip of each grape cluster. As the bunches
of grapes in tomb 181 do not show the spots which usually serve to represent the
separate grapes, it has been suggested that it was really intended to represent
cornflowers, but the presence of the tendrils hanging down on either side of the
bunches makes any question as to whether or not grapes are here represented
quite superfluous. The red spot below each grape cluster in tomb 249 has a black
base, and is probably an attempt to represent a poppy petal (Fig. 18).

It will be noticed that in tombs 8 and 90 (Figs. 13, 14, 17) there is a border
of another design either above or below the floral border, a circumstance which
will be more fully dealt with later in this section.

The floral border in tomb 8 (Fig. 14) has the additional feature of lotus buds
alternating with the lotus flowers and grape clusters, and is the only example
at present known in the necropolis, of lotus buds occurring in conjunction with
both lotus flowers and grapes. The end of a stem showing on the right of the
calyx of each flower is also only to be seen in this tomb. The whorl pattern
between two rows of tail-edging ornament above this border is curious, but there
is some doubt as to whether it belongs to the ornamentation of the border proper
or to that of the barrel-vaulted roof.

In tomb 64 (Fig. 19) there is a border made up of a row of crescent-shaped
ornaments, which may represent lotus leaves, alternating with mandrake fruit
and cornflowers (?) below a row of lotus flowers and grape clusters. The corn-
flower is probably the species Centaurea depressa, Bieb., now only found in Asia
Minor, the Caucasus, and neighbouring countries. This species has been found
in ancient wreaths and garlands of the XVIIIth and XXth dynasties and again
in the Fayum in the Graeco-Roman period. See article by Percy E. Newberry
in Proc. Bibl. Arch., May, 1900.

The same crescent-shaped ornament, but without the mandrake fruit, is to
be found in tombs 147, 151 and 249 (Fig. 18). The crescents form the upper
part of the frieze in the inner chamber of tomb 249 and the outer chamber of
tomb 147, while in the shrine of tomb 249 they occur both above and below the

40 Theban Borders of Lotus and Grapes.

other components of the border. In tomb 151 (one wall) they form the lower
portion of the border.

There is an auxiliary band of alternate mandrake fruit and rounded red
objects, which may perhaps be identified as poppy flowers or petals, to be seen in
the frieze in the inner chamber of tomb 151, and the whole frieze is further
widened by two rows of chequers in red and black from which the lotus flowers
and grapes depend (Fig. 20).

The design on part of the north-eastern and north-western walls of tomb 151
differs somewhat from that on the remaining walls. The grape clusters have no
tendrils, and are connected by looped red stems with the lotus flowers on either
side of them, instead of hanging down from straight stems as shown in the pre-
vious illustration (Fig. 20). A narrow band of yellow on which is placed a row
of crescent-shaped objects, again suggesting lotus leaves, also replaces the
mandrake fruit and poppy petals, and is repeated above the frieze between it
and the chequer bands.

Tomb 147 has an effective border in its inner chamber which is, however, too
much blackened to be copied. It is composed of the usual alternate lotus flowers
and grape clusters suspended by short red stems from a single line of black
chequers on a yellow ground, and between the flowers and bunches of grapes
there is a series of red objects which are practically the same in form as those
in tomb 151. Below the main design is a row of yellow mandrake fruit on a
blue ground, and above the single band of chequers a green-margined border.

A very free treatment of grape clusters and vine-leaves as a running pattern
is to be seen in tombs 149 and 259 (Fig. 21) ; in the former tomb, on the northern
wall of the outer chamber above the Hathor and Anubis frieze. In tomb 259 it
is found above a Kheker frieze on the north-eastern wall at the northern end of
the tomb. This design, therefore, can hardly be accepted as being a border in
the strict sense, for it was merely used to fill up a vacant space between the border
proper and the ceiling of the tomb. In both tombs the design is painted on a
yellow ground and forms a very distinctive ornamentation, all the more to be
valued on account of its extreme rarity in the necropolis. There is also a very
similar border, but coarsely executed, on the eastern wall of the inner chamber
of an unnumbered tomb a little to the west of tomb 154, which belonged to the
XlXth or XXth dynasty. The illustration is taken from the design in tomb 259
(Fig. 21), which is practically identical with that found in tomb 149, except that
the latter is more roughly painted and has rather more angular stems. Both
tombs are of late date, the former belonging to the period of Haremheb and
the latter to the XlXth or XXth dynasty. Mackay

[If we look at the historical order of these borders, the earliest is Fig. 15 of
Zenuni, under Tehutmes IV, a simple and complete design. Similar, though
obviously unfinished, is Fig. 12, of Tehutmes IV (?). Next come the group with a
flower and seed border, Figs. 18, 19, 20 ; of these 19 is attributed to Tehutmes
IV, but as Hcqerheh was tutor to Amenhetep III, it is likely that his tomb was
not decorated till Amenhetep III. Figs. 18 and 20 are dated to Tehutmes IV (.?) ;
but the flower and seed borders are scarcely as early as that, and seem to belong
to the naturalistic schools of Amenhetep III. The borders with rows of bouquets
(Figs. 13, 14) are obviously later ; of these 14 and 17 are of Amenhetep III,
and 18 probably the same date. The loops connecting the lotus flowers in
Fig. 17 are developed further in Fig. 16, which is dated to late XVIIIth dynasty,

Theban Borders of Lotus and Grapes,

and is obviously degraded in its Pompeian style. Lastly, the old design vanishes
under the influence of Akhenaten's realism, and Fig. 21 shows a degraded running
border, probably of the time of Heremheb, which continued in other examples into
the XlXth or XXth dynasties. Thus there is a consistent development in these
borders, which ran through all their changes in about a century. F.P.]
fRIEZES OF L0TD3 P1.0fB3l3 AHP B0MCHK3 OP GRAPES.

1. WITHOUT TENDRILS OR STEMS; PLATE 12

Taab 58. Northern Ball of western id of outer chamber.
" 175. Northern, Bouthem and eastern nalla.
" 249. Western wall of outer chamber.

Tutfamosla IV.

"(T).

2. WITH STRAIGHT STEMS ONLY; PLATE 13

Tcob 90. Western end of eouthem wall.

5. WITH TENDRILS; PLATE 14 15

Tcmb 8. Side walls of vaulted chamber.

" 74. Southern end wall of outer chamber.
" 75'fight hand jamb of entrance to inner chamber.
" 1^1. South-eastern wall of north-eastern end of inner

chamber .

4. WITH LOOPED STEMS CONNECTING FLOWERS AND ORAPES;PLATE 16 17

Ameaophis III.

Amenophis III(T).
Tuthmosie IV.

-(?).

Tomb 49. Inner chamber.

" 90. Eastern end wall and western and of Southern
, wall.

" 151 .North-western wall of inner chamber.
" 175. Western wall.
" 181. All walls of outer chamber.

5. WITH LOTUS LEAVES(?);PLATE 18

Tomb 147. Above false door at southern end of outer

chamber .
" 151. North-western wall of inner chamber.
' 249. Inner chamber and shrine.

Early XIXth.dynaety(?) .

Amsnophls III.
Tuthmoais IV(7).

n n n
Late XVIIIth. dynasty.

Tuthmosie IV(?J.

R II n

II R II

6. WITH LOTUS LEA VES(?), MANDRAKE FRUIT AND CORNFLOWERS( ?) ;PLATE 19

Tottb 64. Northern end of outer chamber. Tuthmosie IV.

7. WITH POPPY PETALS AND MANDRAKE FRUIT ;PUTE 20

Tomb 147. Inner chamber.

" 1^1. South-eastern wall of inner chamber.

a. WITH POPPY PETALS(?)AT BASE OF THE FRUIT;PLATE 16 18

Tomb 181. Outer chamber.

151 .North-eastern end of north-western wall of

inner chamber.
" 249. Inner chamber and shrine.

9. WITH AUXILIARY PETAL BAND; PLATE 14 17

Tomb 8. Side walls of vaulted chamber.

" 90. Ends of southern wall of outer chamber.

Tuthmosie IV(T).

n n N

Late XVIllth. dynasty.
Tuthmosie IV(T).

11 MM

Ameoophis III(t}.

10.RDNNING DECORATION OF GRAPE CLUSTERS AND VINE LEAVES;PUTE 21

Tomb 149. Northern end wall of outer chamber. XlXth.-XXth. dynasties.

" 259. North-eastern wall of chamber. Haramhab(7).
" (?).(alittle west of Tomb I54). Eastern wall of inner

chamber. XIX th. -XX th. dynasties.

( 42 )

A HEAD OF A BARBARIAN FROM EGYPT.

The marble head represented in the accompanying plate was brought from
Alexandria by Mr. Alfred E. Rand, now a student in the Architectural Depart-
ment at University College, who was serving in Egypt during the war. The
following facts as to its discovery are kindly supplied by him ; we also have to
thank him for his permission to publish the head here. " The head was found in
sandy soil, about lo feet deep, whilst a trench was being excavated in connection
with an ammunition dump at Mex a short distance from Alexandria. As far
as I could ascertain no further portions were discovered."

There appears then to be no external evidence as to the nature of the monu-
ment or other work of sculpture from which the head has come ; but there are
some indications in the head itself. It is about half life-size. A thick iron
cramp is fixed by lead into a hole in the top of the crown, and must have served
to attach the figure to a background or to a projecting cornice. The left side of
the head is only roughly blocked out. It is therefore clear that the head must
have been part of a figure in high relief. Its portrait character is obvious, and
it most probably comes from a tombstone ; many tombs of Hellenistic or Roman
date have been found in this region.

The head itself is in several ways remarkable, chiefly for its heavy square
shape and the peculiar treatment of the moustache. This is, so far as my own
observation and memory goes, unique in an ancient work of sculpture. I shall
be very grateful if any reader can point out a similar instance. It is true that
Gauls and other " barbarians " often wear a moustache only, the rest of the face
being shaved. But these moustaches are of a quite different character. They
are usually long and drooping, as in the famous " Dying Gaul " and the Ludovisi
group. Here the moustache is short and bushy, and apparently brushed up at
the ends in a way familiar to us in modern Germans and in some Indian races.
It therefore affords us no definite clue as to the racial character of the subject.
The shape of the head itself, however, appears distinctive, and indicates the
assignment of the man to the so-called " Armenoid " race,^ which spread from
western Asia into eastern Europe in the early centuries of the Christian era, and
which is now most familiar to us in the Prussian type. The resemblance which
strikes one at first between this head and that of a Prussian soldier is therefore
not fortuitous. There were probably many barbarians from northern and central
Europe in the Roman garrison of Egypt during the second and third centuries
of our era, the period to which this head apparently belongs. And it therefore
need not surprise us to find such a racial type and such a fashion in wearing the
moustache on a monument erected to one of these barbarian mercenaries. There
is nothing Egyptian about the style of the head, which is an ordinary product of
later Graeco-Roman art.

Ernest A. Gardner.

1 I am indebted for confirmation of this identification to the high authority of Prof.
Elliot Smith

A Head of a Barbarian from Egypt.

[The peoples engaged by the Romans as auxiharies in Egypt comprised the
Franci and sub-tribes Sugambri and Chamavi, which are perhaps too western
for the above type ; but it might represent one of the Germani, Alamanni,
Vandali, Rhoeti, Quadi, or Sarmatae. None of these were stationed in Alexandria,
but a veteran might well have retired there from the upper country.]

Marble Head of a Northern type, probably a Germanic Soldier.
Alexandria. Roman Period.

( 44 )

THE TRANSMISSION OF HISTORY.

Surprise has been expressed that the various Greek versions of Egjrptian history
should show divergences in the lengths of the reigns and the totals of dynasties,
and that these again differ so much from the amounts of the Turin papyrus,
and the details that can be collected from dated monuments. We must remember
that all these Greek versions are manuscripts, subject to all the corruption found
in other manuscripts of such ages : there is no reason that in such manuscripts
early Egyptian history should be better preserved than that of any other period.
To see what the actual state of manuscripts is for a well-known period we may-
look at the various versions of Ptolemaic history. These are published in the
Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Chron. Minores, where the later annalists are
given in full, leading on to European history : the volumes and pages are.
Column A, Laterculus, III, 448 ; B, Beda Chronicon, III, 275 ; C, Isidorus
Chronicon, II, 451 ; D, Prosper Tiro, I, 398 ; E, Computatis cccclii, I, 52 ;
F, Lib. Gen. I, G, Lib. Gen. II, of Chronographer of cccl, I, 137.

reign

Soter, began 325 B.C. 40

Philadelphus, 285

Euergetes I, 246

30
F.25

Philopator, 22 1

Epiphanes, 204

Philometor, 181

Euergetes II 1 i45
Physcon J

F. I

F.ii

F.25

Soter II "1 r 1 17-108
Lathyrns J \ 88-81

F.17

E.27

E.26

A.15

S.30

Alexander I, 108-88

10
P. 8

19
S.19

Alexander II, 19 days

19 d.

18 y.

24
P. 20

sr) s-5'

Cleopatra, 50-30

Total ... 295

295

244

346

335

added 1

ap ...

(275)

(295)

(276)

(239)

(304)

(327)

These various writers are placed here in the general order of accuracy. The
known reigns are stated with the names in the first column. Variations in the
names are marked in the other columns : in A, Alexander is omitted, and 36

The Transmission of History. 45

years all given to Lathyrus ; in B, Lagus is Largus, after Euergetes II, Fiscon
17 (really Lathyrus), then Ptolemy 8, which is the latter half of Lathyrus. C
and D follow the same order. In E, confusion begins with Fiscon I and Euerceta
27 ; after this, Alexander 19, Soter 19. F gives a fictitious brother of Euergetes I
25 years ; and ii'years to Fiscon, omitting two previous reigns. G is the worst
with " lunior " 26, Fusci 25, Euergentis 26, Alexi 15, secundus Sotheris 30,
Alexi 28, Alexandri 24, Ptolemy 20, Dionisi 17, a jumble which we need not
speculate upon.

The main result is that by a.d. 350 there was complete confusion in some
authors about the reigns of some of the greatest line of rulers living only four
centuries before. Further, none of the totals stated agree with the sum of the
reigns, except in Bede. Of all these writers there is not one which is as exact
as Bede : beyond assigning the 10+7 years of Lathyrus to a duplication called
Fiscon, and repeating the 7 years as 8 of a Ptolemy, cut away from Alexander's
20, and making up the total correct by giving the 2 years over to Cleopatra,
there is no other error ; in the complication of the later reigns, with continual
changes, it is pardonable to have strayed thus far. The surprising thing is that
Bede, writing in the remotest corner of the former Empire, long after the other
writers, and after the great breaks of the invasions, succeeded in getting a more
correct version than any other chronicler.

This is Egyptian history, and the conclusion for us is that we must not be
surprised at finding equal confusion and errors in the transcriptions from the
earlier history of Manetho. Such errors do not reflect on the accuracy of the
original writer, nor do they entirely vitiate the general scale of history. The
average errors of all these writers for the total length of the djmasty is 35 years,
or less than one-eighth of the whole period.

W. M. Flinders Petrie.

( 46 )

A CARTOUCHE OF AUGUSTUS.

M. Daressy published in 1908 a stela containing a cartouche which has been the
subject of some controversy. 1 The inscription commemorates one of the sacred
bulls of Hermonthis, and is drawn up in the style of the much better known
Apis-stelae. It begins with the date of the bull's birth : Year 33 under the

majesty of the king of south and north, lord of the two lands, (

We are then told that the animal was enthroned in year 39, and that he died in
year 57, having lived 24 years. The stela, as M. Daressy remarked, cannot be
older than the Ptolemies ; and there is no Ptolemy or Roman Emperor who
reigned 57 years. There is, however, a method of computation (the era of the
KpdrT)(n<;) , the starting point of which is the taking of Alexandria on ist August,
30 B.C., commonly named the Actian era. The years of this era were later
reckoned from 29th August (the Egyptian New Year's day) in order that they
might coincide with the regnal years. ^ The year 57 according to this computation
would fall in the year 13 of Tiberius. M. Daressy calls attention to the unusual
arrangement by which the words " year 33 " are made to stand by themselves
(on a level with the bull's seat in the tableau), above the first full line. As he well
remarks, to the mind of an Egyptian a date was inseparable from the indication
of a king's name, and the scribe took this means of combining the two ideas.
We may now consider the cartouche, which is as follows :

Like the whole inscription, it is wretchedly engraved, and at a first glance is

quite unintelligible. Daressy proposes to read the middle signs as fl (g ^^z^ ,

Autokrator, supplying the first o and correcting into ^^> . In the characters
at the end of the cartouche, together with the first two (misplaced) signs, he sees

|| (g B , Augustus, with the correction of 1 n into .

Prof. Spiegelberg sought to explain the puzzle in a wholly different way.*
He admitted that Daressy was correct as to the era, but contended that in that
case the year should not be followed by a king's name, and he pointed out that no
such cartouche as Autokrator Augustus was known. His view was that the
scribe had endeavoured to express in hieroglyphs the Greek formula : erov<; x
T?)? Kaiaapo<; Kparrjcreco'i deov vlov. The signs _^_ are doubtfully equated with
T)j9, though the doubt seems rather out of place in view of the daring corre-
spondence which follows. The two bungled strokes, it is suggested, express
Kaiffapo?. The whole of the remaining signs are for KpaT^ae(o<;, (1 (o (t) being

the helping vowel before the double consonant kr, and ffi or ^ = ew9, perhaps

' Rec. de trav., XXX, p. 10.

Gauthier, Le Livre des Rois, V, p. 16, note i.

A.Z., XLV, p. 91.

A Cartouche of Augitslus. 47

with correction into [qI. The last two words of the formula are to be found
in the title ^ , " Son of the Sun-god," preceding the second cartouche. Prof.
Spiegelberg concludes by saying that the practice of the Egyptians in expressing
dates will explain why the era was treated as a king's name.

The cartouclies have been again published by M. Gauthier in the final volume
of his splendid collection of royal names, where he has for the first time ventured
to transcribe the second cartouche. 1 This is even more badly engraved than the
rest of the stela, and is rendered specially illegible by the crowding of the characters
at the end of the line. As, however, it begins with a clear ^3:as and contains
a fairly recognizable _2^, there need be little difficulty in accepting M. Gauthier's
view that KaiVa/ao? is intended. He regards Spiegelberg's explanation as more
satisfactory than Daressy's, but places Kai<Tapo<s as the last word in the Greek
formula, in agreement with his reading of the second cartouche.

It seems to me, on the contrary, that the objections to Spiegelberg's view
are, in their cumulative effect, overwhelming.

(i) The titles before the first cartouche are completely ignored, while " son
of the sun " before the second is regarded as translating two Greek words.

(2) (J is explained as the helping vowel (^) before kr ; but it is surely very

unlikely that the easy combination kr should require a helping vowel when the Ps
of " Psammetichus " and the Pt oi" Ptolemy " did not.

(3) If we are to see Kaia-apo<; in the second cartouche, it cannot very well
be also found as part of the first ; and in that case we leave two characters
unexplained, besides departing from the usual order of the words in Greek.

(4) Instances have been found by Gauthier and Spiegelberg where the era
of the KpaTt)cyi'i is actually expressed in Egyptian (not Greek), while the second
cartouche of the Emperor {Kaiaapos,) alone appears without any of the usual
titles. 2 These facts are clearly against the suggestion that the Greek formula
would be put into a cartouche. It may of course be argued that they also show
that some words were required to indicate the era ; but Daressy's explanation
that this was done by placing the number of the year in a separate line seems a
highly probable one. It may also be remarked that dating by an era is not
altogether unknown in Egyptian inscriptions. Not to speak of the famous
" Stela of 400 Years " (the meaning of which is still doubtful), there is the mention
of year 59 of Horemheb, which is generally agreed to have been counted from the
death of Amenhotep III.^

Whatever may be thought of the different opinions so far discussed, it will
presumably be admitted that the two strange signs following ^ have not
been satisfactorily dealt with. Daressy gives no account of them at all ; and it
is difficult to attach much value to Spiegelberg's suggestion that they stand for
Yi.alaapo<f, since they do not in the least resemble any known method of writing
that word. If we admit Gauthier's much more reasonable view, that Kaiaapo^
is to be found (as might be expected) in the second cartouche, the two signs in
question are again unaccounted for. Here, then, lies the crux of the problem.
The suggestion I have to offer is that these two vertical strokes are simply a very
bad attempt (in keeping with the character of the inscription as a whole) to write

' Gauthier, Le Livre des Rois, V, p. 14.

* Gauthier, loc. cit., V, pp. 10, 18.

* Inscription of Mes, line S. 8, published by Loret, A.Z., XXXIX, p. i = Gardiner,
" Inscription of Mes," in Sethe, Untersttchungen, IV.

48 A Cartouche of Augustus.

the common phrase I |, "deceased." There are many instances of these words

(which would be readily supplied by the reader) being reduced almost to mere
lines, even in better executed work than our stela. 1 It is even possible that the
bend in the first of the two strokes may stand for the angle in the lower part of

, but naturally we cannot lay much stress on this in such bad work.

If the above argument is valid, Daressy's original interpretation
is the only possible one. We should, then, correct the cartouche into

( ( (2 '^^^ ^ ( ffi ^111' ^"'^ *^^ complete date of the bull's birth

will read : "In the year 33 (of the KpaTt]<ji<i) and under the majesty of the king
of south and north, lord of the two lands, Autokrator Augustus deceased, son
of the sun, lord of diadems, Caesar."

F. W. Read.

The head on the cover of this journal is from one of the bearers of offerings,
found by Mr. Winlock in the great group of models of the Xlth dynasty at
Thebes, see " Notes and News," p. 64 here. Illustration and discus.sion of this
group wiU appear in a subsequent number.

' Several examples will be found in Ahmed Bey Kamal, Stbles ptoUmaiques et romaines
(Catalogue gendral du Caire). The worst written are Nos. 22197 ('"ne 1), and 22212 (line 10),
both of which must be very close in point of date to the Hermonthis stela.

C 49 )

REVIEWS.

Balabish. By G. A. Wainwright. 1920. 4to. 78 pp., 25 pis. 42s.
(Egypt Exploration Society.)

This is a detailed account of a small site, on the east of the Nile, about
equidistant from Abydos and Farshut. Not much was found that is new to us;
but the careful working allows scope to Mr. Wainwright for two comprehensive
discussions, of the Pan-grave people and the foreign pottery of the XVIIIth
dynasty, which give value to the book.

The graves equivalent to those called " Pan-graves" at Diospolis were here
deeper and of three forms, cylindrical and oval with contracted burials, and long
with full-length burials. Yet no exclusive difference could be traced between
the objects buried, which would show different dates or races. The burials of
this kind are found from Rifeh near Assiut, up to El Khizam, south of ThebeS.
An earlier invasion of probably the same people, with much the same pottery,
extended north to Herakleopolis in the IXth dynasty, as found this year. The
contracted bodies at Balabish were lying on the right side, with head to north
and facing west. The generality of the material is already well known, old vases
of the middle kingdom re-used, leather work, shells and shell bracelets, ostrich-
shell beads, and the peculiar pottery as at Diospolis. Two new classes were,
however, found ; the archers' wrist-guards of leather with incised patterns, and
the curved horn implements, which appear to be strigils. Two copper axes that
were in the graves are the thin fighting axe and the stout, long-backed, carpentry
axe. Some things were probably continued in use like the kohl pots, from the
middle kingdom, such as the fly amulets, the much worn carnelian beads, the
amazonite beads, and perhaps the blue glazed crystal and black manganese-glaze
beads, all of which are familiar in the earlier period. There appear to be three
classes of peoples whom it is difficult to identify : (i) The " Pan-grave " people ;
(2) the C-group people of Nubia ; (3) the Kerma people having their fine pottery
with trumpet mouths. There are difficulties in connecting any of these ; and
as the XVI Ith dynasty and early XVIIIth fought against Nubia, it is also barred
from being identified with (2) or (3). Whether there are connections or identities
of any of these contemporary peoples is not yet clear.

The cemetery of the XVIIIth dynasty did not produce anything unusual,
except an alabaster figure-vase, of a girl playing on a lute. One of the penannular
white stone rings was found in position on the ear of a mummy ; this proves that
such rings were used on the ear, although other examples have so narrow a slit
that only hair could possibly be passed into them. If such rings were tied on to
a hole in the ear the slit would have been inconvenient. It is certain, therefore,
that the penannular rings were for both ears and hair.

The presence of types of foreign pottery gives rise to a useful summary and
discussion of the extent of each variety and its limits of date. The bilbils, httle

50 Reviews.

straight-necked flasks, with conical foot and Up, were found in south-west Palestine
and Cyprus, as well as widely in Egj'pt under Tehutmes III ; they do not belong
to north Syria, Asia Minor, or the Aegean. The remark that this type has not
been found to contain ointment is superseded by an example at HerakleopoUs.

The long tubular bottle, otherwise cedled spindle-shaped, is found in Cyprus,
Crete (Goumia), and Gezer ; the clay is not Egyptian, but its source is unknown.
An example of double the usual size was found at HerakleopoUs.

The pilgrim-bottle type is found in south Palestine, rarely in the north, and
is only in Cyprus at a later date. It cannot be dated in Egypt before the swamp
of Syrian influence under Tehutmes III. The occurrence of a similar form in the
stone vases of the second prehistoric age, which is Asiatic in its source, suggests
to the author that the origin is probably eastern. As the form is probably
copied from leather, it might be that it was seldom made in more permanent
matericd until it was adopted by a stone- or pottery-using people. Thus it might
be native to Nabathaea and south Palestine without leaving a trace. The sites
in south Palestine, which were certainly ancient cities by their names, have not
a scrap of pottery upon them ; only leather and wood were in use.

The false-necked vase, or biigelkanne, is known in the Aegean and Cyprus,
and was probably brought thence into Egypt. It was copied there in blue glaze
(Univ. Coll.). The globular forms with broad bands are the earlier, about
Tehutmes III and Amenhetep III (Naqadeh and Ghurob), and the flatter forms
and narrower bands are of the close of the XVIIIth dynasty (Illahun, xvii, 28 ;
XX, 7, 9). The ring base to vases is not Egyptian, but is found in Syria and
Troy ; also the hollow conical foot. The present position is tantalising ; we have
several distinctive forms foreign to Egypt, and do not know the source of any of
them, owing to our lack of enterprise in Asia. There is nothing more promising
in archaeology at present than a search over the early pottery of sites in Sjoia
and Asia Minor, to find the extent, and trace the source, of the various styles of
pottery. This will give the key to the relations of countries more readily than
any other work.

The Oxyrhynchus Papyri, Part XIV. By B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt.
1920. 244 pp., 3 pis. (London : Egypt Exploration Society.)

This volume contains about a hundred papers on business and letters, and
about fifty abstracts, another large slice of the enormous mass of material now in
hand. Who will extract all the results that can give a social and economic view
of the country ? Some interesting details appear at first sight. The very long
date-formulae, naming all the Ptolemaic priesthoods, were cut short by saying, in
such a year of the king " and the rest of the formula as written at Alexandria."
The last day of the year and the new-year-day were both kept as holidays (p. 172).
In mentioning children it was usual to say " the unbewitched," probably as a
prophylactic against the evU eye. A son urges his father to avoid danger, and
to have an identity mark, to verify his body if he were killed. A long list of all
the operations of a vineyard is given in a contract (p. 18). Christian phrases
appear in saying that there was no witness to a loan, but God and the sister and
wife of a man, and a letter is written jointly by Didyme and her " sisters in the
Lord." The monstrous depreciation of the copper substitutes for silver coin
appears again in a contract to pay a donkeyman 2,000 drachmae a day, showing a
depreciation of at least 1,000 to i, only rivalled now in Russia.

Reviews. yi

The Hittites. By A. E. Cowley. 1920. 94 pp., 35 figs. 6s. (Schweich
Lectures, 1918, British Academy.)

This is the most valuable summary and study of the Hittite question, describ-
ing the localities, the history, the questions of race, of language, and of decipher-
ment. The interest in this people started with the allusions in the Old Testament.
This was greatly increased by the identification of them with the Kheta of inscrip-
tions and sculptures in Egypt. The discovery of the Hittite capital at Boghaz-
keui, and the archives, with the cuneiform duplicate of the treaty with Egypt,
the many letters in Hittite language, and to crown all, the discovery of the names
of Indo-aryan gods there, has made this a subject of the highest importance.
The Czech scholar Hrozny has urged the Aryan relationship of the Hittite
language, mainly from grammatical forms which can be detected in the cuneiform
versions, though the roots of the language are still unknown. To this Dr. Cowley
barely assents, though it has been largely accepted by others.

The whole question of the hieroglyphic inscriptions is entirely separate.
Here Dr. Cowley starts from the Tarkondemos boss, as everyone else has done,
assuming that the Hittite signs there are equivalent to those in cuneiform. Unfor-
tunately the linguistic scholars have not had any technical knowledge of work-
manship. The centre part of the silver boss was never wrought in metal ; the
cutting is that in stone ; it is a silver cast from a stone seal. Then when this
silver was cast, a broad flange or border was cast around it, and on that was
punched the cuneiform inscription, so strongly as to come through on the back.
There is thus no proved connection of the two inscriptions, but rather a reason
for a difference in age and sense between them. It is like the case of a Roman
intagho being put in a mediaeval setting, inscribed for a seal. The whole of the
structures of interpretation which have started from the six signs on the central
seal must remain in suspense until some firm basis can be proved. The guess
at some of the often-repeated city names gives more hope ; but the best chance
is in the immense mound of Carchemish, which seems as if it must contain some
cuneiform biUngual, or perhaps even a Hittite hieroglyph version of the Egyptian
treaty. At the end of the volume is a list of over a hundred signs. The work
is essential for anyone dealing with Oriental history.

Ancient Egyptian Fishing. By Oric Bates. 1917. 73 pp., 26 pis.
{Harvard African Studies, Vol. I. Cambridge, Mass.)

This important collection of materials is the last work of one who promised
to be a leader in the organising of knowledge. His comprehensive study of the
Eastern Libyans {Ancient Egypt, 1914, p. 181) will scarcely be superseded in its
fullness of detail and reference ; and the present work systematises all that can
be gleaned from the monuments, and from actual specimens, published in dozens
of works. Had his life been spared, doubtless he would have become more
accustomed to deal with facts, rather than rely ou the opinions of those with
whom he was familiar.

For the prehistoric age, it is suggested that the animal form of palettes
especially of fish was intended to convey a magic value to the paint ground on
the palette, as Pliny says that those who hunt crocodiles anoint themselves with
its fat. Thus malachite ground on a fish palette might convey power over fish
to the wearer ; and in support of this it may be noted that all the animals repre-
sented are used for food Barbary sheep, hartebeest, stag, elephant, hippopo-
tamus, hare, turtle, birds, fish ; the only exceptions are two falcons and a crocodile

D 2

52 Reviews,

in later time. The great royal palettes were for the war-paint of the king, to
enable him to overcome his enemies, as figured on the palettes. The importance
of fisheries, and the veneration of some species, are fully described.

The means of fishing by papyrus rafts and papyrus boats is minutely detailed.
The sa amulet sign is linked with the loops of papyrus stems, which are often
shown beside fishers or worn by them over the shoulder. This agrees with its
meaning of " protection," and the examples of it in use seem to leave no doubt
as to its origin. The harpoon is next discussed at great length ; the rise of the
copper harpoon is placed too late, as it is certainly of the first prehistoric age by
the graves where it has been found. The bident is described, and all the variety
of fish hooks. Fish traps, hand nets, casting nets and the seine, are next
considered in all the detail of working. The lead net-sinkers are dated too late,
as they abound in towns of the XVIIIth dynasty. The curing of fish, the sale
of fish, and the social position of the fishermen, complete this study, which will
long be the work of reference for the whole subject. ,

Worship of the Dead as practised by some African Tribes. By J. RoscoE.
1917. 15 pp. {Harvard African Studies, Vol. I.)

This is an illuminating comment on Egyptian usages, from the customs of
Uganda at present ; the more so, as the writer recounts from an English rectory
what he observed without any reference to Egypt. The great concern for a sick
man, and the gifts and sacrifices at burial, are held to be due to a wish to stand
well with the ghost. The cemetery is the property of the clan, and only those of
the same totem may be buried in it. In no case may two bodies even of mother
and infant be placed in one grave, as in the second prehistoric age. At the
head of the grave a small shrine is erected in which offerings are placed, like the
soul-houses of the Xth dynasty. On the death of a king the war drum is beaten,
and there is a state of anarchy, since peace, law and order cease with the king's
life. Pillage and war follows until another king rules. The queen must be a
princess, if possible a sister of the king and daughter of the previous king, as in
Eg5^t. The body of a king is disembowelled, all the juices are pressed out into
sponges of fibre till the body is dry and hard ; the entire mummifying takes six
months. The body is placed in a shrine, and widows, chiefs, and personal servants
stand around it and are clubbed to death. In the second courtyard outside,
four or five hundred victims are executed. This is like the burial of Hepzefa,
and the rows of burials of servants around the tombs of the 1st djmasty kings.
An extraordinary feature is that the shrine of a king's mummy is guarded by a
group of his widows, who are replaced when they die, by others of the same clan,
so that the worship is kept up for even hundreds of years. A widow may, however,
retire and marry, if she can get a substitute. This seems to explain the frequent
cases anciently of a wife being a nestit khaker, or adomer of the king. These were
girls who had been brought into the harem, and after the king's death had adorned
the body, but married after a time. At the back of the shrine lives the medium,
a man who had been familiar with the king, and who is subject to the king's
spirit, passes into trances, can ask questions of the king, and receive the answers.
This may be parallel to the neter-hon of the king. Ghosts are expected to be
re-born. Each child when a year old is tested to find which family ghost animates
it. Then the shrine of that ancestor is left to decay, as his spirit is reincarnated.
Among the Basoga, north of Lake Victoria, the new chief opens the grave of his
predecessor after a year, takes the skull out, cleanses it, wraps it tightly in

Reviews.

skins, and places it in a temple with a medium to speak for the ghost. In common
burials the objects buried are broken " to free the spiritual essence that it may
escape to their late owner," like the broken offerings in Egypt.

The Palediths of the Eastern Desert. By F. H. Sterns. 1917. 35 pp.,
18 pis. (Harvard African Studies, Vol. I.)

The 120 worked flints here figured came from the desert between Qeneh
and the Red Sea. They are of the forms already familiar in the flints from the
plateau of the Nile valley. It is to be noted that there are scratches on these
flints like those which have been attributed to glacial action, or to ploughing,
in England ; as neither method can have acted in Egypt, so neither need be true
in England.

Notes on Egyptian Saints. By R. H. Blanchard. 1917. n pp. (Harvard
African Studies, Vol. I.) This paper describes some of the principal festivals,
pointing out the primitive nature of them, and that most are connected with
fertility charms.

A new Solution of the Pentateuchal Problem. By M. G. Kyle. 1918. 39
+18 pp. (Bibliotheca Sacra, January- April, 1918.)

The new idea presented here is that there are three different types of law,
always distinguished by different names, (i) The Judgements are decisions of
judges, often old traditional law, expressed in a proverbial style, as a mnemonic
aid, and concerning law between man and man. (2) The Statutes, which are
decrees or regulations, of legal offences which are not criminal, but only mala
prohibita ; also laws of offerings. (3) The Commandments, which are funda-
mental laws and moral principles. A different style of writing naturally goes
with each type of law, a brief proverbial style, or description, or hortatory,
and this style belongs also to the narrative portions connected with each type of
law. These styles are then found to correspond with the three main divisions
already proposed, the JE documents, the Priestly and the Deuteronomic. The
argument then is that this division of character accounts for the distinctions
already proposed, and is consistent with the single date for the Pentateuch. The
name Elohim belongs to the legal phraseology, while the name Yahveh is
religious. Here is at least a fresh criterion brought into critical questions, and
all such are welcome.

Die Griechisch-Agyptische Sammlung Ernst von Sieglin. Ill teil, Die Gefasse
in Stein und Ton, Knochenschnitzereien. By Rudolf Pagenstecher. 1913.
Folio, xi + 253 pp., 60 pis., 188 figs. (Leipzig.)

This volume deals with material from Egypt in various German museums.
Sumptuous as this is (weighing 16 lbs.) it is disappointing to find so few unusual
or important objects in such a work. First there are nine plates of purely Egyptian
stone vases of all periods. A few good prehistoric are all catalogued as Old
Kingdom. A canopic jar (p. 2) has Bissing's description of it quoted as a trans-
lation ; it is really of a palace official, Huy. The only notable vases are two of
alabaster with names of Pepy I and II. Only seventeen pages refer to the Egyptian
remains, and 225 are given to Hellenistic and Roman pottery. Scarcely any
dating is assigned to this material, which varies over six centuries. The only
self-dated vase of importance is a blue glazed flask with applied relief figures

D 3

54 Reviews.

having the name of Ptolemy Philopator (225-205 B.C.), which gives a fixed stage
of such work. The variety of design in the Ilird century vases from Hadra
is the most artistic product, as given in pp. 34-52, pis. xv-xviii. There was a
school with good sense of form, and passably good decoration, without the
vulgarity of the late Italian work : it is the most creditable result of
Alexandria. The difficulty of trade during the war has prevented this work
reaching us till this year.

Nekropolis, Untersuchungen iiber Gestalt und Entwicklung der Alexandrin-
ischen Grabanlagen und ihrer Malereien. By Rudolf Pagenstecher. 1919.
4to. 216 pp., 127 figs. (Leipzig.)

This elaborate work is the historical comparison and summing-up of the
results of the Ernst von Sieglin expedition at Alexandria. It is a kind of study
that is much wanted in all subjects, bringing together material from the collateral
examples, and drawing conclusions about sources and dating. The wielding of
classical material seems complete, but in some earlier matters wider search would
have been useful. More use might also have been made of some of the pottery
models of buildings, such as are in University College.

The first chapter deals with the type of monument on the surface. This is
of three classes, Hellenic, Asiatic and Egyptian. The Attic stele is the source of
the Hellenic class. The earliest cemetery contains coins of the Satrapy and
Ptolemy Soter, and cannot be placed later than 250 B.C. There seems, indeed,
no reason why it should not be before 300 B.C., as there must have been a cemetery
within a generation of the founding of the city. The stele, though starting with
Attic tradition, was in very different conditions from the original. It was no
longer a free-standing monument, but was only the decoration of a larger structure,
of an altar-shape. This may be due to the influence of the Egyptian tomb, in
which the false-door was only a part. Another large difference from the Attic
steles was that the painted relief sculpture was simplified as a mere painting on
a flat panel. In the earliest cemetery of Chatbey there are twenty-one
painted steles and only eight sculptured. The steles of the earlier date have
whole length figures ; later there are some half-length figures in a naos border,
and in the western cemetery are busts of stucco. In the tumuli over the tombs
there are small vases and statuettes in the earth ; these are supposed to have been
deposited on the tumulus, and to have been covered over by disturbance of the
soil. More accurate observation is evidently needed, to see if the positions agree
to this, or if the objects were placed in the earth at first, which seems the more
likely course. The larger monuments have statues around them. There are
commonly altars by the tombs, of a large size and square in the chambered tombs,
or of a small size and round, by the tumuli. These suggest the continuance of
offerings of incense or of food for the dead, as in ancient times in Egypt. The
placing of the stele varied considerably : it was at first on a high base, then upon
steps, or on an altar over the grave, or on a long rectangular base, or a square
base, or placed upon a short column. The type ascribed to Asia Minor is the
cubic die placed upon steps. This began about 250 B.C., as dated by two black-
figured vases in such a grave. The stepped form of monument is stated to be
devoted to gods and heroes. The great cenotaph of Hephaistion at Babylon
was in five stages, probably borrowed from the ziggurat of the country (Diod.
XVII, xii). Next reference is made to the pyra of Pertinax and Severus; but
such funeral pyres in stages are figured on coins from Antoninus to Saloninus.

Revtezvs. 5 5

Another omission is the heroic character of the Mausoleum, as the stepped pyramid
had the chariot of Mausolos at the summit. If there is any precedent from early
times in these Roman forms it is hardly in the solitary step pyramid of Saqqarah,
but rather in the ziggurat copied by Alexander for Hephaistiori.

The Egyptian form of monument is expressly stated to be the horned altar,
that is to say, with triangular elevations at the corners. It is called " a real
Alexandrian type," and said to be " the first form by which the impress of Egypt
became perceptible." This view is astonishing, as the form is unknown in
Egyptian work. The example of brickwork towers, quoted from the Praeneste
mosaic, has nothing to do with this form, as the top edge is curved in a circular
sweep, due to the usual curved courses of Egyptian brickwork ; the horned altar
has sharp triangular comers. A parallel to the grave-altar, with doors partly
open on the upright face, is in a Pompeian fresco where a tower some 18 feet
high has an open doorway, and triangular comers at the top. Such altars of
pottery on a small scale are common in Roman tombs (see Hawara, XV, 8 ; Roman
Portraits, XV, 6, 7), and they have burnt marks on the top, showing that they
have been used as fire altars. It seems clear that in Roman times towers were
sometimes built over graves, with a way to ascend to the top, for burning offerings;
and small models were placed in graves. This form of monument was copied in
reUef at the tombs of Medain Saleh in Arabia (26I degrees N.) of the first century
A.D., so it was known to Semitic people. It is not Babylonian, as the altar on
the cylinders is a column with a pile of flat loaves on the top (Hayes Ward,
Cylinders, 824, 826, 827), or a bowl (876). It appears, however, as a Persian altar
{Cylinders, 1144). Long before that, it is figured in the seventh century B.C. as
the altar of a high place, on an Assyrian relief {Botta, 114, copied in Ward,
Cylinders, 1258). Possibly it is the form intended by the rough figure of a fire-
altar on cylinder 1260. The horned altar, being expressly a fire-altar, can hardly
be separated from the rock-cut fire-altars of Nakshe Rustem (Dieulafoy, Art
Antique de Perse, III, v), which have corners raised and three pinnacles along the
sides. These are dated before Cyrus, as the earliest monuments of Persia, akin
to Assyrian work (p. 8). All of these have their parallel in the horns of the altar
of burnt offering and of incense ; while the table of shewbread had no horns,
being probably like the Babylonian altars with a pile of round loaves. The
homed fire-altar was then certainly known to Sargon in the eighth century B.C.,
and probably used by Israelites centuries before that ; it was adopted as the
Persian fire-altar in the sixth century ; next, enlarged as a tower over a tomb,
with an entrance to lead to the top, it was copied in central Arabia and in Pompei,
and used in miniature over the graves in Alexandria, while in the form of pottery
models it was, down to the third century a.d. a common offering in Egyptian
graves. In the later Ptolemaic tombs at Alexandria a portrait was painted on
the side of the fire-altar.

A truly Egyptian loan was the pyramid over a tomb. This appears in late
Ptolemaic time, of the steep form then fashionable, as seen at Meroe, the cemetery
of Hawara (about 68 degrees, Ro. Port. 19), the pyramid of Caius Cestius (67
degrees), and Pompeian frescoes. The pyramid form had attracted Alexander,
who intended to build a pyramid equal to the greatest, as the monument of his
father Philip (Diod. XVIII, i). Altars in the form of a tmncated pyramid
were found at Alexandria, but only 9 inches high. An error should be noted on
p. 29, as the pyramids represented at Qurneh are not on columns, but on tomb
chambers.

^ 4

56 Reviews.

The Egyptian naos or shrine, often with a cornice of uraei, was a favourite
memorial, with a figure or bust of the deceased person occupying the shrine.
Such were made in the second century B.C. to the first century a.d., and spread
from Egypt to Sardinia.

The painted steles are classified according to the figures. There is a resem-
blance to Pompeian frescoes in some of the attitudes, probably both drawn from
some celebrated pictures that were familiar. The work is but poor and careless,
always upon local limestone, and without any background or accessories. A
most interesting census of the origins of the Alexandrian population is given by
the ethnic names. Thirty-nine are recorded, and of these fourteen are Europeans
(six being Thessalians), four islanders, only three Africans, and eight Greek
Asiatics, with ten Galati and Kelt. This prevalence of Keltic mercenaries is
mentioned when Philadelphos had 4,000 (Paus. I, 13), and later in 213 B.C.,
4,000 Thracians and Gauls were enlisted from settlers, and 2,000 more imported.
That a quarter of the burials are Keltic shows how largely northern the Alexandrian
was.

The covers of the loculi are often painted, with various forms of double
doors ; some with lattice in upper part, mostly with ring handles or heads. Some-
times one door is drawn as partly open. The Egyptian ideas remain in an
instance of a full-length figure standing in a doorway, with groups of gods and
the deceased down the sides.

The plans of the tombs are classed as (i) the Oikos type, from Europe, with
a burial chamber and antechamber ; (2) the Peristyle type, from the Egyptian
house and temple ; and (3) the Loculus type of Roman origin. The Oikos type
is compared with the Greek house, an example from Priene having a close agree-
ment with a tomb at Chatbey in the position of the chambers. The decoration
is elaborated at Ras et Tin, with the walls painted in squares of marbling, and
Egyptian niches and cornices. The use of horizontal divisions on columns is
noted as Egyptian (bands at Beni Hasan). The Peristyle type has a peristyle
court, open to the sky between the pillars. This is compared with the Egyptian
buildings for the living ; but no tomb in Egypt has an open peristyle court, and
closed peristyle halls are very unusual there. It seems doubtful if an Egyptian
house or temple plan would be intentionally adopted as a new type of tomb by
the Greeks. This type appears in Cyprus, but whether before or after the
Alexandrine tombs is not settled. In any case the open peristyle court is at
least as familiar in Greek and Italian houses as in Egyptian, and the Greek source
is much more likely to have been copied by Alexandrians. Various other tombs
are described, the greatest of which is the catacomb at Meqs ; the great hall
there is 52 feet square, with side chambers having three tiers of loculi, while the
axis continues to a hall 23 feet across, with a cupola and side chamber, with places
for nine sarcophagi. Certain criteria are stated, as that there is neither peristyle
nor cupola in any tombs fixed to Roman age ; also that loculi began to be made
in Hellenistic times. The Meqs catacomb is placed to the first century B.C. In
the Roman tombs the loculi are arranged in rows along corridors. A summary
gives the dates of tombs as Chatbey 320-250 B.C., Anfushy 270-200, Station
cemetery fourth to third century, Hadra 280-150, Antoniadis and Meqs first
century.

The last chapter deals with Alexandrian painting. Chatbey, the earliest
cemetery, has no colour left. The vertical division of wall surfaces into painted
panels, by half-columns, began as early as the third century. Later the system

Reviews. 57

was by horizontal division into zones. Marbling became usual, and there was
a great use of blue colouring, especially for ceilings. At Suk el Wardian there is
pure Greek work of the late fourth century style. At Anfushy (Ras et Tin) the
surfaces are painted in squares of marbling copied from inlays. The ceilings
are plain at Cbatbey ; at Sidi Gabr long coffering appears ; at Suk el Wardian
square coffering ; and at Anfushy decoration in the coffering.

The whole subject is of value as showing the gradual swamping of purely
Greek work by native style, in some respects, though hardly as much as the author
suggests. The changes to the Roman Pompeian style moved as in Italy, showing
the unity of feeling round the Mediterranean. The endeavours of the author to
reach definite dates and criteria are most welcome.

Catalogue of Textiles from Burying-Grounds in Egypt. Vol. I. By A. F.
Kendrick. 1920. 142 pp., 33 pis. 5s., posted 5s. 6d. (Victoria and Albert
Museum, S.W. 7.)

This catalogue is valuable for the historical and technical introduction which
occupies half of it, and discusses the dates and origin of the decorated garments
of Roman age in Egypt. After an outline of the history of the period in question,
the various sites where textiles have been found are described. The nature of the
burials, the various preparations of the body with cartonnage, painted cloth, or
portrait, and the dates of some garments, are fully stated. The technical weaving
is noticed and the use of silk. The tunics, which are the main subject for decora-
tion, and the large hangings or cloths, are discussed, with other material for
comparison. The subjects of the woven tapestries are then catalogued in detail,
under Gods, Portraits, Horsemen, Huntsmen, Warriors, Dancers, Vintage,
Playing Boys, Animals, Plants and Ornaments.

The broad conclusions are that these patterned textiles were not peculiar to
Egypt, but belong equally to the whole Roman Empire. A further evidence may
be given for this from the gold-in-glass figures of the third and fourth century,
which are apparently Italian and not Egyptian. The circular tapestry patches
on the knees are shown on these figures. The date of this work is assigned to
the latter part of the third century and onward. The main difference between
this dating and that of Gayet is in the circular purple patches worked over in
fine thread in interlacing square patterns. Here they are placed, like the figure
work, to the third to fifth century, while Gayet put them into the Arab period.
This work by its complete discussion of the materials will be a standard textbook
for long to come. We hope the succeeding volumes will be as thoroughly treated.

The Life of Hatshepsut. By Terence Gray. 8vo, 260 pp., 13 pis. r4s.
1920 (Heffer, Cambridge).

This work is described as " A Pageant of Court Life," and " A Chapter of
Egyptian History in Dramatic Form." It is a serious attempt at historic re-
construction, using the actual documents that can be connected with the subject
of the Great Queen. Let it be said at once that this is entirely clear of the ill-
informed absurdities which have been produced when trying to exploit Egj^t
for the stage. The scheme is well arranged, and the various scenes reasonably
fulfil the actaal conditions. In this form the striking historic position will doubt-
less interest many who might not read the scattered records at first hand. With
the dramatic quality of this work this journal is not concerned ; but we may
note the difficulty of treating the long-winded pomposity of official formulae in

58 - Reviews.

harmony with a conversation. Some familiarity with the talk of modern Egyptians
might have given more likely phrases than " Thou hast no further theory," or
" the magnificence of this great civilisation," which we cannot imagine put back
into vernacular intimacy of talk. This alternates with too sharp a contrast
of very intimate talk of royal persons. It does not accord with the XVIIIth
dynasty for courtiers to " smell the earth," only foreigners did so then, and
courtiers bowed. We may regret to see the Greek form of termination Tahutmosis
put in the mouth of an Egyptian, and Amen called Yamoun, a form impossible at
that time, and perhaps at any other. There is much thought and perception in
the stages of antagonism of Tahutmes III, and it is hard to say if such episodes
could be better treated.

Bantu Methods of Divination. By Rev. Noel Roberts. 12 pp., 3 pis.,
1917. (South African Journal of Science, April, 1917.)

Everything that can be gleaned from African beliefs and customs that
have any parallel in Egypt is a priceless key to understanding the mute evidences
that we find, especially those of prehistoric age. This description of the
apparatus and methods of divination may interpret some of the slate and bone
objects, such as are figured in Prehistoric Egypt, xliv-xlvi. Mr. Roberts begins
with an outline of magic and its purpose. " Among all primitive people who
practise magic, however, we find the belief that a rapport exists between the
name of a thing and the thing itself in fact, a man and his name are often
regarded as identical." This is weU known in Egypt, where an object, such
as even a walking stick, had its name, and nothing really existed unless named.

" Almost every Bantu tribe is distinguished by the name of an animal or
other natural object, and that animal or object is regarded as tahoo to all members
of the tribe which bears its name. This identity of man and totem is expressed
not only by vocal imitation of the animal, but also by gestures of a more or less
conventional type, which are supposed to represent the characteristic movements
of that animal. These gestures are woven into the ceremonial dances, so that
the tribal origin of a man may be ascertained by noting his actions during the
dance." In Egypt the animals representing the different tribes are well known ;
on the slate palettes the standards are shown of the falcon, jackal, lion and
scorpion, while later on, the nome signs include the falcon, hare, gazelle, jacked,
ibis and bull. Can we trace any of the gestures or other imitations of animals
in representations ? Certainly the women taking out offerings to the tomb at
early dawn imitate the howl of a jackal, as heard in 1892 at El Amarna.

The casting of lots for divination is fiilly described. The knuckle-bones or
astragali are mainly used for this, and they are called by Boers " toy oxen,"
dol-ossen, hence the English term dolosses for such casting pieces. " As a rule
the set contains the astragali of the totem animals of the neighbouring tribes.
In the case of larger animals some other bone or part of the body is used to
replace the knuckle-bone. Thus in the case of the lion one of the phalanges is
usually chosen, and parts of the carapace of different species of tortoise are
commonly seen. . . . From what we know of magic and totemism, it is clear
that each bone or object in the set represents the animal of which it once formed
part, and hence the tribe of which that animal is totem." One end of the knuckle-
bone is recognised as the " head," the convex side as the " back," the concave
side as the " belly." When the bones are thrown, they may fall with the
" head " facing either towards or away from the operator, and with one or other

Reviews. 59

of these faces uppermost .... the various positions assumed by the bones
may be generally classified as follows :

(i) Anterior position. Head away from the operator=" lost," " strayed,"
etc., ^generally negative character.

(2) Posterior position. Head facing toward the operator=" will be found,"

etc., generally affirmative character.

(3) Dorsal aspect. Back uppermost indicates " health," etc. ; and, by a

grouping of ideas, " success," " prosperity," etc.

(4) Ventral aspect. Belly uppermost, representing " death," " failure," etc.

(5) Right pectoral aspect. Right side uppermost.

(6) Left pectoral aspect. Left side uppermost.

Either pectoral aspect may represent " sleep," " sickness," " uncertainty,"
and hence " try again."

Now here are three aspects, back, belly or side up ; or, with a pair, six
aspects. The use of astragali for playing games is certain in Egypt, as a pair
have been found in the drawer of a gaming board. The three or six types of
throw here were all simply indicated by the players calling out that they have
three or six in the throw, and by the game boards being three squares in width
across, so that a throw of three gives an advance of one row. It is remarkable
how games have been derived from divination. Here the throw of astragali,
and hence of dice derived from them, is for divination ; the throw of four arrows,
the early Chinese divination, is the source of the four suits of cards ; the diviners'
bowl with divisions all round it, to which a floating object may point, seems to
be the parent of the roulette table.

How remote a connection of ideas may seem to us, appears in the throwing
of a plate of the carapace of the tortoise ; if this falls back up, it is in the walking
position, and as the proverb is " the tortoise only walks when it rains," the
position indicates rain.

Various tablets are also used for divination. Unfortunately Mr. Roberts
has been misled by Churchward's " Signs and Symbols." The tablets quoted
from Egypt are clearly the labels of offerings, all from one tomb, and that of a
queen of the ist dynasty, found by De Morgan, and not from " Naqada and
Ballas." The set of tablets used in several different districts in Africa are of
a tongue shape, with a guilloche twist on one, a zigzag border, rows of zigzags
across, and rows of triangular hollows. These four types are associated, by the
Malaboch, and slightly varied by degradation among the Mountha and Matala.
We need to recognise any parallels to this system that may turn up in Egypt.
The guilloche twist may be the degradation of the two serpents caduceus
fashion on the prehistoric handles. {Prehis. Eg. xlviii, 4, and Berlin.)

The paper concludes with figures of two diviners' bowls, with signs around the
edge representing different tribes. The bowls were filled with water, and seeds
or buttons thrown in to float ; the position which they took in relation to the signs
on the edge served to give the answer.

Prehistoric Arts and Crafts of India. By Panchanan Mitra. 8vo. 66 pp.
10 pis. 1920. (University of Calcutta, Anthropological papers No. i.)

The comparative studies of the author have already been noticed here
(p. 18), and the present work is a more systematic account of prehistoric India.
It is fortunate that zealous research is being given to these remains, though much
more is needed for so vast a region. The earlier chapters discuss the glacial period

6o Reviews.

on the north, and the contemporary river terraces, the palaeoUths, and the rock
paintings of hunters. In this connection there are on pi. VI two pieces of decorated
pottery obviously of Islamic age. Regarding the earliest date of pottery it must
be considered that the favoured civilisations of the warm river valleys of
Mesopotamia and Egypt were probably far in advance of savage Europe in starting
various arts. For the resemblances stated between Egyptian and Indian
pottery, we need to see a series of forms of each set side by side in plates, before
we can weigh the evidence. The occurrence of the " chess-board patterns "
in India, like those of Elam and Anau, is fair ground for a general Asiatic
connection ; such pattern is always foreign to Egypt.

On coming to the age of metals, there are many questions on which more
precise details are needed. No dates, even approximate, are given for the
earliest examples in India. It is useless to say that iron is known in " primitive
India," when the earliest assignable date is not before the early European iron
of 1200 B.C. In India as in Africa we must have definite evidence of a date
before that, if the European origin of iron is to be set aside ; it is useless to speak
of a " primitive " age, in regions developing later than the Mediterranean. It
is claimed that wootz steel is electrum, " where we get the very same name."
What name ? Greek electron, shining like the sun, or Egyptian uasm ? We
read " we think steel, especially wootz, was imported from India in (to) Egypt as
objects of high value in those early times about three to four thousand years
before Christ." How is such date reached for Indian wootz, or where is it found
in Egypt ? A reasonable passage is quoted from Dr. Coomarswamy that " the
most ancient part of Indian art belongs to the common endowment of early
Asiatic culture," and he speaks of a " Mykenaean facies " and designs " of a
remarkably Mediterranean aspect." This is reasonable enough for about looo B.C.,
but it will not take back India to any comparison with early Egypt, still less
to originating anything of Egyptian culture. The author has a wide field of the
greatest interest, on which we all want to have exact information, and any
proofs of connection, or still better of priority, will be heartily welcomed.

( 6i )

PERIODICALS.

Journal of the Society of Oriental Research, Chicago.

In October, 1919, Prof. Mercer discusses the question Was Ikhnaton a Mono-
theist ? The definition of monotheism is drawn very rigidly : " there is but one
God, whose being and existence pervades all space and time " ; this involves
attributes which have nothing to do with the denial of any other gods. Taking
such a rigid view, and looking for any survival of notice of the other gods, it is not
surprising that Akhenaten is reduced to the position of " a clever and self-centered
individual henotheist." This seems rather too theological a view of a change,
which was hedged about with continual difficulty, and which had to be carried
out practically and not merely discussed in the study. If some minor incon-
sistencies remained, if there were political views on the suppression of the priest-
hood of Amen, yet these cannot hide from us the intense fervour of the adoration
of the Aten, and the repudiation of tolerating any other god. The figure of Maot
used for truth cannot be adduced as a divinity, as Maot was never worshipped ;
not a stele nor a temple belongs to her, she was only an impersonation like a figure
of Justice at present. Dr. Mercer not only denies the king the name of mono-
theist, but also " especially ethical monotheist." Now the insistence on all
occasions of his personal motto " living in truth," utterly unknown before or since,
may give him the right to be valued as an ethical reformer. We cannot expect
any one of his age to have the keen sense of congruity which has been developed
in us by centuries of dogmatic discussion of rival creeds and heresies.

The " Eye of Horus " in the Pyramid Texts is studied by Prof. Mercer in
March, 1920. He concludes that the sun and moon were originally regarded as
the eyes of Nut, the sky goddess. Later they were named the eyes of Ra, and as
the sun was Ra, so the eye of Ra was Ra himself. Then the consuming eye of Ra
became transferred to Hathor, Tefnut, Sati, Bast, Sekhmet, and the Uraeus.
Osiris was popular at the early date and usurped the place of Ra. Here we must
require strong evidence for such a sequence, as the worship of the Osiride group
appears to precede the Ra worship ; no proof of the precedence of Ra is given.
The loss of the eye of Horus, in combat with Set, made the Horus-eye one of the
most sacred symbols of sacrifice. It became the synonym for every kind of offer-
ing. As the eye-sun became identical with the Horus-sun, so the eye was Horus ;
and as the king was Horus, the eye was the king. In short, the vagueness of
Egyptian thought and lack of consistency, led to the eye being taken as " any-
thing that was construed sacrificially " ; it was conceived, born every day, lived
and addressed the king, avenged the king, and sat before the king as his god.
These views were probably never all held as one, but they show the meanings
that different worshippers might attach to the sacred eyes so abundantly found
in house and in tomb, and the scenes of the king offering the eye.

62 Periodicals.

Journal of the Manchester Egyptian and Oriental Society. IX. 1921. 18 +
56 pp. 5s. (Longmans.)

The Egyptian article in this is The Problem of Akhenaton, by T. Eric Peet.
In this Dr. Mercer's denial of Akhenaten's monotheism is discussed, and the
general influence of that king. The principal matters are that Aten worship
was already started under Amenhetep III, both at Thebes and as a transformed
Ra worship at Heliopolis. It is therefore the exclusiveness of Aten worship
that was due to Akhenaten. The attempts to show that other gods were recognised
by the king are all reduced to mere conventions of speech (as Aten being the Nile,
the king being the " strong bull "), which have no religious authority. The
artistic reform is rather hesitatingly attributed to the striving after truth, pro-
fessed by the king. It is surely late in the day to debate the unity of the religious,
ethical and artistic revolution carried out by the king who " lived in truth."
It is curious to note how nothing has modified the summary of dates and changes
stated in Tell el Amarna (Petrie), twenty-seven years ago. Nothing has been
found not even from the mummy of the king to alter or amplify that outline.

Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art. Part II. October, 1919. New
York.

This supplement is a monograph on the statues of Sekhmet from the temple
of Mut at Karnak. These figures were so abundant that they are found in many
museums, and rather lose their attraction by familiarity. The whole history
of them here put together is, however, an interesting outline of the general
exploitation of antiquities in the past. Anyone who remembers the temple of
Mut some years ago, will know the zigzag line of black granite figures, half buried
in the salt soil, and tipped about at various angles in various stages of decay.
Mariete estimated that there had been 572 of them originally. They were set up
by Amenhetep III, as well as many others in his own temple at Qumeh. Later
on, many of these statues were appropriated by the pirate kings, Ramessu II,
Panezem II, and Sheshenq I. The modem stripping of the place began in 1760,
when one was sold for an exorbitant sum to a Venetian. The French expedition
found, and removed to Alexandria, many of the figures. The next stage in the
clearance of Egypt was when Salt arrived in 1816 as British Consul-General.
He had known Belzoni, who was then in Egypt as an engineer. Burckhardt
proposed to Salt to employ Belzoni to bring down the bust of Ramessu II from
the Ramesseum, later presented by Salt and Burckhardt to the British Museum.
Drovetti, the French Consul-General, was also employing agents to collect at
Thebes, so Belzoni set earnestly to work, uncovered a whole row of Sekhmet
figures, and began active transportation of them. Next year, in 1817, Belzoni
continued work with a young Greek from the Consulate, Yanni Athanasi. The
excavations went on with various changes till 1819, when Belzoni retired from the
work. Salt went on employing Athanasi, mainly at the temple of Amenhetep
III, on the western bank. Many more Sekhmet figures were found there, also
the two colossal heads of the king in quartzite, now in the British Museum.
Salt died in 1827, and without his protection Athanasi found his work impeded.
Much of Salt's gatherings were sold to the French Government in 1827. It
appears that the sale in 1833 in London was also of Salt's things, mixed up with
Athanasi's management. At this sale, seven of the complete Sekhmet figures
were too heavy to go into Sotheby's rooms, and were placed in the recesses of
Waterloo Bridge. A relic of this sale is the head of Sekhmet which stood for

Periodicals. 63

years over one of the entrances of Sotheby's sale rooms. Of the seven figures,
one was sold for twenty guineas (not the cost of transport), the rest were bought
in. All seven were, however, re-united as a group in the great collection of all
kinds in the hands of that eccentric virtuoso Dr. Lee of Hartwell. They appear
in his catalogue, published in 1858. By 1865 they were in the collection of
Mr. Tyssen-Amherst at Didlington, later Lord Amherst. From thence in 1914
they were acquired for New York.

The great mass of Salt's gatherings were gradually unloaded. In 1823 he
sold much to the British Museum. In 1826 a far larger amount to France. In
1833 came the first sale at Sotheby's, followed by another in 1835, and a final sale
in 1837 was perhaps entirely of Athanasi's separate work. It is easy now to
revile Lord Elgin, Salt and others who brought away so much from ancient lands.
They were great benefactors ; they saved much from destruction, and they
secured it for study and the education of western people, which would never
have advanced without some striking appeal to popular imagination. They
did vastly less harm than Layard and other explorers in Assyria, who destroyed
, most important documents and remains from sheer ignorance. Little could be
lost by moving away statues from the temples ; and until whole buildings were
pulled to pieces by French speculators, there was nothing to detract from the
benefit of such salvage work.

It may well be asked how it came about that such an immense number of
statues of Sekhmet should be made by Amenhetep III. They were not placed
in a temple of that goddess, but in temples of Mut and of the king. They were
sheerly stacked together, touching side by side and even placed row before row.
They were not, therefore, required for the place where they stood, but were
merely stored. There is no evidence in other remains of any special devotion
of Amenhetep III to Sekhmet ; her name only occurs on one of fifty great scarabs,
and on a hundred smaller she is never named. It would really seem as if an
unlimited order had been sent to the quarries of black granite, to make Sekhmet
statues, and it was never revoked, but was left to go on in forgetfulness, the
official staff hoping that such a permanent job would not come to an end They
may have turned out about thirty a year, and despatched them to Thebes, where
they were stacked till further orders. Afterwards it was no one's business to
move them, and even the appetite of Ramessu for piracy was quenched by
700 or 800 black Sekhmets.

( 64 )

NOTES AND NEWS.

The excavations of the British School on the desert of Herakleopohs were
continued till April. The division of the heavy sculpture and most of the objects
was carried out in March by the Keeper of the Museum and the Inspector of
Middle Egypt, after which the Director and Mrs. Petrie left, and Mr. and Mrs.
Brunton closed their work at Mayana and took charge of the main camp. The
continuance of the work brought to light more of the groups of servant figures and
boats. Major Hynes then left, and three weeks later Mr. Neilson and M. Bach
concluded their work. Mr. Brunton remained to see to the final arrangements
of transport. The old system of a weekly steamer is practically cut off; the
Italian line involves much difficulty, and the only certain and easy line, by
Marseille, goes but once in three weeks.

At El Amarna the Egypt Exploration Society has been represented by
Prof. Peet and Mr. Hayter. We hope to give an account of the results later
on.

The work at Thebes, for New York, has been brilliantly conducted by
Mr. Winlock. Last year, in a tomb which had been recently cleared, and left
as finished, he detected a lower chamber, and found the most amazing series of
models. The great group, about four feet long, shows the dais under a colonnade,
where the owner sits with his scribes, while his cattle are counted before him.
Another model of a tank, surrounded by sycamore trees and a portico, is of
exquisite work. Some of these will be illustrated in one of our future numbers.
This year Mr. Winlock came to the conclusion, in studying Dr. NavUle's and
Mr. Hall's publication of the Xlth dynasty temple, that there must be another
tomb there. On looking for it, the place was obvious, and in that was another
great sarcophagus with scenes carved on it, like that of Kauit, now at Cairo, and
a wooden statue and mummy of the Princess Aashait. Also in the northern shrine
Mr. Winlock found a secondary burial with five silver and gold necklaces.

Prof. Schiaparelli has been working at Gebeleyn, and brought much away.
Unhappily nothing is pubhshed of the Italian work in the past, but it is to be hoped
that the Department of Antiquities will ensure a complete record being produced,
according to the regulations.

The earliest example of graphite known is a large lump found at Ghurob,
probably of the XVIIIth dynasty. Mr. C. A. Mitchell, who has been studying the
history of graphite, has kindly supplied the following analysis of this specimen.
Graphitic carbon and moisture, 37-4 per cent. ; mineral matter, 60 -6 ; of the
latter 47 6 per cent, is of silicates insoluble in acid. This is similar to some of the
Swedish graphite. The source of this specimen is unknown ; it is now at Univer-
sity College.

The free public lecture (without ticket) on the results of the year, English
and American, will be given, with illustration, on Wednesday, 25th May, at
2.30, at University College, Gower Street, W.C.

The annual exhibition will be at University College, during the four weeks
of July, 4th to 30th, 10 to 5.

YOUTHFUL FIGURE OF MERY-RA-HA-SHETEF.
VI DYNASTY. EBONY. SEDMENT.

ANCIENT EGYPT.

DISCOVERIES AT HERAKLEOPOLIS.

The British School in the past winter has made a complete clearance over the
cemetery of the city of Henen-nesut, now Henasieh or Ehnasya ; owing to the
Greeks identifying the local god Hershefi with Herakles, the city was known in
classical times as Herakleopolis. The cause of its position and importance at
different periods has been noticed in the preliminary account in this journal,
p. 33. Here we are describing the objects discovered.

The earliest part of the cemetery on the desert is of the 1st and Ilnd dynasties.
The tombs are cut in the marly rock, with descending stairways. The most
complete tomb contained all the offering vases at the end of the chamber, stacked
together, the burial being in a recess at the side. These offerings comprised five
bowls of alabaster, one of porphyry, three cylinder jars, two large spheroid vases
made in halves, a table, and a large disc table, all of alabaster ; also two bowls
and two ewers of copper, in all seventeen vessels. Happily, the copper was in
perfect condition, scarcely tarnished. This is the largest and most perfect
group known of the Ilnd dynasty. Another group contained seven alabaster
vessels, and a copper basin and ewer, placed on a wooden tray, in front of the
recess where the body rested. Another group was of six large alabaster vessels,
and various others were also found. More than a dozen skulls of this age were
also obtained in good condition.

In the Vlth dynasty there were several important burials, one of which
happily remained intact. A rock chamber containing two coffins of women had
been plundered, but a shaft in the corner of the forecourt had escaped destruction.
At about 12 ft. down there were found, buried in the sand filling, three ebony
statues of a man, 2 to 2| ft. high, another of a woman, and three groups of servants.
These figures were all carefully ranked in order against the back face of the shaft,
standing upright. Continuing the clearance downward, the chamber was found,
more than 40 ft. deep, too damp for the preservation of the coffin, but containing
an alabaster head-rest of fine work, with an inscription, thrice repeated, of the
titles and name of Mery-Ra-ha-shetef, thus dating this burial to the middle of
the Vlth dynasty. The work of the statues varies ; evidently they were not
made by the same hand, and they represent different ages ; the best is equal
to the finest Egyptian work in anatomical observation, the poorest is far better
than what the Cairo Museum already has of this age. The third and largest of
the figures has been kept at Cairo. The meaning of having three figures is shown

66 Discoveries at HerakUopolis.

by the difference in age and dignity. The youngest is a fresh, active youth ; the
next is the estate-owner with his long staff ; the largest is the chief of the clan
with the kherp sceptre in his hand. These explain the figure of King Pepy accom-
panied by a youth, found at Hierakonpolis. Such reduplication was to give the
soul the choice of the freshness of youth, the activity of manhood, or the dignity
of rule.

In the above group, the servant figures were carefully made, with smooth
stucco surfaces, equal in appearance to the limestone figures of the IVth and
Vth dynasties. This was also the case with the servant of a man Nena, whose
wooden statue was set up in a recess of his tomb chamber. Such figures led on
to the less finished figures of the IXth and Xth dynasties. These models of
servants and of boats are sharply limited in age ; they are rare before the Vlth
dynasty, and are never found in the Xllth dynasty or later. Conversely the
ball beads, so characteristic of the Xllth dynasty, were never found in this
cemetery with the servant figures. The two characteristics are entirely exclusive
one of the other, and mark different periods. The IXth and Xth dynasties
were important at Henen-nesut, as this city was their original seat. The foreign
character of the people is seen by the cartonnage busts having whiskers, beard
and moustache painted ; and the utter destruction of the bodies from many
graves of this age shows how bitterly they were hated. This accords with the
violent character assigned to Khety, the founder of the IXth dynasty. The
principal objects of this age are the groups of models of servants and boats.
These show the bearers of offerings, granaries, various preparation of food, setting
of a table, and the carrying-chair borne by porters. The graves also contained
head-rests, sandals, bows and arrows, sets of deUcate models of tools, and, rarely,
pottery offering tables. None of the more developed pottery soul-houses were
used here, like those in the contemporary graves at Rifeh, 140 miles further
south. In graves dating from the Vllth to the Xth dynasty several scarabs were
found, of different types, each of which will take with it classes of scarabs hitherto
undated. There are the spirals of C and S forms interlinked, the wide spirals of
broad shallow work, the double net with crowns or vultures, the lion, the hes
vase in fine outline on dark green jasper, and others. The only objection raised
to dating scarabs before the Xllth dynasty has been the absence of them in
recorded graves. Now that difficiolty is removed, and the evidence otherwise of
early dating stands unquestioned. Such discovery of early scarabs does not stand
alone. Several were found at the temple of Ehnasya, dating before the Xllth
dyuELsty {Ehnasya, ixA), at Kafr Ammar {Heliopolis, xxvi), and others at
Harageh, not yet pubUshed.

The pottery of the early cemeteries passes by gradual stages from the late
versions of Old Kingdom forms used in the Vlth dynasty to some which border
on the forms of the early Xlth dynasty. The most marked forms are the cups
with straight sides and a foot, the long pots with a funnel neck, the pointed pots
of whitish-drab pottery, and the various pentagonal forms of bowls and cups.
The cups have been dated before at Rifeh, but the other forms are new to us.
Now that we have the whole series of the IXth and Xth dynasties fixed, it will
serve to identify tombs of this age found elsewhere. The total absence of
any burials of the Middle Kingdom, Xlth to XVIth dynasties is remarkable,
between two ages of which there are abundant remains.

The revival of Henen-nesut in later times is first shown by a coffin rudely
hollowed out of a block of wood ; the lid, which is similarly cut, made up a

Facing p. 66.

MERYRA-HA-SHETEF AS HEAD OF HIS CLAN.
VI DYNASTY. EBONY. SEDMENT.

Discoveries at Herakleopolis, 67

cylinder with the body. It was rudely inscribed in bands, naming the four genii,
and a little picture of the deceased Tazerti, seated, was drawn on one shoulder.
This was probably of the XVI Ith dynasty, and is now in the Cairo Museum.
Inside the coffin was a basket containing a kohl-pot and a scarab, laid near the
head.

Coffin of Pasar, follower of Amenhetep II.
Black granite. Sedment.

A remarkable tomb chapel of the XVIIIth dynasty contained a large stele,
3^ ft. high, standing in position in a niche with the altar before it, and a kneeling
figure with a tablet in front. The stele is finely carved, with four generations
of figures, and the colours are fresh and bright. The head of the family, Sen-
nefer, bears a plaited lock of a royal son, and was high priest of both Heliopolis

E 2

68 Discoveries at HerakUopolis.

and Memphis ; probably he was a son of Amenhetep I, and three generations
later would lead to the reign of Tehutmes III, to which the style of this points.
Sen-nefer's daughter was Sherat-ra, who married Neb-nekhtu, son of the prophet
of Hershef , Amen-mes and Auta ; the father of Amen-mes was Aohmes ; the
stele was erected by Amenhetep, son of Neb-nekhtu. The name of Neb-nekhtu,
at the end of the inscription on the base, has, curiously, only the determinative
of a frog. The altar before the stele was for Amen-mes, the grandfather ; the
kneeling figure holds a tablet of adoration to Ra by Min-mes, who does not occur
in the family list ; perhaps he was a son of Amenhetep, who put his figure later
into the tomb. For the size and brilliant work of the stele, and the completeness
of the whole group, this discovery seems unparalleled. Strange to say, no tomb-
shaft or burial could be found in connection with this chapel. Another burial
in open ground in the same hill was in a coffin with ridge roof, unpainted, now
in Cairo Museum. Five Nubian baskets in the coffin are in perfect condition ;
they contained six alabaster vases and kohl-pots, several Cypriote bilbils, a very
rare oval red vase imitated from leather-work, a casket with panels inlaid with
squares of ebony and ivory, and another casket with two sliding lids and a sloping
lid hingeing for the various compartments. These are in perfect condition, and
are dated to Tehutmes III by the presence both of kohl-pots (which ended in
that reign) and kohl-tubes, which first appear then.

A toilet-spoon, with the figure of a girl carrying a vase, is one of the most
beautiful of such figures for the breadth and natural character of the work.
Another figure of a swimming girl carrpng a dish with a lid is of good work. Two
hemi-cylindrical toilet boxes have the usual hunting scenes on them ; one with
lid was also found at Ghurob, containing a ring of Ramessu II. A pen-case bears
the name of a scribe, Men-kheper. A gaming board was found, of the 6o-hole
game in a human outline, such as is known from Kahun [Kahun, xvi), Thebes,
Gezer and Susa (Vincent, Canaan, III, 2, 3). The present example stands on
three legs, and has on the under side a door with bolt, closing a recess to hold the
game pieces.

Portions of a magnificent papyrus of the Book of the Dead were found, partly
unrolled, and thrown in the dust at the door of a rock chamber. This dust had
preserved the papyrus far better than if left in a chamber. The paintings in it
are of the finest quality, better than those of the Ani papyrus, which it resembles
in the writing. It is hoped that most of the 40 ft. of it which is preserved can
be restored to order. One XVIIIth-dynasty burial had 15 scarabs and plaques
upon it, mostly of the finest green glaze of Amenhetep III. Another burial had
almost as many scarabs and a turquoise-blue bowl.

Some large steles were found with successive scenes of offering, more or less
broken up. The earliest is of the fan-bearer on the king's boat, Neb-em-Khemt,
about the time of Amenhetep III. Another is of the divine father of Hershef,
Amenemhot, probably of the same age. Parts of a very large stele belonged-
to a general of cavalry named Pa-hen-neter under Ramessu II. He had appro-
priated an earlier figure-coffin belonging to Pasar, finely executed in black granite,
and placed his titles and name over the erasures.

The largest work of the XlXth dynasty was the tomb-chapel of the viziers
Ra-hetep and Pa-ra-hetep. Portions of columns were carried away to be built
into other tombs, and a large lintel with figures of the vizier adoring the cartouches
of Ramessu II, was coated with plaster and re-used. Since removing the plaster,
the stone is in perfect condition. On the destruction of the chapel, the monu-

Discoveries at Herakleopolis. 69

ments in it were broken up and thrown into the tomb. The red granite altar of
Rahetep was found perfect. The family stele of basalt, finely engraved, was
mostly complete, and is now at Cairo. A great shrine with the figure of the
vizier was much broken, but groups of the family are on the sides. Various
other parts ol monuments were with these, and ushabtis of different kinds.
Great quantities of ushabtis of the XlXth dynasty were found in other tombs,
along with much funeral furniture of canopic jars, head-rests, amulets and other
objects. One tomb, of a general named Sety, had been cut in soft rock requiring
support, and half a dozen stout limestone pillars were placed in it, with his titles
of royal scribe, over the body-guard of the king, and general. These bore dedica-
tions to Ptah (7), Osiris (6), Anubis (4), Hathor (2) and Isis (i). Some of the
titles of the gods seem new, such as Ptahyw heb neheh, " going around eternally,"
or mes ubdu.

The pieces of Aegean and other foreign pottery are mostly of new types,
and the comparison with the Greek examples will be of much interest.

The exhibition of this collection, and that of last year from Lahun, will be
held at University College, July 4th to 30th (hours 10 to 5) ; with two evenings
(7 to 9) on the 15th and 25th.

W. M. Flinders Petrie.

E 3

70 )

SURVIVALS OF ANCIENT EGYPTIAN IN MODERN DIALECT.

lis
A COMPARISON between the spoken Arabic of Egypt and that of Syria, and other
Arabic-speaking countries, shows that the difference between them does not
exist only in the mode of pronunciation and accentuation of the words, but
that it is more profound and goes as far as the actual use and choice of the
words, the phonetic values of the different letters, and the grammatical
expressions and the turn of the phrases. That the colloquial idiom of Syria is
much purer Arabic, and much nearer to the classical language, is undisputed,
and it would be interesting to know the causes of this difference, remembering
that the influence of the original classical Arabic has been similar in all countries-

A Syrian in speaking Arabic drawls the end of the words, accentuating the
last syllable. He often replaces the final nasal n by an m. The final t which is
always dropped in the idiom of Egypt, or softened into an aspirated h, or
replaced by a short d, is often pronounced fully by the Syrian. The final d
{ fatha) is often changed into an accentuated / before the final t. Thus the
word ketaba in Egypt is pronounced ketabet in Syria. The letter g is always
softened in Syria, whereas in Egypt it is only so (and in quite a different manner)
in Upper Egypt or among Arabs, but it is hard in Cairo and almost the whole
of Lower Egypt. The phrase " Ya Girgis ta'ala hena " of Egypt is uttered
" Ya Jirjis ta'al hon " in Syria.

But it is the colloqioial speech of Egypt that concerns us in this article.

There is a distinct difference between the idiom of Upper and that of Lower
Egypt. Again, there is a distinction between the Arabic of Alexandria and
that of Damietta, and between that of the Dakahlia and that of the Sharkia
Provinces. In Cairo the dialect stands unique, and its pronunciation has been
officially adopted throughout Egypt by the Government in the matter of names
of villages and towns.

From Cairo the dialect gradually changes as one goes south. First in
Beni-Suef, where the idiom is most marked in Bush, Ehnasiah, etc. ; second,
in Minia, particularly round about Mellawy and Ashmunen. Between this last
and that of Asiut the difference though characteristic lies in the intonation
only. The Girgah one is most marked in the whole province, and is particularly
so in Akhmim. Then comes that of Luxor and Keneh as far as Esneh. Lastly,
the Asuan dialect merges into Berberin. The Fayum dialect has lost most of
its characteristics lately, but in the outskirts of the province it resembles that
of Beni-Suef.

We wUl now consider those dialects in detail. The Alexandrian dialect is
distinguished by the constant and almost invariable use of the first personal
pronoun plural for the singular, where a person speaking, calls himself ue/ma
(not 'i/ma as in Cairo) instead of 'Ana. It must be remembered the population

Survivals of Ancient Egyptian in Modern Dialect. 71

of Alexandria has been always of the most cosmopolitan and heterogeneous
type possible. At the present day the Italians and Greeks are predominant,
and the colloquial dialect has been enriched by many Greek and Italian words.

The dialect of Damietta, and that of the neighbouring towns down to
Mansurah, ha^ the peculiarity of placing a final accent on the words almost
amounting to an intonation, which it is very difficult to represent in writing.
It is also distinguished by the distinct pronunciation of the letter T. It often
replaces with them the harder letter D. It is often followed by a slight aspiration
(siffle), which makes it more like the English " ch " in " child " than the ordinary
simple T.

The Sharkia dialect much resembles the rest of those of Lower Egypt,
with the exception that in some parts of the province (in the outskirts of Zagazig)
the uneducated fellahin pronounce the hard letter q .-, as it ought to be. Again,

the letters cJ, k and g, hard, are often softened into ^, sh.

The dialect of Cairo is, so to speak, the most refined of the colloquial
languages of Egypt. It has peculiar characteristics which distinguish it from
the rest of the idioms of Egypt, and is undoubtedly influenced in acquiring its
present form by more factors than one. Its most salient characteristics are
first, the total dropping of the letter q ; wherever it exists and its replacement
by the hiatus (hamza). The word Jli qdl" is uttered 'Al, qtrd, ^y , is pronounced
'ltd. Second, the letter g is never softened into j but is always hard. There is
no special accentuation or intonation of the word. In the choice of words there
is, one might say, a special vocabulary for Cairo. Gutturals are as far as possible
eliminated and there are hundreds of words which, if not purely European in
their Italian form, are yet not known in Upper Egypt.

Then, as to the most important group, that of Upper Egypt, we can
distinguish the following divisions :

(a) The Beni-Suef group.

(J) The Minia group, including that of Asiut and Ashmunen.

[d] The Luxor to Asuan group.

The most important characteristic of the first group is the dropping of the
terminal letter of the words, the drawling of the final vowel, and the vocalisation
of the letter q, j, wherever it exists, its right guttural pronunciation, and the
hardening of the letter g, . These characteristics are found in toto round about

Ehnasiah, in Bush, and in Beni-Suef. The best illustration of these peculiarities
can be shown in writing, thus

qad ^- is j^\ jj

whereas in Cairo the same phrase would be pronounced 'Ad eh or to take a
longer phrase t_ *.=r ^^ j <diil! cuU a.**-! li S\^\ would be pronounced in
Beni-Suef thus Ya wad yahm'iii hat el qullah w' huttaha gam IE' whereas in
Cairo it would be uttered hke this Ya wad yahmad hat el wUah w'huttaha
gamby.

Thus the letter j is entirely dropped in Cairo and replaced by the % hiatus
or Alef hamzatum. It is replaced by the hard g, _, in Upper Egypt, whereas

E 4

72 Survivals of Ancient Egyptian in Modem Dialect.

it retains its real value in the Beni-Suef dialect. The letter g is hardened in
Cairo as g in English " good." In Beni-Suef it is also pronounced hard, but not
invariably so. In Upper Egypt from Minia upwards it is always softened, but
in quite a peculiar manner which makes it different to the sound of the English j,
and yet it stands between the hard g and the soft j. One has to hear it uttered
before one can have an idea of its value.

In the Minia and Asiut group the letter q, ;, is hardened to g wherever it
exists, whereas the letter g, _ , is softened to ;' or something like it ; but it is
the letter D that takes the value of the English ; when it is in the middle of the
word. Thus q"lb, t_-Jj is pronounced g*lb ; q"tt kJi is pronounced g"tt, but

Jj^ 'Idd*llc is pronounced Tjj'll*c ; the name Kostandy is uttered Gostanjy ;

the word Brostandy for Protestant is pronounced Brostanjy.

The Girgah group has the peculiarity of replacing the dhy g and the letter g
by d. Thus the word gabal, mountain, is pronounced dabal, and the word

gwwa, \,^ , inside, is vocalised d"wwa. The name Girgis is uttered Dirdis, but
the word Tdd*ll*c, jjjl is always pronounced 'Iji^ll^'c, j^^ . The g being

always softened in the manner described above.

Foreign words introduced into the spoken idiom of Upper Egypt receive
different treatment in the different districts of Egypt. Metathesis is very
common in Upper Egypt. Tsbitalia for hospital is pronounced Tstibalia. This
sometimes happens in purely Arabic words ; d^r^g^h is uttered garadah. The
letter d sometimes replaces the letter p ; lampa is said lamda. The letters u, j ,
and b, stand for the v. Babur or wabur stand for " vapeur." M might take
the place of p ; mantalon for pantalon. For a Cairene or a Lower Egyptian it
is sometimes possible to pronounce the European letter p, but never so for an
Upper Egyptian.

As regards the use of the vowels we find in certain cases that the round o
is always preferred in the idiom of Upper Egypt and Lower Egypt, whereas
in Middle Egypt the open a is always used instead. To take a very common
word used as an exclamation, " Taboy." It is pronounced thus in Upper Egypt.
In Lower Egypt it is labouy, whereas in the Fayum and Beni-Suef it is always
labay. There are many other examples, but time and space do not allow me to
multiply them.

Now, having considered the particular characteristics of the different
dialects in the whole of Egypt, it becomes interesting to speculate about the
causes and factors of these differences. The facilities of communication of the
present time, and the thorough intermixing of all the population of Egypt,
ought to help these differences to disappear entirely, whereas to all practical
appearance they seem to be fixed and enduring. On examination of the
vocabulary used in the vulgar Arabic of Egypt one is struck by the great number
of words which can be easily traced to an Ancient Egyptian or Coptic origin.
These words are much commoner in the dialects of Upper Egypt than in those
of Cairo and Lower Egypt. At the end of this article I have collected a few
words which are commonly used. Again, the expression and the turn of the
phrases used in Upper Egypt can sometimes be literally translated into Coptic
without its being necessary to make in Coptic any grammatical changes in the
relative position of the different members of the phrase. For instance, the

Survivals of Ancient Egyptian in Modern Dialect. 73

curious correspondence of the pronunciation of the different phonemes in the
modem vulgar Arabic of the Sa'id with their old values in Coptic, such as the
pronunciation of the letter _, exactly like the Coptic x, different to its pronun-
ciation in all .other Arabic-speaking countries. The value of a hard g given to
the Arabic letter j was the same phenomenon that happened when the ancient
Egyptian language was written in Greek letters to form the Coptic language ;
the same play on, and the interchange of, the vowels is seen in the different
modern dialects of the vulgar Arabic as in the different dialects of Coptic, such
as the prolongation of certain vowels in Upper Egypt when they are shortened
in Cairo, or the dropping of certain terminal letters in both dialects, betraying
the custom of doubling the vowels in Sahidic Coptic when they were only single
in Bohairic otab Boh., and otaab Sahidic, or KAei Boh., and ka2, Sa. All
this, in fact, induces me to believe in the influence of Coptic on the spoken
Arabic rather than vice versa as most authors hold to be the case. Those authors
beUeve that it was through the influence of Arabic, that the difference between
n and b was lost in Coptic, and that the vowels a and 6 came to have the same
value, whereas we know from demotic, and even from the Graeco-Roman
hieroglyphic that these changes had already been effected in the language.

A glance through some of the Christian Arabic MSS. shows them to be
teeming with mistakes in their Arabic grammar and syntax. A careful analysis
of these mistakes shows that most of them are really due to literal translation
from Coptic by a scribe who was not a master of Arabic.

Masculine words are treated as feminine if they happen to be of a feminine

gender in Coptic, e.g., the word ^^\ is feminine in Arabic but masculine in
Coptic, and so it is thus treated. There are two words for evening in Coptic,
tpoT?! and niextup?, both translated by one feminine word in Arabic ibdll ;
but we often find the Arabic word treated as mascuhne probably when the
original Coptic word used was the masculine one niexcup?. These examples
can be multiplied, and a reference to their existence is enough to serve our
purpose.

We cein again remark quickly the differences between the different Coptic
dialects from the point of view of similar differences in the modern vulgar
dialects. The letter k was commonly changed to r in Sahidic. In the ancient
language the letters c^a, """^ and o , s=> and their syllables often interchanged

as they do now in the Minia group and the Dakahlia dialect (see above).

Metathesis occurred more commonly in Sahidic Coptic than in Bohairic.
The drawhng of the vowels and their lengthened vocalisation is explained by
their doubling in Sahidic when compared with Bohairic, and the dropping of
the terminal vowel is similarly located. Lastly the preference for the open vowel a
to the closed one is again shown in the dialects of Middle Egypt, where we had
BBAA, F., eBOA, S., and all these phenomena exist in our own days in the
modem vulgar dialects of Egypt.

The fact mentioned above of the occasional pronunciation of the hard k
and the hard x in Lower Egypt as sh, ', is proved to have existed when the
Arabs transliterated the names of the towns in these localities in Arabic letters.
Notice XABAGGKi written now i^Ui and xeBxnp joio-i , xeBpH \^ , and
others.

( 74 )

Some Egyptian Words remaining in Modern Use.

^_____^ 6tt), AA, " small stones." At the present day there is a game played with
small pebbles by boys in the streets called the game of the Al, jfiuJ.

( ^0 I m'4 '^'" = Vj a word commonly used to babies with the
meaning of painful or burning.

Jj ^ . c~3 BO'^, " out, outside," may be the origin of the colloquial

\J in the saying Cjii,^ " go out."

THTAAB (_>ljJs, in the language of the crews of Nile boats, meaning a
good breeze.

<=r> I'i^^ KA" " bone," kioc " to bury," the word fj^^ is often used in
the sense of death and burial.

, vp 'V.'^^*-* 3,t the present day is the name given to a ferry boat.

(ji ' ^^ w^^jj ^^ *^^ name given to a plank of wood used as a small
"boat.

[j] I ^^. <l>.Jm is the basket (couffe) in which dates are carried.

AAAAAA r\ O

(I o KiAfipi is used in speaking of cultivation. " We cultivated our
field nabary," meaning any of the grains, wheat, barley or other.

1| ^ ' Axn, " hour," j^jc--^ a certain length of time, an hour.
('^^) T ^K. ^ LiAOTUJU " eat," always used to babies.

The names of some of the fish <S^ pni, ^\, ^yeAqai, ^yeABAi jL'Li

J crm TcoBe "brick," ij^. This word, meaning brick, has passed

1^ W

even into Spanish.

<=r>g X'VOA " vase," Zj. The ordinary drinking pot.

^^^k.J^'4 3to2n, "to bum," cf. CA8t both used as c_>^ and s^
meaning " hot " day.

[-g J|, 2U)B, " work." This occurs in small songs and in appeals, etc.,
amongst the fellahin or the boatmen on the Nile, i j^.yJ |^^' (_>yi < jy>> or
i-Jy*^ Jjiib (_-y^; the first is sung when the work becomes killing on a hot
day, and the second is a song of the wheat harvest.

Survivals of Ancient Egyptian in Modern Dialect. 75

xoq, xAqxeq, " cold," iiUsi^r , or the noun lk>. , meaning rigour, chill.
^i^.^^ |, orxAi, "to be safe" or "well," is used when crying for
help, ^_y^^ ; o(je can hear the word almost any day in the streets.

2AAtou, " cheese," *j!U. is the Upper Egyptian name for cheese.

A65^, " straw," ,ji.jj , in tedking of sugar cane ; it is always counted by
the libshah.

AiBAKi, " cord," amongst the rigging of a boat on the Nile, ^UJ.

^[\ , ^OTM6, " barn, storehouse," <Uj-i , a large storehouse for cotton,

wheat, etc.

uApHc, " south," fj^j\^, " southern," when talking of the wind for boats,
or anything that comes from the south.

UHTeuc, fjt,.^s.c , anything cooked in the oven by a continuous fire. There

is the ^^^-cs^ Jys , beans, a very common dish.

necorpio, i^Usj , another kind of cooked beans, something like a puree.

^ \\, yjlwlill, two poles in the forepart of a boat.

ueeicoc, " full of quickness," ^lxj.<;,a very common word, "busybody,"
one who talks and moves a great deal without doing anything.

iytjJHp, B., ^HHp, S. .Ixil, a common expression in the language of women

when trying to excite pity, ^ JoJ:>\ , meaning " I am to be pitied," or
" Dear me," or " I have become miserable." The Coptic word means " wonder."

' ^^' "' ^P"^' S., epct)ei, B., n, " temple," jyj , a common word
in Upper Egypt for any old temple or chapel.

TepeAeAi ^\ji , in the expression ^\y .dJU , meaning " he is become
dotty," a " simpleton."

TGATHAi, " to dribble, to drop," in the expression JJij;^L)l - meanmg " my
nose is running."

tt> tt' ^worq, "basket, <ujLi , measure for hay or

straw ; jJ' i__iju>-i , net for straw.

qtoci, " hatchet," (jwli , the usual pick for field work.

qoTe, <ti,y . a towel.

T8eAic, xeueeAic, LaLi^i , a cry of boatmen on the Nile when their boat
sticks in the mud ; the meaning is literally " we have stuck in the mud." So
also when they call each other to work, eeAe ecoB (_>^^4,, " come to work."

^^, " to open " ; A.ioJ^ , shenisha, a hole in the wall.

The above list gives a few examples of the hundreds of words which are in
common use in the dialects of Egypt, and which have remained in the common
language and could not be replaced by Arabic words. They do not exist, nor
are they understood, in other Arabic-speaking countries, such as Syria or Algeria-
They do not occur in the Arabic dictionary of the classiced language.

Geo. p. G. Subhy.

( 76 )

ORACULAR RESPONSES.

In Part I (1920) of Ancient Egypt, p. 31, there is an article on Monsieur A,
Moret's " Un jugement de Dieu," in which the following comment is made :
" In some way the decision did not depend upon human interference, but was
eqviivalent to drawing lots for a reply."

In connection with this vexed question of the means by which the gods of
ancient Egypt communicated their wishes to men, the last article published by
the late Mons. Charles Legrain is of considerable interest.

It was published early in 1917 in the Bulletin de I'Institut Francais
d' Archeologie Orientale under the title " Un miracle d'Ahmes a Abydos sous le
rdgne de Ramses II." It consists of a detailed examination, in that gifted
writer's best style, of the relief and inscription of stela No. 43649 of the Cairo
Museum journal d'entree, and is published with a plate. Shortly, the relief
represents the bark of the god-king Ahmes, borne on the shoulders of eight
priests, four to each pole, before which " the priest of Osiris Psar " raises his
hands in reverence. " Paari, true of voice," standing in the midst leads the
company with his hand extended to the nearer pole of the ark. The sacred
image is hidden from view by the usual embroidered curtains which are held
together in front by a small kneeUng figure of a king.

The text, which is given in full with Mons. Legrain's rendering of it, lacunae
in brackets, shows that the scene represents the arrival of the sacred object,,
the oracle of Nebpehtra, upon a plot of land, to decide a case of disputed possession.
The translation given runs as follows: " The year 14 second month of Shat day
25 in the reign of the King of Upper and Lower Egypt (Ramses II) day of the
arrival of the priest Psar with the priest Jai to bring (the oracle of) Nebpehtra.
The priest Psar arrived on the field which belonged to (my) son. He heard the
(acclamations ?) of the children of the people. The god was to establish (the
right ?). The god arrived, saying, ' it belongs to Psar the son of Mes,' and the
god weighed down very heavily in the presence of the priest (of the king ?)
Pehtinebra, the prophet Paari, the front priest Inoujabou, the (rear ?) priest
Janofre, the rear priest Nakht, the rear priest Thotimes. Made by the priest,
scribe, sculptor of the temple of Ramses II in the domain of Osiris Nebmehit."

The critical words in the translation are those in italics, as they are

Legrain's rendering of the word Hen ^ which is usually translated " to

bow the head." The word is sometimes followed by the determinative of a
head, as shown above, but not always ; in fact the arm determinative alone is
much more common, which led M. Brugsch to suggest that the will of the god
was expressed by a gesture of the arm. M. Legrain suggested very plausibly
that the head determinative where it occurs in the significance under discussion^
has been mechanically inserted by the scribe from association with the homo-
phonous word meaning " skull."

Oracular Responses. yy

M. Legrain pointed out that the image is hidden by the veiling curtains,
held together by the little figure. How then, even supposing the Egyptians
were able to make mechanical figures of this nature (of which no example has
ever been found) could the spectators see if the head nodded ? Another very
strong point he makes is that unless his explanation is correct, namely that the
bark weighed down or became heavier on one side than the other, there is no
reason apparent for the mention of the names of five of the bearers.

But M. Legrain's suggestion is put out of the reach of refutation, practically,
by the singularly apt example he furnishes of an almost identical " marvel "
similarly attested in writing from modern Egypt, having occurred in fact barely
two months before. The phenomenon (if one may call it so) is fairly well known
to residents in Egypt, and in the case in point is connected with the burial of the
Sheikh el Said Yussef , descendant from the holy Sheikh Abu Agag, whose ancient
white mosque stands on an eminence of unexcavated earth in the midst of Luxor
temple. The Arabic statement, dated November 6th, 1916, describes how,
when the body borne on the shoulders of three men was passing a certain spot
by the Nile, the men suddenly felt the bier^ weighing heavier upon them, and
they could not walk on. They put it down and after reciting a prayer, continued
under normal conditions. This happened twice again during the progress to the
burial. The names of the three bearers are given as witnesses.

About ten or twelve years ago I saw an excited hurrying crowd passing
along one of the main streets leading to the southern part of the native quarter of
Cairo, and was told in reply to my question that " the corpse was running."
Similarly, I have seen a bier with a crowd collected round it in the middle of a
field of clover, into which it had insisted upon going. If possible the body in
these rare circumstances is buried on the spot in which it seems so emphatically
to indicate its wish to be interred. But in this case the crowd of relatives, among
whom no doubt was the owner of the field by that time, seemed to be waiting for
the all too conscious corpse to change its mind, and relax its determination to
be buried in a spot so eminently and obviously undesirable for the purpose.

It may be emphasised, a point which M. Legrain apparently did not seize
upon, that the determinative of the word Hen is an arm ; perhaps the arm of the
bearer or the priest so often represented placing his hand beneath the pole as
he walks. ^ We may suppose that at least four signals could be registered, namely,
from the front, rear, left and right. In this case the weight is attested by the
four rear men.

To refer such " facts " as those related above to the similar phenomena
called psychical or spiritualistic, would make this note needlessly long ; M.
Legrain does no more than allude to it. But it may be remarked that automatisms
could be quoted, which, in so far as they constitute messages or statements
and are veridical, can to a large extent be referred (their conformity with fact
that is) to telepathy. Bribery and corruption were doubtless as common in
ancient Egypt as they are to-day, but it is, apparently, perfectly possible, if
one may believe the reports of accredited scientific researchers, that the feeling

1 The modern Egyptian bier is in the form of an oblong box, in which the sjvathed
body is placed. The bier is carried on two poles attached to it.

The feeling of additional weight would cause the bearers to " give," and the priest,
Paari, in this case (see above), would thus attest it. The bearers would behave as though
the weight had suddenly and normally increased.

7& Oracular Responses.

of weighing down should be subconscious and take effect as though it were due
to material causes, and that it should coincide with, or respond to, a telepathic
stimulus, unconsciously given, from some person present. We may, however,
be sure that the priest Psar was exerting considerable psychic pressure, in the
form of hope or prayer, on behalf of his family during the ordeal !

Ernest S. Thomas.

[There was the same belief in Sparta, as to divine intimation by weight. At the
scourging of youths by the altar of Artemis " the priestess stands by during the operation,
holding the wooden statue, which is generally Ught by its smallness, but if the scourgers
spju-e any young man at all in his flogging, either on account of his beauty or rank, then
this wooden statue in the priestess' hand becomes heavy, and no longer easy to hold, and
she makes complaint of the scourgers and says it is so heavy owing to them." Pausanisis III,
XVI. F. P.]

( 79 )

NAWRUZ, OR THE COPTIC NEW YEAR.

The Nawruz, or the Coptic New Year as it is called in English, is the day of the
High Nile, and fell this year on September nth.

The word Nawruz is from the Persian Naw " new," and Ruz " day," an
appropriate term for the beginning of a new year. It is not clear why a Persian
phrase should be used to signify a purely Egyptian festival, nor is the exact date
known of its introduction into general use in Egypt. Maqrizi, writing towards the
end of the fourteenth century, employs the word as the usual term for expressing
this special festival. Previous to Maqrizi, the only Persian influence in Egypt
was during the two Persian invasions, one in the sixth century, the other in the
seventh. As these were of short duration, and as the invaders were held in
great detestation, it is not likely that a word from their language would be adopted
throughout the country for a national custom. It would seem then that the word
must have become acclimatised during the Persian dominion which began with
Cambyses, when the Persians actually ruled Egypt. It is possible that the
ancient name for the festival was sufficiently like in sound to its Persian sup-
planter to make it possible for the Persian word to supersede the original
Egyptian. Such a word has, however, not yet been recognised in hieroglyphic
or Coptic.

The festival of Nawruz is traditionally very ancient. Maqrizi says that
Ashmoun ben Qobtim ben Masr ben Befsar ben Ham ben Noah instituted it in
Egypt. As the first three names are those of towns Ashmouneyn, Quft and
Cairo it appears that the festival was universal in Egypt ; and that it was known
from an early period is indicated by the genealogy which takes the first institution
as far back as five generations after the Flood. It would seem probable then that
the festival went back traditionally to prehistoric times.

Maqrizi mentions three consecutive festivals of the Nile : " C'est habituelle-
ment en Meson qu'on ouvre le Khalig ; I'eau y penetre et monte jusqu'a une ecluse,
ou elle s'arrete jusqu'a ce qu'on ait arrose les terres situees au-dessous du niveau
de I'eau arretee dans ce canal ; puis I'ecluse est ouverte le jour de Nourouz et
I'eau s'etend jusqu'a une autre ecluse ou elle est encore arretee pour permettre
d'arroser les terrains situes en contre-bas de son niveau. Cette seconde ecluse
est ouverte a son tour le jour de la fete de Salib, dix-sept jours apres le Nourouz ;
I'eau gagne une troisieme barriere ou elle est encore arretee pour permettre
d'irriguer les terres situees au-dessous de son niveau ; enfin, cette derniere
barriere etant ouverte, I'eau va plus loin arroser d'autres terres et finalement
se jette dans la mer."i Maqrizi does not give the interval of time between the
first and second festival, but the date of the third discloses an interesting fact.
Nawruz falls always on the first of the month of Thoth, and in ancient times
the seventeenth of that month was the festival of Uag, one of the chief of the
Nile festivals, christianised later under the name of the Id es Salib, the Feast ol

' Maqrizi, Pt. I, ch. i6, p. 159, Bouriant's translation.

8o Nawntz, or the Coptic New Year.

the Cross. It is generally supposed that it was on this festival that the sacrifice
of a girl was celebrated, but Maqrizi^ gives the twelfth of the month Paoni
(June ii) as the date of the sacrifice. Paoni is the month when the Nile is
at its lowest, an appropriate time for a sacrifice to cause the water to rise.

The modern celebration of the festival of the Nawruz in Cairo is too well
known to need description ; the cutting of the Khalig, the processions, banquets
and fireworks have been described by all travellers. Klunzinger,* who was in
Egypt from 1863 to 1875, gives an interesting account of the Nawruz celebrations,
which he says took place in " every little town " in Upper Egypt. He describes
the mock kings who ruled their respective towns for three days, and on the third
day were condemned to death by fire ; the royal insignia were burnt, but the
wearers escaped unhurt. This custom does not appear to survive now, at least
not among the Copts of the west side of the river. It is possible that it may
yet be found on the east side ; for, as the Nawruz occurs always in the hot month
of September, few Europeans remain in Upper Egypt or visit the villages at
that time of year, therefore there is no one to record the customs, and this most
important survival of the ceremonial death of the king has as yet been described,
very inadequately, by only one observer.

There is, however, another method of celebrating the Nawruz, which takes
place at the little Coptic town of Neqadeh, on the west side of the Nile, in the
mudiriyeh of Keneh. Of this custom there is no record in the accounts of
travellers, for I am told that Neqadeh is the only place which retains this ancient
and traditional method of keeping the festival. By the kindness of Negib
Effendi Baddar, omdeh of Neqadeh, I had the privilege of witnessing the celebration
at that town.

In the early morning, from about half-past two until dawn, the inhabitants
of the town, men, women and children, Copts and Moslems, went down to one
of the four places on the river bank where the women come to fill their pitchers
and the farm animals are watered. The people came in family groups, parents
and children together. The women waded into the river and stood knee-deep
in the water ; they then lifted water in their hands and drank nine times, with a
pause between every three mouthfuls; or they dipped themselves nine times
under the water with a pause between every three dips ; or they washed the face
nine times with a pause between every three washings. The men sat on the
bank and performed their ablutions or drank the water in the same way ; a few
big boys and young men flung themselves into the stream and swam about.
The children were dipped nine times or had nine handfuls of water poured over
their heads by their mothers. Friends greeted one another with the words
" Abu Nawruz haUal " or " Nawruz Allah." The whole ceremony is essentially
religious, the women especially pray the whole time, either to obtain children or
for special blessings on their children, in the belief that prayers made on this
occasion, and when the worshipper is actually standing in or drinking the NUe
water, are particularly efficacious.* The reverence and simplicity, the heartfelt
faith of the people, made this ceremony one of the most beautiful and touching
that I have ever seen.

Ihii.. Pt. I, ch. 17, p. 164.

C. B. Klunzinger, Upper Egypt, p. 184. Glasgow, 1878.

I saw one woman remain stooping over the water for a considerable time, evidently
praying. When she had finished, she beat the water nine times with the corner of her
garment, and then came out. 1 do not know the significance of her action.

Nawruz, or the Coptic New Year. 8 1

The extreme antiquity of this water festival is manifest from the allusions
to it in Pharaonic times. These allusions have not been understood, but the
ceremony which takes place at Neqadeh at High Nile makes it possible to identify
two ancient festivals which have not been recognised hitherto.

The graffito of Amen-em-het in the tomb of Antef-oker in the Xllth dynasty
records his desire to " sniff the breeze out of the Netherworld and to drink water
upon the swirl of the New Water."' The expression, " the New Water," clearly
refers to the inundation, and the drinking of the inundation water must be an
allusion to a ceremony such as I have described above.

In the Book of the Dead and in funerary inscriptions the gods are frequently
petitioned that the votary may " breathe (or smell) the sweet breezes of the north
wind from the Netherworld (khert-neter) and drink water from the eddy of the
stream."^ Khert-neter, or the Netherworld, which the sun entered and passed
through during the hours of the night, was anciently supposed to lie to the north
of Egypt, either in the Mediterranean or still further north among the islands of
the Aegean. Hence the idea that the north wind came out of the Netherworld.

In most of such ancient -prayers the breathing or smelling of the north wind
is usually coupled with the drinking from the eddy, and the modern custom shows
that two festivals still commemorate these practices ; they are both called
" Coptic " festivals, and are observed by Copts and Mahomedans alike. The
first is known in English as the Coptic Easter Monday, the second as the Coptic
New Year ; while in Arabic the first in March is named Nawruz es sultani, the
royal New Year, the second, in September, Nawruz Allah, the New Year of God.

The Nawruz es sultani, the Coptic Easter Monday, has yet another name,
Shem-en-Nessim, and is celebrated on the I2th of Barmahat (March 22nd), at
the beginning of the period when the north wind begins to blow steadily. The
name Shem-en-Nessim, literally " Smelling the Breeze," refers clearly to the
custom mentioned in the ancient funerary prayers ; thus showing that both the
Nawruz festivals are of early origin, and are survivals of two popular festivals
dating back at least to the Middle Kingdom.

Then, as now, they belonged to the populace and not to the priests ; they
were celebrated in the open and not in temples ; they were in honour of un-
changing natural phenomena and not of the gods ; they were for the living and
not for the dead. For these reasons they have remained almost unaltered for
more than forty centuries, surviving changes of religion, government and, to a
great extent, of race.

M. A. Murray.

[In the Zar, or women's hypnotic dance for curative purposes, the special words connected
with the ceremony are also of Persian origin, perhaps from its possible introduction from the
East by itinerant fortune-tellers in ancient times. H.F.P.]

' Davies, Tomb of Antefoker, p. 28.

Book of the Dead, chapters XXXVIIIa, LVI, LXVIII, CXXXVIa, CLXIV, CLXV;
Recueil des Travaux, I 202, II 122, IX 99, etc.

( 82 )

PERIODICALS.

Annates du Service des Antiquitds de r ^gypte.
Tome XX, 1920.

Baraize, E. Rapport stir la mise en place d'un moulage du zodiaque de
Denddrah. The French Government having supplied a cast of the zodiac, which
was removed from the temple of Denderah in 1822 by M. Saulnier, this was placed
in the position of the original, which is now in the Cabinet des Medailles of the
Bibliotheque nationale at Paris. M. Baraize has restored the appearance of the
chamber as nearly as possible to what it was a century ago.

Daressy, G. Bas-relief d'un dcuyer de Ramses III. This is on a lintel in
the Cairo Museum from the tomb of Pa-neter-uahem at El Helleh opposite Esneh.
The deceased is shown standing, holding the strap of a horse ; he is entitled " chief
of the stable of the king," and nesut up er semt neb, " royal messenger unto all
lands." Quotations are given of the up to specified countries.

Daressy, G. Les Statues ramessides d grosse perruque. These statues are
described in three groups : (i) those with two ensigns, one in each hand, (2) those
with one ensign, (3) those holding other attributes. It had been suggested that
these figures were of the Xllth dynasty, and appropriated by the Ramessides.
M. Daressy concludes that none of these were of the Middle Kingdom, and though
some might be as early as Amenhetep III, yet there is no re-appropriation, and
all was probably made between Ramessu II and VI.

Daressy, G. Le scarahie du cceur de la grande prHresse Ast-tn-kheb. Engrav-
ings of this are pubhshed as a tail-piece to the preface of Zoega's work on obelisks
in 1797. It is stated to have been in the Borgia collection ; but it is not in the
Vatican catalogue, though it may be in the Naples museum, to which some of
the Borgia objects passed. It is described as of green porphyry. There is no
peculiarity in the inscription, but it is strange that the mummy had been robbed
of the scarab before being placed in the pit at Deir el Bahri, and the scarab had
not been renamed for another burial, as was so often the case.

Edgar, C. C. Selected papyri from the archives of Zenon. These are dated
from year 36 to the end of the reign of Philadelphos. After business notes about
pigs and wheat, vines and goats, there are letters about the billeting of troops in
Karia, and exemptions are claimed by Government officials in Eg>'pt for their
friends, by direct request to the Boule and Demos of the city.

Lefebure, G. Le Tombeau de Petosiris. This long article of 81 pages
should have more than two illustrations of sculpture if it is to be a substitute
for a volume memoir on this interesting structure. There is some hope held out
of a great publication, but on a scale for which time and money is wanting. The

Annates du Service des Antiquites de P^gypte. 83

tomb is in the cemetery of Hermopolis, opposite El Bersheh, and is assigned to the
middle of the fourth century B.C., the end of the XXXth dynasty. An outer
court, or pronaos, has the palm leaf columns still standing complete, and the
curtain walls between them. Behind that is the naos, a hall with four pillars
around the tomb shaft. In front of the building is an altar, free-standing, with
triangular corners or horns, of Asiatic origin (see last number, p. 55). The
examples of the sculptures show that the old scenes were repeated, but the cloth-
ing was copied from the Ufe of the time, the man wearing a loose tunic to the
knees. The inscriptions refer to eight High Priests of Hermopolis in five genera-
tions, Zed.tehuti.auf.onkh, Seshu, Pef.nef.neit, Zed.tehuti.auf.onkh, Petosiris,
Zedher, Tehuti-rekh, and Petu-kem.

The facade has scenes of offerings, with the king officiating, above a dado
with Nile figures offering. Petosiris appears playing draughts. In the pronaos
all the scenes belong to Petosiris. Workshops are figured, with coppersmiths,
gilders, gold weighing, perfumers, carpentry and basketwork. Some new forms
of tools should be carefully copied. Scenes of agriculture and wine-making follow,
and the great group of Petosiris and liis wife receiving offerings from their
children, with sacrifices of cattle.

The chapel or naos was for Seshu the father, and Zad-tehuti-auf-onkh, the
elder brother, of Petosiris. There are two registers of scenes, beginning with the
father and brother before Osiris. There is a great funeral procession, after which
the brother adores groups of divinities of nine different places. After this are
nine cynocephali, who acclaim Ra in Duat ; the twelve hours are represented as
women standing, alternately in red and in blue dress ; twelve uraei follow as
the divinities who lighten the darkness in Duat. The next scene is of two bulls of
Amen and Osiris, each with a mummy, following which is the judgment scene.
There is an address of Petosiris to his brother about the beauty of the tomb, and
then a row of 25 servants with offerings, and 28 more, alternately men and women,
the latter sometimes carrying infants.

The pit of the tomb is 26 feet deep, and leads to many chambers below,
filled with broken fragments of rock and sarcophagi. Among these was found the
magnificent lid of one of the three body-coffins of Petosiris, bearing long columns
of inscription, entirely wrought in coloured glass hieroglyphs, inlaid in the
ebony. It is the most brilliant example of glass work, like a fragment
hitherto miique in the museum of Turin. The subject is the 41st chapter of
The Book of the Dead. Let us hope that this remarkable tomb will soon be
copied in full-size facsimile (by dry squeeze), and published ; it must not be
allowed to perish like the late tomb at Gizeh, cleared in 1907, and soon after
broken up by dealers.

Daressy, G. Deux stiles de Bubastis. One is of a Thanure or Thai ; the
other of Ptah.kho, born of Nespamok and Bast.renen, with brothers Ta pesh.her,
Onkh set.her, Nuty . . . her, Ta khred.bast, and Ta da nut.

Daressy, G. Un groupe de Saft el Henneh. This group of the close of the
XVIIIth dynasty was accidentally found. The inscription is supposed to be an
appropriation of the Bubastite age ; it records the general, chief of archers, chief
of the serfs of Ra, prophet of Sepdu, Sa.uas ; his wife Onkhs.mut, son Her, and
daughter Thent.amen.

F 2

84 Annates du Service des Antiquitis de VEgypte.

Daressy, G. Vn " fils royal en Nubie." This is a stele from Abydos, of
the XlXth dynasty. It was made by the " overseer of the southern lands, royal
son in Nubia, overseer of the works of the temple of Amen, chief of the Maza land.
Any." At Abu Simbel Any is called " royal son of Kush, of the people of Henen-
nesut." The temple of Wady Sebu'a was named " the Temple of Amen." A
long discussion on Maza Land is of Vcilue for Nubian geography.

Daressy, G. La princesse Amen.mdrit. A figure from Karnak, of a tutor
with a princess, Amen.meryt, evidently belongs to about the time of Tehutmes III ;
and as he is represented with his daughter Amen.meryt at Deir el Bahri, this serves
to date the figure.

ToDA, E. La ddcouverle et I'inventaire du tombeau de Sen.nezem. This account,
published in Spanish in 1887, is here translated by M. Daressy. Signer Toda was
one of a party taken by M. Maspero on his voyage of inspection in 1886. The
tomb was found by a native, and at once searched by Maspero. After 35 years
the French Institute is stated to be intending to publish the scenes and inscrip-
tions. The tomb contained 9 bodies in coffins, and 11 others laid on the sand.
The latter all broke up in moving, and only the heads were preserved. The
bodies in coffins and all the contents of the tomb were carried to Maspero's boat.
Ushabtis of 13 different persons were in the tomb. More than 40 boxes of painted
wood were found, and a set of instruments, measure, squares and plummet {Tools
and Weapons, XLVII). This magnificent set of tomb furniture has been scattered
in the Cairo Museum, and many pieces were sold to the collections of America
and Europe. Altogether 26 names are recorded from this tomb : Sen.nezem,
Ya.nefer.tha, Kho.bekhent, Satha, Bun.khetef, Pa.kharu, Ra.hetep or Pa.ra.hetep,
Khensu, Tamokt, Ra.mes, On.hetep, Ra.nekhu, Aru.nefer, Ta.aosh.sent, Tayua,
Hetepu, Rusu, Ramo, Thara, Taau, Ramo, Ta.osh . . ., Tutua, Mesu, Taau,
Hent.urt.

Daressy, G. Un groupe de statues de Tell el Yahoudieh. Two figures of a
man and woman standing, roughly cut, of the Ramesside age. He was royal
fan-bearer, over the lands of the south, Piaay ; his wife was Tauser. He holds a
staff bearing a ram's head.

Daressy, G. L'animal Sdthien a tete d'dne. The writer had previously
proposed that the Set animal was an arbitrary combination. Set appears with
an ass's head in the Xllth dynasty and Roman times. Now a coffin of Nesi.
amen, one of the priests of Amen, shows the sun-bark drawn by three jackals
and three animals with ass's heads.

Daressy, G. Fragments Memphites. These have been found in the temple
area between the village and the colossus. They are : (i) a black granite figure
of Ramessu II in many pieces ; (2) block of limestone with his cartouche ;
(3) another block with part of a Ptah figure ; (4) part of an alabaster base of
a column, with the name of Ramessu.user.pehti {Student's History, III, 37, after
No. 23) ; (5) two blocks from a chapel of Sekhmet built by Sheshenq II, with a
figure of his son, the High priest Takerat ; (6) a block naming a priestess of Mut
and Neferatmu, Bast.au.seonkh ; {7) a sandstone door-jamb of Amasis.

Revue Egyptologique, NouvelU Sdrie. 85

Daressy, G. L'ivhhi de Sais et Naucratis. In the Coptic lists the bishopric
of Sais is stated to be Sa and Satf . Sa is Sais, and now it is proposed that Satf
in Coptic would be an easy corruption of Gaif, the modern name of Naukratis.

Daressy, G. Un Sarcophage de MMamond. This belonged to Her.pa.ast,
otherwise Borsha, son of Hetabu and Tharden or Tarudet. [The name Bor is the
usual Baal, and Sha is a divine name ; thus Baalisha, " my lord is Sha," is parallel
to Elisha, " my god is Sha."]

Edgar, C. C. Selected papyri from the archives of Zenon. Among these we
get a light on the currency difficulties. Zenon owed 400 drachmae, payable in
copper ; but he gave 400 in gold as security. After that the receivers refused to
exchange it. 400 of gold was equal to 416 in silver, and that was equal to 460
in copper. Another papyrus on exchange raises further difficulties, yet unsolved.
Elsewhere there was the risk of the Government being paid both by the debtor
and his surety, and " you know well that it is not easy to recover money from the
Treasury." Other affairs about goats and pigs and bees wait to be dealt with
as a whole view of rustic life.

Lefebvre, G. Textes du tomheau de Petosiris. The piece of coffin in Turin,
inlaid with coloured glass, is here compared in its text with that of Petosiris. It
belonged to a son of Seshu and Nefer.renpit, and was probably taken from the
tomb of Petosiris. The texts published here refer to the funeral ceremonies.

Lefebvre, G. Le dieu "Upav d'gypte. The god Hero on horseback is
shown on two steles of late Ptolemaic age published here. The lintel of a temple
of Hero has been found at Theadelphia ; two frescoes from the Fayum and a
lead amulet from Alexandria also refer to Hero. The connection of the god's
epithet Subattos with Sopd, and of his position with Atmu, are discussed.

Lefebvre, G. Inscription grecque du Deir-el-Abyad. This is on the inner
face of a lintel : "To the eternal memory of the very illustrious count Caesarios,
son of Candidianos, the founder."

Perdrizet, p. Asiles grdco-dgyptiens, asiles Remains. An asylum decree of
Ptolemy XI is here discussed, and its relation to Christian rights of asylum. The
Ptolemaic right of asylum extended to 50 cubits around. The churches of Gaul
had the asylum 60 paces round large churches, 30 paces around the small.

Revue Egyptologique, Nouvelle Serie, Tome I, 191 9.

We have to welcome after many years' silence a revival of this journal, in
new hands and with a different manner. It is in two yearly parts, called Fascicule
I and 2 and Fascicule 3 and 4, although each part has no division in it. The
part dated January, 1920, appears in 1921. The scope of the articles is mainly
philological and Graeco-Roman.

Moret, a. Monuments dgyptiens de la collection du comte de Saint-Ferriol.
These were mostly given to the museum of Grenoble in 1916. (i) Stele of two
women, Uotn and Nebent, with brief list of offerings, fully discussed here. An

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86 Revue Egyptologique, Nouvelle SMe.

interesting addition to the few works of the Ilird dynasty. (2) A seated figure
of Amenhetep, who was director of the prophets of Tehutmes I, and servant of
the statue of Men.kheper.ra and of the statue of Men.kheper.ka.ra, the two forms
of Tehutmes III. It is remarkable that both forms are stated together, as if
simultaneous. The parents of Amenhetep were Nezem.ast.Her and Tua.Her.
The figure was placed in the temple of Amen to receive the benefit of daily offerings
to the god. (3) Stele of the vizier User and wife Thuau adored by their son
Samenkht, and the vizier Oamtu and wife Taoamtu adored by their son Merymaot.
The main interest is that User weis one of the priestly porters who bore the image
of the god and heard the oracles, showing that this method of consulting the gods
was already in use in the XVIIIth dynasty. (4) Stele of Hemert, prince, eyes
and ears of the king, and architect, adoring a sphinx on a pedestal, approached
by steps. The Uzat, and orb with one wing, above. (5) Stele of Kuban of
Ramessu II, the well-known account of making a cistern on the road to the
gold-mine of Akita, fully published and translated.

Sottas, H. " Mnw " = Socle. This note discusses the rendering of mnw
as depth, and proposes that it is the name of the object, a socket or pedestal for
a figure. This agrees with menu as apparently " bases " in the Book of the
Dead, c. 172.

Lefebvre, G., et Moret, A. Un nouvel acte de fondation d Tehneh. The
tomb of Nek-onkh, son of Heta and Debet, contains a deed of endowment for
offerings. All his children are made a company of ka servants, with food-rents
from which to provide for the table of offerings at the festivals, " under the
hand" of the eldest son, Em-ra-f-onkh, who was constituted kherp or chief.
Thus, at the beginning of the Vth dynasty, in all that concerned family matters
there was a head of the family with the title of kherp. This gives the meaning
probably to the bearing of the kherp sceptre in the hand.

Blacas, Louis de. Une statue d'Osiris de la XXIII' dynastie. This grey
granite standing figure, 38 in. high, was found at Memphis, and is in the collection
of Count de Blacas. The interest of it lies in giving four generations of a family,
with 28 names. It is probably of the XXVth or early XXVIth dynasty, as shown
by the names of Amenardus and Shapenapt.

ViTELLi, G. Trimetri Tragici. A papyrus with 18 mutilated lines, of the
Ilnd or Ilird century a.d., appears to belong to an unknown tragedy earlier than
Euripides.

Jouguet, p. Les BovXai igyptiennes d la fin du III' sihcle apres J. C. A
senate, or curia, was set up in each nome under Severus. The reasons for this,
and the system, are here studied in full detail, mainly from a report of proceedings
at Oxyrhynkhos.

RoussEL, P. Les Sanctuaires igyptiens de Ddlos et d'^rdtrie. The remains
of these shrines refer principally to the worship of Sarapis.

CoLLART, p. L'Invocation d'Isis d'apres un papyrus d'Oxyrhynchos. This
refers to the list already analysed in Ancient Egypt, 1916, pp. 40-3.

Revue Agyptologique, Nouvelle Se'rie. 87

A section of Notices et Bulletins contains an appraisement of the work of
Revillout, English papyrology during the war, and the same for Itsdy. Finally
come reviews of books.

The seceaid part, called Fascicules 3-4, is of similar quality.

Sottas, H. Remarques sur le " Po^me satirique." This is a fresh study of
this obscure and much-debated demotic fragment. The translation given is
expressly free of all attempt at restoration. As to the sense, it reads like the
most inconsequent passages of Petronius.

Langlois, p. Essai pour remonier d I'original Sgyptien du terme sdmitique
ddsignant I'Egypte. The source of the Arabic Magr, cuneiform Musur, and
Hebrew Miizn (adj.) is here sought. The Persian is Mudrdya, and this is com-
pared with the d inserted to strengthen zayn in Ezra = Esdras, and 'Azrb 1 =
Hasdrubal. It is thus suggested that the sad here has replaced a dental ; and
this dental is deduced from the tera sign after the well-known Ta-mera as the
name of Egypt, pointing to a value approaching metra. This dental influence is
thus proposed as the source of the tzaddi in the Semitic forms. Many cognate
questions are discussed in illustration.

MoRET, A. Monuments dgyptiens de la collection du comte de Saint-Ferriol.
Continued with 6, figure seated cross-legged, with libation altar in front, in sand-
stone, of Nefer-renpet, mayor of the palace. 7, limestone stele of the chief
goldsmith Amenemhot, XVIIIth dynasty, with his sister Then-asheru and six
children. 8, limestone stele of Nem-ptahmo, son of Hat and Nub-nefert, sons
Renty, User, Pupuy and Nub-nefer. 9, limestone stele of Yrra and his sister
Yrrares. 10, limestone stele of Peda-ast, son of Arhapy and Tenat. 11, pieces
of sandstone reliefs of Tehutmes III. 12, 13, fragments of statues. 14, fragment
of limestone figure of a noble, Ameptah. 15, five pieces of the granite sarcophagus
of the celebrated Amenhetep, son of Hapu ; another piece is in University College,
London. 16, anthropoid coffin of Psemthek, son of Seba-rekhtu. 17, anthropoid
cofi&n of Nehems-menth, son of That-unth and Tadathnebha. 18, lid of wooden
coffin of Ta-nekht-ne-tahat. 19-22, ushabtis, names Psemthek (of 16) and
Psemthek-neb-pehti, bom of Khnem-nefer, daughter of Psemthek. 23, imitation
vases of the chief goldsmith Nefer-heb-ef. 24, ushabti box of Ta-pa-khent and
Rames. 25, bronze of Roman Anubis. An excursus of M. Perdrizet deals with
the jackal or dog origin of Anubis, the funerary and the heavenly Anubis, the
Hermanubis and the Roman forms. 26, a Karian stele, described by M. Autran.

Cavaignac, E. La Milice e'gyptienne au VI' siicle et I'Empire acfu'menide.
This starts from the passage in Herodotos (II, 164-8) recounting the Kalasires
and Hermotybies, garrisons of the Delta and Thebaid. The passage is concluded
to have been drawn from some Ionian writer of the time of Amasis, and the
number of Kalasires is more exactly given in Her. II, 30, as 240,000 men, with
160,000 Hermotybies, or 400,000 military fiefs, of about 6 acres each, or 4,000
square miles. This was not, however, all in the Delta, as the writer assumes,
since there were troops in the Thebaid. The 400,000 men with families and
serfs are taken as i^ to 2 millions of population. The area of Egypt being
(in 1880) 11,342 square miles, with the Delta lakes and marshes (since formed) it
would be about 13,000 square miles. Thus the military fiefs were nearly a

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88 Revue Egyptologique, Nouvelle SMe.

third of the land, in agreement with the statement that the land was held equally
in thirds by the military, the priests, and the civilians. This implies a total
population of about five or six millions. With this compare seven millions under
the Ptolemies, three in the decadence, five about 1880, and eleven millions under
British rule now. All the earUer estimates depend on the number of servile
population attached to the military, which is very uncertain. The writer proceeds,
on still vaguer ground, to take the tribute of Egypt to the Persians as not
including any tax on the priests, and so to estimate the tax as 700 talents on
two-thirds or one-third of the population, hence the tax as a didrachm per person.
This, by the bye, was just the Roman poll tax in Palestine (Matt, xvii, 27).
From this basis the whole population of the Persian empire is estimated by the
tribute as 25 to 30 millions. Against this should, however, be set the fact that
Egypt was one of the richest lands, and most regions could not yield a half or a
quarter of the rate of tax in Egypt. All this estimate must be taken with much
reserve.

Bell, H. I. Some private letters of the Roman period. This gives text and
translation of four letters selected as examples of more intimate and personal
expression.

Cloche, P. La Grece et I'^gypte de 405/4 d 'iA'^l'^ J- C This is a long and
critical article dealing with all the sources of history from the XXVIIIth-XXXth
dynasties. The summary of the discussion concludes that in 405 Amyrtaios
became independent, but sent troops to aid Artaxerxes II, and a prince Psam-
metichos acted also in Persian interest. In 399 Naifaaurud I succeeded, who
leaned on Sparta as against Persia (396). Hakar succeeded in 393 and warred
with Persia 389-387, a situation which ended in 381/0, a little before the death of
Hakar. Psimut and Naifaaurud II reigned in 380-379. Nekht-neb-ef had
begun some usurpation in 381, and reigned from 379 to 361. The aggression of
Phamabazos and Iphikrates was in 374 or 373. Zeher reigned 361-359, and began
plotting with the Asiatic satraps, seeking help in Sparta and Athens, and received
Agesilaos and Chabrias about the end of 360. War broke out in Syria, 359, and
was checked by the rebellion of Nekht-her-heb. Zeher fled to the Great King.
Chabrias returned to Greece and acted for Athens in the war on Thrace, 358.
Nekht-hor-heb conquered a usurper in 358 by help of Agesilaus, who left at the
beginning of winter, 358/7, and died. In 351 a Persian expedition was checked,
and this led to a revolt in Phoenicia and Cyprus, which was crushed in 350.
Ochos began long preparations to attack Egypt, and in 344/3 got the neutrahty
of Athens and Sparta, and the military help of Thebes and Argos. The war
began in 342, and in that, or the beginning of 341, ended by the Persian recon-
quest of Egypt. All of these dates accord with those given in the Student's
History, except the rise of the XXXth dynasty being a year earlier. The inversion
of Nekht-nebef and Nekht-her-heb rests on the evidence of their building at El
Khargeh.

An eulogy on Prof. Mahafiy, and reviews, complete the number.

Vol. II. Gauthier, H. Le dieu nubien Doudoun.

This is an important study of a god who often appears on the borders of
Egyptian mythology, and deserves full consideration. The foreign gods are
noticed, as the cow-goddess Hathor of Punt, or Somali Land ; Bes from east

Revue Egyptologique, Nouvelle Se'rie. 89

Africa ; Neith of Libya ; and in the XVIIIth and XlXth dynasties the Semitic
Baal, Astarte, Reshef and Qadshu. From Nubia come the goddesses Anuqet and
Satet, as well as Dudun. Thirteen various spellings of the name are quoted, in
which are three entirely different signs for the first syllable, and as many for the
second. These emphatically show that the name was entirely foreign, and had
no root in Egyptian. There is no sign for the first vowel, which has been supplied
by transliterators in every form ; so, with our usual convention, it is better to
spell the name Dedun. In the pyramid texts of the Vlth dynasty the king is
promised the perfume of Dedun of the south, coming from the land of the bow,
or Nubia. The bird determinative after the name seems like the ur, great, and
so equal to the later epithet the neter oa, great god ; but it is suggested that this
is really the sign of being a bird-god, like the falcon-Horus, and as only a
coincidence there is quoted a bird named in Upper Egypt as zuzun or susun. It
is remarkable that three other southern gods, Khas, Aahes and Sopdu are associated
with Dedun in providing the ladder by which the king is to ascend into heaven.
This looks as if this idea of the ladder was Ethiopian ; may it not be derived
from the ladder by which the huts of Punt were entered (Naville, Deir el Bahari,
LXIX, LXX, LXXI) ? This would relieve the Egyptian belief from its absurdity ;
the ladder was simply the means of entering a dwelling, and to enter heaven the
normal means of access were naturally quoted. In another passage, Pepy is
identified with Rahes or Ahes, god of the south land (Sudan), Dedun god of the
bow land (Nubia) and Sopdu.

In the Middle Kingdom Senusert III built a small temple to Dedun in the
fort of Semnah, along with Khnumu of the cataract. This obscure king Ugaf
of the Xlllth dynasty (?) Ukewise was " beloved by Dedun." In the XVIIIth
dynasty Tehutmes III carried on the worship of Dedun in Nubia, and the god
promises him the control of the Anti and Mentiu, nomads of the eastern and
western desert, as a reward for building his temple. The offerings of corn and
cattle originally established by Senusert III, were renewed by Tehutmes III.
The feasts there were on the new year (i Thoth), the second season of the year
(i Tybi), the slaughter of the Antiu of the bow-land. Nubia (21 Pharmuthi),
and the third season of the year (i Pakhons), the feast of queen Merseger called
" feast of chaining the desert folk," and the feast of Senusert III. Dedun is
first represented in Egypt at Deir el Bahri, but only as belonging to southern
scenes. Sety I incorporated this god in a group of purely Egyptian deities at
Kamak, between Ptah and Horus ; as Dedun is the only foreign god there, this
selection is the more marked. Although Ramessu II built so many temples in
Nubia, yet Dedun is never represented in them ; nor did the earlier Ethiopian
conquerors ever name him. Tirhaqa revived his worship at Napata and Kamak,
where Dedun typifies the south. Later the kings of Ethiopia, Atlanarsa and
Aspalta, continued the adoration of Dedun, who is called the god of Kush.

In the Graeco-Roman age Dedun is figured at Philae, by Nekht-nebef , and
by Ptolemy VII and his successors. There seems to have been a triad at Philae
of Ari-hems-nefer, Tehuti and Dedun. As the name was evidently foreign, it
seems useless to try to deduce for it an Egyptian meaning ; nor is a mixed origin.
Tod, young (Nubian), and hun, youth (Egyptian), less unsatisfactory. M.
Gauthier firmly rejects the assimilation of Dedun to Ptah-Tanen, which he
declares cannot be identified with Dedun ; yet there is the form ].'" \ ^ ^ "^ which
duplicates the dental. Tanen is said to bring the inundation from Elephantine,
and he was a creator-god, like Dedun, being linked with Khnumu. There is thus

go Revue Agyptologique, Nouvelle Sirie.

enough resemblance still to leave an open question whether Tatnen was not a
form of Dedun.

Another question is raised about Tithonos. The legend is that he was a
Trojan prince, beloved by Eos (dawn) and carried by her to Ethiopia, where
they had two children, Emathion and Memnon. Tithonos in the time of
Aristophanes is used for a very old man ; and Hesychios (IVth centvu^y) states
Tithonokomon to be " a black race over all the body, but with white hair." Thus
Tithon is strongly connected with Ethiopia ; yet that is but vague in position,
and might mean only the south of Phoenicia. There are thus several questions
remaining about this god Dedun, which still seem open to further evidence.

Gardiner, A. H. On certain participial formations in Egyptian. This
discusses the two renderings of the same phrase hessu-neb-f, as an imperfect
passive participle " one (being) praised of his lord," or as the relative form
" one whom his lord praises." These being the same, the result is " that we
are clearly wrong in classifying the Egyptian verb-form under two separate
heads." In short, the grammar has been over-elaborated by the moderns.
After many points which are raised, it is concluded " that the transformation of
the passive participle into the relative form takes place by gradual stages."

Next is discussed the passive of _ (U. ^ ^\ ; and the conclusion is that

_/u. *L=^ must have meant something like " the fact of his not having

done," and (u. -<2>- (](] o " the fact of there not having been done."

MoNTET, p. Sur quelques passages des Mdmoires de Sinouhit. This dis-
cussion of some passages leads to amending " an offspring of the Setiu " to " a
thrower of the boomerang of the Setiu." The sign khet is stated not to be a
branch, but " the iron of a harpoon " ; on the contrary, it has clearly the
branching of twigs, and is used for wood and not for metal. Other remarks on
the products of Syria are inconclusive.

CoLLiNET, P. Le P. Berol. gr. inv. no. 2745 et la procedure par rescrit au
V siMe. The evidence of date points to 468-477 a.d., and the papyrus
completes our knowledge of the procediure by imperial rescript to a judge.

CLOCHfe, P. La Grice et l'gypte de 405/4 d 342/1 avant J. C. The previous
part of this memoir (see above) was devoted to the chronology ; in this con-
tinuation the political detail of the Greek connections are set out. A long enquiry
is on the Persian seizure of the Mendesian mouth, the desire of Iphikrates to
push on to Memphis while it was undefended, the timidity of Pharnabazos,
waiting for reinforcements, and the failure by delaying till the rise of the Nile.
In all this M. Clochd does not point the close parallel to the invasion by Louis IX :
he landed at Damietta, only 20 miles difference ; his one chance was to push on
to Cairo before the Nile rose, but he waited months to collect troops, while
the Saracens rapidly recovered, and planned resistance. Pharnabazos, more
fortunate than Louis, had an open retreat, and could regain Sjnria without a
total wreck, by keeping command of the sea. The war of Zeher is detailed,
his betrayal, and flight to the Persians whom he had been attacking. The final
assault by the Persians under Ochos is studied at great length, and the fall of
the Egyptian kingdom. Nowhere is the Greek policy seen to be more futile

Zeitschrift fiir Aegyptische Sprache. 91

and useless than in the alternate support of Egypt and of Persia. Egypt was
no menace to any Greek interest, and if the Greek assistance had been given
continuously to Egypt, the Persians would have been defeated and reduced long
before Alexander.

Lesquier, J. Les nouvelles eludes sur le Calendrier ptoUmatque. This is a
study of the relation of the Egj^tian and Greek calendars in the latter part of the
reign of Philadelphos, as shown by the Zeno papyri. The relations are greatly
complicated by the uncertainty of intercalation, and the use of a fiscal and a
regnal year-system. Much remains still doubtful, as the uncertainties and
unknown factors exceed the scope of the material. A biennial intercalary lunar
month was used, so that the year alternated between 354 and 384 days, averaging
therefore 369. How the 4 days' surplus was eliminated is not stated. It would
have needed suppressing the intercalary month every 9 years. But there is no
trace of this rectification in the table of connections, and without this the lunar
months would slip through all the series in 94 years.

Zeitschrift fiir Aegyptische Sprache, LI 1 1 , 1 9 1 6.

Spiegelberg, W. Briefe der 21, Dynastie aus El-Hibe. Dr. Spiegelberg
publishes some papyri which were bought together at Luxor more than twenty
years ago. The papyri are fragmentary and there was no provenance, but from
internal evidence he finds that they come from El Hibeh, about 13 km. north
of Tehneh. The papyri consist chiefly of letters, which, by the names, must
be dated to the XXIst dynasty. The principal correspondent is a divine father
and Temple-scribe, Hor-pen-ese of the Camp. Two letters are from him. The
first letter refers to soldiers, the second to horses ; both begin with flowery
salutations and prayers for the welfare of the recipient. In one of the letters
addressed to Hor-pen-ese, mention is made of 'Masaherte, the well-known
High-priest ; he was suffering from illness and sought help at the hands of the
god of El Hibeh. Another fragment alludes to Isi-em-kheb and Pasebkhanu.
Unfortunately the papyri are too fragmentary to translate completely, but
sufficient remains to show that the letters were chiefly official correspondence.
Spiegelberg publishes the fragments in the hope that some, at least, of the
missing portions may yet be found in other collections.

Spiegelberg, W. Der demotische Papyrus Heidelberg 736. The writing
of this papyrus is of the Ptolemaic period, about the second century B.C. On
the recto are the remains of a story concerning a magician named Hen-naw,
son of Hor, and two birds of heaven. Fortunately an almost complete version
of the story is preserved, written on potsherd. In this story the magician's
name is Hi-Hor, and he possessed two birds. On one occasion, when the birds
were absent, he was seized and imprisoned at Elephantine. The birds found
him and induced him to write out his history on two rolls of papyrus, which
they then carried to Pharaoh in his palace. The end of the story is lost, but
undoubtedly he was released and lived happy ever after. The verso contains
a hymn to Isis, apparently to be sung at a religious procession.

Sethe, K. Die historische Bedeutung des 2 Phild-Dekrets aus der Zeit des
Ptolemaios Epiphanes. Revillout was the first to call attention to two kings

92 Zeitschrift fur Aegyptische Sprache.

who reigned in the South for twenty years, and he placed the end of this short
dynasty in the nineteenth regnal year of Ptolemy Epiphanes. Sethe recounts
all the proofs for this discovery of Revillout's, and adds some further details
which throw light on this obscure period. The two kings were called respectively
Harmachis and Anchmachis, and Sethe shows that the general who overthrew
the latter was called Amnos, and that the final battle took place near Thebes,
and he also proves that these two kings were of Nubian origin.

Sethe, K. Zwei bisher iibersehene Nachrichten iiher Kunstwerke aus Kupfer
aus den dltesten Zeiten der dgyptischen Geschichte. (i) Sethe makes the very
interesting suggestion that the entry on the Palermo Stone, which he, in common
with all other scholars, has read " Birth of Kha-Sekhemui," should have an
entirely different meaning. The two signs which occur in the inscription under
the word mes have hitherto been neglected. The first is the sign for metal,
which must be read with the word mes. The second is divided from the first
by a wide space, and is the hieroglyph A, which in its root meaning reads
" High." Sethe brings together instances to show that A followed by a king's
name refers to a buUding or some work of art, in this case a standing statue,
as the phrase is determined by the picture of the statue. Reading the word
mes as " fashioning " and not as " birth," the result is " A metal-fashioned
[statue called] High is Kha-Sekhemui." Sethe cites the great copper statue of
Pepy I as proof that the Egyptians were masters of the art of metal working,
by the Vlth dynasty.

(2) In the reign of Nefer-ar-ka-Ra, of the Vth dynasty, the Palermo Stone
records that various objects were made in electrum, and also an obelisk of eight
cubits in copper and a solar Morning-boat and Evening-boat in the same metal
and of the same size.

Sethe, K. Ein agypiisches Denkmal des Alten Reichs von der Insel Kythera
mit dem Namen des Sonnenheiligtums des Kdnigs Userkef. A little bowl in " white
marble " was found in excavations in the island of Cerigo and was published in
the Journal of Hellenic Studies, XVII, 349. The signs inscribed on it have
been supposed to be Mycenaean or Cretan " alphabetic characters." Sethe,

however, identifies them at once as the name of Userkaf 's sun-sanctuary Q^

which was built, according to the Palermo Stone, in the fifth or sixth year of
that king. Sethe now reads the name of the sanctuary as nehen Ra, " the court
of offerings of Ra," the sign being the same as c3z>.

Steindorff, G. Die blaue Kdnigskrone. In the Old and Middle Kingdoms
the white and red crowns, the double crown, and the striped head-dress with
lappets, are all worn by the kings, but it is not until the New Kingdom that
the khepersh the so-called war-helmet appears. The first to wear it, as far
as we know at present, was Kames, but it became the usual head-dress of the
Pharaoh, either in war or peace. The form is well known ; it is represented as
covered with rings or discs, and is uniformly coloured blue. Steindorff holds to
the opinion that it is, as has always been supposed, a head-dress of leather with
metal rings. Borchardt, however, holds that it is a special method of hair-
dressing, and that the rings are a stylised representation of curls, and quotes
a relief in the Temple of Abydos showing Sety I wearing what might be a wig

Zeitschrift fur Aegyptische Sprache. 93

it is very similar to the style of chignon that Queen Nefert-ythi wore covered
with rings like the khepersh. Borchardt also points out that the hair of kings
and gods is often painted dark blue, the same colour as the khepersh. Steindorff
brings forward a good deal of evidence from literary sources, showing that the
khepersh wa#- considered, by the Egyptians themselves, to be a crown and not
a form of hairdressing, as it is usually mentioned with the crowns of Upper
and Lower Egypt, with the double crown, and with the atef-crown. Steindorff
also points out that at Dendereh a procession of gods and goddesses carry crowns
as offerings, and the khepersh is the fifth, coming after the white and red crowns
and before the atef. The origin of the word khepersh is discussed, Semitic scholars
such as Max MiiUer and Zimmern inclining to the belief that it is a foreign
word introduced from Syria or Assyria. Steindorff thinks that their derivations
are possible but not probable, and points out that the word is always spelt out
in the orthography of Egyptian words and not in the special forms reserved
for foreign words. If, therefore, the word was not foreign, the crown itself was
not foreign either. It is not found before the New Kingdom, but, as Steindorff
says, our knowledge of the representations of Pharaohs of the early periods is
confined to statues, and even in the New Kingdom the royal statue very seldom
wears the blue crown ; it is represented almost entirely in reliefs and paintings,
where the king is shown offering in the Temple, taking part in great ceremonies,
or in company with his wife and children. It hardly seems likely that a foreign
head-dress, newly introduced into the country, should be so completely adopted ;
it is more probable that it was an ancient head-dress, the use of which more or
less superseded the other crowns for ordinary wear in the New Kingdom. Another
possibility is that it is the leather case for the red crown, the outline of which
would fit it.

RuscH, A. Der Tote im Grabe. There are, in the Pyramid Texts, four groups
of texts which contain a reference to an ancient funerary ritual.* In these the
dead man is called upon to raise himself from his left side and to lie upon his
right, in order to receive certain offerings ; he is called " my father," and the
reciter speaks of himself as " thy son, thy heir." As the records of excavators
show, the usual position of the body is facing west with the head to the south ;
the cemetery being in the western desert, the offerer would come from the east ;
the dead man is therefore exhorted to turn over in order to receive the offering
of food and drink. Rusch suggests that the harvest text, which sometimes
accompanies the exhortation, is a later addition to the more primitive form,
though it also contains a reference to the son. Another son-text is obviously
Osirian ; this Rusch considers to be later. He states the chronological position
thus :

1. The son as the ritual priest for the father (the son speaks in the first
person) .

2. The living king brings harvest offerings at certain festivals to his dead
father (the son is spoken of in the third person).

3. Horus as the nd-U of his father (the son again spoken of in the third
person).

Kees, H. Ein Onkel Amenophis' IV Hoherpriester von Heliopolis ? Borchardt
has suggested that Aanen, the brother of Queen Tyi, who was second prophet
of Amon at Thebes, was also High-priest of Heliopolis, on account of his title

4 Zeitschrift far Aegyptische Sprache.

" Greatest of seers." Kees calls attention to the fact that even as early as the
beginning of the XVIIIth dynasty the title was no longer confined to HeUopolis,
but is found in Thebes. The Ra-cult with its priestly title was established chiefly
at Hermonthis but also at Thebes, where several High-priests of Amon bore
the title of " Greatest of seers."

Ember, A. Kindred Semito-Egyptian Words. (New Series.) This paper is
a continuation of a series, of which the last is in Vol. LI. It is a list of words
with kindred words in Arabic and Hebrew. It is an important contribution
to the study of the ancient Egyptian language, and contains many interesting
points, amongst others the suggestion that the word ka, " food," and ka, " pro-
tective genius, double," are intimately connected with the Semitic word meaning
" to sustain, provide," and with the modem Arabic " to guard, protect."

Spiegelberg, W. Varia. i. The title ddtw n Snh probably refers to the
playing of a musical instrument in the temple : from the determinative of metal,
which accompanies the word Snb, it is possibly a trumpet.

2. Horapollo, as an interpreter of hieroglyphs, is regaining his lost credit.
He clearly knew the late forms of the writing, and many of his statements are
therefore very illuminating for students of the late period. A title of Hathor
in late times is Mistress of sixteen. Horapollo says that the word for joy was
written with the numeral sixteen ; therefore the title reads Mistress of joy.

3. In discussing a new legend of the birth of Horus, Spiegelberg disregards
the facts of anthropology. This makes some of his remarks rather out of date,
though the greater part of the article is interesting.

4. The derivation of the Coptic oot, " to be angry," is from the Egyptian

which by analogy with other Coptic derivatives must have been

a triliteral verb *^ *^c:=:>, the two alephs coalescing. But the spelling of
C /! </ and similar words show the triliteral root.

5. Maspero first pointed out that the inner rooms of houses, temples, and
even of tombs, were decorated to represent the world, with the sky above, and
the earth underfoot. Visitors to the temples wrote in their graffiti that they
found the temple " like a heaven within, in which Ra rose." The two pylons
of Edfu are called Isis and Nephthys, " who raise the God of Edfu (i.e., the
Sun-god) when he shines in the horizon." In a temple orientated east and west,
the sun could be seen rising between the pylons, which would be considered as
the entry of the god into his heaven in the temple.

6. Brugsch has given the meaning of 1\ ^ H ^^ *-^^ reliquary which

held a relic of Osiris. Spiegelberg agrees that it is a receptacle of some kind, but
proves from literary sources that it contained a document bearing the titles
of the god as ruler of Egypt. In the case of Horus it is the " last will and testa-
ment " of his father Geb by which Horus obtained the kingship of Egypt. The
kings carried the same object as being themselves divine, and also as successors
of Horus. Spiegelberg suggests that the shape of the object is due to the material
of which it was made, probably soft leather, which was squeezed in the middle
by the pressure of the hand. The word mtks ends in s as do so many other words
which refer to the royal insignia.

Zeitschrift fur Aegyptische Sprache. 95

7. By analogy with the Coptic derivatives of Egyptian words, the Egyptian

^vnP " mother," probably contained another consonant such as ^^ which was-

not written. It is suggested that the name M.ov6, of the vulture-goddess of
Thebes, has nothing to do with the word for " mother," but perhaps meant

simply " vulture." The reading of the word ^ , " town," was also probably

niwt, i.e., with a weak consonant.

8. Spiegelberg corrects von Lange's translation of the inscription of Antef,
now in the British Museum. Von Lange translates " [I gave to him] a measure
of land of watered ground to reap every year." Spiegelberg reads this as " I gave
to him the produce of one arura after the annual inundation."

9. In the early periods each year was called after some event ; this custom
continued tiU late times, the most interesting example being " the year of the
hyaenas, when there was famine."

10. The translation of a papyrus, now in the Berlin Museum, shows that
it is a letter from a landowner to a tenant. The tenant had been evicted, but
at the intercession of the landowner's wife he is permitted to retain the land.
The letter is not merely to announce the fact, but is to serve as legal proof to-
the authorities that the lease is still in force.

11. The ancient Egyptian specialists in medicine were the eye-doctors,
who are known from the Old Kingdom onwards, and the curers of intestinal
troubles.

12. Griffith has already published a record of Admiral Semtutef-nachte,
and Spiegelberg here publishes an inscription copied from a statue which he
saw at a dealer's in Cairo. It is interesting to find a reference to the rather rare
god Her-shefi, as the admiral also held the office of the overseer of the prophets
of that deity.

13. A formula of good wishes is found in the expression, " May he have
the duration of Ra." It is the stereotyped phrase after a king's name, " Gifted
with life like Ra for ever," and it is also the usual greeting in demotic letters.

14. There is a MsAa6^i-figure in the Berlin Museum with an unusual inscription.
Instead of the words " to fill the channels with water," i.e., by the hard manual'

work of the shaduf, the text gives a variant <=> [I ^ q j a^ac 'j s J "^ -,

Roeder translates this as " to sail round the fields," but, as Spiegelberg points
out, this does not carry out the idea of agricultural labour. He therefore
suggests that, as kd can mean a " wheel," the reference here is to the method
of raising water by a wheel, such as is in use in Egypt at the present day.

15. The rib of the palm leaf was used as the sighting rod of astronomers,,

and was called jL. a, which means palm-stick, in Coptic ba : bai.

16. On a statuette of the Theban priest Ke-te-Mut, he is called " Great
chief of the Mdhasaun." Spiegelberg identifies these people with the Libyan
Massylioi.

17. The Egyptian name for the so-called " Maxims of the Wise " is practically
the same in the early examples as in New Egyptian, and can be translated
" Educational precepts."

18. The phrase njr-hr, applied to Ptah and other gods, is usually translated
" beautiful of face," but would be more correctly translated as " gracious of
face."

96 Zeitschrift fiir Aegyptische Spracke.

Spiegelberg, W. Demotische Miszellen. i. The Egyptian word nmhw
apparently continues into Coptic as pue; with the meaning " free."

2. The demotic script of the Rosetta Stone seems to have been done by
two hands, the first as far as the end of the protocol, the rest by the second.
The use of the word " teaching " in the sentence " the rest of the people, who
were in another teaching during the disturbance which reigned in Egypt,"
reminds one of the same use of the word under Akhenaten. " Those who are
in another teaching " were always the enemies of the king.

3. Spiegelberg proposes to recognise in No. 1,326 of Mariette's Catalogue
des Monuments d'Abydos an inscription relating to the embalming and burial
of a dead falcon.

4. Two demotic ostraka in the British Museum are receipts for the cemetery
dues paid to a certain Panas and paid by him to the Overseer of the Nekropolis.

5. Spiegelberg proposes to read an enigmatical group in the London Magical

Papyrus as Y, the Coptic form being given in the papyrus as cue. The whole

sentence would then run, " A snake of the brood of Atum, which lies as uraeus-
snake on my head."

6. Examples are given of Greek words spelt out in demotic, or literally
translated. SA n gid, " handwriting," might also be translated directly into
English.

7. The word /isy, determined with the Sun-god, means " drowned," the
determinative not being read. In demotic the usual mad-krw formula after the
name is also determined with the Sun-god. The dead were identified not only
with Osiris but with Ra, whom they accompanied in his journey. The hypo-
cephalus, so common in late times, is also connected with Ra worship. Schafer
has suggested that the hypocephalus originated as the object which is repre-
sented in Middle Kingdom coffins, and is there called hnmt wrt ; it may be a
kind of cushion.

8. Demotic, as also Ptolemaic hieroglyphic texts, introduce a new absolute
pronoun to denote the object, except in the third person singular and plural,
where the old pronoun is retained. The new pronominal form is found in the
Persian period, and even as early as the inscription of Piankhy and the story
of Wenamon. In Piankhy the form is simply s=> before the suffix, but the usual

writing is ll |] before the suffix. It is possible that this is the origin of the Coptic

imperatives which take a t between the verb and the object ; and possibly
also the t of the objective pronoun of the first person singular, which follows
infinitives ending in t or a, may result from the use of the demotic pronoun
with imperatives.

9. Greek titles are sometimes literally translated into demotic, sometimes
merely transcribed. In one case the demotic scribe paraphrased the Greek
syn-genes as " Brother (sen) of the genos."

{To be continued.)

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ANCIENT EGYPT.

MODELS OF EGYPTIAN LOOMS.

Photographs are now available of the model illustrating Egyptian textile methods
discovered in an Xlth dynasty tomb recently by Messrs Winlock and Burton.
The model is a remarkable one and well worth a full description, but in writing
this it must be remembered I am only dealing with photographs and not with the
actual model, and that disarrangement of the yarn, etc., even slight, must be
allowed for. For comparing the model with what we have already learnt, or are
not clear about, from illustrations on the tomb walls already made public, I have
chosen the illustration of the wall drawing in the tomb of Tehuti-hetep, Xllth
dynasty, issued in Prof. Percy Newberry's El Bersheh, I, pi. 26, and reproduced as
Fig. II in my Ancient Egyptian and Greek Looms ; see here Fig. i.

m-^ ml

Tom>t of Tfhuti-hetp.
NawHeiryi Bl Btriktk I. PI. 28.

Dat itoot 19391849 B.C From Profenor Percy

Fig. I.

In Winlock and Burton's model (frontispiece and Fig. 2) there are three
squatting women manipulating some raw material, probably flax, and having at
their service a couple of balls of the raw material, while in front of each woman
there is a small platform in shape like a truncated slice of a sphere. The three
squatting women appear to be preparing the material for its being drawn upon
by the three women standing in front of them. In the top left-hand corner of the
Tehuti-hetep illustration can be seen two women with similar appliances, and
apparently engaged in similar work, but the platform's position is reversed.

98 Models of Egyptian Looms.

The function of the Uttle platform is not very obvious ; it may be like that of the
eiTiverpov or ow? used by Greek women, but these women must have done
their manipulation on top of their instrument, while according to the Egyptian
model the Egyptian women drew the material /row utider their instrument unless
the articles on the model have got misplaced in transit, which I rather doubt.
It is possible the little platforms may have been used to hold down the material
as it was drawn upon.

Between the two sets of women there are three pots which are possibly
tension pots, from which the standing women are drawing the so-prepared material,
and twisting it on to a sort of distaff held in the left hand. From this the sliver
(so far prepared material) is lightly spun by means of the spindle in the right hand
and the thigh, the action being indicated by the raised right leg. The furthermost
standing woman appears to be working with three slivers or rovings, the middle
one with two, and the last or nearest woman with one only. They are, in fact,
doubling (twisting, folding) ; in so doing are thinning out the yarn until the correct
fineness is attained, and the rovings spun into finished yarn.

On the opposite wall are two women engaged in warping, that is, arranging
the yam for beaming, which is putting the so-arranged warp on to the loom.
The more centrally-placed woman appears to be warping with " sisters " (yam
placed more or less side by side in contrast to doubling where two or more yams
are twisted into one). In some specimens of mummy cloths from Theban tombs,
given to Bankfield Museum by Sir E. Wallis Budge, we have warp which is doubled
as well as warp which is " sisters." The nearer warper is apparently working
with an ordinary doubled yarn.

On the floor are two models of horizontal looms, with the two beams held
in position by the usual pegs, and provided with single heddles, shed-sticks and the
now well-known curve-ended beater-in. Other details are not sufficiently clear
to warrant description. Prof. Garstang's discovery of a smaller model with the
loom merely indicated by lines on the floor was the first to prove that the Xllth
dynasty drawings of looms before the Hyksos invasion were horizontal and not
vertical looms, and the present model confirms this in a striking manner. Messrs.
Winlock and Burton are to be heartily congratulated on their discovery in their
work for New York, which from the textile point of view is extremely interesting
and important.

H. Ling Roth.

During my stay in the Sudan (winter of 1920-21) I made some study of the
very primitive methods of spinning and weaving in use there, and I gladly attempt
here to answer the question put to me by Prof. Petrie on my return home
whether I had seen anything similar to the processes shown in the wonderful
newly-discovered weaving model, which I had marvelled at when passing through
Cairo.

I have seen groups of women working with just such a loom, one of their
number weaving ; another with her hand on the heddle rod ; the third how
admirably faithful the artist of the model was ! controlling that tiresome back
beam that will ride up as the web grows. I have seen women spinning with the
spindle rolled on the thigh and dropped whorl uppermost ; I have seen women
warping in similar fashion to the two at the wall, winding the warp on the pegs
one thread at a time from the spindle. While I hav^ watched such groups of

Models of Egyptian Looms.

women, with their hair braided after the fashion of Ancient Egypt, their surround- '
ings and belongings mud-walled huts and courts, bedsteads, mats, and baskets
equally archaic in character, I have been seized with the emotion of Elroy Flecker's
vision of th " Old Ship," and I have felt as if I saw a scene

" of some yet older day
And, wonder, breath indrawn.
Thought I who knows who knows, but in that same "

yes, it must have been in that same way that the women of Ancient Egypt
wove the linen that won them fame. How simple their tools and methods were,
and yet how beautiful and good the result. When you look at the little figures
in the model (Fig. 2), preparing and spinning their flax, you see why it was so good.
In hand-spinning the heckled flax was put directly on the distaff, and the spinner
took which fibres she liked to spin up. She could choose, the machine can't, and
experts still allow that her gentleness and intelligence could produce a better

Fig. 2. Side View of Frontispiece.

thread than the violence of the spreader, the rover, and the hot water trough
of the spinning machine. But where are the fine spinners of Egypt now ? I
cannot help thinking that a sympathetic observer among the women of the
Fayum (where flax is still grown) might find much of the ancient craft still living,
and give better parallels to the processes of the model than I can ; striking as
those I have seen in the Sudan are, they cannot be taken as exact, for they are
all concerned with wool and cotton, while those of the model are to do with flax.
In the absence of such observations I have been encouraged by Mr. Ling Roth
to place this note on some of the processes I have seen, with his description of
the model itself.

Warp Laying. In the Sudan the fine hand-spun cotton warps for the pit
treadle loom are laid on pegs knocked into the wall of the coprtyard or house.

G 3

lOO

Models of Egyptian Looms.

The woman warping walks up and down, spindle in one hand, laying one thread
from it with the other, exactly after the fashion shown in the model. One of
the Bersheh figures appears also to be doing the same thing, marked X in Fig. i.
Fig. 3 shows a usual arrangement of the pegs, the number of which, with
their zig-zags, vary with its length. The warps on the wall in the model have
but three pegs, so I take it that they represent the exact length of the looms.
The crossing is not seen, but in the absence of a special peg (peg B in the diagram)
to hold the crossing it would not be very noticeable in any case. It is an easy
matter to lift so simple a warp off the pegs and slip it on the loom beams.

Fig. 3. Sudani Cotton Warp.
Fig. 4. Wooden Weaving Implements.

The Loom. The looms in the model are very like the horizontal two-beam
looms used in the Sudan for the weaving of woollen goods such as tent cloths,
blankets, fringed bags, and patterned camel girths ; also by Bedouin in Egypt
for very similar purposes. I recognize the four pegs planted in the hard beaten
floor of court or house, the two beams laid behind them, the rod heddle, and the
shed rod between it and the back beam, the long rod with its double function
of shed opener and batten. Sudani women; working with clinging woollen
threads, use also a sharp-pointed stick or gazelle horn to beat up with, but this
would not be so necessary with flax threads. One very essential p.irt of the
Sudani loom is missing, the heddle rod supports, which are various in kind,
stones, baked clay pillars, Y-shaped sticks, etc. Is it possible that the curious
wooden implements lying on either side of the loom were used for this purpose ?
This seemed to mc at first a probable suggestion, based on the absence of any
support under the heddle and the presence of four wooden objects of sufficient
solidity to serve the purpose, but the shape of the implements does not make

Models of Egyptian Looms. loi

it at all convincing. They are much more like tools used in the hand to adjust
something. But what is there to adjust in a loom of this class ? The warp
beam in the model is quite clearly fixed ; was the cloth beam possibly a revolving
one as some experts think is the case in the loom of the Tomb of Khnem-hotep ?
I could sec- nothing in the model to indicate this. As usual, the new discovery
has raised a new problem. I have asked Prof. Petrie to republish a drawing of
originals of similar implements from the Univ. Coll. collection in the hope of
finding a solution (Fig. 4).

This simple type of loom has one great virtue, the warp is well stretched,
but it needs a strong one, and no doubt this is the reason why so much of the
ancient linen has the warp threads doubled ; Sudani woollen warps are also made
of doubled yarn. Another virtue is its mobility. You can pick up the whole
concern, roll up the web on the beams, walk away with it and peg it down some-
where else if required. Again, and this is a point which is not without interest
in considering the evolution of the Egyptian loom : you can, if you wish, weave
vertically instead of horizontally on it ; you have only, as the Navaho Indians
do with their similar loom, to tie one of the beams to a support above instead
of the floor to gain whatever it is that can be gained by the change of position.
Further, the very crudity of the loom gives the weaver freedom ; all textures, all
patterns, are his (or hers) to create, given time and the necessary skill. To watch a
primitive woman weaving on such a loom say a Navaho woman turning out her
patterned belt 10 inches per hour or (as I have done) a Sudani woman figuring
out a black-and-white camel girth, or more startling still, a Cairene weaver of
intricate braids, virtuoso in colour combinations, supplementing his already
elaborate set of heddles by a reversion to primitive practice, his fingers flying
among the threads as a pianist's among the keys, gives the clue to the fine work
of ancient Egypt ; the secret is not altogether lost, but is still revealed to the
children of the world, and beauty is still won by patience and simplicity.

G. M. Crowfoot.

[The figure on the cover is from Beni Hasan ; it shows how the spinner worked with
four threads and two spindles, standing on a height to allovv of a long spin before winding up,
and rolling the spindle on the thigh. The two pots in front belong to another spinner ; the
front threads are drawn from a yellow mass (Rosellini).]

G 3

( I02 )

THE DATE OF THE MIDDLE EMPIRE.

An ounce of archaeological evidence is worth more than a ton of subjective specu-
lation, and that evidence is now forthcoming for settling the date of the Middle
Egyptian Empire, or at least its relation to Babylonian history. I have recently
been examining the two alabaster vases inscribed with names of kings of the
Babylonian dynasty of Akkad, which are now in the Louvre. They are the only
genuine ones as yet brought from Babylonia, with the exception of one of older
date from Lagas, lately acquired by the Ashmolean. But there is more than one
forgery existent, though none of the forgeries I have seen is sufficiently good to
deceive the expert.

The Louvre vases are of Egyptian alabaster. No. 2 bears the name of
Naram-Sin, No. i that of Rimus, the son and successor of Sargon, the founder
of the dynasty of Akkad. Both vases are of Middle Empire (X-XIVth dynasties)
form ; I found many examples of No. 2 in the Xth dynasty graves which I
excavated at El-Kab. We now know from the annalistic tablets of Nippur, as
completed by the recent discoveries of M. Legrain (The [Pennsylvania) Museum
Journal, December, 1920), that the date of Sargon of Akkad was about 2800 B.C.,
with a few years' difference more or less. Before that date, therefore, the Xth
Egyptian dynasty will have already been upon the throne.

The cuneiform texts discovered by the German excavators at Assur have
shown that relations already existed between Babylonia and Egypt. Among
them is the copy of a sort of geographical survey of his empire by Sargon of
Akkad, giving the distance in double miles of one part of his dominions from
another {KeilschrifUexte atis Assur verschiedenen Inhalts, 92). In this, after stating
that Anzan (southern Elam) was 90 beri, or double miles, in extent, he goes on
to say : " To the Tin-land (and) Kaptara [i.e., Krete) the countries beyond the
Upper [Sea] (the Mediterranean), Dilmun (Tylos) (and) Magan (Northern Arabia
from the Persian Gulf to the Sinaitic Peninsula) the countries beyond the Lower
Sea (the Persian Gulf), even from the lands of the rising sun to the lands of the
setting sun, the hand of Sargon the king in 3 campaigns has prevailed." I learn
from Dr. Forrer that a still more important text, not yet published, is a stele of
another Sargon, the patesi of Assur 2180 B.C., who claims to have conquered Egypt,
then under a foreign Sudani dynasty, as well as Kaptara or Krete, where his
commissioners received tribute from the Tin-land (ku-ki) " beyond the sea." The
Sudani occupation of Egypt explains the name of the XlVth dynasty king Nehesi,
as well as the black-topped Sudani pottery which I found at Ed-Der, opposite
Esna, between Xll-XIVth and XVII-XVTIIth dynasty graves.

But as far back as the Old Empire not to speak of the prehistoric period
with its seal-cylinders there must have been indirect intercourse between Egypt
and Babylonia. On the one hand, Babylonian civilisation was introduced into

The Date of the Middle Empire.

103

Asia Minor at an early date, and in the age of the Ilird dynasty of Ur (2400 B.C.)
eastern Asia Minor was in possession of the Assyro-Babylonians, who worked the
mines of the Taurus and whose merchants and postmen traversed the roads that
had been made through the country. On the other hand, Prof. Petrie has found
Old Empire gold which, according to Prof. Gladstone's analysis, would have
come from Asia Minor. The intercourse must have continued with little break ;
Prof. Maspero told me that the Xllth dynasty coffins found at El-Bersha were
made of juniper-wood, which must have come from Krete and Asia Minor,

A. H. Sayce.

I. Vase of Rimus.

a. Vase of Naram-Sin.

[The form of the vase of Naram-Sin is known from other instances as
belonging to the Xth dynasty ; the comparisons which have been made with a
vase of the Vlth dynasty from Mahasnah and one of the 1st dynasty are incorrect.
A vase might have been made in Egypt long before its export to Babylonia, and
when we are certain of the date of Naram-Sin there will be a lower limit for the
Xth dynasty. A similar case in the opposite direction is the lazuli cylinder, lately
sold in Cairo, with cuneiform inscription, which may have been of any age before
it was exported to Egypt as lazuh, and engraved for Amenemhat I. F.P.]

G 4

( 104 )

THE TREE OF THE HERAKLEOPOLITE NOME.

[Dr. Bruijning, the Director of the Station for Seed Testing in Holland,
visited London this summer. Unhappily he was seized with illness, and died on
his return to his home at Wageningen. Sad to say, this is the last paper of his,
and the present form of the translation has not received his final revision.]

I. The Pomegranate. 2. The Oleander. 3. Climate. 4. The nart nome.
5. The Pomegranate. 6. Form of the nome-sign. 7. The a^m palm.

I. Professor Newberry in the Zeitschrift (L, 1912, p. 78) has put forward the
view that the tree worshipped in the Herakleopolite nome was the pomegranate

{Pimtca granatum), which he reads in the nome-sign ^ V as fl () g^ {B.D.G., 313),

AAAAAA

or rin ^ I (B. Thes. VI, 1251). He does not admit of Loret's opinion

that it is an oleander. He writes : " In figures 1-6 I give the various forms of
this nowe-sign, as they appear on the monuments.' The first example, from a
IVth dynasty stele of (J | ^^T". explains the ill-defined appendage of the later

forms ; it is clearly a tree with projecting branch on one side terminating in a flower
or fruit. This projecting branch was already becoming misunderstood in the Vth
dynasty, and taking the form of an arm holding a 9. Later, in the XVIIIth
dynasty, the arm has become separated from the tree sign, and in the hand is a Q
ring. Among the cult signs occurring on the prehistoric Decorated pottery we
find a tree-branch terminating in a flower or fruit (Fig. 7), evidently the early
way of representing the Herakleopolite tree. The shape of the fruit or flower,
and the form of the tree of the IVth dynasty example, certainly shows that we
cannot identify it with the oleander, but it very closely resembles the pome-
granate, as will be seen on comparing it with a drawing of a pomegranate tree in
one of the Tell el Amarna tombs (Davies, El Amarna, I, PI. 32). I think, there-
fore, that we may safely identify the sacred tree of Herakleopolis with the pome-
granate {Punica granatum, L.), which may well have been indigenous in Lower
and Middle Egypt."

Objections may be raised to both Newberry's and Loret's opinions, which I
now proceed to consider.

2. Loret's view rests on the occurrence of the oleander in Egypt, at any rate

in the later periods, and on the name "^ Q . Coptic wep being Nerium

(Oleander, L.), while the tree nar was the nome sign of HerakleopoHs.

That the Nerium Oleander occurs at present in Egypt is unquestioned ; it is
cultivated throughout the country, and its range extends from Mesopotamia to

' Footnote by Newberry. " In an example from Tehneh figured in Annates du Service,
III, 76, the flower or fruit issues from the top of the tree." We shall refer to this afterwards.

The Tree of the Herakleopolite Nome.

105

Spain. It is, however, an open question whether this plant, now typically south
Mediterranean, was known in the Old Kingdom, or even at an earlier date.
Probably this must be answered in the negative. Nerium is one of the oldest
sympetals, fossil traces of which go back as far as the Eocene. The northern
limit was thh in the north of England and in Bohemia, whereas it is now south
of the Alps. It is not a rash view to say that the tree came to Egypt by way of
Syria, under human influence. In regard to Egypt, it is an intruder unknown
among the original flora of the Nile Valley. Indeed, there is no indication that
Nerium was known in the early dynasties. Representations of it do not appear,
nor are there any remains of it from the Old or Middle Kingdoms, nor is it among
the interesting finds of Flinders Petrie, described by Newberry (Kahun, ch. vii,
and Hawara, ch. vii)

Fig. 1 Stela of
Kl-wd-cnlt.

Fig. 2. Ulit-hip
(Davics, Pulihetep i.).

Fig. 3. tibt-lftp
(Oaviu, Ptahhetep I.).

Fig. 4. Nome List of
Ameiiophis 111. (Luksor).

Tig. 5. Pta!helep
(D.^viEs, Pi.ilili/;tep I.).

Fig. 6. hi.t-hti>
(Davies, Ptahhetep I.).

Fig. 7. Prehistoric

decorated Vase
(NtWBEHRY Coll.).

8 Tomb oi Meryra,
Tell el Amania.

y\r.. 9.

Kkpkesentations dk l aloks kt uarbres.
D'anres Schwcinfurth.

3. Here another consideration must come in which bears on the question of
the pomegranate and the sacred tree. It is generally assumed that the climate of
Egypt has not materially changed in the last 4,000 years, nor the vegetation.
Blanckenhorn, to whom we owe the best geological study of Egypt,' is of the
same opinion, but admits the possibility of the climate having been somewhat
moister in the pyramid times, in accordance with the opinion of O. Fraas. Such
estimates are but vague. The Ilird dynasty is 800 years earlier still,- so it is
quite possible that at the time when the nome-signs were adopted the climate

' M. Blanckenhorn, Neues zur Geologic und Palaeontologie Aegyptens, IV, Das Pliocaen
und Quartaerzeitalier in Aegypten, Zeits. Deut. Geol. Gesellschaft, 53, 1901, p. 457.
' [2,800 years earlier according to the Egyptians.]

io6 The Tree of the Herakleopolite Nome.

was different, somewhat raoister, and perhaps warmer. A difference of dimate
would involve a different vegetation. As far back as 1874 Schweinfurth expressed
the view (/w Herzen von Africa, I, pp. 74-5 ; also Le piante utili dell' Eritrea,
Boll. Soc. Afric. d' Italia, Napoli, X, Nos. 11, 12) that the climate of Egypt is
slowly changing from a tropical to a Mediterranean type. Many plants which
grew spontaneously in ancient Egypt are now found blooming on the White Nile.
Such are the papyrus and the Acacia Nilotica, now only found as cultivated
plants in Egypt, where formerly they were as common as they now are on the
White Nile.

It would be going too far at present to enter on the historical and geographical
distribution of plants which is here involved ; but it must be deemed improbable
that a nome-sign should be connected with a plant for which climatic conditions
were not favourable in ancient Egypt. This alone would indicate that the
nome-sign was not likely to be the oleander, nor as we shall see below the
pomegranate. A view of the more ancient forms of the Herakleopolite sign
excludes the possibility of its being an oleander.

Let us now distinguish the two questions, first, whether the oleander was

(as Loret says) the " Q, wep or UHp, Dioscorides' vtjpiov, and secondly,

whether the nome was called nar. Loret's theoretical view has not been opposed,
so far as I know. If it be granted, then, as we have to assume that the tree in

the nome does not represent the oleander, but that on the contrary may

be identified with Nerium, consequently ndr cannot represent either the name
of the tree or that of the nome.

4. How, then, is the nome to be read, if this be the case. In his study of
the nomes Steindorff' speaks of the nart nome, divided into the former and
hinder nart nomes, XX and XXI. But prohahlyndrt rests on a misunderstanding.

Brugsch in earlier works considered " Q f^ as another name for 1 2J) "^

Herakleopolis, as in his essay "u M,* ^^^^ Mendes " {Zeits. 1871, 81-85) ^rid

Li Li

in his " Religion " of 1891 (pp. 193-4). But it seems rather that it was not
the name of the city, but of a sanctuary in the neighbourhood. Wreszinsky,
in his work on the London medical papyrus. No. 10059 (^9^2, 12, 9, p. 195),
translates as " ich will dich noch n'rt bringen," taking it to be the name of a
locality. In the hymn to Osiris, Budge translates, " Thou art the soul of Ra,
his own body, and hast thy place of rest in Henensu. Thou art the beneficent
one, and art praised in Nart " (Pap. Ani, I, 1913, p. 59 ; see also his Gods of
the Egyptians, II, p. 148). Indeed, Budge has expressed liimself quite clearly in
the matter {Dictionary. 1920, p. 1,004) ^^^ designated Nar as " a district of

Henensu (Herakleopolis)." He still has doubts about it, as he reads " {),

" ci -4)-ii I, "sycomore tree (Laurier Rose, Rec, 15, 102), Copt, wnp, vtjpiov,"

and " a sycomore tree in the Tuat sacred to Osiris " {Diet., p. 347). The reading
" sycomore tree " and " Laurier Rose " are certainly erroneous. Others also
have their doubts, as, for instance, G. Roder (in his Urkunden Relig. alt. Eg.,
1915), where he reads " Baum oder Stadt " (p. 22), but also " Er liegt in Siid-
westen von Naret " (p. 132). We cannot go further into the literature, but it is

' Die aeg. Gaue (Abh. phil.-hist. Konigl. Sachs. Ges. Wissen, XXVII, No. XXV, 1909,
p. 878).

The Tree of the Herakteopolite Nome. XdJ

evident now that the tree sign of "Q ^ may actually represent two quite

different species, so that Loret's version of the determinative of nart may stand,
while it is decidedly wrong in regard to the nome-sign, the sacred tree of the
XXth nome, with which we are now concerned.

5. This tree was not the oleander ; was it then, according to Mr. Newberry's
view, a pomegranate ? I will try to answer this question. Schweinfurth's
original opinion was that the pomegranate had been grown in Egypt from the
earliest times. It was supposed with many other plants to have passed in
a primitive age from South Arabia to the Semites on the north, perhaps with
the sycomore and persea (Schweinfurth, Verh. Berl. anthrop. ges., 1891, 649-669).
The cultivated species would have to be derived from the Punica protopunica,
Balf., only known in Socotra (J. B. Balfour, Botany of Socotra, pp. 93-96).
Schweinfurth supposes that this wild species " eigentlich nur durch die Blatter
vcrschieden ist." Also Buschan {Vorgeschichiliche Botanik, 1895, p. 159) is of
opinion that the original home of Punica is in Arabia Felix, rather than in North-
western India, Persia or Baluchistan. These views would be in accord with
Mr. Newberry's, but they are no longer tenable.

As early as the Pliocene of southern France (Meximieux) a fossil species is
found which is scarcely distinguishable from P. granatum, the P. Planchoni,
Sap., and it is obvious that the latter like Nerium has moved southward.
Also the pomegranate may have come to Egypt through the Semites, and many
circumstances seem to bear this out. Decandolle sought its origin in Persia,
Afghanistan or Baluchistan, where presumably the plant had been grown for
4,000 years ; but this is no proof of origin, as it would only go back to the Xlth
dynasty. However, it may be accepted that the pomegranate is found growing
wild in clefts of the calcareous mountains of Avroman in Shahu (Persian Kxirdis-
tan), and likewise in Baluchistan, Afghanistan and North-western India (V. Hehn,
KuUurpflanzen . . ., 8th ed., 1911, p. 246). Thence the tree has moved south-
ward through Syria to Egypt, and has been cultivated there at a rather late
period. The earliest occurrences are of the Xllth dynasty, from Dra-abul-
negga.^ Loret quotes as the oldest text naniing the pomegranate, that of Anna
of the XVIIIth dynasty {Flore phar., 1892, p. 76), but as that is funerary, he
rightly supposes " que le grenadier n'etait pas un arbre tout a fait nouveau pour
les Egyptiens." The view that it was a Hyksos importation is barred by the
examples in the Xllth dynasty. By so late a date as this Mr. Newberry's theory
is condemned, as also by the representation of apparently leafy branches depicted
on the prehistoric vases, ending in something like a flower or fruit, and looked
upon as Punica. The comparison does not hold good, as it is not made with a
complete figure, biit only with a partial drawing on the pottery. On looking
closer at the drawings, especially those of Naqada. 1896, XXXIV and LXVII, it
is apparent that the leafy twigs evidently represent the racemose inflorescence
of the leafless and rootless plants also occurring in these drawings, and identified
by Schweinfurth, with great probability, as the Aloe. To show this we may
refer (Fig. 9) to a collection of such figures given by Capart {Debuts de I' Art,
Fig. 81). These show the probability of Newberry's branches being the inflores-
cence of the Aloe, certainly neither flower nor fruit-bearing branch of the
pomegranate.

' Schweinfurth, Derniires dicouvertes, in Bull. Inst. Eg., 1887, No. 6, pp. 256-8.

I08 The Tree of the Herakleopolite Nome.

For the sake of completeness we should mention some brief philological
observations. In the later Iranian languages the pomegranate is called ndr
(Pers.), I'nar (Kurd.), mirn (Arm.) (see Hchn, KuUiirpflayizen, p. 247), which names
might be connected with epuAM or enpuAN (Copt.), and finally with nar.
Compare the opinion of Burchardt (AUkanaan. Fremdworte, II, 1910, p. 5, No. 71),
who renders anhmn as " a fruit tree and its fruit," quoting from Urk. 4, 73 ;
Ebers, 19, 19-20 ; Harris, 56.\, 5, etc. In view of the comparisons by H. Zinimern
[Akkad. Fremdworte, 1915, p. 545) of armannu (akkadian) as a fruit tree, rimmon
(heb.), ruinmarui (aram.), rummdn (arab.), remmdn (ethiop.), Burchardt denies
the connection with the iranian group of Moldenke,^ and supports Loret's iden-

tification of the Punica with (| 7^ e^ () and | ^^ "m^^^ ^^0'
This connection might agree with Newberry's view more or less, but hardly enough
to allow us to read the norae-sign as nar. I must not, however, lose myself in
conjectures about such questions, which are not in my own line of work. The
older renderings of nar, such as " persea " (Birch) or " acacia " (Brugsch), need
not be discussed. See Levi, Vocah., Ill, p. 90.

From the above I should be inclined to infer that the Herakleopolite nome
tree is neither a Nerium Oleander nor a Punica granatum ; that its name should
not be read nar, and that the nome therefore cannot be denoted as the nar nome.
A further inference is that the nome tree in question need not be found in Egypt
at present ; on the contrary, the ancient norae-signs go back to the very first
periods of Egyptian culture, so that, on the strength of the above observations on
climate, it is quite justifiable to seek the nome tree more to the south, on the
Blue or White Nile, to which region it may have retreated, like the papyrus and
hippopotamus.

6. The various forms of the nome-sign seem to be characterised by a con-
spicuous inflorescence. In the drawing of Fraser from Tehneh [Ann. Serv., Ill,
1902, p. 76), also cited by Newberry, this inflorescence, though conventionalised,
is very obvious (Fig. 10). The examples before quoted (Figs, i to 5) are in
accordance with this. The small differences between the examples are only what
are commonly found in such figures, and need not detain us. We can accept that
the tree had a large and conspicuous drooping inflorescence. The tree was, further,
worshipped as a sacred one. Of such trees it was presumed (to quote Erman,
Religion, 1909, p. 28), " die Statte einer himlichen Gottin seien, die den armen
Toten Essen und wasser reichen und die man Nut oder Hath or en rennen pflegt."

7. This conception must lead us to the practical conclusion that they were
trees'" die wohl am Wiistenrande standen " (Er., Relig.), and of some use, as
they produced food and drink. If we combine this view with the typical form
of the tree, there is hardly any conclusion but that it represents a Raphia or
wine palm : not a leafy tree but a palm, the adm palm, Raphia {Monbuttorum
Drude). This should be noted because Sethe names the aifm tree as a leafy tree
{Urk., i^th Dyn., 1, 1914, p. 38). In the text of Anna published by him [Urk., 18th
Dyn., 1, 1906, p. 73), he mentions, however, that the name of the tree is nearly
obliterated, only the tip of the first sign remaining. He reUes, therefore, on
other texts, of which that of Brugsch [Rec. Mon., I, 36, i) is the most familiar :

1 1. In the same text three other trees are determined with the sign

' C. T. Moldenke, Ueber die in Altaeg. Texte erwahnten Baurne . . . Inaug. diss.
Leipzig, 1886, p. xii.

The Tree of the Herakleopolite Nome.

109

^, namely fi ^ bnrt, date palm ; ^ _Jp ip mdma, dum palm ; and _^ ^ ?:

nuinki-n-kMnnt, Medemia {Hyphaene) Argun. We should consider, therefore, why
the tree named by Anna has not been recognised as a palm. Brugsch (Diet.,
pp. 66-67, Rev Arch., 1865, 206) thought that adm was a date palm. He was,
however, wrong, as Diimichen and Moldenke perceived [Altaeg. Texten erwdhnten

Bdum, 1886, pp. 60-65), ^"ho stated (1 ^^ 0' ^ I 0' ^^'^'' *^ ^^ ^ palm, and
discussed whether it were the date palm. In accounts and lists, and in the
Ebers papyrus, bnrt and adm do not interchange. I presume that the Anna text

Fig. II. Raphia Monbuttorum Urude. Victoria Nyanza.

is an erroneous transcript from hieratic, as is often found in sculpture. Moldenke,
however, goes too far when he ascribes all the six variants of V\^ to being
errors for ttttt - In hieratic adm is rightly determined by a palm tree ; for

instance, ^^ ^\ iF (Blackman, Mid. Kingdom Religious Texts, Zeits. 47,

1910, p. 125). The passage in the Ebers papyrus is well known (47, 11) ; see
also Moller, Hier. Palaeographie, i, 1909, No. 265. Probably in the papyri
the palm determinative has been confused with the leaf-tree, so that it is not
conclusive, and the less so if transcribed into hieroglyphics. So the determinative
in the text of Anna is of little significance.

F. F. Bruijning.

(To be concluded with the discussion of the botany.)

( "O )

THE CEREMONY OF ANBA TARABO.

The ceremony is performed over a person bitten by a dog, in order that there
may be no ill effects from the bite. As the proportion of fatal cases of dog-bite
is only 15 per cent., even when the dog is mad, and as the greater number of bites
are received from dogs which are not mad, the ceremony is naturally considered
highly efficacious among a people who know nothing of percentages. There is,
however, a curious nervous condition which bitten patients sometimes develop.
To anyone who has been actually bitten by a dog, whether mad or supposedly
so, such a condition is easily understandable. The horror and terror produced
by the expectation of possibly dying the most agonising of all deaths is enough
to upset the most balanced nervous system, and the mental agony is reflected,
of course, in the physical condition. The symptoms of this pseudo-hydrophobia
are not unlike the actual disease. Osier describes them thus : "A nervous person
bitten by a dog, either rabid or supposed to be rabid, has within a few months, or
even later, symptoms somewhat resembling the true disease. He is irritable and
depressed. He constantly declares his condition to be serious, and that he will
inevitably become mad. He may have paroxysms in which he says he is unable
to drink, grasps at his throat, and becomes emotional. The temperature is not
elevated and the disease does not progress. It lasts much longer than true rabies,
and is amenable to treatment. It is not improbable that the majority of cases
of alleged recovery in this disease have been of this hysterical form." (Osier,
Principles and Practice of Medicine, p. 371, ed. 1912.)

It is this condition for which the ceremony of Anba Tarabo is a certain
preventive, especially to the patient who has faith in it.

The words of the ritual are already known to students of Coptic, and also
probably to many people who have studied modern Egypt. Two versions have
been already published, one by Emile Galtier, Bulletin de I'Institut fran^ais
d' Archdologie orientale, iv. (1905), pp. 112-127 ; the other by W. E. Crum, Coptic
Manuscripts in the Rylands Library, pp. 236-7.

As far as I kriow, nothing has yet been published by anyone who has actually
seen the ceremony performed, and the " manual acts," which form so dramatic
a part of the rite, have obtained little or no attention.

It is, however, these " manual acts " which impress the imagination of the
patient, and so effect the cure of the nervous condition The onset of the real
disease is usually within six to eight weeks, but the nervous condition may super-
vene at any time, even months afterwards. The ceremony of Anba Tarabo to
be effective must be performed within forty days of the bite.

At least four Christians must take part, even if the patient is a Moslem. In
the service I am about to describe, which was performed over myself, the Christians
were the patient, the omdeh of the village (a Copt), and two Coptic priests.

The Ceremony of Anba Tarabo. " ill

The patient was asked her Christian name and that of her mother, and was
referred to in all the prayers as " Margaret, daughter of Margaret." She sat on
the ground, the omdeh at her right hand ; in front of them was a wooden stool
on which rested a basket tray, thus forming a kind of low table. On the tray
were dates, cakes of unleavened barley-bread, and a coffee-cup with some oil.
The dates and cakes were counted, seven of each were placed on one side of the
tray for use, the others piled together on the other side out of the way. Any
uneven number would have done, but seven is considered the most efficacious.
Two qullehs filled with water were placed on the ground, one on each side of the
stool. The two priests stood on the other side of the table, facing the patient.
When all was ready, they recited the service together, but the pace at which they
went made it difficult to follow the mixture of Arabic and Coptic. The younger
priest, standing opposite the patient, signed to her to hold out her hands, palms
uppermost, which he then tapped five times gently with his ebony staff. He
inserted the point of the same staff into the mouth of the qulleh on his right,
moving it clockwise round the rim ; after which, both priests placed their fingers
in the same way in the mouth of the qulleh, thus blessing the water. The exact
place in the service at which these " manual acts " took place could not be
accurately ascertained, but the dramatic part of the rite occurred after the recita-
tion of prayers was ended. Seven boys, all with one exception under puberty,
were called up to represent the dogs of Anba Tarabo. They joined hands by
interlocking the fingers, the palms being held upright, and formed a circle round
the patient, the omdeh and the table, the priests standing outside the circle.
They were told to go round clockwise, repeating words which sounded like " Bash,
bash, stanna," and which were said to be Coptic. After doing this about seven
times, at a given signal they reversed the motion and went round widdershins. At
another signal they stopped, and all with shrieks of laughter fell on the
patient from behind, pretending to bite her on the arms and shoulders, and
growling like dogs. The younger priest then sprinkled the omdeh and the
patient with water from the qulleh that had been blessed, the patient being
sprinkled three times ; he anointed the omdeh with the oil out of the little
cup, on the forehead, throat, and the inner part of both wrists. The patient
was anointed on the forehead and wrists only, not on the throat. Meanwhile
the elder priest was nipping a little bit out of each of the seven barley
loaves and the seven dates, which pieces he gave to an attendant with
instructions to tie them in a piece of cloth and bury them in the desert. The
ceremony concluded with the patient and the omdeh each eating one date
and a piece of one of the barley loaves, and drinking some water out of the
blessed qulleh.

It is believed that if any animal finds and eats the bits of date and barley-
bread which were removed by the priest and buried in the desert, that animal,
especially if it be of the dog species, will take the disease and become rabid ; if a
person eats them, he will bark and bite like a dog. But whether the pieces are
eaten or decay naturally, the disease is now completely removed from the patient.
The rest of the dates and barley loaves were anointed with oil and distributed to
the assembled company to bring a blessing upon them. There is a very strong
belief that if anyone is bitten and the ceremony is not performed over him within
forty days, he will go mad and will bark and bite like a dog. As these are not
the symptoms of rabies, it is evident that this statement must refer to a form of
the nervous condition mentioned above, and the length of time about six weeks

112 The Ceremony of Anba Tarabo.

also suggests that it is the pseudo-hydrophobia, and not the real disease which
is cured by this ceremony.

In the book of the service of Anba Tarabo, pubUshed by Galtier, the " manual
acts " differ from those I have described. Probably there are local variants in
different parts of the country. Galtier's version gives the following directions :
" On a Saturday take seven unleavened round loaves, seven cheeses, a little good
oil and a little wine, light a lamp, and take seven innocent children who are
fasting. Make a little bag and hang it round the neck of the patient, and let
the priest speak and make the children go round seven times to the left and seven
times to the right, and let him say, ' Welcome to all of you, children, who ask
healing from God and the holy abba Tarabo; may God grant healing to you.'
Afterwards, first of all, the thanksgiving is said, incense is burned, and the
Epistle of St. Paul and the Gospel are read in Coptic and Arabic. Then the
children shall go round the patient, and each time that they go round, make the
sign of the cross with oil upon the face of the patient, saying (so that it shall not
be heard), ' Elol, elolf, eloi, elema sabachthani,' until the seven turns are finished.
Then give to each of the boys a loaf and a cheese, and he shall bite off a mouthful
with his teeth, and shall make a noise like a mad dog. Then read Psalm xc :
' Whoso dwelleth under the protection of the Most High.' Then read the life
of the holy abba Tarabo completely, afterwards make the boys go round and
make the sign of the cross three times over the water and say the following,
followed by the sign of the cross : ' Understand and thou shalt do well, and it is
God who is the help.' [Then follows the religious service. At the end] : Add,
' O Lord, hear my prayer and my petition. It is I, abba Tarabo, who implores
thee this day and this hour. Show thyself pitiful towards thy servant, N. son
of N. (fem.), help him and save him from the bite of a mad dog, let not his body
be either sick or wounded, let not evil seize him, let him have nothing to fear
either from him [the dog] or his evil, let him [the dog] not be able to do harm
under thy protection either in body or soul, let not his [the patient's] body be
enfeebled, let not his members suffer, but let him be strong, thanks to thy holy
power, for Thou art He from whom comes all healing and to whom praises are
due for ever. Amen.' "

It is noteworthy that in this as in my version, the filiation is to the mother,
and not to the father.

Crum gives only a summary of the ritual, which is as follows : " A widow's
only son being bitten, is sent by his mother to Abba T., bearing a present of seven
unsalted loaves, seven fresh, unsalted cheeses, seven bunches of grapes, and a
little olive oil and wine, all wrapped in a white cloth. On learning his need,
Abba T. summons seven pure boys, and bidding them follow him and respond
to each word he shall say, he sets the widow's son with his gifts before him,
placing in front of him the oil and wine and a jar of fresh water. Then he turns
seven times round the bitten boy, followed by the seven children, to whom he
says : ' Welcome, children ; peace unto you,' while they reply, ' And unto thee
peace, O master.' He : ' What seek ye ? ' They : ' Healing we seek for this
unhappy one, that the mad dog hath bitten.' He : ' Depart in peace. The Lord
shall cure and heal him, for His trusty promise unto me. His servant, that do
confess His name.' Here follows a long prayer by Abba T., including Ps. xc.
The ceremony concludes with further ritual. The first of the seven boys
approaches the priest, the whole congregation meanwhile joining hands, and
says, ' Peace unto thee, O teacher of teachers.' The priest replies, questioning

The Ceremony of A nha Tarabo. 113

him as before ; but here heaUng is sought for all such as may have been bitten.
Then, as each time they repeat their circuits round the supplicant, seven to
right and seven to left, they say, niceeKiB niceKiH. Then the priest
takes the first boy's hand, and all bark like dogs and bite at the unleavened
bread until it 'is consumed, the victim standing in their midst the while
and saying, ' By the prayers of the saintly Abba T., may the Lord accept your
prayers and grant me healing speedily,' after which the priest dismisses them with
his blessing." A footnote gives a quotation from the copy of the service in the
Aberdeen University Library, which dates back to 1795 : " And he (sc. the victim)
shall eat the piece of unleavened cake that has been placed in the oil and taken
from the boys' mouths, and shall be anointed with the oil, and shall drink of the
water and wash therewith ; so shall he be made whole by the blessing of the
saintly Abba T. Therefore the priest shall say the blessing, &c."

Though the date of the earliest published manuscript of this service is only
of the eighteenth century, the whole tenor of the ritual suggests a pre-Christian
origin. The most obvious comparison is with the Metternich Stele, which is one
of the best-known magical texts for the cure of poisonous wounds. It appears
to be the standard text of a temple, possibly Heliopolis, and seems to contain
several " services." Most of these are to cure the sting of a scorpion, but the

j) animal is also mentioned. From the determinative this is pre-

sumably a mammal of some kind, and the word may be a late spelling of

^u ^ ^ jj, "Wolf." An animal, known as a wolf, is still found in Egypt.

Bites from a rabid wolf are peculiarly virulent ; the number of cases of hydro-
phobia in persons bitten by mad wolves is 40 per cent, as compared with the
15 per cent, of cases amongst those bitten by dogs. The danger of wolf bites
may have been known, and the wolf would therefore be taken as the typical
animal whose bite was to be cured.

There are several points of contact between the Metternich Stele and the
service of Anba Tarabo besides this suggestion as to the wolf. In the versions
published by Galtier and Crum the actions of the saint are not differentiated
from those of the priest who performs the ritual, and the widow's son of the
story coalesces with the patient over whom the ceremony is performed. In the
same way, in the inscription, the speaker of the words of healing is sometimes
Thoth, who invokes Ra, sometimes Ra himself, sometimes someone else, appa-
rently a priest, who invokes both Ra and Thoth, just as the Christian priest
invokes both God and Tarabo. The inscription gives Horus, son of Isis, as the
patient, and the real patient is so completely identified with him that it is a
little difficult to be always certain which is being referred to. I would suggest
that the reason why Anba Tarabo's patient is called a widow's son is that Horus
was essentially the son of Isis, and that when in course of time the divinity of
Isis was forgotten, she would be thought of as a woman whose husband was
dead and who had only the one child.

In the version which I have given above, the boys repeated the words " Bash,
bash, stanna " when circling round the patient. In Crum's version the word is
written niooeuo nicBun. It seems probable that this is a corruption of some
Egyptian word and not of Greek origin as Crum thinks. I would suggest that

it is a mispronunciation of the words ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^> " Fear not, fear

not," which form part of the ritual given on the Metternich Stele,

11^ The Ceremony of Anba Tarabo.

The saint of the Christian ritual. Anba Tarabo, is entirely unknown to hagio-
logists except in this one connection. It has been suggested that he is the same
as a certain St. Therapon, with no further reason for the identification than the
similarity in the sound of the name. It is possible that Tarabo might be a
personification of healing [Qepa-nivia) ; but if so, one would expect to find him
as the healer of other diseases, not of dog-bite only ; this, however, is not the
case. As he is not found elsewhere in Christian Egypt, or in Christendom in
general, it is advisable to search for him in pre-Christian times, especially as the
ritual seems to be derived from a pre-Christian and purely Egyptian source.

In the Magical Papyrus of London and Leyden, which, though belonging to
the third century a.d., is undoubtedly copied from some much older source, there
are two remedies for dog-bite. The first throws no light on the matter, but the
second is called " The exorcism of Amen and Triphis." Triphis is a rare goddess,
but her name is enshrined in the name of the southern Athribis. Gauthier {Bull,
de I' Inst. /ran. d'Arch. orient., 1903, III, 165) has collected all that is known about
her, and his researches appear to me to show that though she is hardly mentioned
in inscriptions, her cult was a popular one. The mere fact that an important
town in the south was called Athribis, " House of Triphis," would be sufficient
to prove this. Gauthier shows that the personal name TATt3Tpi(t)ic is formed,

as so many personal names were formed, with the elements c> ^\ ^ d , followed

by the name of a deity, the meaning being " the gift of " that deity. Gauthier
identifies Triphis with a goddess jj o, who seems to have been a local

form of Isis at Akhmim ; but this identification does not account for the origin
of the name of the town, nor is it borne out by the demotic equivalent. In
demotic the name is t-rpyt, which, when transcribed into hieroglyphs, as at

Athribis, is "^ > " the heiress." There is also a goddess

who is always characterised as , " the great." It is well known that the

queens of Egypt were often represented as goddesses, and it is presumed- that
they were considered divine, though there is no literary evidence of the fact till
the deification of the Ptolemaic queens. But Nefertari is represented as being
worshipped at Thebes, and her cult seems to have continued long after her death.
The title of " the great heiress " is fairly common for queens between the Xllth
and the XVIIIth dynasties, and it is possible that the immediate heiress to the
throne may have been credited with divine powers, among which would be the
power of healing some specific disease, as was the case among our own monarchs.

If then " the great heiress " was the healer of dog-bite, and the title

is the origin of the name Triphis, we have the continuation of the cult of the
queen as late as the Magical Papyrus of London and Leyden, which is within the

Christian era. And as in the words o'^^'^~^ ^ there are all the elements

of the Hame of that otherwise unexplained saint Tarabo, I would suggest that
we have, in this service for the cure of dog-bite, the survival of an ancient liturgy
which reaches back perhaps to the XVIIIth dynasty, or perhaps even to a still
earlier period, and that the name of the saint carries on the cult of an ancient
Egyptian divinity.

M. A. Murray,

( "S )

REVIEWS.

Nile and Jordan. By Rev. G. A. Frank Knight. 1921. 8vo, 572 pp.
36s. (Clarke.)

The purpose of this work is to show the connections between Egypt and
Canaan during the whole of the Biblical ages. An index of 1,800 references to
all parts of the Bible will show how closely every connection has been noted, and
will long serve as a text book for exegetical use. The industry of the author
has resulted in references to some 1,700 different publications, showing an immense
amount of reading and compilation. It may seem a hard saying, but it is in
this studious collection of opinion that the danger lies. The authors rather
than the facts are piled in the balance ; for instance, for the number of campaigns
of Sennacherib fifteen authors are stated in favour of one, and twelve in favour
of two campaigns. " The problem is thus fairly evenly balanced." It is not
the problem but the piles of authors that are here balanced. What are the
facts on which they build ? Are their differences due to facts or to arguments ?
How many of them have followed one after another like sheep ? All through
the work perfectly baseless or erroneous assertions of one writer are given equal
credit with the most careful and accurate work of another. This is the natural
defect of a literary treatment, not in touch with the basic facts. It does not matter
what opinioris are, compared with what the facts are. The original works are
less referred to than the various Journals, which often give incomplete statements.

The need of reference to the facts is seen where a carving is said to be from
the cataracts, though it was from the Royal Tombs (p. 41) ; or where certain
authors are said to deny that Amenemhat III was buried in the Hawara pyramid,
while it is certain that his canopic jars and fragments of a coffin were found
alongside of the sarcophagus there (p. 89). On p. 175 we read, " the silver mines
of Egypt were said to produce annually 3,200 myriads of minae " ; but what is
really stated by Diodorus is that in the ruins of one temple (not annually) there
were found 3,200 talents, of 60 minae (not a myriad). No silver is known to be
produced in Egypt. Tanis is said to have been built " in the dreariest and most
desolate part of the Delta, on the extreme northern edge of a vast morass."
It was built in the most beautiful and flourishing region, which only sank under
sea level in the time of Justinian (p. 238). Gold vases are said to have been
found in the tomb of Rameses III (p. 259) ; but this refers to figures of vases
painted on the wall, which might be of copper or pottery. These are examples
of the misunderstandings due to second-hand sources, which recur far too often
through the work.

A summary is given of the complex German theories about the Thothmides ;
but a hint is needed that the whole pile of theory depends on the assumption
that no ruler ever restored the name of a predecessor, though we know that such
restoration was done, as by Sety I. The few stray examples of iron in Egypt
are quoted as proving that it " was one of the very first countries in the world

H 2

1 1 6 Reviews.

to mine and to use this metal " : whereas probably all the early examples are
meteoric, and Egypt was far behind other countries in the adoption of iron
Much more might be noted, but we will turn to the general view.

Palaeolithic and Neolithic men are first dealt with. Then the early dynasties,
where the bungle over Mena being " a composite figure " is imfortunately given
currency, as well as the errors about Khent or Seshti for the name of Zer, and Besh
being supposed to be a king. The pyramid period is fully described, with parallels
between Ptah-hetep's and Solomon's proverbs, and also between the pyramid
text of Pepy II and the Chaldean creation, which are notable. In the full
description of the Xllth dynasty the Lay of the Harper is set parallel with
Ecclesiastes. The Hyksos age is granted the extent and importance assigned
to it by the Egyptians. In the XVIIIth dynasty the questions of the Exodus
are introduced, the author taking a very decided position that it was about
1445 B.C., in the reign of Amenhetep II. This is based on the 480 years stated
between the Exodus and .Solomon's temple ; and the chance of this being due
to misunderstandings must be weighed against the absence of any reference in
Judges to the conquests of Sety I, Rameses II and III, and the uniform length
of the four priestly genealogies which indicate a date of about 1220 B.C. for the
Exodus.

The Egyptian influence on the Hebrews is discussed, and the Hymn of
Akhanaten to the Aten is set parallel with the 104th Psalm. The later history
is fully dealt with, and does not give scope for so many different views. A chapter
is devoted to the Egyptian origin of the Book of Job. Some of the main reasons
are, the parallel between Job's confession and the Negative confession, and the
description of the ostrich, hippopotamus, and crocodile, which are all African.
The conclusion is that it was written by Jews in Egypt about the Persian dynasties.
The Ptolemies are very fully described, and the century of Roman rule until the
fall of Jerusalem.

As a summary of the literature of such a vast extent the work is remarkable,
and could hardly be surpassed ; we may hope that it may be improved in future
by a critical valuation of the facts and arguments, without depending merely
on authors, and by avoiding many of the confusions and errors of previous writers.

L'Humanitd Prdhistorique. By J. de Morgan. 192 i. 8vo, 330 pp., 190 figs.
{La Renaissance du Livre, 78 Boul. St. Michel, Paris.) 15 frs.

Here is a noble start on returning to pre-war prices of knowledge. Such a
volume of original writing, with such full illustration, would be brought out
here at three times the 7s. at which it is priced. Over half of the volume is
assigned to the various stages of flint and metal working. A preliminary chapter
deals with geologic conditions, the ice age, and the scale of time. Each successive
period is then described, with full illustration of types. After this there is a
section of 30 pp. on dwellings, clothing, agriculture, and animals. A long section
of 120 pp. deals with paintings and carvings, pottery, design, burials, beliefs,
monuments, emblems, writing, trade, and relations of races. Thus the whole
field is fairly noticed ; as a general presentation it is an excellent outline, and the
details which invite notice below do not impair its value for general instruction.
The author's view on various debated questions is what will be most of interest
and value.

Perhaps the most important question at present is how far similarity of
form of .flint work was contemporary. In noting the contemporaneousness of

Reviews.

117

Achillean and Mousterian forms, it is said : " Ces similitudes dans la formes des
instruments portent a penser que ces industries se sont, aux memes epoques,
etendues sur la majeure partie de I'Europe occidentale et centrale " (p. 54).
This sides with the single-period view. On the other hand there is a strong
protest against the types of one style being supposed to be synchronous (p. 32) ;
the resemblances in different countries are referred to similar thoughts and
material, while absolutely independent (p. 105) ; synchronism cannot be admitted
for the same industry in all regions (p. 297) ; and we must strike out of the
archaeologic vocabulary the words age, epoch, period (p. 305). The difference
of these positions needs consideration. What seems to be the needful view is
that, while the conditions and the results of necessity may be of widely separate
age in different lands, yet the artistic features of form and treatment are not
re-invented, and show a connection not far removed in time wherever they
are found. The artistic appearance of American stone work differs from anything
in the Old World, while the exact similarity of characters all round the Mediter-
ranean seems to demand a real connection of culture in each stage ; and though
the more remote countries might lag behind, they would not exactly repeat
artistic detail independently. In accord with this is the remark that there is no
Chellean period in the Far East (p. 309) ; if invention had repeated the same
course it would be a needful prelude. There is required here some outline of
recent views as to styles belonging to different races, who swept into Europe
and other fields of action.

In other respects also the results of the last ten or twenty years are not
taken into account ; the pre-Crag flints, the Gebel el Araq knife, the complete
series of flint types in Egypt, including Aurignacian, Solutrean, and Magdalenian
(which are expressly denied), the results from Anau, the evidence in the Vedas of
migration from Central Siberia, the alphabetic signs all being early known as
pot-marks, the definiteness of geologic age from radium, the use of sequence
dating in ignoring all of these the book might as well have been written twenty
years ago. Some detail about the mammalia, shells, and plants, typical of each
human stage should also have been given.

The age of metals might well be treated more definitely, in its general outline
(p. 112), and in the detail of the known sources of tin in Saxony and Hungary
(omitted p. 124), in bronze not being regularly used till long after the Ilird dynasty
(pp. 135, 309), in the confusion of sometimes recognising the copper age, and
otherwise ignoring it (159, 189), in iron being only sporadic in Egypt until Greek
times, and bronze ploughshares preceding iron. There is confusion about the
Sinai sources ; really no copper ore or smelting is known in Maghara or Serabit,
but an immense quantity of copper came from the Wady Nasb, as the slag mounds
show : this is contrary to pp. 123, 291.

In the dating of Egyptian material there is the same attribution of historic
objects to prehistoric times, which disfigured earlier work of this author. On
p. loi, Fig. 19 is of the Xllth dynasty ; on p. no, Figs. 2, 3, 6, 7, 9, 27, 30 and 31
are of the Xllth or XVIIIth dynasties ; on p. 180 the sickles found were not
prehistoric but of Xllth and XVIIIth dynasties, and the teeth never extended
to near the point ; on p. 186 no cotton was known in the Ilird dynasty, nor till
Arab times ; on p. 192 it should be said that scarabs were often mounted in
rings, and the single earring in the top of the ear is a modern Nubian fashion.
The mistake about the early kings' tombs being incinerated burials is perpetuated,
though the burning was only the act of destroyers. The sources of ornament

H 3

Il8 Reviews.

on prehistoric pottery are mis-stated (p. 189). In all these points some familiarity
with the historic archaeology is needed. A printer's error in inverting two blocks,
pp. 280, 296, should be remedied.

Some notable remarks are made about the spiral patterns being of Magdalenian
age (p. 314), and hence theories of later migration are beside the mark ; also
the distribution of dolmens, and their cultural ages, bar the diffusion of them
either way (p. 252), and show that the megalithic idea naturally started at various
centres (p. 254). This book is an essential and stimulating outline for general
reading, though verification at the sources is desirable before accepting all the
details.

Motya. By Joseph I. S. Whitaker. 1921. 8vo, 357 pp., 118 figs. 30s.
\pell.)

The elusive Phoenician has left very little that can be accepted as distinctive
of his abilities or his taste. Nearly all his cities have passed into other hands and
been covered with the work of later times. The author has succeeded in acquiring
a unique site, which should give a clearer view than any other place, of the work
of the Phoenicians. This is their principal city of Sicily, Motya, 5 miles north
of Marsala, destroyed in 397 B.C., and desolated so that there is no trace of the
later Greeks or the Roman rule.

The Phoenician a true sea-trader always established himself in island
cities near a mainland, and preferred an island small enough to be entirely walled,
and leave no footing outside of it for attack. Tyre, Aradus, Motya, are the proto-
types of Singapore and Hongkong. This book is an introduction to the Phoeni-
cian question, dealing with a summary of the Phoenician colonies, the early
Sicani and Siculi, the Phoenicians in Sicily, the Greeks, and the fall of Motya.
A second part describes the remains of the fortifications, and the contents of the
museum on the little island, which is only about 3 furlongs across. There is very
little that is dissimilar to the Greek work of the same age ; the flat-bottomed
cylindrical bottles with a handle are about all that is not met with elsewhere.
The traces of Egyptian influence are the scarabs set in rings, which seem to be
the usual Naukratite or Rhodiau, and the amulets of the sacred eye. Apis, Ptah,
Bes and Uraeus, all probably foreign copies. It is much to be hoped that when
Mr. Whitaker carries out his intended clearance of the site we may have a detailed
plan of the city, and register sheets of all the objects found, for it is not only the
best site to get Phoenician work, but will be of much value for dating Greek work
before the limit in 397 B.C.

( "9 )

PERIODICALS.

Zeitschrift fur Aegyptische Sprache, Vol. LIII, 1916.

{Continued front p. 96.)

Spiegelberg, W. Koptische Miszellen. i. The transcription of Pharao

for the Coptic nepo and the Egyptian can be traced in full, the aspirated

P showing that the Hebrew and the Greek forms were taken from the dialect of
Lower Egypt.

2. The verb worrq, translated as "to laugh," by Peyron, means simply
" to loose." The full expression is " to loose the mouth with laughter," but
occasionally the contraction is used.

3. The word 6twi2, " ashes," which occurs only in Clement of Alexandria,

derives from the Egyptian %;^\> ^ ^ ll, "dust of fire." This

derivation may also explain the very puzzling word KeKi6(|>iTeM " ash-bread,"
i.e., " bread of the ashes."

4. The suffixed pronoun -cor or -co of the Sahidic dialect is usually supposed
to be the remams of the Egyptian I Spiegelberg suggests that the s is

euphonic between two vowels, or between a vowel and a half-consonant.

5. Spiegelberg suggests the derivation of SAwe, " water-flood," from

VmHI ^ v^-^*"^ though he acknowledges the difficulty of proof.

6. When the holy Shenoute fulminated against Aristophanes, he accuses
him of having fiUed books mavmuuht with siUy words. Spiegelberg proposes
to derive the description of the book from two Egyptian words meaning " true,
or good skin," i.e., parchment. The costHness of the material as compared with
the worthlessness of the words written on it certainly gives point to Shenoute's
remarks.

7. This is merely a note to show that the two causative verbs too and tuuo
can take a direct object without the connecting 11.

8. Spiegelberg here traces the variations in vocalisation of Illae inf. verbs.
He gives nothing really new, but merely supports Sethe's investigations.

9. The Coptic word for " sandal " was either masculine or feminine, but
the mascuhne, in the dual form, survived. In the construct form the meaning
changed and can mean " bosom," hence iiBTeiTorto = " the nearest," is literally
" He who is in the bosom of."

WiESMANN, H. I A = : cri-epA = . A large number of quotations are

given with the result that the derivation of this expression is evidently from y

" the face," and not from I, " the voice." The meaning is " to be busy with,

to be engaged in," with the underlying idea of " unruhness," hence " dissipation,
laughter, entertaining."

H 4

I20 Zeitschrift fiir Aegyptische SpracJu.

VON BissiNG, Fr. W. Die " GoUesstrasse." In the dream-stela of Thothmes
IV mention is made of the Road of the Gods. Brugsch, in a passage to which
httle attention has ever been paid, notes that the Road of the Gods occurs also
in the inscription of Piankhy, where it is called the Road of Sep, and led apparently
from Heliopolis to the town which was the origin of the modern Cairo. The
god Sep is known in the Book of the Dead, and the name is also preserved as
an epithet of Osiris, and is closely connected with Heliopolis. The road appears
to have been on the east side of the river.

Miszellen.

1. Steindorff, G. In the Metternich Museum at Konigswarth are two
wooden coffins of the New Kingdom. One, of the X VI Ilth dynasty, is mummy-form,

and is painted black and vellow ; it belonged to a certain X>^ v i^ ^^ ^'

The other is of the XlXth or XXth dynasty, is coloured a golden yellow, and is
covered with religious pictures and short texts. It still contains the mummy.

who was an a6-priest of Amen called o ^^ J jl f?s i " ^^ ^^ *^

watch house." It looks as though the coffin came from the great mummy-pit
of the Theban priests at Thebes.

2. WiESMANN, H. A further example of nouns formed with the qualitative
and peq- (see LII, p. 130), is peqcuT, " astrologer."

3. WiESMANN, H. The phrase mbat uiiKAe is translated by Horner, " ends
of the earth." But as kigat is without the definite article, the genitive mtg-
should be used. It is perhaps a kind of proper name which carries its own
definition. The etymology is not known.

3. WiESMANN, H. An unusual use of the word uuom shows that it intro-
duces the apodosis in a conditional sentence.

4. BissiNG, Fr. W. VON. This is a suggestion that the artists who decorated
tombs in the Old Kingdom had a " book of patterns " out of which they chose
the designs, including the animals led as offerings by the servants, and that the
name of the animal was sometimes wrongly copied.

5. BuRCHARDT, M. Two interesting parallels with Egyptian legends are
given here. One is from the collection of miirchen of Sidhi Khiir : a woman
bathed in a stream, which carried away two locks of her hair and left them on
the bank where they were found by a maid of the king's. The king finally
carried off the lady. The second story is from the collection of Ardshi Bordshi
Khan : An army of ghosts demanded human victims. The rescuer set a pot
of brandy before each ghost, who became drunk and all were then killed by the
king's son.

Zeitschrift f'iir Aegyf)tische Sprache, Vol. LIV, 1918,

Sethe, K. Zur Komposition des Tolenbuchspniches fiir das Herbeibringen der
Fahre {Kap. 99, Einleitimg). The chapter of " The Bringing of the Ferry-boat "
is found in the Middle Kingdom ; and Sethe has traced, from the examples remain-
ing, many of the changes which crept in and altered the conception. The main

Zeitschrift fiir Aegyptische Sprache. 121

idea of the chapter is that the dead man (addressed as " O magician "), calls to
the celestial ferryman to bring his boat. The ferryman makes various objections,

as that the boat is all to pieces (I- fl J >:^^)' but is finally overruled. The
original ferryman was Ma-ha-f, " He who looks behind him," but later he becomes
merely the person who answers the dead man. The ferryman, in what is evi-
dently the later version, is called the Aken ; and the dead man tells Ma-ha-f to
" Awake me the Aken." When the Aken is finally roused, he answers, " What
is it ? I am still asleep." On which the magician replies, " Bring me that [i.e.,
the boat], if you will be provided with life. Behold, I come." The Aken then
tests the knowledge of the would-be passenger : " Which are the two cities,
magician ? " " They are the Horizon and the shesemt, I think." " Dost thou
know those two cities, O magician ? " "I know them." " Which are those tvso
cities, O magician ? " " They are the Dual and the reed-field." The Aken, as a
last resource, objects to ferrying over a man who cannot count his fingers ; the
magician refutes this by triumphantly repeating a finger-counting rhyme. The
order of development is shown thus : (i) A short summons to an unnamed
ferryman to bring the boat. (2) A similar but longer stimmons to the celestial
ferryman, " He who looks behind him," originally the ferryman who brought the
boat and who made the objections as to the boat's condition, but who is now only
required to awake the Aken. (3) A similar conversation between the dead man
(known as the magician) and a being whom he meets on his arrival in heaven.
This personage is called " He who looks behind him," although he is not the
ferryman and is only the awaker of the Aken. (4) A summons to the celestial
ferryman, the Aken ; this contains certain elements like those in No. 2, as well
as the polite refusal to bring the boat, and the epithet " magician " applied to the
dead man. It is needless to say that in a paper written by a master of the lan-
guage, such as Professor Sethe, every statement and suggestion is of importance,
both as to words and grammatical construction. [Trouble with the ferryman
was evidently as familiar anciently as it is in modem Egypt.]

Sethe, K. Ein altagyptischer Fingerzdhlreim. In the foregoing article
mention was made of a person who, if he could not count his fingers, would be
refused transport into the presence of Osiris. When the magician says that he can
count, the celestial ferryman retorts, " Let me hear you count both your fingers
and toes." Whereupon the magician recites a finger-counting rhyme of the type
of " This is the one that broke the barn," or " This little pig went to market."
The Egyptian rhyme is full of puns on the numbers : " Thou hast taken the one ;
thou hast taken the one as the second ; thou hast extinguished it for him ; thou
hast wiped it away for him ; give to me then ; what is smelt in my face ; loose
not thyself from him ; spare it not ; thou has illumined the eye ; give me the
eye." The lines go in pairs, each pair ending with the same word, with the
exception of lines 5 and 6, which make a rhyme in our sense of the word, i.e., two
words of which the termination has the same sound. This is evidently done
purposely to mark the change from one hand to the other. Sethe suggests that
the whole rhyme refers to the Eye of Horus ; that " the one " of the first line is
the Eye, and that the feminine pronoun, which I have translated as " it," also
refers to the Eye. As parallel examples of some of the phrases can be found in
the Pyramid Texts, Sethe dates the composition back to the Old Kingdom. It
is a well-ascertained fact that children's rhymes often originated in ancient

122 Zeitschrift fiir Aegyptische Sprache.

religious ritual ; and it is extraordinarily interesting to find an original for one
of these rhymes. This is actually the oldest known example of finger-counting
verses.

Sethe, K. Da$ Pronomen i. sing. " n-nk " und die Eingangsworte zum 17.
Kapitel des Totenbuches. The seventeenth chapter of the " Book of the Dead "

contains the well-known phrase ^ '^ W"^ ^^ ' ^^^-^ ^ ^ ^ "m^^
" I am yesterday and I know the morrow." In the religious texts of the
Middle Kingdom the sentence begins ~^ o ' ^^ich has usually been taken
as a variant of ^ . The introductory words of the chapter ^^^e w | ^ ^
^^ .pr-n- ^^ rj|. which is often translated " Let the word come to pass. I am
Atum." Sethe points out by various examples that ~^ is not the same
as (1 but means " Belonging to me." At the same time he shows that

iinnr ^K, ^ ^^ "^^ *^^ name of the god, but has in this connection its original
meaning of " complete, all." The sentences then would read " To me belongs
yesterday and I know the morrow," and " Let the word come to pass, [for] to
me belongs all." The New Kingdom texts have completely lost this sense, which

is preserved in the Middle Kingdom. Sethe takes the form of ^^^ to be a

compound of n-t inwk, the n of the dative followed by the pronoun of the first
person singular (omitted in writing, as is so often the case) and emphasised by
the absolute pronoun. This use of an emphatic pronoun is common in Coptic ;

the parallel phrase would be mai amok, and it is also found in Arabic, U' j>

The position of a prepositional phrase at the beginning of a nominal sentence
is rare ; this reversal of the usual order of words is also clearly for emphasis.

The use of the form ^'^ appears to have been confined to the Middle Kingdom.

Sethe, K. Die angeblichen Schmiede des Horus von Edfu. Brugsch first

identified the lUy 3 TO 1 of Horus of Edfu with the Coptic bacmmt, and

explained the word as " smiths " or " metal-workers." Maspero suggested
and his suggestion has been universally accepted that, in the campaign of Horus
of Edfu and his " smiths " against Set, we have the far-off echo of the invasion of
a flint-using people by a metal-working race. Sethe now proposes to jettison
this theory, which practically rests only upon Brugsch's identification. The

word y '^ Sf is . used from the Old Kingdom down to Ptolemaic times for a

sculptor in stone or wood ; it probably read KstV, and has nothing in common
with the name of the companions of Horus except the bone-sign. The usual

way of writing the name is without the , i.e., msnw, therefore the identifica-
tion with 3 and with bacmht falls to the ground. In the earliest example,
which is of the Middle Kingdom, the word is written msnw, and a parallel text
gives the sign c=afc=i as the determinative. Brugsch and Maspero both saw in

the place-name a workshop or forge erected in the temple of Edfu for the

Zeitschrift fiir Aegyptische Sprache. 123

" smiths " of Horus, and read it as MSNT-city. But the sign can also read bb,
which is an implement used in hippopotamus-hunting. The word tnsn can be
determined with the sign of wood as well as the bone-sign. From the literary
evidence the word seems to mean a harpooner, or the whole tackle of a harpoon.
If this is so," the sign is easily explained by the fact that in predj'nastic
times bone-harpoons were commonly used. Sethe suggests that the word msn

is a form of the name of the two-barbed harpoon ! sn with prefixed m. [Sethe

does not explain the sign caifc=i. I would suggest that it is the case in which the
sharpened harpoon-points were carried. I do not think a reel was ever repre-
sented among any fishing-tackle, otherwise the presence of the cord wound round
the object and tied in a knot would suggest a reel. The harpoon had long been
made of copper before the text in question, and therefore cannot be called a
" bone-sign." This leaves Maspero's position unaltered.]

Sethe, K. Zum Inzesi des Snefru. Sottas has called in question Sethe's
translation of the well-known genealogy of Nefermaat, which shows the closely
consanguineous marriages so common in early times. Sethe brings forward
further proof that Nefermaat was the son of Snefru ; Nefermaat was " king's
son," a title borne only by an actual child of a king, the son of a king's son being
merely a " royal acquaintance." He also points out that, though the word
" son " is sometimes rather loosely used, the meaning in a genealogy is always
strictly limited to the actual son.

Van der Leeuw, G. External Soul, Schutzgeist und der dgyptische Ka. The
Ka has been a subject of much controversy, and Herr van der Leeuw brings
forward evidence to show that it is (i) the life principle, (2) the double, (3) the
guardian spirit. As the life-principle, the soul-power, it is not unlike the Melane-
sian mana. To be parted from one's ka is nothing else than to die. But the
ka contmues to exist after death ; and the evidence seems to show that it is
bom with the man and governs his mortal life, but its real life begins after death.
But a soul which can be severed from its body is a kind of external soul ; and if
the dead wished to share in a higher life, they were said to go to their kas. The
ka as the double is well known in representations of the king. As the guardian
spirit the ka is that form of the life-principle which is external to the body and
for security's sake is hidden away in a secret place. As long as it remains hidden
the person to whom it belongs is immune from death ; but if the hiding-place is
found the person has no means of defence. This duality is shown in Egyptian
examples : " Thou (the God Geb) art the Ka of all gods . . . thou art
God, for thou hast power over all gods." Geb has here secured the safety of his
soul by uniting it with the gods. If the ka of the gods dies, Geb dies ; but con-
versely, if he dies, the gods die. Therefore he protects them and they protect
him. [The last word is far from being said on this complex subject. Further
light might be thrown upon it by a study of the qarina of modern Egypt, the
" double " of the opposite sex which comes into the world with each child. The
African belief in the " ancestral spirit," which is partly incarnated in each suc-
cessive generation, serves to explain completely the ka as external and also
in-dwelling (see Anc. Eg., 1914, 24, 162).]

Spiegelberg, W. Ein Heiligtum des Gotten Chnum von Elephantine in der
thebanischen Totenstadt. As a great number of granite-workers from Aswan

124 Zeitschrift fur Aegyptische Sprache.

must have gone to Thebes in the course of business, it is natural to suppose that
there must have been a sanctuary of their local god, Khnum of Elephantine,
in the Theban necropolis where they worked. There is proof of this in several
monuments from Thebes, either dedicated to Khnum in words or with repre-
sentations of that god being worshipped. Spiegelberg publishes a small wooden
stela, painted with a representation, in the upper register, of the god Khnum
seated ; a worshipper kneels in the lower register ; and the dedication is to

Khnum by ^37 | (j c^ -V-^ ? " Master of the North Wind," i.e., a man who
knows wind-spells.

Spiegelberg, W. Die Darstellung des Alters in der aelteren aegyptischen
Kunst von dem Miitleren Reich. In comparing the two portraits of Ra-hesy on
the well-known panels, it will be seen that one represents a much older man
than the other ; the sharpened features, the wrinkle from the nose to the side
of the mouth, the hollow under the cheek-bone, all show the advance of age.
In the case of stout elderly men the wrinkle is but lightly indicated, the face
being almost dropsical in its fatness. Figures in the round also represent old
age. The best known of these is the ivory king from Abydos, which represents
the bent attitude, the hanging mouth and the withered skin of old age ; the
large, warm, quilted cloak is another sign. In the slate statue of King Kha-
sekhem from Hierakonpolis (Quibell. Hierak. XLI) the characteristic nose-to-mouth
wrinkle, though not very deep, is still clearly marked. One of the best examples
of the representation of a man at two stages of his life can be found in the two
statues of Rahetep, high-priest of Memphis. One of these shows this " prince
of the church " in the flower of young manhood, the other shows the same man
when past his prime. The celebrated scribe of the Louvre is another case in
point ; the flabby body and the sharpened features represent a man verging on
old age. Spiegelberg, like Capart, inclines to the belief that these representa-
tions of old age were not intended as portraits. He maintains that the great
sculptors of the Old Kingdom did not make portraits but types, these types
representing men at two different stages of life.

Spiegelberg, W. Eine Bronzestatuette des .Amon. This bronze statuette
represents the god Amon in human form with a ram's head. The figure is nude.
Nude figures are not uncommon in the reliefs of the Old Kingdom, but nude
figures in the round are rare at any period. The statuette is of bronze, originally
overlaid with gold-leaf, and inlaid with gold wire ; the eyes had also been inlaid.
The ram's horn remains on one side of the head, and proves that the animal is
the Ovis Animon. It has always been remarked how wonderfully the Egyptians
managed the anatomy of human figures with animal heads ; in this statuette it
is the anatomy of the face which is remarkable. The upper part of the face
forehead, eyes, ears and cheek-bones are human, it is only the muzzle which is
animal ; and under the creature's chin is the beard which is appropriate to the
gods. Spiegelberg puts the date of the statuette at the XlXth dynasty.

Spiegelberg, W. Der Maler Heje. Schafer has suggested that drawings on
potsherds and limestone-flakes are not always free sketches, but are often memory-
copies of some original, and Frau Luise Klebs remarks that the artist only noted
down what interested him artistically. Spiegelberg here publishes a sketch which

Zeiischrift fiir Aegyptische Sprache. 125

was found in the neighbourhood of its original, at Deir el Medinet. In this
cemetery is the tomb of Huy (Heje), a great artist who lived under Rameses III ;
and on the wall of the tomb is a portrait of the artist, probably by himself. The
sketch on limestone, found in a tomb close by, reproduces the figure with sufficient
fidelity to make it possible to recognise it even if the inscription had not been
copied also. It is evident that it was the representation of the artist's streaming
hair and of his upturned foot, as well as the flowing lines of the whole figure,
which attracted the copyist.

Bonnet, H. Die Konigshaube. The nms headdress of the King is made of
cloth, which is taken straight across the forehead and behind the ears, and covers
the whole of the head ; at the back it ends in a roll of the material, the so-called
pigtail, in front a long lappet falls over each shoulder ; on each side it is pushed
out into a rounded form by the mass of hair below. The cloth is pleated in folds

of varying dimensions. A similar headdress is the T , which differs from the

nms in being perfectly smooth and having no lappets, the pigtail is flatter and
broader. The h'Jjt was worn by women, and according to Borchardt was
worn by all Egyptian ladies under the wig. [In this they would resemble their
modem descendants who, when in native dress, wear a handkerchief tied over
the head in a peculiar way under the veil.] The Mkt is represented in the
lists of property on Middle Kingdom coffins. On statues and reliefs the nms is
known as early as the IVth dynasty, but the h%ht is not found till the New
Kingdom. Still, the method of arranging the headdress shows that the one is
the simpler, and therefore probably the earlier, form of the other. In the k%ht
the cloth is not folded in any way, but in the nms the folds are a characteristic
feature ; in the nms also the cloth is held in place round the forehead by what
appears to be a metal band.

Spiegelberg, W. Eine Totenliturgie der Ptolemaerzeit. The papyrus 25 of
the Egyptian collection at Vienna has been published by von Bergmann as a
list of gods. But it also contains a very interesting funerary liturgy written

in demotic for a lady named *^ _ |v IqI | I^^ Artemisia. It ends with the

instruction to carry the bier with the body to four places, probably shrines ;
at the first, the head shall be to the north, the feet to the south ; at the second, the
head shall be to the west, the feet to the east ; at the third, the head shall be
to the east, the feet to the west ; at the fourth, the head shall again be to the
north, the feet to the south. Various offerings and ceremonies probably took place
at each shrine. Then follow these words : " Afterwards comes Horus. He
smites the wicked one, while the children of Horus are in the hall. . . . There
appears this god Osiris, appearing in the Nun." Spiegelberg takes this as a
direction to perform the mystery-play as part of the funeral ceremony.

Spiegelberg, W. Der demotische Papyrus der Stadtbibliothek Frankfurt a. M.
This is a marriage-contract in which a concubine is raised to the position of a
wife. The eldest son, who at the time of the marriage, was already in existence,
is mentioned by name ; this being the only instance known of such mention
by name. The child is, by authority of the parents, to inherit equally with any
future children. Dr. Joseph Partsch adds a short legal commentary on this

126 Zeitschrift fiir Aegyptische Sprache.

contract, in which he points out that it is of the usual late type. It is worth
considering whether a son born after marriage ranked as the eldest son, or whether
that position belonged to a child born before marriage.

Sethe, K. Zum partizipialen Ursprung der Suffix konjugation. Sethe
derives all the forms of the suffix-conjugation sdmf, sdmn-f, sdmin-f, sdmkr-J
from participles. The literal translation of sdm-f would be "he is hearing " ;
in sdmn-f the n is the preposition, " is heard by him." The in of sdmin-f is
also a preposition, and is commonly used in that way with other forms of the
verb. So also hr is a preposition. This explains why in the relative form
with n sdmwn-f the pronomen relativum is not expressed, although the object

of the verb, | ^^ ^^ ^ ^ "^ " "^^^ ^^^^ ^^^'^^ ^ heard," literally " The
voice which was heard by me."

Spiegelberg, W. Der aegyptische Possessivartikel. The Egyptian
, and ""^ are the origin of the Coptic ha, ta and ma, " He of, she of,

they of." In the Middle Kingdom they were used with the genitive ^w~^,
and from the New Kingdom onwards the masculine is usually written ,
but at the same time in other examples the genitive n is dropped out ; so that
" He of Abydos " can be written ^f J 'i' ^ or ^"^(jllf J (^ ^^.
These forms are used, in combination with gods' names, as personal names ;
and in late times can express filiation, instead of the older s^, thus Vo^ n

for >^ ^^ Ji _ " Horus, son of Isis." In the feminine the pronoun is
written |, ^^ ^^, or 3=3; the last when combined with the genitive becomes
/wvAAA. But in this connection it is necessary to note that in many personal
names, the /wvw is a combination of the demonstrative pronoun with a relative
particle following, " The one who."

Spiegelberg, W. Demotische Kleinigkeiten. i. This is a contract for
mummification and burial. Thotortaios has handed over to Phagonis all the
materials for embalming the body of his son. Phagonis undertakes the com-
mission, and engages that the form of mummification already agreed upon shall
be carried out by the choachytes of Thotortaios There is to be a forfeit of
money for non-fulfilment of the contract.

2. An acknowledgment of a debt of two silver deben and half a kite ; the
debtor engages to repay in seven months. If he should delay to do this one
month beyond the appointed time, he must pay one and a half times the out-
standing amount as a fine. He pledges his house as security for the debt.

3. Four demotic examples from Hermonthis of receipts for the payment
of a tax are given. The tax is known as \oyeid "lo-tSof, and was for the
benefit of the priests of the bull Buchis and the goddess Isis of Philae, who had
a sanctuary at Hermonthis. All four receipts are to the same man, Pi-buchis.

4. This interesting fragment records the dedication of a gift in the temple
of Isis of Philae. The gift was apparently in fulfilment of a vow, and Spiegelberg
suggests that the pilgrimage to Philae was an atonement for some sin.

Zeitschrift fiir Aegyptische Sprache. 127

5. The fragment here pubhshed belongs to the demotic inscription of
Parthenios, published in Vol. LI, p. 81. The date of the inscription was in the
last line of this fragment, but unfortunately the actual numbers are broken

away.

6. The uEiWie which in Greek is written %ov^opyr)<i is derived from the

Egyptian ^ J] <5>- '^^~^ i V " Thoth knows him." Griffith has tentatively
suggested that the Greek name ^orpcoiafi is derived from the above, but
Spiegelberg thinks that its real origin is ^ J^ _^ M ^^ " Thoth watches,"

a form of name which is not uncommon.

7. A mummy-label in the British Museum has a demotic and Greek inscrip-
tion. The Greek gives the date in the co-regency of Pitblius Licinius Valerianus
and Publius Licinius [Valerianus] Gallienus when a third Publius Licinius Cornelius
(Saloninus) Valerianus (Gallienus) was Caesar. The abbreviation, which refers to
the three rulers of the same name, occurs only on this label, and may be a popular
designation. The date is May 3, a.d. 256.

8. This is a note on the demotic writing of the name of the goddess R't-tiwy,
" Ra-t of the two Lands," Ra-t being the feminine form of Ra. Ra-t t^wy was
the local goddess of Hermonthis.

Spiegelberg, W. Tr]iovx<ovai<;. At the end of the New Kingdom there
are found personal names which mean " Portion, or half," of a god, e.g.,

Q ^v ^~r ^"^ ""'^^ U c\ ^^'^ " The part of Bast," or (I t^-s 1 " Part of

Khonsu." The interchange of 21 and iVj shows that the n had already
been lost in pronunciation. The t of the definite article would coalesce with the
first letter of the noun, and the name Ti-dni-t n Hnsw would become in Greek
TrjiovyMvai's.

Sethe, K. Die Bedeutung der Konsonanten verdopplung im Sahidischen
und die Andeutmig des i' diirch den iibergesetzen Strich. Sethe is against Erman's
explanation of the doubling of consonants in Sahidic, and points out that it
occurs only after the short e which is indicated by a stroke over the letter. The
doubling occurs with the letters b, .\, u, m, and p. According to Sethe this
is not phonetic, but is an entirely graphic convention, which came into use before
the introduction of the stroke. Thus a word written yuucj must be pronounced
A^/n^ ; without the reduplication it might have represented the sounds /n/u^, or
even ('/tm^.

Spiegelberg, W. Koptische Kleinigkeiten. i. The Coptic ?h " Quarry "

is derived from the Egyptian word '^ which has the same meaning. In the

Coptic version of Judges vi. 2, when the Israelites sought refuge from the
Midianites, they dwelt in dens, and caves, ukikijh ujyATUJWK " The quarries of
the quarry-men."

2. The word hoa^mt following a proper name has hitherto been considered
as an epithet meaning " the abstemious." Spiegelberg now points out that
the man's trade is often mentioned after his name, as " Father Jacob the
builder," or " Phibammon the carpenter." ncAj-JT then probably means " the
weaver " from guj^(j " to weave."

128 Zeitschrift fiir Aegyptische Spracfie.

3. The Coptic bai has hitherto had no known derivation. Spiegelbcrg
has already shown that tiiaVtcot is the Coptic form of ^ -^ '^*'' o*" "'^'^''
would then be a Nisbe-form meaning "to be upon."

4. In the Coptic inscriptions from the convent of Jeremias at Sakkara,
published by Sir H. Thompson, a man is given the epithet of <|)ATiy, which is
left untranslated. Spiegelbcrg thinks this is a variant of nyAUjyfi, " the
carpenter," and quotes a similar form, ?atkioti> for ?Aum)TB " Goldsmith,"
in support of his suggestion.

5. The Coptic x)pu, " to wink," is derived from an Egyptian original.

This appears as early as the coffin-texts published by Lacau

(where, however, it is copied as ^^ -^^, the ^ being doubtful), and also

in the tomb of Tit at Thebes.

Sethe, K. Miszellen. Sethe does not agree with von Bissing as to his
suggestion that the word (I is a mistake for 1 -^ and has been wrongly
used by the Egyptian artist. On the contrary^ (I ^ is rightly used for a female

goat, the name of the male being A ''^ The word I -^ means the wild

cow ; ths wild ox is smi, and is the animal whose feet, made in ivory, support
the furniture of early tim:)s, and who was hunted by Amenhetep III. Its
name, smi, seems to be connected with the word smi " to slay." It is not the

hartebeest or bubale with lyre-shaped horns, which is called x ' i~l ^, \j:>

in Egyptian. A characteristic peculiarity of the smi is that in standing its tail
is held between the legs, but in sitting or lying down the tail is held stiffly out.

Sethe, K. The two Nile-gods, who bear respectively the symbolical plants
of Upper and Lower Egypt on their heads, are represented as uniting the Two
Lands. They are themselves the personification of the two parts of Egypt, as
Gauthier and Jequier have already pointed out. On the statue of Amenemhat III
published by Maspero, they are actually called Upper Egypt and Lower Egypt.

MoLLER, G. A lazuli figure of Taurt, bought at the Kennard sale, shows
the goddess in her usual form as a hippopotamus standing on her hind-legs.
It was not intended to be worn as an amulet, but under the feet is a short peg
to fix it into a base. Through this peg a cylindrical hole has been bored up
through the legs into the abdomen of the figure. The hole is filled with a doubled-
up tube of thin gold which contained a few shreds of linen. This was an offering
from an expectant mother for a safe delivery. Another figure of Taurt in wood
had had the abdomen hollowed out and finished with another piece of wood,
which was glued on after the insertion of a piece of a garment. A fa'fence figure
shows the goddess in the act of suckling, the right paw holding the left breast.
In place of the nipple is a hole communicating with a hollow inside the figure.
If milk were put in this hollow it would trickle out of the hole. The idea seems
to be that the dedicator of the figure would thus ensure adequate nourishment
for her offspring.

ANCIENT
EGYPT

1922.

Part I.

CONTENTS.

1. The Tree of the Herakleopolite

Nome.

Dr. F. F. Bruijning.

2. S.\RCOPH.\GUS OF PA-RAMESSU.

R. Engelbach.

3. Knots.

4. Periodicals.

5. Reviews.

6. Notes and News.

EDITOR, PROF. FLINDERS PETRIE, F.R.S., F.B.A,

M. A. Murray

Yearly, 7 j. Post Free.

Quarterly Part, 2$.

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LONDON AND NEW YORK;

AND

EGYPTIAN RESEARCH ACCOUNT,
Chicago.

Ancient Egypt. Net price of each number from booksellers is 2s.
Subscriptions for the four quarterly parts, prepaid, post free, ys., are received by

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Books for review, papers offered for insertion, or news, should be addressed :
Editor of " Ancient Egypt,"

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Subscriptions received in the United States by :

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'^y

END OF SARCOPHAGUS OF PA-RAMESSU.
AT THE LEFT HAND SEE THE CARTOUCHE AND NEB UBEN NOT ON ERASURE. TO THE RIGHT ARE
THE EARLIER CARVINGS OF PA-RAMESSU WITHOUT CARTOUCHE AND NEB UBEN OVER ERASURE.

HEAD OF WORSHIPPER. PTOLEMAIC STELE, ABYDOS,

ANCIENT EGYPT.

THE TREE OF THE HERAKLEOPOLITE NOME.

(Concluded.)

Let us now consider the subject from a botanical point of view. The species
Raphia' is characterised by large penniform pinnate leaves, surpassing the
trunk in size. The trunk is so short in proportion that Wurming writes of " the
almost stem-less Raphia-palms " [Lehrbuch d. okologischen Pflanzengeog., 1918,
p. 616).

In this it differs from the tall-stemmed slender species, mainly of date palms.
In accordance with the Raphia is the determinative showing a short stem and a
strongly developed crown of leaves. Agreeing with this is Diimichen's view
quoted by Moldenke [Alt. texte erw. Bdume, p. 63) that " dieser Baumname, wenn
auch nicht die Battel palme, so doch moglicherweise eine andere Palmenart
bezeichnen konne, vielleicht die Zwergpalme. Mit Bezugnahme auf die dem
Worte am auch zustehende Bedeutung ' das Kind,' ' die Kleine ' (Brugsch,
Worterb. Supp., am, p. 64), determiniert durch das Bild des Kindes) wurde des
der Zwergpalme gegebene Name ' Die Kleine ' eine durchweg entreffende
Benennung gewesen sein."

Such a surmise is rather dangerous, as it leads one on to another possibility-

'^ /^ ^ ^AA/v^A

May this be connected with the name of Herakleopolis 1 % '^ , hnn-neswt,

"the palm-grove of the king"? Note also that the Coptic ewec, ewHC
C2MHC and ^mat is " rami palma> vel vitis in quibus sunt dactyli adulti,

at uvae" (Peyron, Lex., p. 355), and the form 8,^ ^1 '''^- Even now at
Khartum the Raphia Monbuttorum is called nakhl el Faraun, or " the royal
palm " (Schweinforth, Herzen von Afrika, 1918, 104). This palm was found by
Schweinforth on the Jur River, a branch of the Bahr-el-Ghazal, 8 N. 28 E., where
it seems to have its northern boundary. But, comparing the recession of other
plants, this probably extended further northward, though it is now entirely
extinct in Egypt. It might have been artificially retrieved as far north as Middle
Egypt, after it had receded to the south. The Raphia palms, which flourish in
moist soil, are more likely to have survived on the swamps of Middle Egypt and
the Fayoum, than in the drier conditions of Upper Egypt.

' A. Engler, Pflamenwelt Afrikas, 2, 1908, p. 227 ; Engler and Prantl, Natiirl. Pflanzen-
familien, 2, 1889, 3, Palmae von O. Drude ; Martin's Hist. not. Palmarum, 3, 9. Raphia,
p. 216, 1836-50.

The Tree of the Herakleopolite Nome.

Besides the short stem the Raphia is especially characterised by the enormous
drooping inflorescence. The length of this is about one metre, and is the more
conspicuous by the stem being less than a metre and a half high. Compare
Fig. II with Fig. i, where the spadix has already passed into a drooping

inflorescence. This change is more marked in
the Tehneh example (Fig. lo). Before going
further we should consider why the Raphia is
not figured with an obviously large spadix.
There might well be representations of the
wine-palm without inflorescence, merely as a
short-stemmed palm, such as that on a seal of
s^ ^ "li' Sakliam-ab-Perabsen {Royal Tombs, II, xxii, 189)

r J 'y '4 4 j 1 ^9^ ^^S- ^^' ^"^ ^^^ palm in the name of the

^ n ^J 1 1, itfi princess Bener-ab {R.T., II, iii, i) which might

equally read Ama-ab, Fig. 12.

Raphia is monoecious, the spadix having
both male and female flowers, in separate bracts
of the same branch, see Raphia Rufiia in Fig. 14.
In this I is a blossoming branch, female flowers
below and male above ; 2, two female flowers half
covered by the theca-form bracts ; 3, male flowers
with bract and first leaf ; 4, seed, back ; 5, seed,
section ; 6, branch with ripe fruit, and flowers
below. (Engler and Prantl, Pflanzenfamilien :
6 also in Maout et Decaisne.)

It should be noted that the sheath-like bracts
in which the flowers lie, are like the perianths
often figured in the New Kingdom (Giinther
Roeder, Blumen der Isis, Zeits. 48, 1910, pp. 115-
123). They appear as determinatives of mas

Vocah. 2, p. 272, " mazzo di
che entrano I'uno nell'

J] ~n~

(Levi,
fiori, collane di fiori,
altro ") -^ TT" I (Budge,

Diet., p. 287)

and D Y mas " bouquet, bunch of flowers."

There may be some connection between the
form of the seed of Raphia, and the " fruit d'un
palmiste indetermine " carved in green stone,
found in the Aha tomb (De Morgan, Tombeau
de Nigadeh, Fig. 714). On the offering table of
Sarenput, son of ati-hetep, there is an indistinct
figure which might be connected with Raphia
(De Morgan, Cat. Man. Haute Eg. i, 1894, p. 155).
It may be compared with the fruit-bearing spadix of Raphia vinifera in Fig. 13.
Thus we see various groimds for the supposition that the tree of the
Herakleopolite nome was wine-palm or Raphia. The correctness of the reading
amA in place of nar is in accord with de Rouge reading am-khent, and Brugsch
am-khnti and am-p/iwu {Aegyptologie, 447). The wine-palm also satisfies the
condition that it must have been known in Egypt in the earliest period. The

12. Palm of Bener-ab.

13. Spadix ok Raphia Vinifera.

The Tree of the Herakleopolite Nome

Pyramid Texts, which descend from remote ages, and which have but few tree-
determinatives, yet name the ama palm among the palm-wines. There was
already some confusion in determinatives, see Teta 334, or Pepy 826 and Meryra
249 and 704 (Sethe, Pyramidentexte, 1908, 380). In Pepy, 826, the determinative
is the same as the sycomore cn ^. in Meryra 113, " the wine-palm follows "

'^^P^^^^^'^-^^l' ^^^ ^^^^^ ^^ ^ short-stemmed tree with thick
foliage. This palm-wine, well known in later lists, occurs also in the pyramid
texts, as in Teta 120 a (1 =0= (1 V\ (Sethe, P.T. 55).

The nature of palm-wine should be noticed, as some confusion has arisen
between the true palm-wine and that fermented from dates. The true palm-
wine is obtained from the sap of various species, drawn by incisions in the spadix,
or the head, or by cutting off the spadix. The sap, collected in a very primitive
manner, is fermented to produce wine. In Mesopotamia this sap-wine was

14. Flowers and Fruit of Raphia Ruffia.

collected from the date-palm, but in ancient Africa this was probably not the
case. It seems probable that the date palm became more valued for fruit,
the sap-wine was only drawn from other species ; and this may have tended to
exterminate these in the northern habitat.

The use of dates for wine, was like that of other fruits ; the ripe fruit was
mashed with water, pressed or boiled, and then fermented. To avoid confusion

it is best to call this date-wine, as in Egyptian (^ ^ y I r-^^ (Ebers Pap, x,

2; Pliny xiv, 9; Wiedemann, Herodots zw. Buck, 355). The true palm-wine
arp-amcl constantly recurs in lists of offerings, along with arp nth, arp dbsh, arp
amt, arp snw and arp hdmw. The reading " wine of Buto " for palm-wine
originates from Brugsch ; but as Bollacher remarks (Pliny xiii, 9) this seems
groundless. It is, however, evident that when Raphia was extinct in Egypt
(save in a few oases) the name of palm-wine might be extended to other products
of palms.

A 2

4 The Tree of the Herakleopolite Nome.

As the palm-wine was the refreshing drink from the sacred tree of
Herakleopohs, so the palm-cabbage was also valued in Egypt as a food. This
terminal bud and leafage, otherwise called the " heart " or " brains " of the tree,
was taken from many different species, and probably also from the wine-palm. It
has a sweetish taste, was much appreciated anciently, and is still sold as a dainty
in Cairo. Regarding the name of the palm-cabbage Moldenke {A liaeg. Texte, 55)

supposes that the name, was 1\ '^J^ "O"" " Blattenwerk der Dattel-

palme," or elsewhere (p. 64) " Blatter^ oder Blatt spitzen." Joachim (Pap.
Ebers. Berl. 1890) rendered ^ ^ ]^ I ^ ^ ^ as " Zweige vom
aw-Baume." But it is possible that we should read this as the leaflets of the
large penniform compound leaves of the wine-palm, or V\ "^ ^y""

as the same leaflets of the date-palm, rather than the palm-cabbage.

For I ''^ ''^~^ ^^ Moldenke renders "Flower of the anui palm";
but this seems unlikely, and it might rather mean the living part of the tree,
the so-called palm-cabbage.

J- may also be written ^ , determined by an ear, or shell-shaped organ,
which is found in various plants as well as in the palms. In the Hearst papyrus

(Keisner, 1905. xiv, 14, to xv, i) H ~^ ^ m l,n i T P m '
*^ ' 1^ M, ' *^ ' ^ ^"^^ is rendered by Wreszinsky " sycomore
seeds, napeca seeds, amd tree seeds, acacia seeds." (Lond. Med. Pap. imd Pap.
Hearst, 1912, p. 125). Reisner read ^ as " leaf " of a plant "written either with
or without the determinative applying to the expressions as a whole " {Hearst
pap. vocab. pp. 14 and 17). Perhaps both renderings may be partly right.
^ I should probably not be read here as ad but as onkh, according to the Berlin

p. is given in full (Wreszinsky Med. Pap. Berl. V, 4,

5 ; and p. 10) . On the other hand if we accept Reisner's view and suppose that
this represents a leafy organ, resembling an animal's ear, and hence resembling
the sheath of a palm enclosing the spadix, it would be inapplicable to the syco-
more or acacia. Hence, I conclude that it simply means " buds," shaped like
an ear, out of which the life of the plant emerges. This would apply equally to

the terminal bud of the palm or buds of an acacia. The "y ^I ^\ Q
would then be the palm-cabbage of the date palm.

Another difficult term to define is the \\ "^^ '^ o '] ''^^^ .^^ V ' ^
fl *^ ^ rTV,' ^" organ thus found in such different trees as the palm and the
vine, the sycomore and the napeca (Wreszinsky, Lond. Med. Pap. 10059, i"^
Pap. Hearst I, 14). Various renderings of ashed have been proposed, apricots
(Murray), Cordia Myxa (Dumichen, Loret, Moldenke), Balanites (Maspero), grapes
(Reisner) ; and later it seems to be a general term for a fruit or group of fruit.
[It might well mean simply " gathering " or " fruit " in all cases. Ed.] Thus,
I propose to read ashdt nt ants, clusters of fruit of the wine-palm.

* As also Wreszinsky in the case of willow leaves {Grosse med. pap. 3038, 1909, 7, 12).

The Tree of the Herakleopolite Nome. ^

Another general term is J^ O or _^ Iq) "^ O, kh sd, as '^ O A ^ (),
khsd-n-amd. Joachim and Wreszinsky both render it " fruit of the dm tree."
It has probably a wider meaning as core, or kernel of a large size. The terms
of botanic morpKology in Egypt will need much research before they are fully
understood.

To return to the palm-cabbage, Woenig calls it a " very excellent vegetable,"
obtained by the Egyptians from the so-called " brain of the palm, that is from
the young, tender and juicy shoots of the leaves " [Pflanzen in alien Aeg. 1886,
pp. 221 and 312). Though usually precise, this writer here states no more than
did the ancients. It should be noted that it is not found in the lists of offerings,
but no more are many other vegetables. Maspero remarked in 1897 that no
vegetables are specified except onions, but they are only included in some general
rubric at the end. On the other hand there are many figures in sculpture which
seem to be palm-cabbage.

These have been taken for artichokes by C. Pickering [Races of Man,

p. 371) ; but F. Unger^ doubts this " Wenn von alien diesen Darstellungen etwas

far Palmenkohl in Anspruch genommen werden konnte, so waren es nur Fig. 27

und 28, die allerdings von den iibrigen bedeutend abweichen. Aehnlich erscheinen

in den agyptischen Alterthiimern die Darstellungen der Bliithenstrausse, von

welchen ist die Artischoke nur durch den meist gekriimmten Stiel und durch

den Mangel der Ringelung, was bei den Straissen den Bindfaden andeuten

soil, zu unterscheiden weiss." As far back as 1834 Rosellini (Mow. civ. p. 388)

had recognised the palm-cabbage at Beni Hasan (see Leps., Denk. II, 129).

Unger takes this figure to be Raphanus sativus {major), horse-radish, " Die nach

oben erweiterte Wurzel triigt Narben von entfernten Blattern, von denen die

innersten und jiingsten nocli in einem Buschel vorhanden sind. Allerdings

spricht das mehr fiir Beta alsfiir Raphanus, alleinfiir Palmenkohl am wenigsten."

The latter words, which I italicise, are a notable opinion from so serious and

accurate a botanist as Unger. I never met with a Raphanus or a Beta bearing

leaves up, or nearly up, to the top of the root. Schweinfurth doubted the

appearance of Raphanus in ancient Egypt. ^ The reference to an inscription on

the pyramids by Herodotus must be taken with all reserve as to what he was

told by others, however accurate his own observations may be. Loret takes

the figures named above to be Lactuca saliva,^ and Schweinforth and Buschan*

agree with this. These figures are but exceptional ; and in my opinion those

published by V. Bissing (Gem-ni-kai, xxvi) and Reno Muschler* are by no means

Lactuca.

In other cases there may, perhaps, be figures of unnoticed species ; but the
older interpretations such as pine-cones must be set aside. We return now
to the question about artichokes. Woenig is surprised at De Candolle doubting
about Egyptians having Cynara scolymus, or its prototype C. Cardunculus ; but
he after all doubts whether C. Scolymus was known in Egypt. It is almost
certain that the south European C. Cardunculus is the prototype of Scolymus.

' In Botanische Streifziige aiif dem Gebiete der Cultur-geschichie, Sitz. Kais. Ak. math.-
natur., Classe I, die Pflanzen des alt. Aeg. 38, pp. 69-140.
' In Ver. Berl. Anthrop. Ges. 1891, 665.
' Flora Phar. 1892, 68, No. 113.
' Vorgeschichtliche Botanik 1895, 144.
' Elaiiterungen an den Pflam. 41.

A 3

6 The Tree of the Herakleopotite Nome.

Originally the hard and unpalatable flowers of Cardunculus were used as food.
The artichoke proper was described by Theophrastus, who reminds us of the
resemblance between the thalamus and the palm-cabbage. This, however, is
much later than the Egyptian figures. The spread of the artichoke was very
slow ; in 1466 from Naples to Florence, and not till 1548 to England (H. Philhps,
Hist. CuUiv. Veg. I, 23) ; but there is no reason to expect it in early Egypt. We
may, indeed, meet in reliefs with plants which we cannot determine, because of
imperfect execution, especially in provincial art ; moreover, the figures are often
damaged. Again, repeated copying, regardless of the original subject, may
cause wide divergence. We must therefore be cautious, and restrict ourselves to
comparisons of repeated forms which are not very divergent. Any wide deviation
must be specially considered. As Schweinforth remarks, " II faut une profonde

15. Rames seated holding a Bouquet of Leaves.

connaissance du style egyptien, de la symbolique figuree et des plantes du pays
pour etre a meme de bien interpreter la signification de ces images. De plus,
c'est une tache qui doit etre supportee autant par le savoir que par la critique.
II s'y agit parfois de reconnaitre, parfois de deviner. La determination d'une
plante comme esp^ce est souvent deja difficile quand on a sous les yeux une
gravure.de nos jours, ellel'est bien plus lorsqu'il s'agit de dessins aussi grossiers
que ceux de la sculpture " (G.S. Flora phar. Bull. Inst. Eg. 1882, No. 3, p. 9).

We should therefore restrict our field to the regularly recurring forms,
which have only slight divergences from a normal type. Any considerable
or strange deviations must be carefully considered. When we look thus critically
at the artichoke resemblance, we see that it is impossible, and only two sources
seem likely, an artificial bouquet of leaves, or else the palm-cabbage. As against
the bouquet, we see that such are either straight or curved. For instance.

The Tree of the Hernkleopolite Nome.

Khay seated before Rames (Fig. 15) holds in his left hand a bouquet of leaves.
[This is generally accepted as a palm spathe.^F.P.] Something similar but
very primitive is seen from Hierakonpolis (Quibell, E. xlvi, i), where the leaves
are reduced to -4 few lines. In the mastaba of Gemnikai (Bissing, Mast. Gem. 2,
pi. i) one of the offering bearers is preceded and followed by a man carrying a
palm-cabbage in the left hand (Fig. 17) . Bunches of flowers or leaves tied together
are sometimes placed in the graves, as that of Nekht-ef-Mut at the Ramesseum
(Quibell, R. xvii, 10). Leaf -bouquets are sometimes figured in the New Kingdom,
as in Lepsius, Denk. Ill, 236A ; VI.
123A, 78, which latter Unger describes
as a bouquet wrapped in a leaf. There
are many representations of the palm-
cabbage, and probably in the Old
Kingdom they already knew of various
species, and perhaps indicated them in
figures.

As early examples of the palm-
cabbage see the fine steles in Leyden
of Khu and Antefaqer (Boeser, Beschrij-
ving . . Eg. Versam, pis. xxix, xxx ; ii).
Also those of Upuatu-a (pi. iv) and
Upuatu-nekht (pi. xxviii). Earlier in-
stances are at the tomb of Ti (Steindorff,
Grab des Ti, 37), and that of User-neter
(Murray, Saqq. Mast, xxiii), while it
appears later at Deir el Bahri (Naville,
D. B. I, XV).

Far the greater number of so-called
" artichokes," on the funeral offerings,
undoubtedly represent palm-cabbage.
At least one relief may be quoted, from
the tomb of Akhet-hetep (Davies, Ptah-
hetep and Akhet-hetep, xvii), where the
man is seated with food before him, eat-
ing the palm-cabbage (Fig. 18), in a way
which clearly proves that it is not an
artichoke. We may note, by the way,
that the palm-cabbage was never used
to make palm wine, as Scheil has sup-
posed. (Tombeaux Thdbains, V, p. 562.)

I have tried to point out the probability that the tree of the Herakleopolite
nome is a wine-palm, Raphia Monbuttorum, which has since then retreated
southward. It has doubtless kept its place longest where the conditions were
more favourable, and a warm air and soil gave a damp atmosphere. Among
such sites are particularly the Oases. In support of these views there is a state-
ment by Sethe {A.Z. Ivi, 44-54) that the " field of aam trees " is not a special
oasis but a general term for the Oases (p. 52), as sources of palm wine, defined
thus in the Edfu text, " he brings to thee fields of aam palms, making
intoxication with its wine." (De Rouge, Ins. Edfu, II, 99, 14.)

A 4

16. Palm on Sealing, IInd Dynasty.

17. Palm-Cabbage carried.

The Tree of the Herakleopolite Nome.

I cannot leave the subject without disclaiming any special study of the
archaeology, as my work has been widely apart from Egyptology. Having been
for more than twenty-five years in practical botanj', especially agricultural, an
investigation of the ancient botanic material of Egypt brought me into contact
with Dr. Boeser, who has revealed to me the civilisation of the Pharaohs. The
interest once aroused was unquenchable, for the Nile has an irresistible attraction ;
and my own subject gave material enough to stimulate research. I soon realised
that the application of physical science to Egyptology demands a knowledge of
both sides, especially in the language and literature. On the other hand, I
would emphasize that the philologist requires sufficient scientific acquirements

i8. Man eating Pai-m-Cabba(1e.

to follow the physical side of his subject. This, however, does not diminish
our gratitude for what has been done by great scholars in Egyptology. The
domain of this science has gradually become so wide that it is nearly impossible
to deal with all aspects of it, as is likewise the case in other sciences. We cannot
work now without specialising, in order to obtain a critical interpretation of
the material, and to render the structure of the subject not only wider but more
substantial. It is desirable then that not only philologists but medical men,
agriculturists, botanists, and other technical students who feel the charm of
our historic knowledge of ancient civilisation, should acquire the necessary
view of this subject, which will prove not only instructive but fascinating in
its scope.

F. F. Bruijning.

( 9

THE SARCOPHAGUS OF PA-RAMESSU FROM GUROB.
Was He the Heir of Seti I ?

The red-granite sarcophagus found by the British School of Archaeology in
Egypt in the season 1919-20 has a somewhat curious history. Photographs of
the sarcophagus and cover, now in the Cairo Museum, together with the plan of
the tomb and full description, are being published in the forthcoming volume of
the School, entitled Gurob ipip-ip20 ; a summary description will therefore
suffice here to introduce the question of the identity of the prince.

About twenty-eight years ago eiglit men worked out a large shaft at Gurob and
discovered, on reaching the burial chamber, that it was flooded, the mummiform
lid of a very large red-granite sarcophagus only being visible above the surface.
A Greek antiquity dealer was summoned to see this cover, and he offered 50 if
it could be broken into sufficiently small fragments to make it transportable. The
finders broke off the head and part of one arm, and, from what I can hear, got
it to the surface. The secret of this find had,, however, leaked out by this time,
and the party of eight had become forty, all eager for a share in the loot. A fight
ensued, and finally the affair was given away to the then Inspector of Antiquities
of the district, who arrived on the scene, seized the lid, and in due course sent
it to the Ca'ro Museum, where it was registered as No. 30707 " 4""'' fils du roi
Rameses II." There it has remained ever since, until recently fixed up against a
wall.

The knowledge of the position of the pit seems to have been completely
lost, and we had to take the largest and most prominent pit and chance our
luck. The first pit proved to be the one, and we found the plan closely resembled
the royal burials in the Tombs of the Kings at Thebes. After bucketing out the
water in the chamber and clearing out the rubbish from the tomb we were
surprised to find the sarcophagus was represented as being on a sledge, coffin
and sledge being in one piece. The inscriptions on the sarcophagus present no
special peculiarities, except in the spelling of the name of the owner, who is
called Pa-Ramessu and Ramessu, and whose titles are " Royal Son," " Vizier,"
" Hereditary Prince of the Lord of the Two Lands " and " Commander of the
Bowmen."

The name of the prince is written in various ways, an analysis of the name
showing the following pecuharities, A^ '^^ |t| P 1 (^^^ variants) always
and only for the titles " Vizier," " Hereditary Prince of the Lord of the Two
Lands " and " Commander of the Bowmen " ; (never with " Royal Son ")

'Y* [fl p ^ and I ffl p ^ with " Royal Son " or without title.

As we have already remarked, in whatever form the name occurs, the

epithet t. has been added.

10 The Sarcophagus of Pa-Ramessufrom Gurob.

Apart from the title " Royal Son," the other titles occur each singly and
in combination, the title of " Commander of the Bowmen " where in combination
never being in the first place. Otherwise, we have been able to recognise no
system in the arrangement of the titles.

The title " Royal Son " never occurs with any other title, except the added
" Neh Weben."

We believe that this prince cannot be the 4th or any son of Ramessu II
for the following reasons :

While admitting that Sa nisut f Ramessu -mer- Amen can mean "Royal

Son of Ramessu," in this case it cannot be so, as no name follows the
cartouche although this phrase occurs seven times, so that it cannot be a chance

mistake. We should, therefore, read it Royal Son f Ramessu -mer -Amen J,

and recognise in it a prince, entitled to use the cartouche, which happens to be
identical with the personal-name cartouche of Ramessu II. Further, each
cartouche, and in consequence each name on the sarcophagus, has been altered
to render it different from that of Ramessu II by the addition of the phrase Neh
Weben. Who then would object to a cartouche exactly similar to his own jbut
Ramessu II ? " If Ramessu objected to anyone having his cartouche, (or in any
case,) he would not have permitted one of his sons to take it.

Since Pa-Ramessu was not the son of Ramessu II, his actual identity must
be determined. We cannot put him after Ramessu II as : (a) We have practically
no graves after that date at Gurob ; {b) No one after Ramessu II would care if
his cartouche resembled that of Ramessu II or not ; (c) The style of work on
the coifin and the objects are all characteristic of the late XVIIIth early XlXth
dynasties, and (d) There is no position into which we can fit Pa-Ramessu after
Ramessu II.

It seems that the fact of the name being written in a cartouche should
give the key to this puzzle. In the full publication of this tomb, we shall
give a list of all the princes of the XVIIIth to XXth dynasties with their
most important titles. Under the heading of " cartouche " wiU be found
the number of times the name of the prince is written in a cartouche as
a fraction of the total number of times the name occvurs. These are all taken
from Gauthier's Livre des Rots, II and III. The kings entitled " Prince of
Egypt " from the Kheta Treaty will be omitted.

From this table it will be seen that from Thutmose III untU the end
of the XXth dynasty, every prince whose name is known written in a cartouche
became king ; in other words, was the heir. The only exception being
that of Ramessu-kha'-em-Wast, son of Ramessu III. Even this can be
easily explained by the fact that his name is a combination of the family
name Ramessu and should be grouped among such names as Men-kheper-
Ra-senb, etc. The rule then seems absolute that the name in the cartouche
indicates the heir. It may be noted that in the 37 times the name of
Kha' -em-Wast, an admittedly favourite son of Ramessu II, occurs, in no case
is the name found written in a cartouche, although he has all the most
important titles.

As to the title " Hereditary Prince of the Lord of the Two Lands," although
we have not been able to find another example, those borne by Horemheb before
his coronation {Livre des Rois, Gauthier, II, p. 384), Merenptah and Sety 11 are
of practically the same meaning.

The Sarcophagus of Pa-Ramessu from Guroh. 1 1

We have, therefore, a prince, heir to the throne, before the time of Ramessu II,
with a cartouche exactly resembling his, changed probably by him, by the addition
of an epithet. We suggest that we have here a son of Seti I and an elder brother
of Ramessu II or at any rate the heir of Seti I, who died before Ramessu II's
succession. Whether this is the prince (or one of them) whose figure was
introduced into the Karnak reliefs of the wars of Seti I, and whose figure was
changed to that of Ramessu II, is not certain. As regards titles, it is possible.
That the prince in question is Amen-nefer-neb-f, as held by some, is at least
a doubtful supposition, the only foundation being the possible presence of a
neb after the name, and the fact that he has the title " First Royal Son of his
Majesty." This title goes for very little, as it occurs with two of the sons of
Ramessu III and even in the titles of the non-royal Amen-nakht, son of Amen-
kem-s {Livre des Rois, III, p. 397), each of whom has the title " Chief Royal
Son " ; neither is it of first importance, as Amen-her-unem-f , son of Ramessu II,
only uses it once in the three times his name occurs.

The titles of the unknown heir (?), according to Gauthier, are :

(i) Hereditary Prince and Mayor {Erpa'-haW)

(2) Chief Royal Son of his body.

(3) Fanbearer at the Right of the King.

(4) Royal Follower into Retennu.

(5) Royal Scribe.

In examining the titles of those princes whose tombs are known, one is
struck with the fact that the military titles shown in great detail on the temple
lists are nearly absent from the tombs (c/. Livre des Rois III, pp. 176, 177). Of
the titles of the unknown prince set out above, Numbers 3, 4, and probably 5
were of a purely military nature and might well have been omitted in the
tomb or on the sarcophagus. As to the title " Of his body," one has only to
look through the titles of the princes to see how unimportant it was considered
except among the lesser known sons. For example, Merenptah, in styling himself

^ ^ ''[ . omits altogether the phrase " Of his body " after the words " Royal
Son," although he is known to have this title.

From this we see that, as regards titles, Pa-Ramessu could be the unknown
prince. We do not insist on this, but he seems to have been undoubtedly the
heir to the throne.

Legrain, in the Annales du Service, Vol. XIV, pp. 17-26, discusses two
statues (now at the Cairo Museum), found by Pylon X at Karnak in 1913, of
a person called Pa-Ramessu, son of Seti. He suggests that this man became
Ramessu I, and I believe that this is now generally accepted. Assuming Legrain's
hypothesis and ours to be correct, we have the following sequence :

Sethi
Pa-Ramessu who became Ramessu I, Men-Pehti-Re .

Seti I

Pa Ramessu also called Ramessu and f Ramessu -mer- Amen J.

The Gurob Pa-Ramessu and King Seti I, each being named after his grand-
father, a common Egyptian custom. The Gurob Pa-Ramessu may have retained

The Sarcophagus of fia-Ramessit from Gurob,

the alternative spelling, and his titles of " Vizier " and " Chief Bowman " on his
coffin, in honour of his grandfather ; the slight change of the Prince {erpa) of
the whole land into the Prince (erpa'ti) of the Sovereign being due to the royal
birth of the grandson.

A list of the titles of the Karnak Pa Ramessu, with those of the Unknown
Prince of the Karnak reliefs and the Gurob Pa-Ramessu, is not without interest.

Karnak Pa Ramessu.

Unknown Prince. Gurob Pa-Ramessu.

I. Erpa of the Whole Land.

Erpa'-hatt.

Erpa'tr of the Sovereign

2. Vizier.

Vizier '

Royal Son.

Chief Royal Son.

5- .

Chief of his body.

Royal Son of Kush.

7. Royal Fanbearer.

Royal Fanbearer

8. Commander of Bowmen

Commander of Bowmen.

9. Royal Scribe

Royal Scribe

10.

Royal Follower into

Retennu.

II. Royal Groom

12. Royal Charioteer

13. Chief of the City

14. Ambassador

15. Judge

16. Chief Canal Engineer

17. Chief of Fortifications

18. Chief Priest of all the Gods

19. President of Council

20. Royal Acquaintance (?), etc.

It shows the great resemblance between the elder Pa Ramessu's titles and
those of the Karnak Prince and the Gurob Pa-Ramessu.

Numbers 3, 4, 5 and 6 are almost exclusive to Royal Princes, but Pa Ramessu
has both the titles Royal Fanbearer, Royal Scribe, and Royal Groom, so often
held by the Princes. As to Number 10, Pa Ramessu could not have held it,
as it only dates to Seti I's wars. The remainder of the Karnak Pa Ramessu's
titles are those of a great soldier and statesman, but are not usual in the titles
of Royal Princes. It is curious that the Karnak Prince omits the title of Chief
Bowman and Vizier. Limit of space on the wall may well account for this as
he is sure to have had many more titles. Another and more probable reason is
that, assuming he and the Gurob Pa-Ramessu are one and the same, he would
not insert non-royal titles on a temple wall although he may have had reasons
for doing it on the sarcophagus.

As to the significance of the epithet Neb Weben, we have to take refuge in
conjecture. Assuming the genealogy stated above to be correct, it seems possible
that the Gurob Pa-Ramessu, on being declared heir, had taken for his personal
cartouche the name that Ramessu II wanted after his death. Deciding to
take his elder brother's name, his instinct, from what we know of him, would be

' This is the only case I can find where a Royal Son has the title of " Vizier.'

The Sarcophagus of Pa-Raiiiessii from Gurob. 13

to cut out the cartouches of the heir. Here we may see the restraining influence
of the friends of the late prince whom Ramessu II, so early in his reign, would
not risk offending. The conversion of the cartouche into a laudatory phrase
by the additioo of a word like nakht or senh would have been almost as bad, and
the party of the prince would have been even more incensed at his cartouche
being used to praise the younger heir, who probably hated him. It seems,
then, within the bounds of possibility, that the epithet Neb Weben was added
with an ambiguous intent, perhaps conferred posthumously, ostensibly as a title
of honour and meaning " Lord of Brilliance," Ramessu II trusting to posterity
to read it as Ramessu (II) is the Lord of Brilliance. This may be far-fetched, but
we can suggest no other to meet the facts. If we are right, it is a subtle move well
in keeping morally with what we know of the character of Ramessu II.

We are unable to comment on the reason why Pa- Ramessu was buried here
at Gurob, as we have not sufficient data as to the burials of the XVIIIth XlXth
dynasty princes, to say if it is unusual. Gurob is possibly near his personal
estates.

R. Engelbach.

[The history of the sarcophagus appears to be that it was engraved for the
king's son Pa-ramessu nuiokheru, without cartouche. The lid was finished and
all of the body but one panel. Then, either on his becoming co-regent, or his
accession, in the remaining panel the name was put in a cartouche with neb uben,
not over an erasure. On the other parts the mciokheru was erased, and neb uben
substituted. On the lid there was space enough to add, down each side of the
middle band, a fresh column with the name in a cartouche and neb uben. On
Ramessu II succeeding he adopted his brother's cartouche, which enabled him to
appropriate any monuments already erected ; he denied to him burial with the
kings, and erased all trace of him. F.P.].

14 )

KNOTS.

The Egyptians of the early djmasties seem to have been averse to making
representations of knots. In the Old Kingdom knots are hardly ever seen, and
it is only in the Middle Kingdom that the reef-knot first appears.

Various devices were used for fastening ropes on boats, such as lashing with
the loose end tucked in. Strings for garments and personal ornaments must have
been tied in some way, but the knot is either not shown or is conventionaUsed
out of recognition. As the Egyptian artists, in both the Old and Middle King-
doms, were accurate in their detail, we can only suppose that these subterfuges
were intentional, and were due not to incapacity on the part of the artist to
represent so small an object but to some religious or superstitious feeling in
representing]a knot which could never be untied.

LAVIES.PTAHHETEPIR.I8

PETRIE.MEDUM.XIII.

The earliest examples of the fastening of garments are on the slate palette
of Narmer. No. i shows the fastening of the curiously shaped garment worn by
the king. A piece of the garment is brought over the left shoulder and meets
on the left breast another piece which comes from below the right arm. It is
uncertain whether the fastening is a conventionalised knot, or whether it represents,
as Montet suggests {A.Z. xlix, pp. 120-121), a kind of leather fastener (No. 2),
which developed into a metal ornament in the Middle Kingdom. As the Narmer
example is the earliest known, and as the shape of it do?s not correspond with
Montet's suggestion of the method by which the fastener was held in place, it
seems likely that Narmer's garment is knotted, and that the conventionalised
knot of the early periods was imitated in the late Old Kingdom in leather or
other material.

Knots. 1 5

When a garment was fastened on the shoulder, it appears to have been tied
there with four strings, as in No. 3, the huntsman in the tomb of Ptahhetep.
Another form of shoulder-fastening was used only by priests of high rank, for
it is the method of tying on the panther-skin. This is seen in No. 4, Rahotep
seated at a table of offerings and dressed in a spotted robe to imitate a panther
skin. The detail of the tie is perhaps more clearly shown in another figure of
Rahotep, No. 5, where he holds one end of the tie in his left hand. This attitude
is seen again in the figure of Urarna I (No. 6) , who holds the long end in his hand ;
he also wears a panther skin. In the case of Gemnikai (No. 7), the details of the
fastening are not given. Two similar figures (Nos. 8 and 9) clothed in panther
skins and with the tie on the shoulder are of Ukh-hotep, and show that this
portion of the priest's ritual dress continued into the Middle Kingdom. The
fastener is used as a hieroglyph from the ist dynasty onwards (Nos. 10 and 11),
and reads k\p, or kp. On examination, it is clearly seen, both in the hieroglyph
and in the object itself in use, that it is not a tied knot though it is intended to
represent some method of fastening strings securely. No. 5 shows two loops
and two ends, which suggests the ordinary bow, the others, however, have four
ends and no loops. But whether loops or ends, they appear to pass through a
leather or metal tube. Such a tube would be quite unpractical and could not
hold the weight of the panther skin dragging on the strings. We are then forced
to conjecture either that this is the conventional representation of an ordinary
bow-knot, or that it is an ornament made up and sewn in position, like our
shoulder-knots.

Another form of the shoulder-knot is worn by the panther-clad official in
attendance on Narmer (No. 12). This is the nearest approach to the true repre-
sentation of a knot which occurs before the Middle Kingdom, although the cleft
in the middle of the cross-over (No. 13) shows that the artist did not desire to
represent the knot with accuracy and truth. A similar shoulder-knot is worn
by User-neter (No. 14) when clothed in a panther skin. Here the hemispherical
objects are perhaps used to prevent the strings from slipping through the tube
through which the ends are passed.

Turning from this clearly artificial fastening, we come to another part of the
costume in which a knot is essential, i.e., the girdle ; yet here again the artist
carefully abstains from any truthful representation. On the slate palette of

Narmer the king is in the act of smiting the ^^ , who wears a girdle only.

This girdle (No. 15) consists of a belt round the waist, the ends of which fall in
long loops in front ; the little projecting knob above the girdle seems to
indicate that the girdle itself and the loops were tied together in one knot,
though judging by the drawing one might almost suppose that the bunch of
loops were separate from the belt and were pulled through the band which held
them in place. The angle at which the belt is worn precludes such an interpre-
tation of the drawing ; the bunch of loops, if separate, could not have retained
their position unless they actually formed part of the girdle.

Another type of girdle is worn by Narmer's personal attendant (No. 16). In
this, the method of fastening is studiously concealed. Yet another type of
girdle is found on the ivory figure from Hierakonpolis (No. 17), where a single
loose end is brought over the waist-band and falls down the front of the loin-cloth ;
its connection with the loin-cloth or with the belt is impossible to determine ;
the method of fastening is obscure.

Knots.

6 i ^ '

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Knots. 1 7

In the carefully detailed representations in the tombs of Rahotep and Ptah-
hotep, the same avoidance of knots can be observed (Nos. i8, 19 and 20) ; the
girdle is clearly tied, but the method of tying is left to the imagination.

So also in the case of ropes by which animals were secured. In No. 21 the
rope is simply Curved round the creature's front leg, and in that position could
not have held the animal for a moment. In No. 22 a bow-knot is indicated,
though it and the leading-rope have no apparent connection with the rope-collar
encircling the animal's neck. Again, in the rope attached to a hoop in the ground,
used for securing a calf (No. 23), the knot is only vaguely indicated. The
elaborate rope appendage worn by the sacrificial ox (No. 24) may have been
spliced to the leading-rope as there is no visible join. But though splicing may
account for some of the joins this method could not have been used in No. 21,
where a knot of some kind was essential.

The first attempt to represent a knot truthfully occurs in the Xllth dynasty
jewellery, both at Dahshur and Lahun (No. 25). Here the reef-knot is clearly,
though not accurately, indicated ; and the mere fact that it occurs as a jewel
shows that the ordinary fastening of strings of beads was by a knot. At the
same time, representations of knots in ordinary life are as studiously avoided
in the Middle Kingdom as in the earlier periods. At El Bersheh the ropes, by
which the colossus is dragged, are merely bunched together without any
connection (No. 26) ; this must be intentional, as the most careful attention paid
to detail in the rest of the scene shows that the artist could have represented the
knots had he wished. Tehuti-hotep's daughter (No. 27) wears an elaborate
head-dress consisting of a wide fillet with pink lotus-blossoms ; at the first
glance the fillet appears to be tied in a bow with wide loops, but a closer examina-
tion shows that the ends of the fillet pass apparently through a metal clasp in
which lotuses are fastened. As such metal fasteners have never been found in
any of the numerous Middle Kingdom burials, it can only be supposed that this is
merely the conventional representation of a knot.

At Meir, Senbi wears a girdle (No. 28) twisted several times round the waist
and fastened by what purports to be a knot though in reality it is nothing of
the kind. The cross-belts which pass over the shoulders are fastened at the
back with the ends hanging down, but the knot itself is discreetly hidden. The
Ukh sign (No. 29) also shows a knot which is no knot, the loop being coloured
blue while the ends are white with a little red ; this suggests that the loop and
ends have no connection with one another. In a bird-catching scene at Meir,
the two ropes which close the net are fastened to the pulling rope (No. 30), the
knot is given with great detail, but it is not a real representation of a knot. On
the same wall is a scene of boat-building, and here the knots are almost accurate
(No. 31), showing that the artist could indeed draw a knot if he so desired.

In the temple of Mentuhetep, at Deir-el-Bahri, the ropes at the side of the
boat (Nos. 32 and 33) are so arranged that the method of fastening cannot be
seen. It is evident that they are not knotted, therefore they must have been
either spliced or lashed.

In the hieroglyphs, the same aversion to knots is equally evident. The sign
is, which means a knot, is never represented as a true knot. In the Vlth dynasty
(Nos. 34 and 35) there is no attempt to show the structure of a knot. Even in
the XVIIIth dynasty (No. 36) there is only the indication of the form ;
sufficient, however, to give the general effect of the method of joining two bandages
used frequently in the Middle Kingdom (No. 37). Other hieroglyphs show that

knots.

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Knots. 19

ropes were not knotted, but were lashed round an object and the loose end
tucked in. The xw'-signs (Nos. 38 and 42), in the tomb of Rahotep, show this
lashing in common use. The zei^sign (No. 40) is one of the most interesting of
the cord-hierogH'phs, as it represents the loops used in forming a clove-hitch ;
here the cord is only in position, the knot itself is not completely made. In the
^wii-sign (No. 40) the ropes appear to be fastened by lashing, as no sign of a
knot is visible. In the h (No. 41) the ends are obviously tied to prevent their
spreading, but the method of fastening the ties is not given. In the fine
example of the wr-sign (No. 43) the rope is looped three times round the
blade and round the handle, the loose end is then twisted round and round
the three strands and probably pushed under one of the loops where it was
held firm. In the rope handle (No. 44) the loops appear to be made by
lashing ; and in the stp-^\gn (No. 45) the blade of the adze is securely lashed
to the handle without the sign of a knot.

From the evidence before us, it seems, therefore, that in the early dynasties
knots were never represented. In the Middle Kingdom, though the same
prejudice still existed, there was a movement towards an accurate presentation
of the knot, showing that there was a change and that the old ideas were beginning
to pass away.

M. A. Murray.

B 2

( 20 )

PERIODICALS.

Zeitschriftfur Aegyptische Sprache, Vol. LIII, 1916 (continued from 1921, p. 128)

Spiegelberg, W. In the " Two Brothers," whose temple was near the
Serapeum at Oxyrhynchus, Grenfell and Hunt see the Dioscuri. But Spiegelberg
thinks they really belong to the Egyptian pantheon, for personal names are
combined with two, three and even four " brothers." The divine name Psosnaus
is in Coptic ncoKicKiAT " two brothers," and Chemsneus is " three brothers."

ScHAFER, H. Commenting on Spiegelberg's proposed discovery of the
mention of a water-wheel on a ushabti-figure, Schafer quotes Marti's translation
of Deut. xi. 10, " The land, whither thou goest in to possess it, is not as the land
of Egypt, from whence ye came out, where thou sowedst thy seed, and wateredst
it, like a garden of herbs, with thy foot [-driven water-wheel]." The explanatory
addition in brackets should rather be " watering machine," as there is nothing
to show that it was a wheel. It is, however, important to find that a water-
machine worked by the foot was known as early as the seventh century B.C.
So little is known to us of the ordinary life of the Egyptians in the first millennium
before Christ that we are largely dependent for our knowledge on foreign sources.

Zeitschrift, Vol. LV, 191 8.

Schafer, H. Alt&s und Neues zur Kunst und Religion von Tell el Amarna.
Prof. Schafer's paper on the Art and Religion of Tell el Amarna fills nearly heilf
of this number, and is a criticism of Borchardt, with whom he disagrees on most
points. Schafer is frankly conservative in his estimate of Akhenaten, regarding
him as a great reformer both in religion and art, whereas Borchardt's opinion is
adverse to the heretic king.

Schafer divides the royal portraits of the Tell el Amarna period into three
classes : (i) Portraits with the name of Akhenaten but drawn in the conventional
Egyptian style. These are usually said to have been made before the king
instituted his reforms, but Schafer now concedes that Borchardt has now proved
that they are portraits of Amenhetep III and not of his son. It is inexplicable
how this can be asserted in view of the youthful Akhenaten of conventional
Egyptian style, with cartouches, adoring the radiant sun (Prisse, Mon. X, i).
(2) The hideous portraits, often bordering on caricature, of the king and queen,
emphasizing their physical defects. Here Prof. Schafer stops to point out the
two characteristic features of Akhenaten's face the hanging chin, and the nose-
line continuous with the forehead. These two features are found in the real
portraits of the king, but Schafer is obliged to confess that there are so many
variants of the royal face that it would be impossible to recognise them unless
they were named. Akhenaten and his queen are represented with long thin
necks, but Akhenaten's is always distinguishable by the slight arching of the
nape. The mummy of Akhenaten shows that he had a tendency to hydrocephaly
with the back of the skull enlarged, a condition which appears in his daughters.

Zeitschrift fiir Aegyptische Sprache. 21

Borchardt contends that Queen Nefert-ythi's head was not of this shape, and
that all figures of queens with "bladder-heads" represent someone else; but
Schafer refuses to admit this. It is interesting to find two learned professors
disputing over*.^ matter which a woman would settle at once, after seeing the
photograph of the exquisite figure in the Berlin Museum, shown on PI. VI, 2.
The shape of the head is clearly a method of arranging the hair, which is either
rolled on itself, as is done by Tamil women in Madras, or is taken back smoothly
over a cushion, as was worn by many people a few years ago. The smoothness,
which is an essential in this style of hair-dressing, could not be expressed by an
Egyptian artist except by colour. The princesses are represented with the same
kind of hair-dressing, for even little girls wore wigs like their mothers throughout
the historic period of Egypt. (3) The third group of portraits shows the same
features as the second, but less markedly pronounced, and are distinguished also
by the earlier age of the royal couple. The beautiful statue, numbered Berlin
20496, is said by Borchardt to be of Tutankh-Amen. This is strenuously disputed
by Schafer, who points out that in the five known portraits of Tut-ankh-Amen
the line under the chin is straight, whereas Akhenaten always has a hanging
chin, a feature clearly shown in this statue. The retreating forehead, the slightly
arched nape, and the backward curve of the skull are also very evident, and prove
the accuracy of Schafer's ascription. In the Berlin relief No. 15000, which
Borchardt attempts to prove is of Akhenaten's daughter and her husband, the
hanging chin of the king stamps it at once as the portrait of Akhenaten himself.

The representations of domestic life among the royal family are not peculiar
to this period. There is a fragment of ivory now in the Ashmolean Museum at
Oxford, which shows a king of the 1st dynasty with his queen on his knee. Erman
has also remarked that the kings of the New Kingdom took pains to show that
they were human, and were often represented in the ordinary dress of the period.

As regards the religion of Tell el Amarna, it is generally acknowledged that
the Aten-cult was practised at Heliopolis and was known in other parts of Egypt.
Maspero considers it a local cult raised to the supreme place. It is very certain
that Amenhetep III called his boats, his palace and his army after the Aten,
and his own name was " Nebmatre, the glittering Aten." The inscribed block
at Berhn was found at Karnak, and shows the Aten as a hawk-headed man.
This is dated by Borchardt to Amenhetep III, and shows that there was a place
for the worship of the Aten before the time of Akhenaten. But though the
Aten was worshipped earlier, the representation of the sun with rays ending in
hands begins in the reign of Akhenaten, and is peculiar to that peiiod only (see
Prisse, Mon. X, i, quoted before). Schafer does not agree with Borchardt that
the block came from Hermonthis, but thinks that, as it was found with other
blocks built into the pylon of Horemheb, the Aten-temple must have been at or
near Karnak. Borchardt also maintains that even before Amenhetep III there
was a city called " Horizon of the Aten " at Tell el Amarna, with a large part
of the temple and palace. Schafer strenuously denies this, quoting Akhenaten's
own words when he says that he found the place belonging to no deity or ruler,
" The king raised his hand to heaven and to his Creator, and swore that in no
other place would he establish the city." Borchardt's chief argument, however,
is a fragment published by Wilkinson, showing Akhenaten offering to the Aten,
with the inscription, " The living Aten, in the temple of Men-khepru-Ra in the
Aten temple in Akhet-Aten." Schafer's refutation is that the temple of Thothmes
IV is another name for one of the chantry chapels, called " Shadow of Ra," which

B 3

22 Zeitschrift fiir Aegyptische Sprache.

Akhenaten built and dedicated in the names of his relatives. Borchardt brings
forward another argument in the fact that in the tomb of Huya (Davies III,
Pis. X, XXV) statues of Amenhetep III are represented, and suggests that
Akhenaten tried to efface the memory as well as the name of his father. Schafer
points out that Akhenaten destroyed only the personal name of his father, in
which the hated word Amen occurred, and that the statues of the father were
set up in the temple by the filial piety of the son.

Borchardt will not even allow that Akhenaten appears in " the glory of a
reformer." Schafer thinks that, from the evidence of the Tell el Amama tombs,
the king was the moving spirit and himself preached the new doctrine. He
ascribes the failure of the reform to an under-estimation of the power of tradi-
tional religion, and edso to the fact that it was too philosophical for the mass of
the people. At any rate it is the figure of Akhenaten which stands out as the
chief Aten-worshipper, without whom the Aten would have been to us but one
out of a hundred other obscure gods.

Though Borchardt lays stress on the fact that Egypt's foreign power fell,
and the country itself was reduced to chaos, neither he nor Schafer appear to
have considered the possibility that the whole movement may have been political
as well as religious. Throughout Egyptian history, whenever a glimpse can be
obtained of the underlying forces at work, there is manifest a struggle for supreme
power between Church and State. It is seen in the Old Kingdom, when Khufu
and Khafra bridled the power of the priesthood, and were branded as tyrants by
the priestly recorders. In the XVIIIth dynasty the magnificent donations of
the victorious kings to the temples, especially that of Amen, gave enormous power
into the hands of the hierarchy, who were never slow to combine the spiritual
and temporal kingdom. Akhenaten was not a Khufu to defy the priesthood,
but he made a gallant stand ; and by removing the capital from Thebes to
Tell el Amama he struck a blow at the prosperity of the gi^eat priesthood from
which it would never have recovered had he lived longer or had his successors
stood firm.

Prof. Schafer has unfortunately seen fit to end his very interesting paper by
some sarcastic remarks, made without verif3dng the facts. Arrows of sarcasm
shot from the bow of inaccuracy are apt to injure the archer more than the quarry.

Schafer, H. Die angeblichen Kanopenbildnisse Konig Amenophis des IV.
Prof. Schafer here discusses the portraiture of the four human heads of the
canopic jars found in the tomb ascribed to Queen Tyi. They were first said to
be portraits of the queen herself, but Maspero brought forward arguments to
show that they were the portraits of Akhenaten. Schafer agrees that they are
not Tyi, but also refuses to admit that they are Akhenaten. In his previous
paper he has proved that the one constant feature, from the best to the worst
portraits of Akhenaten, is the hanging chin, whereas each of these heads show
a straight line under the chin. The retreating forehead is common both to
Akhenaten and his wife, who bears a strong resemblance to the king ; but their
respective portraits can usually be distinguished by the difference in the shape
of the chin. Schafer compares the profile of the canopic heads with the profile
of the Berlin figure of Nefert-ythi, and concludes that they represent the same
person, namely Akhenaten's queen. As the so-called " Tomb of Tyi " was
evidently used as a hiding place for royal mummies, Schafer thinks that some of
the costly tomb furniture was also secreted there.

Zeitschrift fiir Aegyptische Sprache. 2%

BuRCHARDT, M., und RoEDER, G. Eiyi aUertiimeln der Grahstein der Spatzeit
aus Mittel-cigypten. This stone bears an interesting inscription for a man named
Anti-hetep. He held various offices, many of whose titles are rare, such as
^37^,^ O, 'Lord of Gladness," which occurs always with the place-name
^^ . The style of the stela, and the careful work, is so fine as to approximate
to Middle Kingdom sculpture, and Middle Kingdom influence seems to be
apparent even in the inscription. The name of the man, for whom the stela

was inscribed, is c^> ^ , which has often been read &rd, but Sethe now reads
it as 'nd, a form which would be hellenised as Antaios.

Sethe, K. Zu den mit "^= wr " der Grosse " beginnen den alien Titeln.
There are a whole series of titles beginning with '^=^, always showing very
high rank. These have always been read as {e.g.) " The Great One, the Leader
of the Craftsmen," " The Great One, the Seer," and so on. Sethe now proposes
to read the word wr in this connection as the superlative, " The Greatest of the
Leaders of Craftsmen," " The Greatest of the Seers." This reading is particularly
happy in the title of the High-priest of Hermopolis, " The Greatest of the Five
of the House of Thoth," and of the High-priestesses of male gods, " The Greatest
of the concubines."

MoLLER, G. Ein koptischer Ehevertrag. Coptic marriage-contracts are rare,
only four having been published. The one, which MoUer now publishes, is in
Sahidic, and is dated, by the mention of John Patriarch of Alexandria and Michael
Patriarch of Antioch, to about A.D. 1208. This example gives the bridal dowry
as one hundred gold solidi, of which twenty were paid down, but no time limit
is set as to the payment of the remainder. In the contract published by Sir H.
Thompson {P.S.B.A. XXXIV, p. 173) the bridal dowry was also one hundred
gold solidi, of which twenty were paid at the time of the marriage, the remainder
to be paid in five years. For a much humbler marriage see Gizeh and Rifeh, p. 42.

WiESMANN, H. Koptisches. Herr Wiesmann has pubUshed some highly
technical notes which are interesting to students of Coptic, especially of Boheiric.
He has collected special uses of negatives and peculiar meanings of words.

MoLLER, G. M/ibr == Meya^dpoi. In a demotic marriage-contract of
the time of Ptolemy Philopator, one of the contracting parties is " Pabus, the
mMr, who was born in Egypt." Spiegelberg has already suggested that the
word is an ethnic name from Nubia, and Moller now connects it with the Megabaroi,
who are mentioned, under various spellings, by several Greek and Latin authors.
These Megabaroi are said to have lived in Nubia, and were neighbours of the
Blemmyes. Moller identifies them also with the modern Mekaberab who live
on the east bank of the Nile, north of Meroe.

ScHAFER, H. Nubisches Aegyptisch. In his study of the inscription of
Nastesen an Egyptian text from Nubia Dr. Schafer explained the numerous
extraordinary faults of spelling and syntax which it contained, by reference to
the same kind of mistakes made by Nubians of the present day when writing
Arabic. In support of this theory he publishes an Arabic letter from his own
Nubian servant, showing exactly the same kind of grammatical and orthographical
faults as in the inscription of Nastesen.

I', 4

24 Zeitsclirift fiir Aegyptische Sprache.

Spiegelberg, W. Ein Brief des Schreibers Amasis. Ten years ago Maspero
published two fragments of a papyrus, which attracted Uttle notice, though
belonging to the beginning of the XVIIIth dynasty, at which period documents
are rare. The papyrus is a letter from a man named Aahmes, a scribe in the
service of a certain PnlltV , who is already well known as having lived in the
reigns of Amenhotep I, Thothmes I, Thothmes II, Hatshepsut and Thothmes III.
The writer complains that a slave girl has been taken from him, and given to
someone else, and her mother has written to ask why her daughter has been
removed against the girl's own wish.

Erman, a. Ein orthographisches Kriterium. Any help towards the exact
dating of an inscription is always welcome. For practical purposes, one of the
best means of dating is in the spelling and writing of common words. Prof.
Erman illustrates this with the root ^ ~^, which as preposition and adjective
took, in the Middle Kingdom, the determinative f. The determinative pro-
perly belongs to the word only when it means Face. As often happened, the
determinative became confounded with, and was used instead of, the correct
phonogram. This occurred occasionally in the Middle Kingdom ; the use revived
in the latter part of the XVIIIth dynasty, and was common in the XlXth and
XXth. Therefore any inscription, in which the spelling ^ occurs, would
belong to the XlXth or XXth dynasty, or at earliest to the XVIIIth. Curiously
enough, hieratic papyri do not show this spelling till after the New Kingdom.

Spiegelberg, W., und Sethe, K. Das Grundwort zum I.atitzeichen ^ d.
This is a double paper. Spiegelberg begins by pointing out that the alphabetic

sign is derived from the word ^"^ m , ^^ , which as the single line shows is
a picture of the creature and not a phonetic. Sethe and Gardiner have identified
^^ with I o l/A , but Spiegelberg points out that in the Pyramid Texts the two
snakes are sharply distinguished : " This is the viper (^^) which came forth

from Ra, this is the uraeus | Im J which came forth from Set." He suggests that
the Coptic AXto, exor Viper is derived from this word, which in its original form
must have been Idli, only the strong consonant ^ surviving as an alphabetic
sign. The second part of the paper is by Sethe, who while agreeing that the
origin of AXO) is ^^ , will not admit that his derivation of ^^ from T o W
is wrong. He brings forward several proofs, of which the most convincing is the
writing of the royal title A^ 1 on the " Menes-Tafelchen " of Naqadeh. He
therefore considers | as an early form of writing the venomous snake which
is usually written im . The difference would be between the uraeus in peace,

as the goddess Uazet, and the uraeus reared up to strike in judgment, as the
king.

Lidzbarski, M. The demotic word mtkte " army " seems to have been
introduced into the language from the Assyrian at the time of the Assyrian
conquest.

Comptes Rendus, Acad. Inscr. 25

ScHAFER, H. According to Hora polio, the number sixteen, whether spelt
out or written in numerals, means Joy or Pleasure. Hathor is called ft

A j^ ill III

Schafer sugggsts that the Egyptian word must be sought in some word beginning

with uiiT- or u(2T-. As an addition to a previous paper {A.Z. XLII, p. 72) he

" . nil

mentions that at Denderah the number nine is written \iii/

Spiegelberg, W. The phrase ^^ <:=> " to enter a house " is

probably an idiomatic term for marriage, and comes down from the XlXth
dynasty, or even earlier.

MoLLER, G. The word ft J ' 00 S ^ -^ r^ was recognised by Goodwin as

meaning " wife." MoUer suggests that it means " the covered-up one," and
cites a Nubian marriage custom in support. The bride comes alone to the bride-
groom closely wrapped up in cloth, and resists all attempts to remove the covering
till she receives the bride price.

Comptes Rendus, Acad. Inscr. et Belles-Lettres.

15 Oct., 1920.

Lacau, p. Les Travaux du Service des antiquMs de I'Egypte en 1919-1920.
At Denderah work interrupted in 1914 has been resumed. A mammisi has
been unearthed, older than the well-known one of Augustus. It was built by
Nekht-hor-heb, and under the myth of Horus commemorated the divine birth of
the king as a son of Amen and Hathor. By the side of this is a Christian basilica,
built from the spoils of the mammisi of Augustus. The sacred lake has been
found ; it is 31 by 25 metres, with a gate at each corner opening on a stairway.
The walls are 3 metres thick. The Ptolemaic water level was 2 metres lower than
at present. The sacred lake was the parallel to the tank of water which was
essential to any private house. A well adjoins it, for drawing water to serve the
temple. The store-chambers have been found in the south-western corner of the
great enclosure.

The tomb of Petosiris is next described, which has been noticed here in the
abstract of the Annates du Service.

At Hermopolis the cemetery of the ibis has been opened, and 200 metres'
length of gallery has been explored, containing thousands of burials. Most of
these are placed in jars, but others are in loculi, or in small sarcophagi of stone.

Comptes Rendus, 17 Dec, 1920.

G. Jequier. L'Enneade Osirienne d'Abydos et les enseignes sacrdes.- After
describing the well-known enneads of Heliopolis and Hermopolis, the ennead
of Abydos is described from the great stele of Tehutmes I. At the head was of
course Osiris, then Khnum of Antinoe, and of the Cataract ; Thoth Chief of the
gods, and of Hermopolis ; Horus of Letopolis, and avenger of his father ;
Upuatu of the South, and of the North. The worship and sacred objects of
these gods were established by Tehutmes I, and three centuries later in the
temple of Sety I there is figured the sacred head of Osiris, and before it the eight
ensigns of these gods. Such ensigns are only found in scenes which are, or may
be, religious, and they seem therefore not to be military or tribal. [Yet we must
remember that the tribe was denoted by its god in the earliest times.]

26 Coniptes Rendus, Acad. Inscr.

Museum of Fine Arts Bulletin, Boston, April-June, 1921. TMs contains
a report of 18 pages, more than two years after date, of the discovery of the
pyramids of the XXVth dynasty. Such an interval ought to have sufficed
for the complete publication, instead of adding to the ever-increasing pile of
future obligations for volumes. Behind the village of El Kur'uw, about as
far north of Barkal as Nuri is south of it, lies the pyramid field. There were
but weathered heaps of debris, yet these covered the tombs of Kashta, Pionkhy,
Shabaka, Shabatoka and Tanutamen. Beside these are other tombs, on what
appears to be the more obvious part of the site, and therefore earlier. Dr.
Reisner estimates these as extending back to 900 B.C. These earliest tombs
contained many finely chipped arrow-heads of flint and chalcedony. Such sug-
gest that the rise of this family was from the Libyan desert. These had been
very rich in gold, judging by the quantity which the plunderers had dropped as
negligible. Fragments of fine Egyptian work showed an active trade in objects
of luxury. Tombs of the queens have also been foimd, and the tombs of the
horses of the kings, four of Pionkhy's, eight each of Shabaka and Shabatoka, and
four of Tanutamen. They were of a short and rather small breed, and were
buried upright in the graves. Though no trace of a chariot was found, it seems
that the numbers four and eight suggest pairs or fours to draw chariots. Beside
the views of the site and tombs, with ritual chapters inscribed on them, there are
figures of a blue bowl with reliefs of bulls ; gold, garnet and camelian necklaces ;
silver amulet figures and vessels, a " canopic" figure of crystal and gold, faience
plaques and necklaces, alabaster vessels of the early stages of the alabastron
type ; blue glazed relief and openwork figures ; ivory carvings ; alabaster canopic
heads ; a gold band collar of a queen ; bronze bed legs resting on a goose, of
Shabatoka ; the heart scarabs of Shabaka and Tanutamen ; a silver mirror
hawk with four statuettes of gods around it ; and a bronze gazelle. Beside the
historic interests, there is the artistic outlook of the Ethiopian adaptation of
Egyptian work and motives. As a matter of taste, the changes are all to the
bad, yet the African taste for fat women did not spoil many of the designs, and
there is a good deal left to admire.

( 277)

REVIEWS.

The Kalahari or Thirstland Redemption. By E. H. L. Schwarz. 8vo,
163 pp., 14 pis. (No date or price.) Blackwell, Oxford.

Though the purpose of this book is a matter of economics and engineering,
it has so important a bearing on the history of the Nile valley and historic changes
of climate, that it shoiild be understood by our readers. The abundant data and
facts related here, as well as the author's pubhc standing, show that the con-
clusions deserve the most serious consideration. The broad position is that the
table land, about half a mile high, of South Africa is so nearly flat, that small
impulses of storms, surface denudation, and other transient changes, suffice to
spill a river discharge one way or the other in a few years. Also that the short
coastal rivers are eating back and tapping the head waters of the internal drainage,
so as to remove the rainfall rapidly instead of letting it feed flood-lakes. The
actual total of rain is of much less import than the spread of it over a longer
season, and thus keeping a moist atmosphere during the period of growth.
The system which such a form of land needs is that of large drainage lakes which
can evaporate, and so produce fresh precipitation and moist atmosphere, instead
of deep gorge-rivers, which are useless. The author's remedy of dams does not
concern us here, but rather his reading of the history of North Africa, in view of
what is rapidly going on in the South.

The Nile history is started with the discharge of Lakes Tanganyika and
Kivu into the Nile, extending its course about 700 miles. Such discharge has
recently been cut off by volcanoes arising, and thus forcing the lake to rise and
spill over into the Congo. How recent the change may be is suggested by a
native belief remaining that Tanganyika did discharge northward. The change
may well be within Egyptian history. Another volcanic change was when the
old direct channel of the Nile, from near Khartum to Ambukol, was blocked at
the south end, and the Nile had to make a long detour through Berber. Lower
down, the early Nile is stated to have run through the oases of Khargeh, Dakhel
and Farafra. The Atbara was an independent river running down to Abu
Hamed, and on through a great desert valley to Korti or Aswan. The Atbara
then worked back a side stream (? Abu Hamed to Ambukol), and so tapped the
Nile, and drew it off from the present oasis line to the present Egyptian course,
which was the old Lower Atbara.

The author considers that the earliest Congo discharged northward through
the Saharan region, and the evaporation of lakes along its course would maintain
fertihty there. It was the tapping of the Congo westward which ruined the
Sahara. All of these changes have to be kept before us when considering the
changes visible in the excavation of the Nile valley, and the conditions of man in
the palaeolithic ages.

The Earliest Internationalism. By J. H. Breasted. 8vo, 23 pp. (Lecture
at the California Celebrations, 1918.)

After referring to the shipping of pyramid times, Sanehat, and the Ship-
wrecked Sailor, Dr. Breasted remarks on the commanding position taken by
Egypt in the XVIIIth dynasty, holding the land link of Asia and Africa, crossed

28 Reviews.

by the water link of the Mediterranean and the Red Sea. The flow of foreign
products, trees and herbs, animals and foreign men into the Egyptian capitals
must have been a strange surprise. The reforms of Akhenaten and his religious
change are looked on as part of a movement of internationalism. The letters of
his age show how treaty rights extended to private property of foreigners. The
importance of Asia Minor and the Hittite land in controlling the flow of Asia
southward down Syria, is strongly insisted on. The resemblance of the ancient
strategic position with that of our own day is well described. A remarkable
letter has come to light from the widow of one of Akhenaten's successors, offering
to take a Hittite husband, and so unite the Asiatic power with Egypt.

It was the Assyrian menace which led later to the treaty between the Hittites
and Egypt. Dr. Breasted has made a very careful study of the great marriage
stele at Abu Simbel, which recorded the festivities of the Egypto-Hittite alliance.
With Egypt clearly decadent, the Hittite later looked to Babylonia, and stirred
up there an attack on Assyria. This only led to the capture of Babylon, and the
power of the Assyrian to entirely overthrow the Hittite power and civilisation.

A History of Sinai. By Lina Eckenstein. 8vo. 202 pp. 22 figs.
(S.P.C.K.) 1921. 8s. 6d.

It is remarkable that no general history of Sinai has hitherto appeared.
The interest of so many races and religions has not produced any summary of
the many different periods which are there commemorated. This volume is
all the more welcome as dealing with all the ages of the peninsula. The first
third is occupied with Egyptians and Israelites, the next with Nabatheans
and Christians, the last third with the history under Islam. After describing
the nature of the country, the moon cult is discussed, the temple of Serabit and
its surroundings are described, and then the history of the Egyptian occupations
and their remains. The chapter on the early people and place names deals with
the Anu, the Mentu, and the Retennu. The last, so well known in Egyptian
inscriptions, remained down to the Raithenoi of Ptolemy, and the Retheny.
who were the attendants on the mosques at Gebel Katrin as late as 1816. Various
other tribes are mentioned in the Pentateuch and later writers. Two chapters
deal with the Israelite questions, the author taking the new view that Serabit
was the mountain of the Law. The historical position of Moses is here followed,
and placed in a setting of locality and circumstance which renders it the more
physically probable. How far this will fall in with the whole account needs
full consideration.

The interesting commercial rise of the Nabatheans is summarised, and then
the Hermit period, and life and writings are described. The history of the
Convent follows, and the earlier settlement of Pharan. The strange episode of
the introduction of the worship of St. Katherine the Alexandrian saint is
described. Why she should have been so fervently accepted in Sinai is strange.
Is it possible that her name fitted near enough to Hathor for it to carry on an
older worship then near its end ? There is plenty of varied interest in this book,
and it will make a long-familiar name far more real to many readers.

Fishing from the Earliest Times. By William Radcliffe. 478 pp. 28s.
(John Murray.) 1921.

" And first for the Antiquity of Angling, I shall not say much," wrote
Isaak Walton. Mr. Radcliffe, on the other hand, has written many delightful

Reviews. 29

pages, which are certain of appeal to lovers of folk-lore, archaeology and fishing.
A dexterous blend of learning and anecdote fulfils a promise of grace of treatment,
which is implied by quotation in the dedicatory lines of Andrew Lang's appeal to
Persephone tft " grant that in the shades below my ghost may land the ghosts
of fish." The book is generously illustrated, and the numerous notes and
references to the latest authorities are an additional delight. Selection is difficult
from such a mass of interesting matter. With chapters on Egyptian, Assyrian
and Jewish fishing ahead, one may be tempted to hurry through the section on
Greek and Roman times, though one would not willingly miss the account of the
discovery by two unlettered French fishermen of the modern method of breeding
fish, nor the recapitulation of the old theories on the vexed question of the
propagation of eels, which was not solved until 1920. Excellent historical
summaries usher in the Assyrian and Jewish sections, and the discussion of the
reason why these nations apparently knew not the rod in spite of intercourse
with Egypt. The fish which leaped out of the river and would have swallowed
Tobias (R.V.) introduces an interesting account of misconceptions of the jus
frimce noctis and its connection with " Tobias' days." Possibly the Chinese
chapter contains some of the best anecdotes, for example, that of Chang-Chih-ho,
that " glittering example of humorous romantic detachment and carelessness
of public opinion, who spent his time in angling, but used no baits, as his object
was not to catch fish."

L. B. Ellis.

( 30 )

NOTES AND NEWS.

WORK AT ABYDOS.

Abydos is an oppressive site, as the enormous extent of hundreds of acres of
cemetery far exceeds what anyhving person could hope to work out. Moreover,
at present it has been so far exhausted that there is scarcely any obvious lead
of importance, and most of the area that is not piled with past clearances,
is deeply cumbered with late tombs, which have been nearly all plundered, and
which in no case add materially to history or to collections. All that successive
excavators can do is to select some definite and limited aim which can be attained,
and complete that.

Some twenty years ago the Royal Tombs of the 1st dynasty were entirely
cleared and examined, and later work done there did not add anything further
to the results which I had found. In the course of later work, about ten years
ago, yet another party cleared a part of the northern cemetery, near the old
fortress of the Ilnd dynasty, known as the Shunet Ez Zebib. Most of the tombs
and graves were of the Xllth dynasty, but amid these were some lines of graves
which were recognised as being of the 1st dynasty. Nothing was done to
complete the plans of these ; and, though carefully recorded, the account ends,
" Whether these are isolated or connected phenomena, and what their significance
is, are questions which cannot be answered." However this may be, the close
resemblance of these lines of graves to those around the royal tombs, a mile or
two distant, made it desirable to examine them completely ; and as ten years
had passed, and nothing more was done, it seemed worth while to step in and clear
up these remains.

The British School accordingly began work on this part of the cemetery in
December. In two or three days another line of 1st dynasty graves was
found, but the site is slow to work in, as it is encumbered with ten feet of later
structures of tombs buUt over it, large buildings have been placed cutting through
the lines of graves, and the ground is riddled with long graves of the Xllth
dynasty, which scarcely ever contain anything. Little by little we have won
out a long front line of over thirty graves, and a side line at right angles almost
as long is now appearing. The central burial pit had been cleared out, and
deepened with five large trench tombs in the Xllth dynasty, for a noble Uahem-
Shenu and his family, one of whom had four of the 1st dynasty stone vases laid
over her body. Similarly, we have found two sides of the second great tomb
circuit, long lines of graves, all anciently plundered, but containing enough of
pottery and fragments to date them. The central tomb of this has not yet been
attempted, as it is deeply covered with heaps from other excavators ; but so
soon as the circuit of graves is clear, we shall know where to sink for the centre.
The pottery of the first tomb was evidently within a reign of the time of king
Zer, and this was confirmed by twice finding his name and also that of a queen
Mer-nesut. The 1st dynasty is so completely known in the royal tombs of
Umm el Qa'ab that there cannot be other tombs of kings of that age ; so it

Notes and Nezvs. 31

seems likely that the queens were buried here, and the fortress near by was built
two or three centuries later.

Such is the definite piece of work that the British School intends to settle,
without any anbition to undertake the whole site. Of course, various later things
are thrust upon us in the clearance of superimposed burials, but nothing of
importance or value. One piece of a stele of Greek period is curious for the
naturalistic figure of the worshipper, which is here reproduced. When the site
of the 1st dynasty is cleared up, it is hoped to move down to Middle Egypt, and
resume the regular clearance of the western side from last year's work at
Sedment. The camp will be at Oxyrhynkhos, which has hitherto only been
worked for Roman papyri, but a nome capital should have temples and
cemeteries of many ages to be sought for. The subject of the distribution of
prehistoric flints is being thoroughly worked over, at Abydos, by Miss Caton-
Thompson, of the staff of the School.

Though the excavation of the British School is expressly limited to the north
part of Abydos, we have naturally visited the massive structure behind the temple
of Sety, which was opened up in 19 14, and which remains in the condition in
which it was then left. As I had the advantage of discussing it with Mr. Wain-
wright (now Inspector of Antiquities for Middle Egypt), who managed the
excavation, it may be as well to sum up what seems to be ascertainable about this
unique building. It was entirely subterranean, as the stratified layers of marl
thrown over remaining parts of it show that it was completely covered. The
roofing of the middle hall was of a type unknown elsewhere ; on each side
cantilever blocks projected, sloping below, in order to carry great roof beams,
which stretched across. There is no proof that any water was originally in it ;
for the general water-level of the country has risen so much that it would have
been sixteen feet lower in the Xllth dynasty, to which date this building probably
belongs. The walls of quartzite sandstone were partly dressed smooth, having
an excess of two or three inches when built in, to be later reduced by dressing.
The end of the hall was finished smooth and was afterwards utilised by
Memeptah. The sides were partly smoothed at the top, and the surplus left
below. The doorways of the cells around were never completed, and were there-
fore never closed. The sandstone floor blocks beneath the walls have never been
smoothed at the edges to receive a close-fitting flooring across the halls ; this
does not preclude a floor having been put in, as the Egyptian was careless about
the fitting of floors.

Though many uncertainties still remain, we may outline what seems likely
to have been the history of the site. The grey granite used for the enormous
pillars, architraves and roofing, was a stone which was rarely if ever used
before the Xllth dynasty. The same is true of the quartzite sandstone, which
wis used for the walls, and for the floors which carried great weight ; as it was
lavishly used in the tomb of Senusert III here, it also points to the Xllth
djmasty date. Certainly there is nothing like all this material to show in either
the Old Kingdom or in the New Kingdom, and as it was all familiar in the Middle
Kingdom it is to that period we must ascribe this building. The purpose of
the four or five courses of hard stone foundation under the walls and pillars was
to obtain a firm base to carry the enormous weight of the structure. The bay
of hills at Abydos is filled with a deep mass of water-laid sand, with occasional
patches of gravel. Such was too frail a bed for great weights, and foundations
were laid in probably down to the rock bed for the superstructure. In the

32 Notes and News.

spaces between the walls no such strength was needed for carrying a floor, and
probably this was filled up to floor level with blocks of limestone, which were all
used abundantly as filling, between the outside of the walls and the sand ground.
The floor being thus completed, Merneptah would have been able to utilise
the building ; while such limestone floor would be the first thing to be removed
when the building became a quarry. Since then the rise of water level has
filled up the spaces between the wall-foundations.

When Sety planned his temple here, he seems to have been aware of the
subterranean building as he followed the same axis. But there was not enough
length for the whole of his temple and its courts between the cultivation and
the subterranean, so the back part of his plan was cut off and placed at the side
of it, as described in " The Temple of the Kings." After that, Merceptah
added a long approach sideways behind the subterranean, and sculptured the
end wall of the great hall. This approach was cleared and published as
" The Osireion." The use of this building continued till Ptolemaic times, as
is shown by the inscribed block found as a foundation deposit, under the gateway
of the enclosure wall. In Coptic times it became a quarry, the limestone floor
was all removed, the granite beams of the roofs were broken up, and parts of the
architraves and pillars were split to pieces, to cut out millstones.

At Thebes, Mr. Winlock's party are continuing the study of the temples
and tombs of the Xlth dynasty ; Mr. and Mrs. N. de G. Davies are copying and
recording the painted tombs ; and Messrs. Fisher and Mackay have begun work
on the top of the hill of Drah abul Nega. Regarding the uncertainties of the
political situation here we must trust to the judgment of the British authorities
as to the desirability of continuing our operations, for we can but rely on their
opinion and wishes.

W. M. Flinders Petrie.

ENGRAVED GLASS JAR, 1 : 2.
OXYRHVNKHOS. VHh CENT., A.D.

-^-^

ANCIENT EGYPT

THE BRITISH SCHOOL IN EGYPT.

Shortly before the War there was published an account of a row of graves of
the 1st dynasty, which had been discovered near the fort of the Ilnd dynasty
at Abydos. They were said to be inexpHcable, and no attempt was made to
search out their extent. As that region had been abandoned for eight years,
there was no reason for other excavators not examining it. The British School
therefore applied for this place, and has now worked over about 500 graves of
the earlier half of the 1st dynasty. As such graves of royal dependents have not
been known except around the Royal Tombs, this was probably the last great
group of that age in Egypt.

At first we only anticipated finding a square of graves, around a larger
burial, like the graves around the Royal Tombs a mile to the south of this. The
work, however, continued to expand more and more until we had cleared a square
of 350 X 400 feet, formed of 269 graves, an area large enough to hold all the royal
tombs known before ; a second square, 250 x 380 feet, of 154 graves ; and a
third square, less complete, 260 feet wide, with 76 graves. The graves around
the royal tombs had diminished in number as the dynasty progressed, Zer having
326, and the succeeding reigns 174, 61, 131, 63, 69 and 26. The numbers of the
new squares were therefore like those of Zer and Zet, but the size of the squares
was much larger as the graves were in single or double line, and not in blocks.
The pottery found in these graves showed that they belonged to the reign of
Zet, or very near that ; and the royal names found on objects here were of Zer,
Zet and Merneit. While, on one hand, the number of graves was far greater
than was expected here, on the other hand there was no central burial. In one
square there was a large pit, with burials of the Xllth dynasty in the floor of
it ; but this was nearer to one end and much nearer to the east side. However,
in one of the Xllth dynasty tombs were three stone vases of the 1st dynasty
which might have come from a disturbed burial. In the largest square the
whole area was searched, but no considerable pit could be found within it. The
third square was deeply piled with sand heaps, but the centre of it and a long
stretch near that were bared without finding any early burial. The search over
all these squares was difficult as the ground had often been re -used, especially
about the Xllth and XXXth dynasties, so that there was hardly room for
another tomb. In the later time many large vaulted burial chambers had been
inserted which destroyed all that went before them. The repeated building
of surface chapels had retained much blown sand, and more had been thrown up

34 The British School in Egypt.

by digging, so that the 1st dynasty grave pits were buried under 3 to 6 feet of
loose sand and later deposit. A large part of our time was swallowed in clearing
these later burials, which at least produced three large steles of the Xllth
dynasty ; but our attention was kept on the early graves to ensure that the really
important subject was thoroughly worked out.

Most of these graves were empty or had only fragments of pottery. About
a sixth of them still contained skulls and bones and some complete pots. Only
a few were undisturbed, and had copper or flint tools. No gold or silver were
found ; yet from such a large number of graves the total produce is considerable.
Eighty skulls were obtained and measured, and have been soaked in paraffin wax
to preserve them for transport. About half that number of skeletons were found
and the long bones all measured. While the whole of the facial bones are the
same size as those of the Ist-IInd dynasty at Sedment, the median overall size
of the skull was about 4 mm. less in each direction, and less also than at Tarkhan.
This may be due to the greater warmth of Upper Egypt. From the burials around
the Royal Tombs having been made rapidly in large numbers, it was concluded that
the courtiers were despatched at the death of the king, like the Nubian custom
exemplified at the burial of Hepzefa (Ancient Egypt, 1916, pp. 74, 86). Among
the burials found this year were several which seemed to have been made while
conscious, and one shows clearly the struggle to get the head clear, the skull
being twisted round over the back, which lay upward. These instances suggest
that the men and women were stunned and then placed in the shallow graves, in the
usual contracted position, and earthed over, so that they were smothered. This
would be a painless death, and therefore the most likely for the unoffending
courtiers. Even later in Rome, if a master were murdered, all the slaves in the
house were killed.

The most remarkable object was a large ivory comb with the name of king
Zet, over which was the bark of the solar falcon flying upon wings. Another
unique piece was a large ivory wand for a dancer, ending in a ram's head. These
were, of course, kept in Cairo. Ivory gaming pieces were found, eight or ten
lions, some in fine condition, and sets of pieces for the prehistoric game. One
draughtsman had the name of a queen on it, Mert-nesut. More than a dozen
large flint knives were found, half of them thick for scraping, half thin and
wide for cutting ; also many copper adzes, long knives notched on one side, axes,
small curved knives pierced to hang at the girdle, and innumerable copper
needles and ivory arrow heads. Some ivory labels of Zer and Zet were found ;
foiur wooden cylinder seals, which will serve to date such things ; and half-a-
dozen limestone steles, with the names of officials in relief, one being of Hetep-
neb, the carver, denoted by a flint knife. The graves contained several alabaster
cylinder jars and bowls of the usual form. Two remarkable pots came from some
foreign source ; they are of very hard thin pottery that rings when struck, one,
a two-ha:ndled jar like the foreign ones in Royal Tombs II, liv., but taller, much
wider and dark brown, the other a cylinder jar or stand, fluted round the out-
side, only part of the top remaining.

The XTIth dynasty there are three large steles, found in wide pits with
graves in their floor, half-a-dozen small steles, and an altar with 43 names
of one family. In the groups of small objects there is a necklace of carnelian
claws and ball beads, and a brilliantly glazed kohl pot with manganese veining.
A tomb for cats had in the recess many little offering pots, presumably
for milk<

The British School in Egypt.

Of the later times are found the ebony inlays of a shrine of a high priest of
Osiris named Unnefer (see Ahydos II, p. 45). A piece of a small stele has the
wish expressed, not for the material offerings, but that the gods would grant " a
sweet heart every day to Aanya." There were several later steles, none of them
important.

Ivory Lion. Ebony Cylinder Seals,

C 3

36 The British School in Egypt.

In a distant valley of the high desert we found a Coptic hermitage, complete
down to the stove and cooking pots. In a natural cave the entrance was walled
across, and a chamber arranged, open along the top, with a sleeping bench and a
cooking bench ; an inner chamber opened on one side of it to a larder. At the
back was a wall across the cave and a door leading to a chapel, with a window,
and an altar recess in the eastern wall. On the front wall and inside the chapel
were many Coptic inscriptions, elaborate crosses and decorations. All of these
were copied in facsimile, full size, and also photographed. The whole place
in living room, larder and chapel abounded with pegs of wood, bone and flint
stuck into the wall forty we counted. The hermit seems to have been very
tidy and to have had a place for everything. The precision, tidyness, brilliant
whitewash and decorations are far from the common idea of unkempt misery.
Altogether this cave gives a more personal view of a hermit's life than any of the
literature.

The desert, both at Abydos and Helwan, was very carefully searched for
flints by Miss Caton-Thompson ; in this way the hermitage was found. The
flints were all levelled, classified and tabulated, to study the distribution. We
may hope that this is the beginning of a scientific study of this subject, which has
hitherto been the prey of the looter and the casual collector.

After this work we moved down to Oxyrhynkhos to examine that region
Nothing dynastic had been found there, and the reason for this silence of a
nome capital was unknown. We verified that there is nothing before Roman
age above water-level both west and south of the present town of Behnesa, which
is bounded on the east by the Bahr Yusuf. In a search over twenty miles of
desert to north and south only Roman remains were observed. The ground is
so flat that half a mile back to the west the Roman foundations are now at water-
level. It seems that the older city must have been very little above water-
level, and the whole of it, with its cemeteries, has been submerged by the dozen
feet of rise since the New Kingdom. The early cemetery may be beneath the
wide extent of the mounds of Roman age ; no tombs earlier than Roman were
found on the desert, except one or two of about the XXXth dynasty at the south
end.

Some columns which stood up in the ruins were traced out by deep digging.
At last we reached to No. 28 in the line, which probably joined up to another
line at right angles, at a distance equal to 54 columns further. The column
shafts were i8| feet high, 12J feet centre to centre in the line, and 18 feet apart
between the two lines. The whole colonnade was apparently 850 feet long or
more, and 22 feet high over the capitals. The question arises whether the
colonnades here and also at Antinoe, Alexandria and Palmyra carried a timber
and matting roofing, like that over the bazaars in a modern town. This would
give a purpose to these costly constructions, providing a shady way for public
loitering. The long colonnade here ran toward the theatre, though not quite
directly.

Another column suggests a third colonnade, but this region is so deep in
Coptic and Arab rubbish that it would be very costly to clear. The work will
be done before very long by the natives digging for nitrous earth. Even in a
month or two I saw a huge crater cleared out close to the town, exposing an early
Arab mosque, which would soon be destroyed. The rate at which the sebakh
digging goes on is astonishing. A light railway has been carried from the bridge
of the Bahriyeh oasis line (now abandoned) round the whole back of the mounds,

The British School in Egypt.

and a long train of over a hundred tons of earth runs every morning in the season.
Other light railways run down to the canal, and within a lifetime there will
probably be nothing left but sifted potsherds over the site of some two square
miles. Of course papyri are being turned out, and I secured hundreds of
fragments, beside doing some digging for them. These have not yet been
examined, but none were dated be earlier than Augustus. There are some Hebrew
fragments of the third century, which seem to be the oldest Hebrew manuscripts
known. Dr. Hirschfeld is preparing to edit them in our publication, and they
appear to be liturgical poetry.

A large area of sand and chips which I had looked at twenty-five years ago,
before I handed the site to Dr. Grenfell, proved to be the theatre. The ruins are
buried under lo to 15 feet of sand, and to clear the whole would be very costly.
We have done what seemed reasonable, to find the general dimensions and the
detail of the stage. The diameter was about 401 feet, length of stage 200 feet
5 inches, width of orchestra 100 feet. The relation of these dimensions is notable,
though we do not know of any ancient measure commensurable. At each end

Ebony Inlays of Un-Nefkk.

of the stage was a spiral stair, exactly on the mediaeval pattern, with centre
newel cut in one block with two steps, and the under side a smooth spiral twist.
These stairs did not give access to the stage, but the one best preserved led to
a gallery opening as a window 6 feet above the stage, and the stairs continued
upward. Along the back of the stage were pilasters, and opposite the alternate
ones were polished granite columns, 2 feet in diameter and about 13 feet high.
Between the columns were draped statues of heroic size, probably of the Muses.
The stage was flanked at the ends with a wall bearing attached columns and
pilasters. The benches, with a footrest to each, were in bands of five with pass-
ways between. From the slope of these it appears that the outer wall must
have been about 100 feet high. Around the top it had a very bold and deeply

38 The British School in Egypt.

cut band of flowers and foliage. The capitals and friezes of the stage were of
good work for this period, about the Ilnd century a.d. Examples of these will
be exhibited. At the end of the stage there was an outside portico 52 feet wide,
which did not open into the building. The whole of the seating must have held
10,000 people or more, a larger accommodation than that of tue theatre of
Herodes at Athens. This gives a great idea of the importance of this remote
provincial town at that time. It is hard to see what supported so large
a town or such immense cost of building, on the desert side, without any
great trade.

The cemetery is immense, reaching at least a couple of miles each way
and all of Roman age. There are four different types of tombs, apparently between
the IVth and Vlth centuries a.d. Probably the earliest is that with a sub-
terranean chamber, reached by a stairway, and ground level chambers, with
some painted decoration. This lower chamber is a continuation of the tombs
commonly called birbiyeh, made in the XXVth dynasty and onward. There
are sometimes stairs going to an upper storey, now destroyed. This type lasted
on to the late Vth or Vlth century, and also contained small graves in the
ground floor chambers.

Next there are ground floor chambers with shallow graves. These are
usually along a wall and covered by a bench of brickwork, with a raised end Uke
a couch. Sometimes there is a stairway to upper chambers. In various tombs
we have recovered a good deal of decorative sculpture.

The apsidal type is remarkable. There is a semi-circular apse about 7 feet
wide, sometimes with niches in the sides, stuccoed and marbled. On either side of
it is a small chamber with a door. Across the apse in one case was a low screen
of slabs of stone on edge with an opening at one end. A few feet in front of the
apse was a wooden screen across the chapel, sometimes with stone pillars in the
line. The hall before the screen sometimes has a stairway to an upper chamber.
Burials are in the hall. In this arrangement there seems the intention of having
a chapel ; the screens seem to show that there was some altar. There is not
any mark or break on the back of the apse, nor any altar structure. As the
Coptic Church uses a wooden table eiltar and places it with a clear passage behind
it, such a table in the tombs would leave no trace. The frequency of tomb
chapels seem to explain the Coptic statement that there were 316 churches in
Oxyrhynkhos. Such a number could not be in the town, but if every tomb
chapel was counted it might well be reached.

A very different type of tomb was also found. Burials were made in the
open desert in shallow graves. Around these, chambers were built with the
brickwork rough inside and still rougher out. These walls were banked up with
gravel as they were built, as upper walls often run far off the lower part, and
could not be built without support. At about 10 feet high a flooring was laid,
and the walls above that were plastered. A doorway at this level gave access.
These upper rooms were for funeral offerings, and fragments of a statue of the
deceased were found. The chambers were roofed, and a stairway led to the top.
The whole was piled over with gravel, so as to appear as a tumulus with a door
half way up. The gravel cover still remains, and unshif ted, as we can see by the
fragments of many glass cups that had been thrown away on the top, after
making libations. They prove that the top surface has only been weathered down
by wind and rain, but retains its materials in place. In other instances, the glass
cups were found on the top of great ash heaps of a funeral pyre. The largest was

The British School in Egypt. 39

80 feet in diameter and 15 feet high, and we collected 15 pounds' weight of glass
fragments on the top, the remains of much over a hundred vases. This custom
was probably Egyptian, as I found on the top of a Vlth d5aiasty mastaba at
Dendereh iW. original offering pots lying in place, exposed for about 6,000 years.
In one of these Roman tombs a very large engraved glass bottle was found, now in
Cairo.

An unexpected result was found on visiting some rock tombs back in the
eastern desert opposite Oxyrhynkhos. A chamber of the Vlth dynasty, with
traces of fresco, had been used about the Vth century B.C. by Jews, who had
left several long Aramaic inscriptions on the walls. Though much scraped and
damaged it might be possible to recover much, or most, of them if some one
thoroughly famihar with Aramaic were to hve there for a few weeks. We much
hope that some scholar will rescue these documents.

Varied as the season's results have been, they advance our knowledge and
help to fill up the picture of ancient civilisations. The exhibition will be held
at University College, Gower Street, during the four weeks of July (3rd to 29th),
hours 10 to 5 ; and open on the evenings of the 5th, 15th and 25th, 7 to 9.
Admission free, without ticket.

W. M. Flinders Petrie.

c 4

f 4C )

THE SET REBELLION OF THE IInd DYNASTY.

So far as is at present known from contemporary monuments, the following
kings reigned in Egypt between the end of the 1st dynasty and the accession of
Neterkhet Zoser, the first king of the Ilird :

1. The Horus-king Hetepsekhemui, the ^1^ J^^ Hetep.

2. The Horus-king Nebra.

3. The Horus-king Neterimu, the 4\^ ^^ Neterimu.

4. The Horus-king Sekhemab' Perenmaat.

5. The Set-king Perabsen, the ^^^ ^sK Perabsen.

6. The Horus-king Khasekhem, who was afterwards^ called the Horus-Sej: -

king Khasekhemui, the j^^ ^^w^ Hetep-Wnef (or Nebui-Hetep-Wnef).

An inscription on the shoulder of the Archaic Statue No. i of the Cairo
Museum (Borchardt, Statuen von Konigen und Privatleuten, No. i) is our authority
for the sequence of the first three kings. That they and Sekhemab preceded
Perabsen' is certain, for objects inscribed with their names have been found in
the Set-king's tomb at Abydos {R.T. ii, pi. viii, 8-13, and pi. xxi, 164-172).
That Zoser was later than Perabsen is proved by a seaUng of the latter being
found in Zoser's tomb at Bet Khallaf (Garstang, Mahasna and Bet KhalLff,
pi. X, 8), and that Khasekhemui must have preceded Zoser is evident from the
fact that his queen Nemathap, " Truth belongs to Apis," is called " Mother of
the King's Children " on a sealing found in Khasekhemui's tomb {R.T. ii, pi. xxiv,

210), and " Mother of the 4=^-king " on a sealing discovered in Zoser's tomb

{Mahasna, pi. x, 7). Sealings of Khasekhemui and Neterkhet (Zoser) have been
found together in the old Shunet el Zebib at Abydos (Newberry, Annals of
Archceology and Anthropology, ii, p. 136, pis. xxii-xxiii). A granite door-jamb of
Khasekhemui and sealings of Neterkhet were discovered at Hierakonpolis
(Quibell, Hierakonopolis, pis. ii and Ixx), and an architectural fragment of granite
inscribed with the name of Khasekhemui has been recorded from El Kab
{Annales du Service, VI, p. 239).

The first two kings are believed to have been buried at Sakkara, where
sealings bearing their names have been found (Maspero, Annales du Service,
III, p. 182 seq.). Neterimu's tomb was perhaps at Gizeh, where many of his
sealings have been brought to light (Petrie, Gizeh and Rifeh, pi. v, E). Of
Sekhemab there are numerous seahngs from the tomb of Perabsen {R.T., II,
pi. xxi, 164-172), but his burial place has not been located. Perabsen and
Khasekhemui were both interred at Abydos {R.T., II, pp. 11, 12). Zoser's tomb
was at Bet KhaUaf.^

It will be noticed that the first four kings of our list are all Horus-Kings,
but the fifth assumes an altogether new title, and one that is never found with

The Set Rebellion of the I Ind Dynasty. 4 1

any other king of Egypt. Instead of placing the Horus Falcon upon his palace-
sign, he puts the animal * of Set, thereby declaring that he was an adherent of the
god Set, not of Horus, the tutelary deity ' of the legitimate kings of the 1st

and Ilnd djmasties. Perabsen, however, bore the titles ^1^ ^^L showing

that he held sway, or at all events claimed to hold sway, over all Egypt. The
placing of the Set-animal upon the palace-sign indicates that this king was not
only an adherent of Set, but that he was in origin a Set Chieftain, that he came
from the Set, not the Horus, country. Now the god Set is from the Pyramid

Age onwards often called *! "Lord of Ta-shema" {e.g., Pyr. 204), and

Ta-shema certainly meant in the Pyramid Age the whole of Upper Egypt from
Lisht to Aswan.* In the Archaic Period, however, the region under the influence
of Set did not, I believe, extend south of Gebeleyn, for from that place up to
Gebel Silsileh was the region of Horus.'

The chief seat of Set's cult was Nubt (Ballas), and it was from that city that
he derived his common appellation, Nubti, " He of Nubt." This must have been
an important city in early times, for near it was the burial place of one of the
earliest 1st dynasty queens, and sealings of the Ilnd dynasty have been brought
to light from amongst its ruins (Petrie, Naqada and Ballas, p. 65, and pi. Ixxx,
28-35). The southern boundary of the original Horus kingdom, as I have said,
was Gebel Silsileh, beyond which extended Bow-land. The northern boundary
was somewhere between Esneh and Gebeleyn." The early capital of the Horus
kingdom was Hierakonpolis. The country from Gebeleyn to Rifeh was mainly

under the influence of Set, and to the north was the kingdom of the Reed (I I

with capital Het-nyswt. The Set country from Gebeleyn to Rifeh was, I believe,
divided up into administrative nomes by King Zoser. The great importance of

Set in the 1st dynasty is clearly shown by the title of the queens : _^ ^^, "psl

" She who sees Horus and Set " {R.T., II, pi. xxvii, 129), and this title proves that
there was then no enmity between the two gods of Upper Egypt at that date.

Now at Hierakonpolis, the old capital of the Horus kingdom, have been
found a series of monuments of the Horus-King Khasekhem, who was in all
probabihty a contemporary of Perabsen.y These monuments consist of two seated
statuettes, one in limestone, the other in slate {Hierakonpolis, I, pis. xxxix-xli) ;
also a granite jar, an alabaster jar, and a piece of an alabaster bowl {ibid.,
pis. xxxvi-xxxviii) ; and, lastly, a fragment of a stone stele {ibid., II, pi. Iviii).
All these monuments bear the name of Khasekhem, and, with the exception of
the last-mentioned, bear inscriptions recording victories over rebels of the north^
On the vases the vulture-goddess Nekhebyt of El Kab reunites for Khasekhem
the symbolical plants of Upper and Lower Egypt with the legend " Year of
Victory over the rebels of the north." The two seated statuettes show the king
wearing the white crown, and on the bases are figured heaps of dead, with inscrip-
tions giving the numbers of northern rebels slain. On one statuette the number
is 47,209, on the other 48,205.

These monuments, as Meyer {Histoire de I'Antiiuitd, Paris, 1914, p. I55)
has recognised, show that the unity of the empire had been broken up for a time,
and that Khasekhem reconquered the kingdom of the north.* It was then that
he united the two opposing peoples, the Companions of Set and the Followers of
Horus, placed over his palace-sign the Set-animal by the side' of his tutelary

42 The Set Rebellion of the find Dynasty.

deity the Horus-falcon, and assumed the name Khasekhemui.y To make this
reunification of the country secure, he took, just as Menes had taken in earUer
days,'" and perhaps under somewhat similar conditions, a northern princess to
be his queen. This princess was _Nemathap, who has long been known from
inscriptions in the tomb of Methen (Breasted, Ancient Records, I, p. 78), and is
now generally recognized as the ancestress" of the Ilird dynasty line of kings.

The preceding notes give all that is known, from contemporary sources,
about the rebellion of northerners at the time of Khasekhem. But there is
a much later inscription which, I believe, preserves a record of this war : this is
the Ptolemaic inscription in the Horus Temple at Edfu, which is usually known
as the Myth of Horus of Edfu. I do not mean to suggest that this later
document is historically accurate in every detail, but I do contend that it contains,
like most myths, much historical truth, and that it refers to the Set rebellion of
Perabsen of the Ilnd dynasty.^ My reasons for this view are the following :

First, immediately preceding the text is a figure of King Zoser's vizier
Imhotep'- (Naville, Mythe d' Horus, pi. xi), facing to the right, and reading from
a scroll as though he were actually reading a record of the war written in the
lines of inscription in front of him. Behind the vizier stands the figure of a king
with blank cartouches above him ; we cannot, therefore, determine who this
king is, but, as he stands with Imhotep, he may perhaps be Zoser himself. In
front of Imhotep stands a priest {mnhw), who is cutting up a hippopotamus.
The hippopotamus is a well-known Setian animal,'^ and here probably symbolises
the country of Set, which Imhotep directed to be cut up, and the parts distributed
among the gods.

Secondly, when the rebellion broke out, we are told that the Horus-king
was with his array in Bow-land (Nubia) suppressing a rebellion there (Naville,
I.e., pi. xii, I, 2). This statement may be compared with the record on a frag-
ment of a stele of King Khasekhem {Hierakonpolis, II, pi. Iviii), recording that
king's conquest of Bow-land^

Thirdly, the outbreak of the rebelhon is dated (Naville, I.e., pi. xii, i, 2) in
the 363rd year of Horakhuti, " Horus of the Horizon." This is obviously an era
dating,'* i.e., it gives the number of years from the estabhshment of the monarchy
by the Horus-King Menes to the time of the outbreak of the Set rebellion recorded
in the text. If we had accurate chronological data for the Archaic Period, it
would be a simple matter to check this era date, but the Turin Papyrus is too
mutilated to be of any real service, and the text of Manetho is hopelessly corrupt.
Our best source would be the Early Annals of the Kings of Egypt, but of these
only the Palermo, Cairo, and University College fragments remain. It is very
unfortunate that there is no adequate publication of the Cairo fragments in
Gauthier's plates'^ : all accurate measurements have been omitted, so that it is
useless to try to work out with precision'" the number of year-names in the various
registers. But several tentative attempts to compute the original size of the
Annals Stone have been made, and in my judgment Edward Meyer's restoration
(Meyer, Aegyptische Chronologic, p. 197) is much the most satisfactory.

The first two registers of year-names give the Annals of the kings of the
1st dynasty.'" The third register of the Palermo fragment gives part of the Annals
of King Neterimu of the Ilnd dynasty, and the fourth register preserves the
year-names of the latter part of the reign of King Khasekhemui.'* This last king
reigned at least seventeen years. Now, according to Meyer's computations
(made from a study of the Palermo fragment alone), the first two registers

The Set Rebellion of the Ilnd Dynasty. 43

contained 210 year-names, and the third 135, making for the iirst three registers
345 year-names. The Palermo fragment is placed by Meyer a little to the right
of the centre of the entire block, so that the year-names of Khasekhemui begin
about thirty-year-names from the right-hand side of the entire block. Adding
these thirty years to the 345 of the first three registers, we obtain a total of 375
years from the accession of Menes to the beginning of the reign of Khasekhemui.
We have thus on Meyer's conjectural restoration a difference of twelve years
between it and the era date at Edfu. Meyer's restoration, it must be remem-
bered, does not claim to be absolutely precise, but, even if it were, the twelve
years might easily be accounted for by the ancient chroniclers only taking account
of the reign of Khasekhemui from the time he reunited the whole country, and
not from the time when he, as Khasekhem, was fighting the Set usurper Perabsen.
But however this may be, I think that we have in an era date of 363 years an
important new fact that must be taken into account by any future student
who endeavours to reconstruct the chronology of the first two dynasties.

There still remains one more fact in favour of dating the Horus-Set war to
the end of the Ilnd dynasty. The diflftcult title ^ first appears with King
Zoser {A.Z., 1900, p. 20). Sethe {Mahasnu and BH Khalldf, p. 19) discussing a
sealing of Neterkhet (Zoser), in which the sign (^ss^ takes the place of the ^
name of later kings, says : " here Neterkhet being placed over the r^sn may
possibly mean Neterkhet who has conquered the god "^0 (Set of Ombos) .
This would agree with the Rosetta translation avTtiraXwv inreprepo^ (" victorious
over his enemies ") for the royal title ^ . ^p

The Edfu Account of the Horus-Set War.

Shorn of its fantastic etymologies and some unimportant details, the
Ptolemaic account of the Horus-Set war runs as follows :

In the year 363 of Horakhuti, the Horus-King returning from a military
expedition into Nubia finds that a rebeUion has broken out in Egypt (Naville,
Mythe d'Horus, pi. xii, 2). He lands in the Uthes-Hor nome, where, before
Edfu, he attacks the rebels, who are routed and flee northwards (pis. xii, 3-
xiii, 8). The Horus-King pursues them to Zedmet, south-east of Thebes,
and defeats them a second time (pi. xiv, 3). The rebels then retire to the
north-east of the crocodile nome (pi. xiv, 5), and here another battle takes
place, many of the enemy being slaughtered. Still flying north, the rebels
are defeated in the Hermopolite-" nome, and a battle is fought at Hebnu
(pi. xiv, 8-13), where again many of the enemy are slain. Up to this point
in the record the enemy are described as hippopotami and crocodiles (both
Setian animals), but now they are called smayw nt Set, " Companions of Set "
(pi. XV, i), and the Horus-King engages in battle and defeats them, first on the
water of the Oxyrhynchite nome (pi. xv, 1-3), where they are led by the Set-King
himself (pi. xv, 5), then at Per-rerhehw (pi. xvi, 2), and at Ast-abt on the southern
side of Herakleopohs (pi. xvii, 1-2). The enemy is then driven northwards to
Heliopohs (pi. xviii, i), and finally defeated at Zaru on the eastern frontier of
the Delta (pi. xviii, 1-3). The Horus-King then returns south, goes into Nubia,
and overthrows the last remnants of rebels at Shasheryt (pi. xviii, 6). He then

44 l^h^ Set Rebellion of the Iliid Dynasty.

celebrates a great festival at Edfu (pi. viii), and later divides up the country that
had been under the influence of Set, and distributes it amongst his own followers
(pi. xi).

NOTES.

1. There is no evidence whatever that Sekhemab was the Horus-name of

Perabsen, as stated by Sethe [Beitrdge zur altesten geschichte Aegyptens,
p. 36) and Gardiner {Abydos, III, p. 39). A fine seahng of this king is
published in Abydos, III, pi. ix, 3.'

2. This was originally suggested by Naville {Rec. de Travaux, XXIV, p. 118),

and, in spite of Sethe's criticisms {Beitrdge, etc., pp. 34-35), I think it most
probable.

3. A fragment of a bowl with Horus-name Nebra almost erased, and re-inscribed

with the name Neterimu, was found in the tomb of Perabsen {R.T., II,
viii, 12). A stone bowl found in the Mykerinos temple at Gizeh, bears
the names of Hetepsekhemui and Nebra (Borchardt, Klio, ix, p. 488).

4. In Klio, xii, p. 397 ff., I identified this animal with the wart-hog, but since

that paper was written I have accumulated much evidence to show that
the Set-animal was in fact a pig, probably an extinct species, from which
the domesticated animal was originally derived. On sealings of Perabsen
R.T., II, xxii, 178) and Khasekhemui {R.T., II, xxiii, 199) the deity is
represented in human form with Set head, and is named Sha. At Der
Rifeh (Griffith, Siut, pi. 18) Shau is described as " Lord of Shashotep,"
a city name which means " Pacifying (the god) Sha," and this city was

the capital of the 'Kj-nome. {Cp. the name of the Nubian city

Sha-s-heryt, " Terrifying Sha," where the last remnant of the Set rebels
were defeated {see p. 43). Now Shau is a well-known Egyptian name
for swine, and in the Book of the Dead, ch. 112, it is said that Set transforms
himself into a black sha. The greyhound-like appearance of the Set-
animal might be thought to militate against any identification with a species
of pig, but several correspondents have pointed out to me that when the
domesticated variety runs wild it reverts to a thin long-legged greyhound-
like creature, and one variety in Ireland is actually known as the " Irish
greyhound pig" {see G. Rolleston, Scientific Papers, II, p. 541). The
erect tail is a very characteristic feature of many species of Sus when they
are at all angered. Often on Egyptian mounts the Set-animal is repre-
sented with a feathered arrow tail (!), and Mr. Winlock has drawn my
attention to the following passage in Darwin's Variation of Animals and
Plants, Ed. 1905, p. 95 : " The wild boar of India is said to have bristles
at the end of its tail arranged hke the plumes of an arrow." Cp. Note 13
below.

5. On the Horus title of the kings of Egypt see Newberry, P.S.B.A., December,

1904, p. 295 ff.

6. For conclusive evidence on this point see Moret, Une liste des names de la

Haute gypte, in Comptes-rendus, Acad, des Inscr., 1914, p. 565 ff.

7. The nome of Uthes-Hor, " the raising of Horus," with Edfu as its capital,

extended some little distance to the north of Edfu. Then came the

@ nome. The early capital of this nome must have been %

Nekhen, HierakonpoHs, for the city name is written with the sign of the

The Set Rebellion of the I hid Dynasty. 4 5

nome cult-object. Later the capital was transferred to Nekheb, El
Kab, on the opposite bank of the river. That this nome extended north-
wards^as far as Gebeleyn is indicated by the titles of Paheri, who was
Mayor of Nekheb and of Ani (Esneh), and as scribe of the accounts of
corn " filled the heart of the king from Per-Hathor to El Kab " (Griffith,
Paheri, pis. iii and ix, I, 9). Per-Hathor = ^^aOvpU at Gebeleyn (Griffith,
Ryland, Demotic Papyri, III, p. 422).

8. Trouble in the north was already brewing under Neterimu, who in his thirteenth

year records the " hacking up " of two northern cities (Palermo Stone,
Obv. register 3, entry No. 8).

9. It should be noted that in the titles of Khasekhemui the Set-animal and the

Hor US-falcon, as well as the Vulture and Uraeus in the NeUy-tiile. face
one another.

10. Newberry, P..S.B.^., 1906, Feb., pp. 69-70.

11. A title which occurs on her cyhnder seals, " If she says anything, it is done

for her," is found also with Queen Mertityotes, the ancestress of the IVth
dynasty (E. de Rouge, Inscr. hierogl., I, 62) ; with Queen Aahmes,
ancestress of the XVIIIth (Naville, Deir el Bahari, pi. xlix), and with Satra,
Queen of Ramses I (Maspero, Etudes de Myth., IV, 329), ancestress of the
XlXth dynasty.

12. See Sethe, Imhotep der Asklepios der Aegypter. Leipzig, 1902.

13. Apet (= Taurt) was the hippopotamus goddess of Thebes, and in Ptolemaic

times there was a small temple erected to her in that city. On her name
see my note in P.S.B.A., 1913, p. 117. Set himself is sometimes repre-
sented as a hippopotamus (Lanzone, Diz. mit., pi. ccclxxx : Eusebius,
praeparat. evang., Ill, ch. 12). The female hippopotamus was also named
rert, and this name in the light of note 4 above is interesting, for swine
were called rer, Copt. pip.

14. The only other Ancient Egyptian era dating is the 400th year of Set on the

Tanis stele of the reign of Ramses II, in the Cairo Museum (Rev. Arch.,
XI (1865), pi. iv).

15. Published in Le Mus^e flgypticn. III (1915), pi. xxv.

16. Borchardt's attempt (Die Annalen unddie zeitliche Festlegung des Alten Reiches

der Aegyptischen Geschichte, Berlin, 1917) has been ably criticised by Peet
in the Journal of Egyptian ArchcBology, VI (1920), p. 149 ff.

17. The Cairo fragment (Le Musde Egyptien, III (1915), pi. xxv, gives in register

I, KingZer Athi, and in register 2 I thought I could read the name Az-ab
Mer-pa-ba, when Sir Gaston showed the fragment to me in 1914. The
second register of the Palermo fragment, as Wainwright and I proved in
1914 (Ancient Egypt, 1914, p. 148 ff.), gives the annals of Wdymw (Den).

18. Following Schafer (Ein Bruchstnck, etc., p. 27), I at first believed (Newberry-

Garstang, Short History, 1904, p. 27) that the entry No. 4 of the fourth
register referred to the birth of King Khasekhemui, but Sethe has since
shown (Journal of Egyptian ArchcBology, I (1914), p. 235) that it really
records the making of a copper statue (mswt'bya) of Khasekhemui. The
first six year-names of this register therefore refer to the reign of Khase-
khemui, and not to his predecessor.

19. Seymour du Ricci (La Table de Palerme in Comptes rendus : Acad, des Inscr.,

1917, p. 107 ff.) computes 275 year-names for the first three registers, and

4,6 The Set Rebellion of the llnd Dynasty.

thirty more in register 4 to the accession of Khasekhemui, making 305
years from Menes.
20. In Naville's edition of the inscriptions, the important text that runs along the
base of the wall upon which the myth is recorded has been omitted. It
is printed by E. do Rouge {Edfou, pi. Ixxxv), and gives a summary of the
long text above it. After the record of the defeat of the rebels north-east
of the crocodile nome, the longer text says that they fled to the pehu uaz-ur
(pi. xiv, 7-8, cf. XV, i) ; this is not the sea, but the name of the lowlands
of the crocodile nome {see de Rouge, Edfou, pi. xix). The summary gives
the names of tlie places where the battles were fought in the following

order : Edfu, Zedmyt to the south of Thebes, o ] T A on the east
of the Crocodile nome, then Wnt (Hermopolis), Hebnu (Minieh) ^ ^,

Ast-aby, Herakleopolis magna, the western and eastern Mesens, and,
finally, Shasheryt in Ta-Wawat.

Percy E. Newberry.

( 47 )

EGYPTIAN WORDS REMAINING IN MODERN USE.

{Continued from p. 75, Part III, 1921.)

ATXAA, B., ?ATXA.\, S., uVi^ " aiichor."

AAAK, B., 2AAAK, S., " ring." Late Ptolemaic. s-\i_/y v. Griffith, Catalogue
of Demotic MSS. Rylands, Vol. Ill, Glossary, p. 370, late Egyptian

(-[] -2a!> L) 1 r^; ji=^ . Classical Arabic, ki adj., J'^J-^ .

AUo;y, B., AU;'J0, "whip" (] ^ /\ iL"*!

AU(;KJt, B., AuuMTn, S., The West ; the land of the dead, /o;^ X\. , l\

i^j.ll in the expression ^'^1*21 cJ-jJ.; LjsIj = " an Evil that sends
you to Hades." This expression is becoming rare, and is used only in
certain circles.
A;y, M " what ? " ^^ ^^^ *t>> B., Ae, S. Very common in the Fayum
and Beniseuf.

iiAAi-coAuu, B., -^ " to bluff in words," " to prevaricate," " to speak in
jargon " ; name of the Blemmyes, who spoke a language not understood
by the Egyptians.

BAp^orp, B., ,^,lj, .LiJlc "saw" (the instrument).

BA^y, B., B6^, S., and doubled form Be^Biojy, J ww> /^ ; J J ww

'I.', j_/i-xA.' "to be wet, wetted" in the saying, a.j^< \j:^'J^\Z^\ 1)1
" I was wetted with water."
BJojy, B. and S., " to be void " ; " to be empty " ; used metaphorically in the
sense of loss ; ^%i, IaxUj, " We turned out empty handed," etc*

B<ip, B. and S., J o, " fall down " ; ^.j in saying ^^ JjJ " fell down,"

" dropped down."

Bpiix, " lightning," j^j . These two words are probably of an early Semitic
root. All words marked with an * are probably of similar origin.
*eioT.\, " stag," Jj.l ty^ni)).
*n.\2ioB, "^J^f^' 'f'l-// '-^ "to burn."
HTMi, B., " mill," <U^lt in the song: i^l^^l ^^f>~^ V. \Ji^ J'i'^-
fKO, Ati), ,1*^ "donkey" 2^"^' ^ ^" Upper Egypt calling for the
animal oy

(jMKOT, B., " to sleep," in the expression tHKiKOTK = CS^\ " I make you
fall down " ; or ^U c:,^! " lie down and sleep."

48 Egyptian Words Remaining in Modern Use.

*OA.\ic, ^^J^- " sack."
*OA.\, Jj " hill, mound."
eAq, B., TAtj, S., TA(|TAq, TA<|Tr5(|, B., eo(|TiKj, S., " spit "

k UJU, I_J!J,

^^ Oi C^ y^^

OAI,, ocoi), B., TU)e. S.. ^;^ "drunk," ^\^ ^^^ very common expression
meaning " drank until he became drunk."

UAortou, B., ^ S^ ) ' (^ " ^^t'" imperative, in giving food to babies.

Also, uniuooT^*^ , for offering water to babies.
MOTMor, yy , '^ 9), " baby, anything small and young."
MoapH, B., " big sun," " strong sunshine," "^^ " Do not walk in the strong
sunshine," ^JJI ^ jL^j^uiV^- It is interesting to notice the x becoming
a i^ in Arabic. The Coptic word is kiox, " big," pH, " sun."
OTUJiMi, B., f ,0<,J6. %^ -^ ioJ\^, " a big date palm."
nicl)0, B., noxA, S., iicxa, B., i^^., " the handle or the edge of a plough."

'"'J). )^),^^A, '^Tl' fl^n late Egyptian : ^. , "afrit," is used to

frighten someone.
iiiiifii, S., ^l(^p.l, LZJf^j.; , "flea," often called in Arabic cUa.-, particularly

when talking to babies. The fact that most addresses to babies remain

in Coptic until to-day is most significant, and means that the Coptic

language has lingered long in use in private homes. ,

*<J)A^, nAlj, iiA^, ^i, ^^ " trap," root ^ (?)

niDp^"!, ntopi), (t)op;H, B. and S., " to stretch out " ; i , a kind of small

mat used in many ways.

- D

''nOT, S., (^a)T, B., y , " jump," " run, A.

*ptoT, ^joj, "garden," "park." Common in the names of towns, !r/-*,
TepcoT, etc.

f;nAt, cnAT(5, <ij;\ll. " a bunch of dates."

*GH)i>(jU, (:aI)(3U, *^-, " to defile, to dirty."

(;A2t, KAe-Hj, x:^, " heat," ^*^ ^^ Jc-a!^.
* j-fj^ (Ebers, XLVIl, pp. 12, 13), jj_, " migraine."

CIO, B., cAor, S., iA-c, ' (] ^ Or ^^^~^ > " to drink," I <l_; -1 ; in Asiut, in calling

for water they say (bL)-
^ ^ ^, eu)y, TH}^, ^U,, j^, "boundary."
Ttopi, .0 ,.'r " hoe."
quici = i^mV) " pick-axe."

+KtK, ,__j^__^^^ ^ l| ' clCi.; j^5^ " gone bad " ; for food, wCX)' ^joL Jl
oAeun, TAeu<i, " to invite," <u^, j;^-S " invitation."

Egyptian Words Remaining in Modern Use.
+AUHipi, i_j^j, " inundation,"
toui, ^^ " the Nile mud."

^yoAu, ^ooif ^y-:~^ "dam,"; different from crraijti a.
3ApKe, ^'l-i, " low Nile " ; deficiency (of water).
^epoKe, " wood for burning," ilji.

iyHu A6.\OT, " small boy," JjU-i, " dandy," " young man."
^6M, "^, ^^^<^, " blow the nose."

JjAipi, ecuipi, *^^ faeces, in the expression ^^fj , " having diarrhoea."
j "^Ijil ^ 5, xAiH, ^;Li, " the shirt of a baby."

xip, _i^, " small fish " ; also in the sense of acid they say, _ju5 jjIj^, "very

acid."
?AAOTc, ^^'\^ , " spider's web."

2AXU1C, ^^l^, "chatterbox."
2HTK, cJlp-, " by your side."

(ro he continued^

Geo. p. G. Subiiy.

( so )

REVIEWS.

The Palace of Minos at Knossos. By Sir Arthur Evans. Vol. I. Sq. 8vo,
721 pp., 8 pis. coloured, 11 pis., 542 figs, and map. 1921. (Macmillan.) 126s.

The harvest is now put into our hands of all the work begun more than twenty
years ago in Crete, and the first volume we hope will be soon succeeded by the
two other volumes which are promised. This is far more than an account of
Knossos, as the results and objects found by other excavators elsewhere are
incorporated, to complete the material of each period, thus rendering the work
an entire view of Cretan civilisation. Here will be stated an outline of the
work and its relations with Egypt especially.

It is truly said that this was a pioneer work. There was very little known of
mere loose objects, and there was no pre-Hellenic building which could serve as a
pattern for the excavation. The whole of the sequence of civilisation had to be
worked out from the material as it came to light. After a preUminary sketch
of the general connections of Cretan civilisation with other lands, there is a first
chapter on the neolithic period. The series of superposed palace ruins are really
a terrible encumbrance of a great neolithic site of the first importance. Even on
the shortest dating of the palace period, the neolithic would in proportion extend
to 8000 B.C. This great mass of 23 to 26 feet depth of ruins contains the early
history of civilisation, perhaps more completely than elsewhere. Though the later
remains above it must be preserved, yet it might be possible to tunnel it at
different levels, and recover the stratified series of deposits. So far only a few
pits have been sunk. From these the lowest stratum yielded polished stone
implements, and pottery with a good burnished face. In the middle strata is
found the beginning of the incised decoration, some witli white filling ; figures of
animals appear, and human figures with stump limbs and heads, mostly squatting
women. On some of these is the zigzag line pattern so usual on the prehistoric
statuettes of the first period in Egypt. The figures are thus placed in relation
to those from the Aegean region. The later period at Knossos is marked by the
pear-shaped and orange-shaped stone maces, like those of the second age in Egypt
Thus we may take as contemporary :

Knossos. Egypt.

Early neolithic. . . .

Middle neolithic. First prehistoric age.

Late neolithic. Second prehistoric age.

The ages in which metal was used are divided into Early, Middle and Late
Minoan, roughly corresponding to Old, Middle and New Kingdoms in Egypt,
and each age is divided into three parts, numbered I, II, III, according to the
well-known system of the author.

The Early Minoan I is marked by polished black ware, as found in the
1st dynasty at Abydos, bowls on stands as in the Ilnd dynasty, a chalice appa-
rently copied from a lotus cup (19 D.), globular jugs with long spouts, and heavy
stone bowls imported from Egypt, beside imitations of such.

Reviews. . 5 1

In the second age (E.M. II) the main material is from the cemetery of
Mochlos. It is remarkable for the beauty and variety of the stones, which are,
however, all soft, limestones and steatite, and not hard silica minerals as in
Egypt. The pottery is of cloudy colouring of black, orange and red, varied by
oxidation in burning, like prehistoric Egyptian ware. Conical cups with short
spouts resemble the Old Kingdom forms, and cups on stems are like the cups of
the IXth dynasty. Imitation rivets, copying metal ware, were similar to
Egyptian of Vlth dynasty. The double spouts of the Ilnd and Ilird dynasty
were copied, as also the bowls with deeply curved lip, " carinated," which
are of the Illrd-Vth dynasties. A marble vase is taken from the form in the
Vlth dynasty.

The third period (E.M. Ill) was one of deterioration. A great domed chamber,
cut in the rock, is the prototype of the " Treasury " tombs. Painted pottery
now became much commoner than stone vases, and spiral ornament begins to
appear. This was probably preceded by the earliest spiral in Egypt, of Zed-ka-ra
in the Vth dynasty. But it is not regularly adopted till the Xth or Xlth
dynasty. We may agree with Sir Arthur in supposing that it came from the
north by way of the Cyclades. Along with the spiral comes in the squared form,
the " fret " or " meander " pattern. The Cretan adaptation of button-badge
patterns from Egypt shows that they must belong to the Vlllth dynasty ; the
pattern is degraded, and the original did not start till late in the Vlth.

The period of Middle Minoan I is especially the Age of palaces (M.M. I).
Upon the blocks of stone are many signs, referring to the quarry or the destina-
tion ; we shall notice these below. Of this age is the substructure of a great
square tower, built in a cellular form with deep blind chambers, which were filled
up to make a high platform. It is 46 x 51 feet, which is much less than the
platforms of forts at Daphnae (140 feet) or Naukratis (190 feet), but it belongs
to the same system, which was expanded later. The drains of the palace are
of the earliest laying out. The pipes were 30 inches long, and 5 inches tapering
to 3-inch bore. On the narrow end was a stop-flange outside, and in the wide
end an internal collar, so as to give a wide bearing on the flange. Some had
two pairs of handles outside, in order to move such heavy things safely. Pottery
modelling of figures was common. A new type is of jars with two handles, either
joining the neck vertically, or rising from the shoulder at both ends. Painted
imitations of stonework are common, and foliage decoration begins to be freely
used. Scarabs are first imitated in this age, and are of the style of the Xllth
dynasty.

The next stage (M.M. II) is marked by the laying out of the palace plan on
a large scale. The great drains were built of stone, 30 X 15 inches, catching
the rain from the open courts and light wells, into which the roofs discharged,
and also draining the latrines. The pottery was highly developed. There are
enormous oil jars with knobbed pattern and taller than a man, and there is also
an egg-shell ware, with striking decoration and brilliant colouring. This pottery
was also adapted to imitate metal vases, in form and polish. The patterns are
the most perfect and brilliant of any period. From the fragments found at
Kahun, and the vase from Abydos, this style is dated to the end of the Xllth
dynasty. Towards the close of this period the leaf patterns become mechanical
repetitions of a formal kind. Seals with hieroglyphs of Cretan origin were much
used. A good dating point is gained by a diorite seated figure of Egyptian work

P 3

52 Reviews.

found with pottery of this age at Knossos, and belonging to the late Xllth or
Xlllth dynasty. It represents Ab-nub, born of Uazet-user. The serpent of
Uazet is placed on a stand to show that it represents a god, like a falcon on a
stand for Horus.

The relations of trade between Egypt and Crete lead to attributing the
great harbour works at Alexandria to Cretan enterprise. These works were
found by M. Jondet, Chief Engineer of Ports, and mapped by him. He pubhshed
them in 1916 at the Institut ^gypticn. They comprise an inner and outer
breakwater in front of Ras et Tin, and running west, and a back breakwater
behind, enclosing a harbour now over 20 feet deep. Before the sinking of the
coast this would not be over 10 feet, but the ancient shipping was of very light
draught, as it needed to draw in close to shore. Before the Pharos island was
joined to the mainland by Alexander it would be a convenient point for traders,
like Hongkong, clear of the Egyptian shore. The basin of the harbour was about
150 acres in area ; the front of it was outside the present harbour, and the back
of it along the present breakwater and beyond the bend of it, on to the islands
and shoals.

A notable view of the life of this age comes from the picture; of houses,
modelled in glazed pottery and inlaid in some general scene, which included
trees, water, animals, warriors and negroid figures. The houses were of three
or even four floors, the windows sometimes divided into panes. Most were built
of stone courses, others of wood, with round poles for flooring and partitions.

The latter stage (M.M. Ill) of this great period was marked by a catastrophe,
which was " so general that the palace sites both at Knossos and Phaestos may,
partially at least, have remained for an appreciable time uninhabited and have
existed as mere heaps of ruins." Though in writing, seals and architecture,
changes appear, yet these are more as developments than as new motives. It
seems that the break was caused by a people of lower abiUty, who did not bring
in new ideas. There was widespread conflagration and plundering of the palace.
The renewed life here, of M.M. Ill, is dated by the alabaster lid with the name of
Khyan, belonging to the XVth dynasty. There was a distinctly later taste in
the pottery, applied modelling stuck on, and sprays, which remind us of the style
of 1870. A greater degree of luxury appears in the inlaid crystal, ivory and gold,
gaming board, the abundance of coloured glaze ware for inlay, as the goats,
cows or fish (long before Akhenaten), and the free and delicate drawing of the
frescoes. A weird variety of monsters were devised on the seals, and a new
decoration of great lily plants rises life-size up the sides of the tall jars. The
religion is shown in the figures of the snake-holding goddess, the marble cross
and the emblem of the double axe mounted on a stand. The writing changes
to a more cursive form of the earlier hieroglyphs, due to a free and common use
of reed pans. Beyond this the volume does not go, the late Minoan stages and
other subjects are for future issue.

Some general matter remains to be noted. The strong artistic instinct of
the Cretans led them to decorate pottery and walls with a great variety of plants
and figures. To these no magic purpose would be assigned. Why then attribute
a magic intent to the less perfect decoration by other peoples. Let us credit
lower races with having aesthetic desires, such as can undoubtedly be observed
at present. The examples of multiple beads from Egj'pt, Crete and Britain are
well illustrated, but it might be added that the exact fabric of the Wiltshire beads
is only paralleled in the multiple beads of 12 10 B.C. in Egypt.

Reviews. jj

The signs used by masons on blocks of stone are nearly all well known
about the Mediterranean, where they probably had regular sound values. Out
of 15 single signs, 13 are known in Spain, 11 in Egypt, 4 in Karia, 3 in Lydia
and 2 in Lachish. In the fuller list of all the advanced linear signs in Crete about
36 are geometric. Of these 27 are known elsewhere, 25 in Egypt, 16 in Spain,
12 in Karia, 8 in Lydia, 6 in Lybia, and 5 in Lachish. Thus the connection with
the opposite ends of the Mediterranean is closer than with the neighbouring
Asia Minor coast. With regard to chronology it is to be regretted that the
knowledge of the Egyptian dating seems to have been forgotten, and the con-
sistent system which they have left us is regarded as a mere supposition of the
present time. The Berlin dating here followed is a total impossibility ; the
Xlllth dynasty alone, of well recorded kings, would overlap the XVIIIth on that
supposition. Not a single advocate of the reduced dates has ever attempted
to show how the known reigns can be compressed into the time.

It will be most desirable to trace out the system of design of the buildings,
what parts were laid out to measure and what were of mere resultant lengths.
So far as a few measures are given, the standard seems to have been the Persian
arish, divided into three feet of I2"83 inches. This was in use in Asia Minor.
The weights also must be published, especially an accurate weighing of the great
octopus standard.

A great problem is that of the future of Knossos. It is largely built of
gypsum, which is very soluble and was protected anciently by roofing or lime
plaster. Without any plaster it will now all perish in a few generations. The
ancient construction has been largely repaired by modern work, needful to put
the place into accessible state. This will, in a century or two, be blended and
confused with the original work. To keep the site really safe it needs much more
reconstruction and roofing. Left as it is it will largely perish, without the pro-
tecting coat of earth that has saved it for 3,000 years.

Les Indo-Europdens. By Albert Carnoy. 1921. 256 pp., i6mo, 7 frs.
(Vromant, Bruxelles.)

This work deals with the linguistic point of view, set out by Max Miiller
sixty years ago. The author disclaims at once the idea of an Indo-European
race being defined by the language, yet little or nothing is said as to the various
racial sources of the peoples who adopted the language. There is a chapter on
the centre of dispersion, but beyond stating that it included Central Asia, Russia
and Germany, nothing more is attempted. Tilak's work, which would place the
Aryans at least as far north as Tobolsk, is not mentioned. The increase of cold
in Scandinavia at the beginning of the bronze age is noted, but the connection
of that with the submergence of the same period should be mentioned. In
general the physical side of the subject is hardly developed, but the linguistic
evidence is fully described with examples dealing with each branch and most
dialects of Indo-European speech. The evidence from community of words is
classed under all the various heads of zoology, dwellings, utensils, food, clothing,
arms, &c., and the beliefs and mythology are fully described. This is a useful
outline of the subjects with which it deals.

D 3

$4 Reviews.

The Septnagint and Jewish Worship. By H. St. J. Thackeray, D.D. 8vo,
143 pp., 1922. [Schweich Lectures, Milford.)

This course of British Academy lectures is mainly occupied with the
influence of liturgical use on the minor books of the Old Testament, the incor-
poration of rubrics, and transformation of such into parts of the text. The
results of the author's study on the Graeco-Egyptian version, known as the LXX,
concern us here. He remarks on its value as being made from MSS. older than
the formation of the orthodox recension of the Masoretic text, and far before
any remaining MSS. of that. It is very difficult to counterpoise the value of two
opposite kinds of material. In the received Hebrew text, late construction, but
excessive care ; in the Septuagint, earUer construction, more varied material,
but lack of precision and careless transmission. The Pentateuch was first
translated, by a small group, in the third century B.C. The language is the
popular Greek, and not hterary, hence it was for general use and convenience,
and not done for library purposes. The familiarity with Egypt shows that it
was prepared there. Next the Prophets were done by another group in the
second and first centuries. To them were gradually added the Psalms and lesser
books, translated by individuals, and more as free paraphrases than as formal
renderings. The whole was then subject to various editing, and versions
made in the Asiatic schools of the second century a.d. ; in fact, the translation
of some parts seems, from peculiar words, to have been made in Asia Minor.
Of the earliest MSS. the Vatican is the best, the Alexandrian (Brit. Mus.) being of
mixed origin.

Synoptic Series of Objects in the United States National Museum Illustrating
the History of Inventions. By Walter Hough. 8vo, 47 pp., 56 pis. {Proc.
U.S. Nat. Mus.)

Though this collection scarcely touches on Egypt, it is of great interest for
comparison, as showing independent lines of invention in America, covering the
variety illustrated in the University College Catalogue of Tools and Weapons of
the Old World, and continuing the evolution down to the present day.

Catalogue of Textiles from Egypt. Vol. II. By A. F. Kendrick. 8vo,
108 pp., 32 pis. 5s. {Victoria and Albert Museum.)

This is the continuation of the catalogue noticed in Ancient Egypt, 1921,
p. 57. It deals with " The period of transition and of Christian emblems." The
transition is that from Graeco-Roman to Coptic art, during the fifth and sixth
centuries. The old skill was waning, the old noti )ns were being discarded, the
sense of ordered disposition was giving way to the attraction of bright colours.
The catalogue begins with many examples of woven crosses. On comparison
with the accurately dated examples of forms of the cross, the dates in the
catalogue average 150 years too early {see Ancient Egypt, 1916, p. 103). This
suggests that all these textiles have been dated a century or two too early ; it
does not appear that there are any absolutely dated examples as a basis.
A generally later dating would accord more nearly with Gayet's statements.
It is well that the materials should be so clearly illustrated and described,
and this will long serve as a book of reference on the patterns and methods
of work.

Reviews. 5 5

Capitals and Bases : a theory of their evolution. By F. Welman. 6 pp.
(Journal of Royal Institute of British Architects, 22 October, 1921.)

This theory mainly refers to Greek forms of capitals, but also includes some
of the Egyptian. As it is a new possibility it needs consideration. The idea is
that a wooden architecture is made more durable by damp-proof layers of
bitumen, and that the architectural details of design have originated from such
bitumen layers retained in place by cloth wrappings and cords. Thus the features
of the Doric capital and Attic base are well accounted for, and, less distinctively,
the Ionic and Corinthian capitals. The evolution of forms is a difficult subject
owing to our ignorance of the series, of which we only know the final product,
and here and there a few of the earlier stages. This is as true in architecture as
in zoology.

The basic question is where the forms were developed, and whether bitumen
was known there. So far as we know there is no trace of bitumen used in any
Mediterranean country for building purposes. Can the forms have arisen farther
east. In Assyria there is something like the volute (Botta, PI. CXIV), and in
Persia is the prototype of the Ionic echinus. The latter, however, is obviously
a leaf pattern in the long drooping form at Peisepolis (dieulafoy II, xxi), other-
wise there does not seem to be any oriental source for the forms attributed to
the use of bitumen.

In the dry climates of Egypt and Greece there would not be the same induce-
ment to use damp-courses that we have in the north. Yet the forms suggest a
soft material held in place. May it be that the purpose was to keep a bedding
material in place to equalise pressure, and that clay was so used. The sugges-
tions of origin of the features of Egyptian architecture is not in harmony with
materials used in ancient or modern times, reeds, maize stalk, mud, cord, lotus,
papyrus stem and palm leaves. Nor will the suggested origin of the spiral
accord with the earlier examples as surface decoration on small objects. The
fret is the spiral squared up in weaving patterns, as seen on the earliest example,
on the borders of dresses of pre-Persian statues.

Die Cheopspyr amide. By K. Kleppisch. 8vo. 74 pp. 1921. (Olden-
bourg, Miinchen.) 15 marks.

This work by a Polish engineer deals mainly with the external form of the
pyramid, and the various mathematical properties that co-exist in that form.
Here we meet the old difficulty, how many such properties are accidental ?
or did the constructors select the form from a wide knowledge of such properties
showing them that this form combined many different ideas ?

The proportion of the radius to circumference, or approximately 7 : 44,
for the height and circuit of the pyramid is accepted ; but the author takes up
the old and erroneous measures of the base in order to make out that the slope
-f \ base = 1,000 English feet. Really the actual measures give 11,871 to
11,888 inches for this amount. Wiping out this, there remains principally the
mean proportional relation of \ base : height : : height : slope ; which results
in many relationships, such as area of face = area of height squared ; or base
area : face area : : face area : whole area base and faces. Another proposal is
that, taking the height as 280 cubits and \ face as 220, the slope is 356-090,
or slope -f- I base = 576-090, almost a regular number, 24^. It seems very
unlikely that such relations determined the Egyptian to select the radius and

D 4

$6 Reviews.

circle proportions. That the Meydum pyramid is 7 and 44 X 25 cubits, and
Khufu's pyramid is 7 and 44 X 40 cubits gives the strongest reason for accepting
that on the originating purpose ; all else is therefore only coincidence.

The Origin of Letters and Numerals. By Phineas Mordell. 8vo. 71 pp.
1922. (Philadelphia, 4137 Leidy Ave.) 2 dollars.

This essay deals with the Sefer Yetzirah, a mystical tract on the nature of
letters. The author distinguishes an early edition, which is pre-Talmudic, of
about 600 words, and later editions with targums, of two or three times the
length, which may be of the fifth to ninth century a.d. Apart from the
Jewish interest in the mystical allusions, this tract is of general interest regarding
the Semitic alphabet. According to the original edition, the alphabet consisted
of ten double letters which had modified values ; aleph (e and o), beth (b, v),
gimel (g, j), daleth (d, dh), vau (u, w), kaph (k, kh), pe (p, f), resh (r, gh), shin
(sh, zh), tau (t, th) ; the other twelve letters had single uniform values. Thus
a total of thirty-two letters is reached. The Sefer states that the tetragrammaton
Yhvh consisted of vowels, so that all the letters rendered as vowels in western
alphabets were also recognised as vowels in Hebrew. It was not till mediaeval
times that the consonantal view came in. The modern values according to
MordeU's comparisons are :

aleph yod vau 'ain

Sephardic (Spanish) a e, i o, u

Ashkenaz (German) e, o i u a

The Svastika and the Omk.xra. By Harit Krishna Deb. (Journ. Asiatic
Soc, Bengal, N.S., XVII, 1921, No. 3.) " The syllable om . . . is part and
parcel of the Vedic religion." As it is pronounced with a long 0, the author
suggests that the sign for (a " pothook " with square ends) was duplicated,
one across another, and so originated the svastika. At first sight this may seem
merely a guess, but it is fortified by other evidence. The svastika goes back to
Panini, in the Vllth century B.C., when it was a cattle mark ; another reference
is well before 528 B.C., and it is on a gold leaf in a vase found with relics of
Buddha. On Indian coins of Eran the svastika has the letter m added to each
terminal, thus making om, and a variant of this is on coins of Ujain. Two of
the Asoka edicts have corner marks of the svastika and letter m. Albiruni
(1030 A.D.) states that an r\) sign is read as om. Thus the connection of the o
sign, om, and svastika is strongly indicated. The meaning of the svastika is
" that which signifies well-being " or " brings blessing," like the onkh uza senb
in Egypt. The earliest example known is on the spindle whorls from Troy, in
the third city, about 1800 B.C. It is frequent on Greek vases about 600 B.C.
Among some rather uncertain conjectures in the latter part of the paper there
is a striking comparison of the names of Gilukhipa, sister of the king of Mitani,
with Guruksepa, who was the third successor of Brhadbala, who fell in the
Bharata war about 1450 B.C., another Indo-Aryan link with Naharain.

( 57 )

PERIODICALS.

Comptes Rendus, 192 1. March June.

Capart, J. Un mythe Iigyptien dans le Roman de Renart. In the XVIIth
chapter of the Book of the Dead is the description of the combat of Horus and
Set. For this combat the regulations described are hke those of the judicial
combat in the Romance of Petubast. The eye of Horus was injured, and was
restored by Thoth, and then became uza, whole or healthy. The details of the
combat between Horus and his uncle Set are the same as those in the fight of
Renard and his uncle Isengrin. The animal gods of Egypt easily gave rise in
their mythology to folk tales about animals.

Lettre de M. Montet d M. Clermont-Ganneau. This outlines the history of
Byblos, Keben. As the port for obtaining timber for shipbuilding, it was essential
to trade, and the pinewood from there was used for furniture. Various frag-
ments of Egyptian monuments have been found there, the names are of
Tahutmes HI and Ramessu II. An earlier block, with scenes of a kneeling king
offering to Hathor, is dated to the Xllth dynasty by the spelling of Keben.

A mosaic floor of a synagogue of the Illrd century has been found about
four miles from Jericho. The chariot of the sun is surrounded by the signs of
the zodiac, and figures of plants and animals. The Jewish character is assumed
from the Ark of the Law, the Holy Lampstand, and Daniel between the lions.
The presence of figures would rather point to the building being a church, the
subjects named being often found in Christian art.

July-October.

Rapport de M. Lacau . . . sur les travaux ex^cutds pendant I'hiver
1920-21. The Nubian temples are withstanding inundation, but the gate of
Hadrian at Philae will need reconstruction, and the small temple of Tafah will
need to be completely rebuilt on higher ground. At Denderah the whole surround-
ings of the great temple are being cleared. The lake and wells, and the mammisi
are all cleared The fore part of the latter was removed anciently to build a
church, but the plan remains traced on the foundations. The protection of the
roofs against rain percolating was most carefully provided for in the construction.

At Karnak, one of the most important excavations in the world, work has
been resumed. M. Fillet has taken up the work left at M. Legrain's death, and
the intention is to publish all architectural parts that can be considered as
finished. A large clearance must be trenched deeply to see if any monuments
lie under it before using it as a space for arranging and reconstructing the blocks
of the Amenhetep temple and other buildings. The stairway of the great pylon
has been opened up, and a row of relieving chambers found in the upper part.

S8 Periodicals.

At Saqqarah nothing had been done for seven years, and now Mr. Firth has
renewed the work. It is first intended to clear the funeral chapels of the
pyramids of the Vlth dynasty, and then to clear around the mastabas to examine
exteriors. The mastaba of Kagemna has a figure and texts upon it. On the
south face small tombs were inserted in the Middle Kingdom, with statues of the
deceased squatting at the base of the stele. The pit led to a chamber covered
with figures of offerings ; the funeral furniture included alabaster canopies of
fine work, and many rock-crystal model vases left solid. The clasp of a gold
necklace shows that jewellery had been buried here.

At Aswan the great unfinished obelisk has been cleared to ii8 feet length,
without reaching the end. At Thebes the sarcophagus placed by Hatshepsut in
her cliff tomb in the Queen's Valley has been removed to the Museum, and
stands by the side of her sarcophagus from the King's Valley. At Tuneh the
sculptures of the tomb of Petosiris have been copied for publication.

At Athribis (Benha) a tomb has been found of a priest of the sacred falcon,
of Greek period. An enormous limestone sarcophagus was built round with
great blocks, on the ground surface. There was neither chamber nor pit, as the
water level did not allow of sinking.

At Tell el-Yahudieh more Jewish-Greek steles have been found, many dated
in the reign of Augustus.

Novemher-Decemher.

November 9. M. Montet found many alabaster vases at Byblos, one with
the name of Unas (p. 332).

December 23. M. Montet found inscriptions of Menkaura, a colossal figure of
Egyptian style, and fragments of two other statues (p. 363).

January-February.

M. Montet found a large group of things near a temenos wall : lions couchant
and standing, cynocephali, scarabs, kneeling figures, flies, model table of bronze,
bracelets and rings of bronze, gilt-bronze statuettes and a coin (illegible) ; a cup
full of beads of rock-crystal and camelian. In another place was a large
quantity of alabaster vases and pottery. On one vase is the name of Unas,
beloved of Ra, " over the lake of the Great House," supposed to be a royal lake,
but per oa at that time might refer to a temple. On a piece of a vase is the
sed heb of Pepy, and on a cynocephalus vase is the name of Pepy II. A vase
of Menkaura goes back to the IVth dynasty ; and still earlier is a cylinder,
two inches long, with three gods upon it, naming " the lady of Byblos," the
hieroglyphs of which are irregularly placed, as in the Ilnd and Ilird dynasties.
There is a circular wall a metre thick, round a paved area ; also a temple with
four colossi before it, standing and seated ; they are broken away above, but a
head was found. There are no inscriptions, and it is supposed to be Phoenician.
This is the last report issued, when the work was stopped in January by the rains.

Palestine Exploration Fund, Quarterly Statement, April, 1922. A cubical
bronze weight from Petra, described by Mr. E. J. Pilcher, bears on it Khamsheth
or " five," showing it to be a weight 6f 5 qedet, on the Egyptian standard of 140
grains. The form of writing is the Edomite Semitic alphabet, and it points to

Periodicals. 59

trade from Egypt through Nabathaea as early as the sixth century b.c. There
is also in this April number a summary of all the archaeological work in Palestine
by Prof. Garstang.

Metropolitan Museum of Art, Bulletin, Part II, 1921. This is entirely
devoted to a fairly full account of the excavations of season 1920-21. At Lisht
described by Mr. Mace there was a pre-dynastic village with fragments of
pottery and stone vases. A later village built against the side of the pyramid
yielded stone figures, tweezers, rasps, harpoons, combs, like those from Kahun.
Among these were incised black vases of Hyksos age, and one of the same family
of buff pottery with birds and dolphins in dark red, outlined by white incisions.
This is a new style of this Syrian pottery. There were also engraved ivory
wands, and a weight of Ssnusert with the number 23J on it, evidently a
converted weight, but the amount is not stated. As regards the pyramid of
Amenemhat I there is great confusion, as blocks are found (i) with Old Kingdom
reliefs, (2) from earlier work of Amenemhat I, (3) of the final temple, and (4)
temple reliefs copied from older monuments. Under a corner of the pyramid
was found a foundation deposit, exactly like that under a temple (Abydos II,
p. 20). The tombs of four princesses proved to have been entirely plundered.

The copying work of Mr. Davis at Thebes has been devoted to the tomb of
Neferhetep, which contains some well-known scenes (Wilkinson, PI. LXVII).

The Theban excavations are described by Mr. Winlock. After finding the
tomb with the magnificent set of models, the rest of that valley was thoroughly
explored, but nothing further appeared. To the south was the platform for a
royal temple, and the causeway leading to it, which ran across the site of the
future Ramesseum. Only one small tomb perhaps never finished was found
here, and the great tomb temple was never built, probably because the court
moved away to a new centre. Some much later tombs were found, one being
of the charioteer Atefamen, with three fully decorated cofftns in a painted
sarcophagus.

An entirely different enterprise was in the Xlth dynasty temple of Deir el-
Bahri. The work of the Exploration Fund had bared the foundations of six
shrines of princesses, and tombs beneath four of them. But, strange to say,
no search had been made for the burials beneath the other two shrines. On
looking at the paving it was obvious where the pits were, by the sinking over
them. On opening that of Oashyt her coffin was found complete, with the
mummy and wooden statue, in a limestone sarcophagus. Outside, this was
decorated with scenes like that of Kauit, now in Cairo ; but inside, instead of
being plain, it was also sculptured and painted with scenes. The wooden coffin
is highly painted with rows of funereal offerings, and figures of the constellations,
the thigh, Orion, and Isis. This is certainly the most splendid burial of the
Middle Kingdom, in its furniture. The jewellery had, alas ! all been robbed
anciently. The sixth shrine, that of Mayt, proved to be of an infant. Some
strings of beads were found in her wrappings with a cartonnage over the head, in
a plain whitewashed box, in her coffin. Among the beads are some of blue glass,
extremely rare in the Middle Kingdom. We may add that this year Mr. Winlock
has found the foundation deposits of the temple. It is to be hoped that he will
soon publish all of these finest products of the temple, the sarcophagi, the
deposits, the wooden statue of the king (Ancient Egypt, 1920, p. 33), and as

6o Periodicals.

many as possible of the fine blocks of sculpture which crowded the dealers'
shops during the previous excavation. This is necessary to supplement the
pubUcation by the Fund.

A search in the convents of the Wady Natrun has been made by Mr. Evelyn
White, and plans and photographs secured. A quantity of leaves of early works
were rescued, which belong to books previously obtained by Tattam and Tischen-
dorff. Altogether this bulletin is the record of a fine harvest of new results, and
we earnestly hope it will soon be followed by complete publication.

Annals of Archaeology. Liverpool, 1921.

Griffith, F. Ll. Oxford Excavations in Nubia. This work was at Faras,
a third of the way from Abu Simbel to. the Second Cataract. The earliest object
here was a drift type palaeolith of quartz, the only one known so far south. A
village and cemetery of the end of the pre-dynastic age contained pottery which
was entirely of thtj age before Mena. It is unfortunate that the absolutely
dated series of pottery of the Royal Tombs is disregarded in calling this " proto-
dynastic." A thin layer of ash and charcoal marked the settlement, which was
probably of wicker booths. The pottery of distinctive forms is between 75 and
78 S.D. With this was also the soft black-bodied Nubian pottery with parallel
incised lines, of the class which was brought down into Egypt after the Vlth
dynasty and after the Xlllth. The palettes were thin oval slabs of quartz.
Copper adzes (mis-called chisels) and axes were found ; also a cylinder seal of
ivory of local design unlike the Egyptian, and beads of crystal, carnelian, garnet
and serpentine, and ostrich eggs. So far as the skeletons could be discriminated,
the men had axes and chisels buried with them ; the beads, armlets and copper
piercers were with women ; the palettes were with both. These settlements of
the late prehistoric age died out very soon in Nubia ; various causes are
suggested, but the most obvious would be that these were groups of the pre-
historic folk driven out by the dynastic invaders, taking their goods with them,
but unable to continue their old handiwork, and gradually becoming lost in the
native population. This would account for the absence of anything belonging
to the dynastic culture.

After this comes the Nubian civilisation contemporary with the Middle
Kingdom, stated to range from the end of the Vlth to the XVIIIth dynasty, the
so-called C group. The graves were surrounded bj' a ring-wall of stones, filled
up with sand and topped by slabs. The pottery was placed outside of the graves
as offerings, as in Egypt {Tarkhan II, xiv-xvi). The contracted bodies are all
on the right side, head between north and south-east, whereas the prehistoric
bodies were like the Egyptian on the left side, head south. There was one
instance of. a dismembered body, with bones broken. There were armlets of
shell, ivorj', marble and alabaster ; finger rings of ivory, horn and shell ; amulets
of a turquoise hawk, carnehan foot, silver o>ifih, and a rather geometric figure
on a hemi-cylinder, of the usual post-sixth style. The beads were of gold,
quartz, carnehan, diorite, steatite, shell and blue glaze. Patterned beadwork
in squares was also found (the drawing has the heraldic shading reversed). A
curious kind of pot is conical, about five inches long and one inch wide at the
mouth ; the inside is smooth as if it were a mould ; these are like pots of double
the size found elsewhere. Some such but not all have a hole in the bottom.

Periodicals. 6i

and have been thought to be tuyers ; they are too long for crucibles apparently,
and have no trace of slag in them. Another suggestion is that they were moulds
but there are no moulded objects of this shape and size.

Considifable remains of the New Kingdom were discovered. A temple to
Hathor seems to have been built by Hatshepsut. Another temple was built
by Tahutmes III, of which various blocks and fragments remain. A third temple
was built by Tutonkhamen, which still shows half the columns of the forecourt,
and nearly all of the hypostyle hall. .Huy, the governor, built it at the request
of his sister, who was head of the harem of the king. There is the greater part of
a granite stele with figures of Tutonkhamen and a god. Lastly, there is a grotto
of Ramessii II and the governor Setau, which may be a tomb, made for
Merapu son of Pa-mer-ah. A new variation in transliteration appears in using
j for z ; as many people follow the German use of it for y, it is confusing, and
; is better omitted altogether, as it is so ambiguous. This report is very welcome,
though eight years old, and the twenty-five plates record the main things
sufficiently.

Annals of Archaeology, Liverpool, 1922.

Mace, A. B. The Influence of Egypt on Hebrew Literature. The lack of
interest in Egyptian literature is mainly due to the imperfection of translation,
and loss of the spirit and rhythm of it. This is illustrated by a supposed future
version of a sonnet of Shakespeare. The comparisons of Egyptian and Hebrew
writings are set out in parallel columns the Proverbs of Ptah-hetep with
Ahikar, the Hymn to Aten with Psalms, Ptah-hetep with Proverbs, Ani with
Proverbs, Khakheper-res-senb and the Song of the Harper with Ecclesiastes.
Some of these comparisons were made in Nile and Jordan.

Other important articles on megaliths by Mr. Thurlow Leeds, and on Asia
Minor, Syria and the A gean by Mr. Woollcy, do not touch on Egypt.

/ournal 0/ f he Society of Oriental Research, Chicago, 1921.

Mercer, S. Egyptian Morals of the Empire. This article is in continuation
of two previous articles upon the earlier periods, which were noticed in Ancient
Egypt, 1920, p. 62. Regarding marriage, examples of two wives are quoted,
but at Hagarseh six wives are represented ; the chief wife had no children, and
this may have led to the large number otherwise {Athribis, vii). The sister-
marriage, which was usual in royalty, is said to be of uncertain frequency in the
lower classes ; it is often found in family records, though it was not usual. The
habit of speaking of a wife or lover as a sister at least shows that it was an ideal,
like first-cousin marriage in Egypt at present. The close family affection is
noted, like that of the modern Oriental, and the emphasis on children being the
gift of the gods, theophoric names being commoner than in early times. The
ideal character was of a high standard, much above the actual standard of any
modern country ; but there was, of course, a continual slipping away from it,
especially in lax reigns, only to be compensated by an uncomfortable tuning up
under an able ruler, such as Heremheb. (There is a strange allusion by the author
to coin of that time, whereas there was no coinage till many centuries later.)
Slavery was not unmitigated, and though slaves were sold and hired out, yet
they could rise to wealth and power, as in modern times. The ideal of life was
maot, truth or straightness, most prominently stated by Akhenaten " Hving in

62 Periodicals.

truth." Lying and deceit were reprehended, and there was a strong belief in
honesty ; whether this was more effective than at present may be doubted. The
modem Egyptian is remarkably honest to his equals, but has no feeling for his
inferiors. We can, however, readily believe in the virtues of the Egyptian, as
they are seen in many races at present such as the North-American Indian
who have not much intellectual growth. One judgment of the author seems far
too strong when he writes of " their excessive cruelty." The Egyptian was a
very kind man, to whom the infliction of punishment was distressing, and there
was a great delicacy of feeUng about referring to any unpleasant subject (Ptah-
hetep, 26 ; Any, 63 ; Ptah-hetep, 29). The only signs of cruelty are in the treat-
ment of captives ; but then war is war, and there were no tortures beyond the
needful binding of the arms to prevent resistance. The figure of a king clubbing
a group of captives is only an emblem of victory continued from primitive times.

Maynard, J. A. Were the Phoenicians a Semitic People ? This is a review
of M. Autran's book, the conclusions of which and their discussion we may briefly
note. The idea is that Egypt and Mesopotamia were not favourable to external
energy, and are not likely to have greatly influenced the world ; the greatness
of their works and their brilliant quahties seem, however, to show that for the
native the climate was not enervating. The Phoenicians are compared to the
Northmen for their activity, and are regarded as having gone south to Palestine.
In the Phoenician area of colonisation there are no Semitic names in Sicily,
and very few in the Aegean. The archaic words in Greek are neither Semitic
nor Egyptian, but probably come from the older Mycenaean. The Greek gods
are of Asianic origin, and a few Phoenician words in Greek authors are not Semitic.
But how about Carthage, the great Phoenician colony, with entirely Semitic
speech ? The primitive name of Karia was Phoinike, but this proves nothing
as it may lead either way. According to M. Autran it was the Karians who were
the fount of civilisation, and settled in Syria. The place names of Syria are
claimed as of Aegean origin. Maynard's conclusion is that there was a large
Aegean element in the Phoenicians, which might be only due to a small ruling
caste like the Franks ruling the Gallo-Romans. Altogether there is a whole
wilderness of theories : Puni from Punt, or from Karia ; the leaders in civilisa-
tion, yet without a single distinctive art and merely copying their neighbours ;
autochthonous Semites, or intrusive Philistines from Crete ; everywhere, and
yet leaving remains nowhere ; with a capital, Motya, without anything eastern
and merely inferior Greek work ; with an age-long reputation and nothing to
show for it. Let us hope that serious excavation in Phoenicia, with careful
archaeological discrimination, will clear up some of this confusion.

( 63 )

NOTES AND NEWS.

Capt. Engelbach has been clearing the great obeHsk in the Aswan quarry,
and finds that it is 133 feet long, which is more than any obelisk that has sur-
vived. It was abandoned because of fissures, and there are various plans for
dressing it outlined upon it. The official report will give many interesting details.

The French excavations at Edfu have produced a jar full of Coptic documents
of the Vlllth century.

Mr. Winlock, for New York, has found at Thebes a batch of letters of the
Xlth dynasty, as well as the foundation deposits of the Xlth dynasty temple at
Deir el Bahri.

Mr. Fisher and Mr. Mackay have found a group of demotic contracts at
Drah abul Negga. Altogether, with the large quantity of Greek papyri and the
earliest Hebrew obtained by the British schools, this may well be called the year
of papyri.

At Amama a palace on the south of the plain at Hawata has been further
traced out by the Egypt Exploration Society. There was a stone hall, gardens,
with cowsheds and dog kennels ; a lake with buildings about it, strewn with
flower beds and tanks. Another clearing was done on the workmen's village,
which had long, straight streets like Kahun ; many small things were found, and
it was occupied until Tutonkhamen. At Hagg Qandil remains of a temple were
found under the village, and this region continued to be occupied down to the
XXVIth dynasty. A glass factory was found in the town, and the house of the
vizier Nekht proved to be well inscribed, and to show some fresh kinds of
decoration.

The remains from Byblos (Jebail) are now in the Louvre. Prof. Sayce states
that the vases of the IVth Vlth dynasties were under the floor of the later
temple. With them was a small seated figure of early Sumerian work, like a
figure on a Tello relief, belonging to the time of Urnina, which is about 3600 B.C.
As this is according to the Egyptians about the Xth or Xlth dynasty, it might
agree with the burial of Old Kingdom objects. The earliest object is a cylinder
seal, with Thinite hieroglyphs belonging to a king Khoam, apparently a Baby-
lonian or Amorite, naming Ra and Hathor as lord and lady of Gebal.

The Louvre has also recently obtained, from Cappadocia, at Topola, near
Nevshehr (the ancient Soanda), the largest Hittite inscription yet discovered,
about 16 feet by 10 feet.

Prof. Newberry's very interesting paper in this number adds a fresh datum
to the early history, which will doubtless receive full discussion. The presence
of the sealings equally of Sekhem-ab and of Per-ab-sen in the tomb at Abydos,
and the absence there of any of Per-ne-maot, has caused the first two names to
be looked on as belonging to one king, of whom the name as ruling the Horus
people was Per-ne-maot. If Khosekhem is the same person as Khosekhemui, it

64 Notes and News.

is strange that there were no seals of officials of Khosekhem in the tomb of
Khosekhemui. The problem of the 363 years will have to be studied. There is
only a presumption that Mena might have started an epoch, but nothing to
identify him with Hor-akhti. But there is a likely source for that name under
Den, as Semti, the two groups of three hills, might readily be taken in later times
to mean akhti, the two groups of the sun between two hills. This would closely
accord with the dates given by the Egyptians ; Den began in 5383 B.C., so the
363rd year would be 5021 B.C., and this is the last year of Khosekhem who crushed
the enemies, supposed to be the Set party.

A suggestion mentioned in Ancient Egypt, 1920, p. 59, that a sphinx on
the east bank faced that on the west, seemed worth examination. I therefore
walked along the east side from Old Cairo to Ma'adi, searching for any rock line
which might have been trimmed into a sphinx. There was only one ridge of
rock along this bank, north of Basatin, projecting southward, and this was too
wide to have ever been cut as a sphinx. A small settlement of late Roman and
Arab times is on the east side of it. There is, then, no ground for the idea of a
contra-sphinx.

W. M. F. P.

2. MODERN LOOM IN THE VILLAGE OF MAHARRAQA, LISHT.

ANCIENT EGYPT.

TEXTS FROM THE HITTITE CAPITAL RELATING TO EGYPT.

The Berlin Museum has recently published a number of fragmentary texts in
cuneiform and the Babylonian language, which were discovered at Boghaz
Keui {Keilschrifturktinden aus Boghazkoi, Part III, 1922 ; copied by Weidner).
The most interesting is part of a letter (No. 34) describing the visit of Khismi-
sarma, the son of the Hittite king, to Egypt in the time of Rameses II or his
immediate successor. The beginning and end are lost. The following is a
translation of what remains :

(i) " To the royal treasury (hterally, place of the king) ....

(2) two envoys in ... .

(3) Zidwalla did not have. [They have sent ?]

(4) to me the envoys of the king, and behold I am obedient.

(5) I have given (the money) for the journey of the (Egyptian) envoys ;

this I will pay back

(6) to the treasury of the king ; let the royal treasuries pay (it)

(7) for the king's embassy. Now you say to me :

(8) ' Behold, when Khismi-sarma departed,

(9) he departed in the months appointed for departure,
(10) and since during the previous year he . . . ' "
The next two lines are too mutilated for translation.

(13) " Nakhkha (Nekht) of the domain of [the god (?) Was-] mua-Ria-

(14) Satep-na-Ria (User-maot-ra, Setep-ne-ra) in the domain of Amana

(Amon), and his prefect

(15) Leya (Lui, Levi) of the domain of . . . [of] Ria-masesa = (Ra-messu)

(16) mai-Amana in the domain of the god ; in all 3 officers ;

(17) and I have given (the money) for their journey to thee

(18) in the case of the envoys when sending the fine presents

(19) which they have taken to you. And they are with Khismi-sarma

(20) together with your envoys who have gone with him.

(21) And the royal envoys are protected by the commander of the cavalry

(22) Nakhkha of the domain of the horses, the officer of the king,
Obv. I. along with the Hittite ambassador Kulaziti[s]

2. and the Hittite ambassador Zidwalla[s] ;

3. and they have allowed for their journey to you

4. on mission from the Hittite country 14 days which Kulaziti[s]

5. took from here to Egypt (or) 20 days

66 Texts from the Hittite Capital Relating to Egypt.

6. which Zidwalli[s] took from here

7. to Egypt as he was late. This is what

8. they said. (But) my envoys have taken

9. [so many days to] reach Egypt.

10. The king's ambassadors who were late ....

11. and . . . sa . . . za in the Hittite territory [and in Egyp]t

12. protects their road from the Hittite kingdom to assist

13. their journey to Egypt month . . .

14. [and] year by year

15. He has given as follows for the journey of the son of the king of the

Hittites, Khismi-sarma,

16. for the hire of all these ships ....

17. at the feet\ and he has accompUshed it according to command very

18. quickly and has manned numerous ships ; all the ships

19. for providing for their journey to Egypt [are ready]

20. to make [the voyage]

By way of supplement to this account of a Hittite embassy, I append a
translation of an account of an embassy from Egypt to the Hittites given in the
Hittite language by a Hittite king who is probably Mursilis H {KeilschrifUexte
aus Boghazkoi, V, p. 41, 1921).

1. " Now when my father (Subbi-luliuma ?) was in the city of Carchemish

2. then Lupakki and Hadad-zalma

3. into the land of Amka (the plain of Antioch) he sent ; so they went ;

4. the land of Amka they devastated ; the spoil of oxen and sheep back to

my father

5. they brought. Afterwards the Egyptians of the overthrow of Amka

6. heard : they were terrified.

7. Then their ruler, namely Bib-khuru-riyas (Neb-khepru-ra)

8. just at that moment died ; now the queen of Egypt was Dakhamun . . ;

9. she sent an ambassador to my father :

10. she said thus to him : ' My husband is dead ;

11. I have no children ; your sons

12. are [said] to be grown up ; if to me

13. one of your sons you give, and if he will be my husband,

14. he will be a help ; send him accordingly

15. and thereafter I will make him my husband. I send bridal gifts ' (?)

16. After my father had heard this

17. he summoned certain Hittites

[The nxt two hnes and a half are destroyed.]

20 [to] Egypt

21. a secretary [ .... by name], he despatched

22. enjoining (him) : ' A true report do you bring back,

23. why she has written the letter to me (and) as to the son of their ruler

24. what is become of him ; so to me a true

25. report do you bring back.'

' This is the literal translation. What the idiom signifies is unknown to me.

Texts from the Hittite Capital Relating to Egypt. 67

26. When the secretary had returned from Egypt

27. it was after this that my father captured the city of Carchemish ;

28. he liad besieged it for 7 days

29. and on the 8th day he dehvered battle one day

30. and then [he stormed ?] it on the 8th

31. and [9th] days . . . and thereafter

32. captured the city

44. An ambassador of the city (sic) of Egypt (Mizri), Khanis,

45. came to him from its ruler, and my father in return a secretary

46. sent to the land of Egypt who should thus

47. address him as head of the mission : ' The son of their lord

48. where is he ? me

49. she has deceived (?) ; my son to the kingship the general of the army

50. has not promoted.' To my father

51. the queen of Egypt thereupon thus

52. wrote back : ' What is this you say ?

53. ' She has deceived (?) me.' I, if

54. I had a son and if I my

55. [people] and my country . . . .

56. to another country I would have written.

57. But no one has had seed by me.

58. And now you say this to me : ' There is my

59. husband ' ; but he is dead ;

60. I have no son ; so I have taken a servant . . .

61. and to another country in this manner

62. I have not written : to you, however, I have written ; your sons

63. are said to be grown up ; so to me one

64. of your sons give, and he as my husband

65. in the land of Egypt shall be king.'

66. So my father was on his knees,

67. and then the lady soon fulfilled (her) words

68. and selected one of the sons."

The last line is written in Assyrian with the exception of one word sa man
kittan (= Ass. sapal) izhat, literally " under the sons she took," which I suppose
was a Hittite idiom signifying selection.

Bib-khuru-riyas must be Tut-onkh-amen Neb-kheperu-ra. But who was
Da-kh-Amun . . . ? The latter part of the name is illegible : the queen
of Tut-onkh-amen was Onkh-s-pa-aten, altered to Onkh-s-amen. A form
Ta-onkh-s-amen might yield Da-kh-amen.

The Hittite ambassador Kulazitis is mentioned in another fragmentary
letter [Keilschrifturkunden, III, No. 67), from which we learn that the writer of
No. 34 was probably an Egyptian doctor, Pa-Ria-ma-khu [Pa-ra-am-akhet] by
name, who was resident in Asia Minor. Egyptian doctors were celebrated for
their knowledge and skill, and were consequently in request in the civilised world
of the ancient East. The fragment is as follows :

(i) " from here to the land of Egypt

(2) . . . you have sent, and according to what I have sent

E 2

68 Texts from the Hittite Capital Relating to Egypt.

(3) . . . the presents which you have given to be taken

(4) [by] the hand of Kulaziti they have taken ; these presents

(5) which you have given to be taken by his hand

(6) you did not give your mind to (their) following after him.

(7) Thus now I summon the doctor who has written.'

(8) Pa-Ria-ma-hku has carried out his journey to prepare-

(9) herbs for Kurunta the king of Tarkhuntas;' and he

(10) was in need of all kinds of medical plants until I sent (them) ;

(11) and when he will come to you and I recommend him

(12) to Kurunta the king of Tarkhuntas to prepare the herbs for him ;

(13) and I summoned these two doctors who are with him ;

(14) and do you give (money) for their journey to Egypt ;

(15) when the doctor Pa-Ria-ma-khu who has written shall reach him,

(16) day or night let them not detain [him]

Keilschrijturkunden, III, 30, No. 66 :

1. " Thus itisibya nib tawi (the king of Upper and Lower Egypt, lord of

the two lands), Was-mua-Ria. (User-maot-ra)

2. Satep-na-Ria, son of the Sun-god, Ria-masesa-mai-Amana ;

3. [Salutation ? of] the king of the land to the brother of the god Khara

whom Hadad loves.

4. [To] Pudu-Khebe the great queen, the queen of the Hittites, he says

5. [Now] to the king there is peace ; to my houses there is peace ;

6. [to the] queens there is peace ; to the royal children there is peace ;

7. [to] my soldiers there is peace ; to my horses there is peace ;

8. to [my] chariots there is peace ; and within all my lands

9. may there be peace exceedingly !

10. To thee the great [queen], the queen of the Hittites, may there be peace !

11. To thy house may there be peace ; to thy children may there be peace ;

12. to thy men may there be peace ; and within all thy lands

13. may there be peace exceedingly !

14. Thus now . . , . Ria-nakhta the royal ambassador

15. along with the envoy[s ?] . . . [with] Biqasti have departed."

' Or " I, the doctor who has written, declare." The very faulty Assyrian in which the
letter is written, makes either translation possible ; but see line (13), where the same verb
is used.

' Literally " make."

Tarkhuntas or Tarkhundas was in the neighbourhood of the later Kataonia.

Texts from the Hittite Capital Relating to Egypt. 69

The first line gives us the pronunciation of the Egyptian royal title, as
well as that of the names of Ramses II ; it may be added that it does not

favour tha Berlin system of transliteration. Was-Mua corresponds to | ' y)-

Biqasti or Biqasta is mentioned in another letter from Ramses II to the Hittite
king {Keilschrifturkunden, III, No. 69), where we read : " Now I have ordered
(literally given) Biqasta to speak all the words which you (fem. !) have told him
with his mouth in the presence of the king ; he has taken care (lit. given) that
my sons should hear them all as the queen has enjoined. Behold ! these words
which Biqasta has reported, what is the offence which I have committed against
my brother ? And what is the offence which I have now committed against
you (fem.) ? But the daughter [of the king] has declared : you have committed
it ! I am safe and sound, and a brother of the king of the Hittites."

The use of the feminine in this fragment would indicate that this letter also
was addressed to queen Pudu-khebe as well as to the Hittite king.

Keilschrifturkunden, III, No. 70 : -

1. [Thus] Suta-khab-sadu (Set-heb-sed ?)

2. [the , . . ] of the great king, the king of Egypt.

3. [To] Khattusili the great king

4. [the king] of the Hittites he says :

5. [To] you the great king, the king of the Hittites,

6. O my [father], may there be peace, and to

7. your [son]s may there [be peace], &c.
9 the king of Egypt

10. thy brother is well.

11. Now the great king, the king of the Hittites, my father,

12. has sent to me to enquire after

13. the health of his son, and I

14. am exceedingly pleased,

15. since my father has sent to me

16. to enquire after (his) health.

17. The Sun-god and Hadad enquire after the health

18. of the great king, the king of the Hittites, my father,

19. and bestow the good fortune

20. of health and the brotherhood of the great king,

21. the king of Egypt, with the great king,

22. the king of the Hittites, his brother, for ever and ever.

23. And they give length of

24. years to the great king, the king of Egypt,

25. as well as years to Khattusili,

26. the great king, the king of the Hittites, his brother.

E 3

70 Texts from the Hittite Capital Relating to Egypt.

27. And they {i.e. the kings) continue well in

28. splendid health, and they are brothers

29. in splendid brotherhood for ever and ever.

30. Now I have sent a present to my father

31. as a peace-offering (= birth-day gift) to my father

32. by the hand of Pa-rikh-nawi [Pa-ari-khenu].

33 of the best gold, a lot of threads (?)

34 a full-grown ox with horns of white stone

35. a . . . . with horns of black stone ....

36 3 shekels of the best gold.

Married.

Died.

(at 16) 1379

(30) 1365

(16) 1379

(53) 1332

(12) 1365

not

before (10) 1365

by (20) 1353

alive (29) 1344

The remaining list of presents is not sufficiently preserved for translation.
The mutilated condition of the earlier part of text makes the relationship of the
writer, who bears an Egyptian name, difficult to determine.

A. H. Sayce.

[The astonishing letter of Dakhamen raises the question of the end of the
Akhenaten family of daughters. So far as the data now go, they are exactly in
accord with my Tell el-Amarna of 1894, and they give the following dates (and
ages) :

Born.
Akhenaten . . . . . . . . 1395

Tadukhipa Nefertyti . . about 1395

Nezem-mut, her sister . . . . 1385

1. Mert-aten, mar. Smenkh-ka-ra . . 1377

2. Makt-aten . . . . . . . . 1375

3. Onkh-s-pa-aten (Dakhamen ?) . . 1373

4. Nefer-neferu-aten 1371 mar. son of Burnaburiash

5. Nefer-neferu-ra 13691 disregarded in f (25)

6. Setep-ne-ra 1367/ 1344 I (23)

Tadukhipa was still aUve long after the death of Amenhetep III, as four
successive letters (IX to XII) were written from Mitanni referring to her ; and
Nefertyti is associated with Amenhetep IV before abandoning Amen, so there is
no reason to suppose that she is not the same as Tadukhipa. Nezem-mut, her
sister, appears but little older than Mert-aten ; she was married at about 53 to
Heremheb to legalize his position. Mert-aten was wife of Smenkhkara, after
whose death she vanishes. Makt-aten was buried in her father's tomb, before
him. A daughter was married to the son of Burnaburiash of Babylonia, and the
fourth is the eldest possible. Of the last two there is no trace. They would be
25 and 23 at the death of Tut-onkh-amen ; probably married to some foreigner,
who could not accede in Egypt.

Then we find the widow of Tut-onkh-amen (" living image of Amen ") named
Onkh-s-amen, modified to Ta-onkh-ne-amen (" the hfe of Amen "), or Dakhamen,
who was then 29, appealing to the Hittite king for a son of his to marry her and
be king of Egypt. As her successors Ay and Ty were not of immediate royal
descent, Ty being only nurse, this shows that Dakhamen was not unreasonable in
wishing to imitate the earher alliances of the Egyptian royalties with the Northern
powers. W. M. F. P.]

( 71 )

^ HEDDLE-JACKS OF MIDDLE KINGDOM LOOMS.

In Ancient Egypt, 1921, page 97, there is an article by H. Ling Roth and
G. M. Crowfoot on the model of spinners and weavers found by the Metropolitan
Museum Egyptian Expedition in the tomb of Mehenkwetre' at Thebes. Toward
the end of her remarks Mrs. Crowfoot notes that in the model " one very essential
part of the Sudani loom is missing, the heddle-rod supports," and then makes
the suggestion that " the curious wooden implements lying on either side of
the (model) loom were used for this purpose," only to discard the idea because
these objects seem to her " much more like tools used in the hand to adjust
something." As no explanation along this line occurs to her, she finally repub-
lishes " a drawing of originals of similar implements from the University College
collection in the hope of finding a solution."

It chances that independently of Mrs. Crowfoot I had arrived at the very
solution which she discards, and believe
that I have found ample confirmation
of its correctness on the monuments
and in the originals at University
College (Fig. i), and in still another
original in the Cairo Museum shown
to me by Mr. Quibell. Since the
subject has been opened it seems
worth while to clear up this one point
in anticipation of any fuller discussion
of these model looms.

The originals are wooden cylinders
about a foot high, with a rounded,
spoon-like, head above a notch in one
side. ^In the model from the tomb of
Mehenkwetre' (Fig. 2 and the photo-
graphs in Ancient Egypt, 1921,
frontispiece and p. 99) ; in another
model in Cairo found by Quibell at
Sakkara, and in the paintings from the
tombs of Bakt and Khety at Beni
Hasan (Fig. 2), these objects are to
be seen lying on the floor on either
side of the loom not far from the
ends of the heddle-rod. In all these
cases the heddle-rod is lowered to
form the counter-shed, but to form
the shed (for the return of the shuttle
through the warp) some appliance
must be provided for raising the
heddle-rod and the alternate warp
threads leashed to it. In the fixed-heddle loom, which is still used across North
Africa, up the Nile Basin and out to Madagascar, the heddle-rod is either suspended

E 4

72 Heddle-Jacks of Middle Kingdom Looms.

from an overhead frame, or is jacked up on supports such as those described by
Mrs. Crowfoot from the Sudan, stones, baked clay pillars, Y-shaped sticks, or
even a couple of pots. (See H. Ling Roth, Royal Anthropological Society Journal,
1917, Figs. 80 and 89A, and Ancient Egyptian and Greek Looms, Bankfield Museum
Notes, 1913, Fig. 12). Since there was no overhead frame from which to suspend
the heddle of the Middle Kingdom horizontal looms, some similar jacking support
for the heddle-rod was absolutely necessary, and being an indispensable part of
the contrivance, it must be shown in the models and the wall paintings. The
short wooden cylinders lying at either end of the heddle-rods are the only objects
invariably shown in the representations of these looms which could be put to
this use, and I therefore feel that there should be no hesitation in calHng them
the heddle-rod jacks.

However, there is one essential difference between these jacks and the
supports for the heddle-rods of the modem African looms already cited. The
latter have heddle-rods permanently supported or fixed. Had the heddle-rods of
the Middle Kingdom looms been fixed on the jacks, they would be so represented ;
but, as a matter of fact, in most cases the rods are drawn or modelled as slacked
down with the jacks lying prone beside them. This must be taken as a charac-
teristic position in weaving, and the conclusion drawn that the Middle Kingdom
loom had a movable heddle, which was not continuously jacked up.

To put these theories to a test, there seemed to me to be no more practical
method than to make a working model of a loom, about i foot long (Fig. 2). As
shown in the sketch, it is a perfectly practical machine. With the jacks removed
from under the heddle-rod as in the Mehenkwetre' model and in the Bakt and
Khety pictures the counter-shed is formed, and the shuttle is passed from right
to left. The heddle-rod is then raised by hand, first at one end and then at the
other, and the jacks inserted. Evidently it is this operation of raising the heddle
which is shown in the Khnum-hotep picture, and the sadly damaged Daga picture
apparently shows the heddle supported on the jacks. The shed is now formed,
and the shuttle given the return shot from left to right. The jacks are then
knocked out, the counter-shed again formed, and the shuttle again shot, and
so on.

The heddle-jacks thus have to be set up and knocked down for every two
shots of the shuttle a process which seems extremely laborious on the face of
it, but which life-long practice probably made a lighter task for a skilful pair
of ancient weavers than we should find it. Moreover, the jacks themselves are
contrived to simplify the process as much as possible. The spoon-shaped top is
expressly contrived to slip under the end of the rod when it lies close to the
floor ; the rod end then slides into the notch ; a quick jerk is given, and the
jack sits upright, firmly held on its broad base by the tension of the warp threads.
To lower the heddle-rod a smart blow on either jack brings down the whole affair.
A pair of tall, slender jacks with narrow waists, in University College (Fig. i)
seems to be designed to be pulled or knocked out by hand ; but the stouter ones
in that collection, and the one in Cairo, show deep battering on the sides and
marked rounding on the bottom, from long use in looms where the tension of
the warp was so great that heavy blows were necessary to tip the jacks over on
the earthen floors. This indeed seems to have been the usual thing, for in all
three Beni Hasan pictures, and in the Mehenkwetre' model, the assistant weaver
(the one who wields the beater-in) holds a stone in her hand to knock her jack
down.

Heddle-Jacks of Middle Kingdom Looms.

TIvs To Looms of tba tlabenltwetre' Model

From the Tomb of- Bakt- | From the Tomb of Wiety

THtHE00Lt-JCK5DOWHDll-INGlfrEVING-

^Vl

Troiti the Tomb of IChnum-liotep
SETTIKG VFTHtHLbiLE-JiCICS-

rrom the Toml?- ot I^d/a-
THE HE-bbLE-R-AUtb ON THt-JACM-

COUNTt.R,-SHl.t) FOK-ME-Q
JHCtS REMOVED AKD HtbKt DOWM-

VraUIN<5-MODEL-Of THE MIDbLE- KIN6DOM- HOUIZONTA L- LOOM-

IM ^CTVALVSE--

Fig. 2. Ancient and Modern Drawings of Looms with Heddle-Jacks.

74 HeddU-Jacks of Middle Kingdom Looms.

Whether or not there exists to-day a loom working on exactly this principle,
I cannot say. However, the fixed-heddle loom of Libya and the Sudan the
zone of ancient Egypt's influence appears to me to be the direct descendant of
this Middle Kingdom loom. The jacks are now fixed, except when the fabric
advances or is rolled up on the breast-beam, and the counter-shed is made by
a compUcated but rapid manipulation of shed-sticks, which is less laborious than
handhng the jacks. But the jacks remain, and the machine is that of the Middle
Kingdom, except that it is operated in a shghtly different way.

The available illustrations of Middle Kingdom looms are far from satis-
factory. Only a very few tombs have preserved weaving scenes, and these are
in bad preservation ; and they have been copied with scanty knowledge of the
working of looms, and have rarely been reproduced in facsimile. In default of
really intelligible copies of the Khnum-hotep weavers, Ling Roth {Ancient Egyptian
and Greek Looms) has reproduced for comparison the copies by Cailliaud, Wilkinson,
Rosellini, Lepsius, Newberry and an original drawing by N. de G. Davies. I
have attempted to make a freehand composite sketch interpreting Davies' most
recent copy from the older ones by Cailliaud (Recherches sur les Arts et Metiers),
RoselHni {Mon. civ., pi. xli) and Champollion {Mons., pi. ccclxxxi bis). The
Daga weavers are published only by Davies {Five Thehan Tombs, pi. xxxvii),
and are here redrawn with restorations none of which are important except the
heddle-jacks, which I believe I can .ecognize in his copy. The weavers from
the tomb of Bakt are illustrated by Newberry {Beni Hasan, H, pi. iv) at a most
inadequate scale here enlarged freehand while those from Khety are redrawn
from Rosellini (pi. xli) and Champollion (pi. ccclxvi), with the jacks taken from
Newberry (pi. xiii). Until fresh copies can be made from the monuments in the
light of new technical knowledge, the student is warned to look upon these illus-
trations as makeshifts at the best. The diagrams of the Mehenkwetre' looms are
from an illustration prepared by Mr. L. F. Hall for a future publication of the
models by the Metropolitan Museum, and those of the working model are from
a loom I have made and worked myself.

H. E. WiNLOCK.

( n )

LOOM WEIGHTS IN EGYPT.

Mr. Winlock's discovery of a model weaving shop in the Xlth dynasty tomb
of Mehenkwetre' at Thebes has caused a great revival of interest in the subject
of ancient Egyptian looms.^ Those in the model are horizontal ones, and so far
bear out the evidence of tomb paintings that the looms of the Middle Kingdom
were horizontal, and those of the Empire vertical. In a country like Egypt,
however, in which all artistic expression was bounded and restricted by conven-
tion, it is dangerous to generalise from the evidence of tomb models and paintings
alone, and it is by no means safe to assume that vertical looms were unknown in
the Middle Kingdom, or, as Mr. Ling Roth inclines to do,- that in the Empire
they replaced horizontal looms as a result of Asiatic influence. The simple form
of loom represented in the model and in the tomb paintings could be used with
equal facility in either position, and it would be more natural to suppose that
under some circumstances a vertical adjustment would be found more practic-
able. That is as may be. In any case it is quite certain that the conventionalised
tomb paintings are very far from giving us a complete picture of the knowledge
of weaving that the artist must have had, for in none of them is there any sugges-
tion of a weighted loom, and weighted looins the Egyptians certainly had.

Egyptologists have been strangely diffident about the loom weights that
have been found in Egypt ; almost
apologetic, as though the weights
were objects that had no right to
be there, and were for that reason
to be ignored or explained away.''
Why should we take up this atti-
tude ? We are all of us much too
ready to assume that what we do not
know cannot exist, and to affix a
" foreign importation " label to any-
thing that we do not much like the
look of. As a matter of fact, warp
weights are by no means uncommon
in Egypt. I find them by the
dozen in the ancient town of Lisht
(Empire Period) of mud, like the
Kahun example, and also of stone
and there is no possible reason for
doubt that they are Egyptian
articles. Samples of both types are shown in Fig. i.

' See Metropolitan Museum Bulletin, December, 1920, Part II
Ancient Egypt, 1921, IV, by Ling Roth and Crowfoot.

' " Studies in Primitive Looms," R.A.I. Journal, XLVIII, p. 141.

" As an example we may quote the mud warp weight from Kahun in the Manchester
University Museum, which Dr. Hall decided " was probably found in the ruins of houses
where Aegean pottery was found," and henca was " probably a temporary warp weight of
these people, and not an Egyptian article." (Ling Roth, " Ancient Egyptian and Greek
Looms," p. 17.)

I. Muu AND Stone Loom Weights, Lisht.

and the articles in

76 Loom Weights in Egypt.

The Egyptians must then have used weighted looms. The question is, what
form did these looms take ? The most natural supposition would be that they
belonged to the so-called " Greek " type, an upright loom with a single beam,
the place of the second beam being taken by a series of hanging weights. There
is another way, however, in which weights can be used, and one more easily
adapted to the ordinary Egyptian two-beam looms. This is in Fig. 2 (frontispiece),
which represents a loom in use to-day in the village of Maharraqa, close to
the southern Lisht pyramid. It is a pit treadle loom, in which the warp threads,
instead of being attached to the warp beam, are carried under a roller, then
diagonally upwards to another roller, over which they are bunched and kept
taut by means of heavy stone weights. The same principle is adopted in Syrian
looms, but with a difference, the bunched warp threads in this case being carried
back and suspended over the head of the weaver (see diagram in Ling Roth's
Ancient Egyptian and Greek Looms, p. 39).

Now this is a much more practical form of loom than the upright " Greek "
variety, and, as we said before, one much more hkely to be adapted to the existing
Egyptian type. The system of suspension weights would apply equally well to
a simple form of loom, such as the ancient one must have been, and I think it
more than likely that the weights which turn up in our excavations were so used.
Indeed, it is quite possible that the modem loom is but a development from a
form that has persisted in the district since ancient times. Such survivals are
common enough, as every digger knows, and the excavation of the ancient town
site of Lisht has furnished us with a number of other very striking examples.

A. C. Mace.

( 77 )

ON THE MEANING OF

It has been assumed that the sign T in the group y > which occurs

on several first dynasty objects {R.T. II, PL II, pp. 8-11), represents the nehti name
of an early king. It seems more likely, however, that it is the archaic form of a
queen's title, meaning consort (Sethe, Beitrdge I, p. 32 ; Griffith in R.T. II, p. 48).
Examples of this title are found in the titulary of queens in the Old Kingdom
(Mariette, Masfaba 183, 225 ; De Rouge, Inscriptions Hieroglyphiques, PI. LXII
and LXXVII) ; in the Middle Kingdom (De Rouge, Inscriptions Hieroglyphiques,
PI. LXXV, Tunis II, PI. XI, p. 171), and in the XVIIIth dynasty in that of
Queen Aahmes {Deir el-Bahri II, PI. XLVIII and XLIX).

In the Old Kingdom examples the word "consort" is written ^ Yl^ci,

whilst from the Middle Kingdom onwards the w is replaced by M, in accord-
ance with phonetic usage. It generally occurs in combination with the Horus
title of the King, when it reads " consort of Horus." It may form part of a
longer title, reading " companion {Smert) and consort of Horus." In the titulary
of Queen Nefert {Tanis II, PI. XI, p. 17), the word " consort " is combined with
the vulture and uraeus.

The writing of the word " consort " by the word sign only would be quite in
keeping with ancient usage regarding the orthography of titles. The presence

of the group t after the name Neit-hotep on an ivory lid which was found

at Abydos {R.T. II, PI. II, p. 11) is strong evidence in support of the reading
consort, as Neit-hotep was a queen. The two basket signs would then read
Nebti, " the two goddesses," or Nebui, " the two lords." The latter reading is
corroborated by two parallel phrases in the Pyramid of Unas, lines 38 and 39

" he has satisfied for thee the two

lords, the two goddesses are satisfied with thee "). If this be the correct reading,
" the two lords " would mean Horus and Set, and the two baskets be a variant of
^ ^ or of ^ V (R.T. I, PI. V, 12 ; PI. VI, 4, 8), and represent
a King's title hke the synonym ^ aJ {R.T. II, PI. XXIII 191-200).

The reading " the two lords " gains further support from another Old
Kingdom title of queens : v\. X_j'<25 ^ " She who sees Horus and Set "

(De Rouge, Monuments . . . aux six premieres dynasties, p. 45), which appears
to go back to the 1st dynasty {R.T. II, PI. XXVII, 96, 128, 129, Sethe in
Mahdsna, p. 23, and Beitrdge I, p. 29, note 8).

The antiquity and persistence of a queen's title would not be surprising.

since N. Maat. Hap, an early dynasty queen, bore the title ^^

1 " She

who says anything, it is done for her " {R.T. II, PI. XXIV, 210, Mahdsna, PI. X, 7),

and this epithet occurs also in a later form [^\ ^ y "'^^^ y)

in the titulary of Queen Aahmes (Deir el Bahri II, PI. XLIX), and of Queen
Mut-em-Uya, the consort of Thothmes IV (B.M., Registration No. 43,
Exhibition No. 380).

L. B. Ellis.

( 78 )

REVIEWS.

The Life and Times of Akhnaton. By Arthur Weigall. 1922. New and
revised edition. 255 pp., 8vo. 12s. (>d. (Butterworth.)

Mr. WeigaJl has taken the place of an apostle of Atenism with much success.
A preface describes the actual detail of work connected with the discovery of
the king's burial. The conclusion is that the tomb in the valley of the kings
was originally made for Queen Tyi ; that she was buried there ; that on the court
abandoning Amarna, the body of Akhenaten was removed from his tomb in the
desert there, and reburied in Tp's tomb at Thebes. Later, when his memory
was attacked by the priesthood, they removed Tyi from the tomb to bury her
elsewhere, and left Akhenaten with his funeral furniture, including the alabaster
canopic jars. Then in 1906 the tomb was discovered, with the sides of the great
wooden funeral shrine of Tyi standing in the front of the chamber. Unhappily
those who were responsible for managing the work (all now dead) ignored the
means of preservation, and let this magnificent carving covered with gold foil
go to pieces. The king's coffin, farther in, was better treated, and is now in
good state in the Cairo Museum. The skull of the king, photographed in this
volume, is set sloping backward ; it should be placed 10 more upright, for
the true plane (of ear and base of eye) to be horizontal. This tilt gives a false
idea of prognathism, and is a fault often seen in publishing skulls. When the
true vertical outline is placed round this photograph, the drooping jaw of the
sculptures is very marked. On comparing the skull with a normal form, the
droop is seen to be due to the short distance between the ear and the plane of
the face.

The work is divided into chapters dealing with the parentage of Akhenaten ;
his birth and early years and the influences bearing on him ; his foundation of
a new city ; his formulation of the rehgion ; the middle period of his reign ; the
later period ; and the last years, ending with tracing the fall of his ideals. The
translations give ground for much interpretation and apphcation, with guesses
and suppositions more or less likely, but within reach of a passable amount of
imagination, needful to impress the self-satisfied British mind.

There are some matters which need more consideration. The ages of kings
at their death are not quite so exactly fixed by the bones ; the family histories
must also be taken into account, and probably Amenhetep III was 16 at his
marriage, so that he could not be said to be " not yet in his 'teens," as on p. 27.
In general, the ages of marriage are put needlessly early, unlike those in other
periods. On p. 13 Ptah is assumed to be a dwarf god at Memphis, but he
was of full height, and only a foreign form was dwarf, as a mixture with other
deities.

Reviews.

Though mentioning the work done at Amarna in 1892, the author does not
seem to know the pubHcation of it in 1894, as he says that in 1910 " I was alone
in my beUef that Akhenaten was only thirty years of age at his death." That
dating was fully stated as the basis of the chronology of his reign in 1894. Nor
does he seem aware of the quantity of objects left by the successors of Akhenaten
at Amarna, which contradict the shortening of the time between Akhenaten and
Heremheb, for which there is no evidence in writing. Nor is there any hint of
the fact that the artistic, ethical and religious revolution was fully described in
1894 from the archaeological evidence only. The last thirty years has not altered,
and has scarcely added to, the account of the history : in only one small detail
is there any change to make in the long account of that period stated before the
subject came into fashion. Later writing can only amplify that, by quoting
texts which were not available earUer. The idea that Nefertyti was a daughter
of Ay seems precluded by any hint of that relation when he describes her in his
own tomb ; nor can the supposed title of " royal father-in-law " be accepted.
Besides a few misprints, there is a slip on p. 64 describing an ivory figure as
from Diospolis ; it is from Ballas, as described where it is published in Prehistoric
Egypt. The only heart-scarab formula might be quoted, as a break with the
past, from the scarab at University College, and another heart scarab of Akhenaten
with a silver plate is in that collection ; there is also the Maudslay scarab with a
gold plate. The last addition to the subject only appears in the present number
of this Journal, the attempt of Onkhsenamen to bring a Hittite in as king of
Egypt after Tutonkhamen's death. The various matters named here are but
subordinate to the fluent and attractive account of the most extraordinary growth
of ideas that is known in any decade of the world's history.

[We append here the authorities that we have for the portraiture of Akhenaten.
The outer line on the left is the profile of the plaster death-mask, slightly worn
on the lower part of the nose. The inner line is traced from the outline of the
skull, described by Mr. Weigall. The portrait on the right is the best sculpture
that we have of the king, from his alabaster statuette in the Louvre. The
identity of the three is remarkably exact ; with a stereoscope the outlines and
sculpture can be combined. This result conclusively settles the sources of the
skull and the death-mask. F. P.]

8o Reviews.

Les Frises d'objets des Sarcophages du Moyen Empire. By Gustave Jequier.
4to, 363 pp. 857 figs. 1921. (Mem. Inst. Fran^ais d'Arch. Orientale, Cairo.)
85 frs.

This is a great work of archaeological research, which will long be a standard
of reference. The subject of the figures of objects represented on the interior of
cofiins, as a substitute for models, or for the actual objects, has long been a
fascination, for the beauty of the drawings and the details. It was worthily
recorded by M. Lacau some years ago in his Cairo Catalogue of the Middle
Kingdom Sarcophagi, and he gave separate drawings of the objects classified.
Now M. Jequier has far exceeded that, and has taken the subject as a text, to be
discussed and illustrated by reference to the actual objects where such are known.
This is, in fact, a corpus of the archaeology of daily life.

The material is classified under Costume, Jewellery, Toilet, Sticks and Sceptres,
Weapons, Furniture, Food, Purification and Ritual. There is at the end a com-
plete index of all the hieroglyphic words. Thus it is easy to find the way through
the mass of detail. The minute distinctions between different signs and varieties
are carefully observed and described. A few details may be here noted.

P. 32. The varieties of cloth are discussed, and twenty-four different names
are quoted. Some are from colours, as green and white ; others from places,
as Hermonthis and Hierakonpolis.

P. 49. The single large bead on the neck should be noted as the name-
bead which identified the wearer. {Amulets, No. 77.)

P. 50 and elsewhere the drop-shaped beads are never strung in line imtil the
XVIIIth dynasty.

P. 81. The sistrum was, in the Xllth dynasty, already furnished with
discs to rattle on a cross-bar, as at Beni Hasan.

P. 86. The sma sign appears distinctly human in the earliest representations,
applied to the union of king and queen {R.T. II, ii, 8-10), but it was afterwards
bowdlerised.

P. 120. It is difficult to accept Fig. 324 as a serviette. It seems to be
clearly a dress, with fringes on the neck, arms and legs. {Riqqeh, xxiii.)

P. 122. The identification of suab as soap is notable, also the cake of soap
on the washstand of Debhen in the IVth dynasty (L. D. II, xxxvi). The word
" that which cleans " seems obviously the origin of sapo ; yet the difficulty is
that the Romans attributed the invention of soap to the Gauls (Phny, N.H.,
xxviii, 51), and Aretas states that the Greeks obtained it from the Romans.
Athenaeus (ix, 77) only refers to smem.a for washing hands, and also to scented
earth, used as an absorbent. It may be that the name suab referred to crude
carbonate of soda used in Egypt for cleansing, and was transferred later to the
true soap of soda and fat, which was of European origin.

P. 141. The seven sacred unguents are fully discussed. The various types
of vases are figured, open-mouthed for stiff grease, and narrow-necked for oils.
The meaning of the names is discussed at length, but not much can be fixed
with certainty. The basis of several of the unguents was men, considered to be
a fat which took up the scents, with which it was mixed, much as oil of roses is
absorbed at present. The general use of this leads us to associate it with the
unguent which was the commonest in Egypt, equally in the prehistoric age, the
1st and the XVIIIth dynasty, and which is believed to be palm oil brought from
the West Coast. The hati ash or " essence of pine " suggests that there was some

Reviews. 8 1

mode of distillation to separate turpentine or cedar oil. The latter easily separates,
and condenses at ordinary temperatures, so that some simple heating and chilling
would separate it readily. The free use of cedar oU for embalming shows that it
was easily obtained. The hati ent Tehenu strongly suggests olive oil, from the
" olive land " (Ancient Egypt, 1915, p. 97) ; this must have been an oil very
familiar to the Egyptian, from Libya and Crete, and would be almost certain to
be used. Various other unguents and perfumes are also described from the
early lists. The various eye-paints are mentioned.

P. 159. The variety of staffs are discriminated, the straight for walking,
those curved below, the thinner staff of dignity, the forked staff, the crook of
princely rule, the mokes hke a disc-headed mace with a blade rising out of it
carried by kings, lastly the divine sceptre of the uas or zam.

P. 181. The oha or kherp sceptre is described, but without referring its use
to the head of a clan (Ancient Egypt, 1921, p. 86). The nehhet was rather similar
but rounded at the end. The flail was specially a divine emblem.

P. 203. The distinction of the disc and pear-shaped maces, as belonging
to the first and second prehistoric age should have been noted. It must always
be remembered that various objects remained in ceremonial use, long after they
had disappeared from daily life. The disc mace, the harpoon, the dress below
the breast with shoulder straps, were all fictitious survivals, like the Speaker's
mace, the barrister's wig, or girls' college-gowns.

P. 296. The fans used by cooks, as at present in Egypt, to blow the
charcoal fire, are represented ; it might be added that the models in copper are
found in tombs of the Vlth dynasty {Diospolis, XXV). The list of nine kinds of
grain, and as many of fruit, is given in connection with the granaries.

P. 329. The object used in writing the name of Neit is not explained ; the
proposal that it represents two bows in a case seems the most likely. The
object termed a rammer is too short and wide for that purpose, and it evidently
has something put over it, perhaps it is the wig stand. The object named
perches (Fig. 848) seems to be a vertical rod, with two short pieces forming a
triangle on one side, and a white disc halfway up {Riqqeh, xxiii). Looking at
the way the Egyptian put guide-Hnes on his work, with a triangle on one side to
mark that the measure was to the opposite edge (L. D. II, le ; Medum, viii),
these seem to be survey posts for marking out ground, with the triangle to show
that the opposite edge was the true line. The white discs might be for levelhng
marks. In such subjects there will long be fresh explanations to be considered,
as many enigmas are before us. This fine classification of the objects of daily
life will be an indispensable text book for this side of archaeology, useful for
training students, and as a basis for fresh researches.

( 82 )

PERIODICALS.

Archives Suisses d'Anthropologie, 19 19.

Naville, E. Stele fundraire du Musde de Bale. This is a round-topjjed
stele, with a recess containing a mummiform figure of Sa-setet, bom of Sat-khati-ur.
He appears to have been a grandson of Senusert I, whose figure is in a recess by
the figure of Sa-satet. See also the next stele.

Melanges de la SocUt4 Auxiliaire du Musee, Geneve, 1922.

Naville, E. Une stele fundraire gyptienne. This stele was dedicated by
Sa-setet in the nineteenth year of Senusert III. It bears figures of Ameny, bom
of Sat-ameny, and his mother, Sat-ameny, bom of Sat-sebek. This was the father
of Sa-setet, whose mother was Sat-khati-ur ; also of twelve other members of the
family. From the dates it seems most Hkely that he was a great-grandson of
Senusert I, whom he claims as his ancestor. There is another stele of Sa-setet
dated in the first year of Amenemhet III (Louvre).

A finales du Service des Antiqtiites, XXI.

Daressy, G. Sur une sdrie de personnages mythologiques. This is a series of

hunters (?) of Mut, represented by partly animal figures. The word y^ rendered

" piqueur," seems difficult to define in its relation to the goddess ; it is read as
sheser. The versions are on a lintel in Cairo Museum, on a slab from Sakha, and
in one of the top chambers of Dendereh. The figures are (i) like Bes, holding two
knives, or with the head of a crocodile. (2) Two bull-headed gods, joining hands.
(3) Lion-headed god, standing on a serpent, or holding two knives. (4) Two lion-
headed gods joining hands ; or jackal monkey-headed gods. (5) Long serpent
on which are four gods ; first human-headed, second jackal-headed, third disc-
head, fourth hare-headed ; or two buU-headed gods joining hands, and a god
holding a serpent. (6) Serpent with two pairs of wings, on which are two hare-
headed gods, or bull-headed gods. (7) A Set-headed god, grasping a long serpent,
on which is a similar god. The smaller variations and details should be studied
in the plate if the foregoing outline leads to further comparisons. The resem-
blance to the Gnostic material is evident.

Daressy, G. Le Dieu Hdrdn sur les Monnaies du nome DiospoUte. In the
Fayum several monuments show figures of the Thracian god Heron, which are
similar to a figure on horseback on coins of the great Diospolis, or Thebes. There
was Cohors ii Thracum at Thebes, about 200 a.d., and Cohors i Thracum at
Hammamat, about 100 A.D., which may easily have been at Thebes.

AnnaJes du Service des Antiquites, XXI. 83

Gauthier, Henri. A travers la Basse-Egypte. At Athribis (Benha) pieces
of a limestone tomb have been found of a general Mentu-em-taui, of the XlXth
Dynasty. At Tell Moqdam a tomb was opened with a broken limestone coffin in
one chamber, and an intact granite coffin in another. It contained remains entirely
rotted by water, but with a good amount of jewellery. The main piece is a
pectoral with Khnum seated on a lotus flower, and Hathor and Maot as sup-
porters ; a pair of bracelets, with apphed figures of a scarab between winged
uraei, several other pieces of gold work, and a heart scarab, of very short version,
for the queen Ka-mo, supposed to be short for one of the Karomomo queens of
the XXIInd Dynasty.

Various reliefs of funeral offerers, very graceful imitations of the Old Kingdom
in the Saite age, have been found. " All of these monuments are preserved in
the museum of Cairo," except one at Alexandria. It may be added that there
is another piece at University College. The present illustration is of a new slab
from Tell el Ferain (Buto) ; beside this the others are three from Memphis,
three from HeUopoUs, two from Bubastis, one from Sais, one from Athribis. A
Sphinx of grey-green stone from Sais has cartouches partly defaced, of Psamthek
I or II.

A statuette in black granite of Uazet has been found at Buto, confirming
the identification of that place. It was dedicated by Peda-Her, born of Teda-
Asar-unnefer.

A sandstone stele found at El Barada, near Qaliub, has a Ptolemy offering
fields to Horus Khenti-khatu, lord of Athribis.

Lefebvre, Gustave. Textes du tombeau de Petosiris, Part III. The first
is a long text beginning with usual desires, and then bewailing the untimely
death of an infant, mourned by parents and family.

IV. The usual request to passers-by to recite formulae for the dead is
amplified, and enters on an argument for such help : " Read the inscriptions,
celebrate the rites in favour of my name, pronounce my name in pouring abundant
libations, give me food for my mouth, provision for my lips. This will not tire
your mouth to repeat, these are not riches which will fall from your hands. As
one shall do, so shall one be done by ; it is a monument that is left behind one
to say a good word. God himself shall requite one according to the way he
behaves to my request ; whoever does well to me, so shall it be done to him ;
he who praises my ka, shall have his ka praised ; he who does evil to me, so shall
it be done to him ; because I am a devotee of God, who will grant that you shall
be treated in the same way by those who shall come after you during all time
to come. I have reached this tomb without having committed sin, without
having incurred reproach from God."

Engelbach, R. Report of the Inspectorate of Upper Egypt, 1920-21. At
Kamak exchanges of land have been made, to expropriate householders. In the
necropolis at Qurneh a map of all tombs and government property to scale
i/iooo is being made. More land exchanges are carried on here, to clear the
tombs. In the Courts, punishments have been firmly given for not reporting the
finding of antiquities, and for selling forgeries, and selling without a licence.
The discoveries are -.-^

F 2

$4 Annales du Service des Antiquites, XXI.

Lower part of seated figure of Sebek-hetep IV.

Scarab, kypselogenia, with neferui kheper ka in concentric circles.

Stele of Khuy, made by his son ari nekhen Her-nekht, bom of Ates-senb,

and his son Her-hetep, and the lady Osha-senb.
Stele of Her-behudti-mes, son of Her-hetep, bom of the priest Arer.
Stele of Her-her-khutef, son of Rames, and his wife Tuf .
Ushabti box of Pa-nef-em-dat-amen, and his wife Hent-neferu, adoring

Horus-Ra seated (as Osiris) with the four genii on the lotus before him.
Part of black granite statuette of Humoy, keeper of the house of the divine

wife.
Onkh-uas amulet of green glaze with names of Taharqa.
Limestone stele of youthful Khonsu.
Basalt base of statuette, formulae but no name.
Bronze legs for furniture, and simpula for dipping wine.
Limestone stele of Hat-iay.
Coptic ostrakon, letter, piously asking for attention to a fla-x crop.

MuNiER, Henri. Manuscrits Copies de Cheikh Abad^h. These are various
fragments of Psalms, Prophets and St. Mark ; Index of Sunday lessons ; fragment
of Anaphora ; fragment of Matthew xxvii, 4-6, with variant.

Fasc. 2.

Edgar, C. C. Selected Papyri from the Archives of Zenon. This deals with
the details of a debt running over fourteen years. It is compUcated by repay-
ments, stopped out of salary, with interest therefore continually changing, and
the transfer of two female slaves. A matter of importance is that after a settle-
ment the debt was considered to start de novo, and the interest would not amount
to more than the capital, as Diodoros states. There aie many details of the
calendar, for which the text needs study.

Engelbach, R. Alphabetic Hymn in Coptic. This is in four-line verses,
each beginning with a successive letter of the alphabet, and the last line in each
being the same, " He who was incarnate in the Virgin."

Engelbach, R. Fragment of the Gospel of St. Matthew in Coptic. This is
in Sahidic, from Matthew ix, 13, to x, 16.

Engelbach, R. Coptic Ostraka. A letter, or memorandum, and twist
patterns.

ScHiAPARELLi, E. La Missione Italiana a Ghebelein. Three pages of
various notes on the site, but no results of all the large cases of antiquities which
were removed. " Riserbandomi dare di questi scavi piii ampia e particolareggiata
relazione," &c. ; but why not publish ? Let us hope that no more work will be
tolerated till all the important things that have been removed to Turin are
properly published.

Daressy, G. La barque d'or du roi Kames. The treasure of Aoh-hetep
was found by natives, and only some months afterwards did Mariette obtain it.
Hence there was no authority for the positions of the figures in the boats, except

Annates die Service des Antiqiiitcs, XXI. 85

the material indications. In the boat with three gold figures, the soldier with
an axe has been misplaced on the socket of the mast ; he should be in front of
the man in^the bows.

Daressy, G. Sur une empreinte de Sceaii. This is a sealing from Deir El
Bahri mummies, which Maspero did not explain. It is a variant of a title of an
official, Seim ne ta hat (ne seten Ra-user-maot) Setep-ne-ra (em per Amen), the
sections in parentheses being omitted. Thus the seal reads " Domestic of the
house of Setep-ne-ra."

Daressy, G. Fragments HdracUopolitains. Stele of the ninth year of
Pef-nef-da-bast, giving 50 setet of land ; doubtless the same king who dedicated
the gold statuette of Hershaf there, named Ra-nefer-ka, Pef-da-bast, mes Bast.
{Ehnasya, front, and p. 18.)

Upper part of a stele of the general Bak-ne-ptah. This general submitted
Herakleopolis to the High Priest of Amen, Usarken, in the 39th year of
Sheshenq III.

Upper part of a stele of Pa-da-bast, successor of Her-sa-ast.

Statue of black granite, about the XXXth D3masty, of a governor of the
south, over all the prophets of Herakleopolis, Sam-taui-tafnekht, son of the
similar Onkh-sam-taui. No reason is stated why this should not be the Sam-taui-
taf-nekht, well known early in the XXVIth D3masty.

Statuette of schist of Onkh-thek-r, son of Pep, born of the priestess of Mut,
Sedarbu.

Lefebvre, Gustave. Textes dii tombeau de Petosiris. A younger brother
recites all that he has done for the tomb of Petosiris, speeches of Zed-tehuti-auf-
onkh, and of Seshu, his son. Some unusual protestations occur : " Good is the
way of the man who obeys God ; happy is he whose heart strives to follow Him.
I will tell you that which has happened to me, I will have you informed of the
will of God, I will have you advance in the knowledge of His Spirit. If I have
come to the eternal home, it is because I have done good upon earth, and my
heart is fully on the ways of God, from my infancy to this day. All the night
the Spirit of God is in my soul, and I rise in the morning to do that which He
loves. I have done justice, I have detested wickedness. I have seen this (one)
who lives, that in which He is pleased ; I have done the pure things which He
loves ; I have not agreed with those who know not the Spirit of God, but I lean
on those who act according to His will. I have not taken aught belonging to
another, I have not done ill to anyone. Truly I have gained the gratitude of
all my neighbours. All this have I done with the thought of reaching God after
my death, and because I knew that the day would come of the masters of justice,
when they would make the division in the Judgment. Happy is he who loves
God, he shall come to his grave without sin." It looks here as if some of the Jewish
settlements (which had been in Egypt some centuries when this was written) had
spread the knowledge of the Psalms, and influenced the tone of Egyptian religion.

Lefebvre, Gustave. Deux Inscriptions Grecques du Fayoum. A dedica-
tion from Theadelphia is for Ptolemy and Cleopatra and their children ; " Phatres,
son of Horus, dedicated the refectory and the altar of Heron the great god.
Year 30. Pachons 8." This date proves it to be of Euergetes II and Cleopatra
III, date June 3, 140 B.C. The god Heron appears again here. From Karanis
is a lament in 18 lines of a girl of 20 who died unmarried.

86 Annales du Service des Antiquitds, XXI.

Fasc. 3.

Baraize, Emile. Rapport sur les travaux exicuUs a la grande Pyramide.
The flow of visitors to the pyramids during the war led to an official wish to render
the interior of Khufu's pyramid an easier show place. Accordingly the fragments
of broken casing were removed from the north face to clear the way to Al Mamun's
forced hole, which runs horizontal to the start of the ascending passage. Steps
have been provided to divide the course-heights so as to walk up to it easily.
The passage has been enlarged where needful. To rise to the ascending passage
steps are provided. A wooden gangway is placed up the ramp, past the entrance
to the Queen's Chamber, which is guarded at the end of the gallery floor. A
wooden gangway is placed all up the gallery with a handrail ; steps up over the
big granite step are provided. It was proposed to build up the old hollows in
the entrance passage floor, into a tidy staircase ; but this seems to be omitted,
and both entrance and exit are to be by the forced hole. Next the interior is to
have electric hghting. The old interest of scrambhng in and out, alone, and
without even a light sometimes, has vanished. Tourisme triumphs, and every-
thing is smoothed down to the capacities of those who do not think it worth any
trouble. Handrails, iron cramps and steps, and wooden flooring, are a contradiction
to a pyramid.

Baraize, 6mile.- Rapport sur V enlevement et le transport du Sarcophage de
la reine Hatchopsitsu. It wiU be remembered that the natives found a tomb
halfway up a cliff, screened by a projecting rock (Ancient Egypt, 1917, 130) ;
and Mr. Carter cleared it, and disclosed the second sarcophagus of Hatshepsut-
This has now been removed to the Cairo Museum, a difficult task, as it was 175
feet above the floor of the valley, from which there was also a further descent.
The weight is over a ton, but cut so thin that it could not withstand shocks.
Access for the work was by a ladder, 65 feet high, secured at the top. The sarco-
phagus was safely lowered this distance, and then moved by a light railway laid
winding round the valley down to the floor. It was a difficult matter to remove
it from such a position ; how about the people who succeeded in placing it there ?
The two sarcophagi of the great queen now stand side by side in the Cairo Museum,
one which she abandoned in this cliff tomb, the other which she placed in the
royal valley beautiful in colour, in the refinement of proportions, in the delicacy
of low reliefs. The thought always recurs, in the Cairo Museum especially,
is the world fit to assume responsibility for aU these treasures of the past ; to
ensure that fanaticism, violence, or greed will not extinguish them ; to guarantee
them for some more thousands of years of existence ? Or is all this exposure the
last stage ? Gold work is robbed from museums almost every year, and every-
thing else runs some risk when exposed to the changes of an ever-shifting world
mostly ignorant, all selfish.

Baraize, Emile. Rapport sur la ddcouverte d'un tombeau de la XVIIF
dynastie. In the same mountain as the previous tomb the natives had detected
another cliff tomb. By successive ladders it was reached. It proved to have
been entirely plundered anciently ; a scrap of gold foil, fragments of an alabaster
vase, and a little pottery were aU that was found. There must be somewhere
another tomb of this date, from which the natives obtained the great find of
XVIIIth Dynasty jewellery ; the only piece that has yet cleared the market is
the massive gold statuette of Amen, which Lord Carnarvon exhibited at the recent

Annales dii Service des Antiquites, XXI. 87

Exhibition in the Buriington Club. The rest is somewhere unknown ; if repression
is too vigorous, the knowledge of it may die with the present owners, and the
whole be lst. A fair poUcy of payment by the Government would save it, but
legaUsm is too often against the interests of archaeology.

Engelbach, R. ^otes of Inspection, April, 1921. Work has been carried
on since completed in clearing the quarry obelisk at Aswan.

From Edfu comes a scarab of Pepa (Shesha), with scroll borders.

A stele of a man who was a " royal son " of Dudumes, begotten by the
" royal son," Sebek-hetep. This title impHed royal descent of some generations
back, as in the " royal sons of Ramessu," in the XXIInd Dynasty.

Stele of Amenemhat under Shabaka, with his wife Khikhiau.

Coptic iron fork, decorated, with two very long prongs.

A quantity of ushabtis of Ramessu VII were found in the government store
at Luqsor, of the usual very coarse work in alabaster of that age, though none
of the king were yet recorded, and it is not known where these were discovered.

Remains of a small temple of Domitian were observed behind the markaz
buildings at Aswan.

Gauthier, Henri. A iravers la Basse-Jigypte. At Hehopolis, 125 yards
from the station, toward the obelisk, a lintel of a tomb was found, which led to
opening a series of small tombs, aU swamped at high Nile. The largest chamber
was for a divine father of Heliopolis, kher-heb, Rames. The jambs and lintels
are in Cairo Museum. Only some common blue and green glazed beads were
found.

At Terenuthis (Kom Abu Billu, 35 miles north-west of Cairo), the two great
mounds are being rapidly worked out by sebakhin. Five steles have been found
and sent to Alexandria. One is figured here, with a woman half reclining and
holding a cup ; a table with offerings, amphora and sheaf of com, below ; name
Thaesis of Bekhenthos, and her son Asklas (for Asklepios). Date probably about
200 A.D. Other late steles from there are at Tanta ; those give the names
Hippolenaios, son of Ptolemy, Tatitouos, Eudemonis, Antemidoros, Theodosios,
Tlaktota, Ammonios and Arphbichis.

A much damaged triad of Ramessu II and two goddesses was found at
Benha ; it was left in place as not worth transport.

Hakim Abu Seif. Une petite trouvaille a Karnak de modeles de sculpture.
A group of sculptors' trials were found by accident, on land which had been
exchanged away to a native. It is said the best were quickly removed, but
the guards came down on the remainder, seized them, and had the finders punished.
This harshness is the sure way to make natives secrete all they can. The new
law that all antiquities in private land belong to the State, will ensure their theft,
destruction, or re-burial wherever possible. It is fatal to archaeology.

Lefebvre, Gustave. Textes du tombeau de Petosiris. In further addresses
some phrases deserve notice. " Amenti is the dwelling of him who is without sin,
happy is the man who reaches it. None can come there but he whose heart is
true and does aright. There no distinction is between the poor and the rich,
but only for him who is found without sin, when the balance and the weights
are before the lord of eternity ... to judge every man according to his
deeds upon earth."

1-^4

88 Annales du Service des Antiquitds, XXI.

Petosiris then recounts how he managed the property of Thoth, during seven
years of foreign rule, when there was trouble in the south and confusion in the
north, and the temple was dismantled. This seems to have been a part of the
eleven years of Persian misrule, 342-331 B.C. He then describes his labour and
devotion in restoring the state and property of the temple, and his founding
a temple of Ra in the temple garden. He buUt the house of the wives of the
god in the interior of the temple, because it was ruined, and they had to live in
the temple. He built the house of Nehemouat, and that of Hathor, in fine
limestone. He enclosed and protected the temple precincts. He found the
temple of Heqt in ruin from time immemorial ; the inundation swamped it.
He called the scribe of the temple and gave him untold silver to restore it.

Zeitschrift fur Aegyptische Sprache, Vol. LVI, 1920.

Spiegelberg, W. Ein Bruchstilck des Bestattungsrituals der Apisstiere.
Detnot. Pap., Vienna, 27. Brugsch recognized this papyrus as an Osiris ritual or
Osiris mystery. Spiegelberg shows that it is a book of ritual of the Osirianised
Apis, written in a mixture of demotic and hieratic : the beginning and end are
lost. The provenance is unknown ; by the writing it is undoubtedly from Lower
Egypt ; Spiegelberg suggests the Serapeum of Memphis. The texts of the recto
and verso are by two different hands ; both are Ptolemaic, about 250 100 B.C.
The recto is easily legible ; the verso is written in a flowing hand which is illegible
in places, and which is often only decipherable in that it occasionally contains
a similar text to the recto. The scribe was most famihar with demotic, though,
like all scribes, he also knew hieratic, which was still used in late times for all
religious purposes. The papyrus contains instructions to certain priestly officials
who were concerned with the mummification of the Apis, especially the hri ssti
and the four hriw Jib, who were priests of the cult of the dead. In this case,
the hri ssti is manifestly the leader of the mummification, and Spiegelberg trans-
lates the term as Ritual Leader. Besides these are mentioned two " Little

Friends" ( f ? ^i |^^^||) and the wr Irl, the "Chief of Companions."

Though the text in its present form is Ptolemaic, it apparently includes passages
from a more ancient ritual. That it is not the final canonical form is proved by
comparison of the texts of the recto and verso of the papyrus, which describe the
same rites in different ways. Spiegelberg describes his translations as merely
preUminary, intended to prepare the way for further work. The recto as it stands
begins with the instruction that the Apis mummy is to be laid on a bed of sand,
whilst a lament is to be made by the Ritual Leader and the four lector priests.
The body is to be fastened to a board with metal rings and laid on a stand.
Sarcophagus, shrines and boats are to be brought, and draped like the mummy.
Then follows an exact description of the bandages for the head and extremities,
which are to be prepared by the Ritual Leader and lector priests. Next comes
a description of the bandaging and anointing of the mummy. A special priest
is to direct the preparation of the skuU, which is described in every detail,
including the wrapping of the horns : he is to stuff the cranium (.') ; to
remove four teeth ; to place wax, myrrh and incense in the head ; then to
anoint, stuff, and bandage the mouth and face, then the eyes, nose and
ears ; then to bandage the whole head. The bandaging of the head and

Zeitschrift filr AegyptiscJie Sprache. 89

breast follows ; the legs are to be stretched out as far as possible in order
not to be bent. A lector is to stand in front of that part of the body which
Spiegelberg saipposes to be the abdominal cavity, to wash, stuff and bandage
it. The embalmed mummy is then to be set up, after which follow further
detailed instructions for bandaging. At the final bandaging the " fathers "
and the priests {hmw ntr) raise a lament. The laying of the Apis mummy in the
coffin and on the bier, is to take place near the Apis stable, and a zed, pillar is
to be fastened behind and in front of the sarcophagus. Then the corpse is to
traverse the " Lake of the Kings," which is to be crossed from the west. Isis
and Nephthys, Upuaut of Upper Egypt, Upuaut of Lower Egypt, Ra, Horus,
Thoth and the Bed of Ptah are in front of the god, who faces south. During the
crossing, nine papyrus rolls (which are named by their titles) are to be read aloud
in the boat, including the " Glorification of the Drowned Osiris." Then follows
the conveyance of the god to the place of embalming and the performance of the
ceremony of Opening the Mouth. The recto as it stands ends with the enumera-
tion by the priests of all the things they need in the embalming room, and of
their purpose ; these include straw, byssus-cloth, jugs, vessels, mats, boats,
sacred eyes, &c. " Horus metal " (i.e., copper, perhaps copper instruments used
in embalming) is frequently mentioned. The verso of the papyrus also contains
directions for embalming part of the Apis ; the exact part is uncertain, as the
term rendered above as " abdominal cavity " may mean " back of the head."

MoLLER, Georg. Zur Datierung literarischer Handschriften aus der ersten
Hiilfte des Neuen Reichs. By comparison with the dated papyri of the XVIIIth
and early XlXth Dynasties, of which a short survey is given, Moller proceeds
to determine the age of the following papyri : (i) Cairo Hymn to Amen (Papyrus
de Boulaq, ed. Mariette, No. 17 ; (2) London Medical Papyrus, Brit. Mus., No.
10059 ; (3) the so-called Astarte Papyrus of the Amherst Collection ; (4) Harris
Papyrus 500 recto (love poems) ; (5) Harris Papyrus 500 verso (The Conquest of
Joppa and the Tale of the Enchanted Prince). Four of the dated MSS. used by
Erman in the palaeographical section of his edition of the Western Papyrus,
namely, the " Papyrus de Turin," Papyrus Boulaq 10, London Ostracon 5625
and London Ostrakon 5624, cannot be used for the palaeography of the XVHIth
Dynasty, as they belong to Dynasties XX and XXL The author protests against
the error of dating a hieratic papyrus by general effect, and insists on the necessity
for making a complete list of the signs and comparing them with the available
dated material. He gives a selection of 31 signs, in three tables, from the five
papyri in question, with references to his " Palaographie," and summarizes the
means of recognizing papyri of the XVnith Dynasty and of the period up to the
beginning of the reign of Rameses H.

Moller dates the Cairo Hymn to Amen to the middle of the XVHIth Dynasty
on the basis of the similarity of certain forms in the handwriting with those of
the time of Amenhetep H (such as the form taken by ^^ to avoid protrusion

beyond the end of the line), and also of later forms, such as those of ^.
and ^. Though the forms of |, ^, "^ , I^, ^ and cswo are those

of the Ebers papyrus, this apparent discrepancy is explained by the assumption
that the scribe was an old man who retained certain forms learnt in his youth
which were antiquated when he wrote the text.

90 Zeitschrift fiir Aegyptische Sprache.

The London Medical Papyrus shows a later form of /j than do papyri of

the period of Amenhetep III and Amenhetep IV, but it so closely agrees with
them in other details that it must be placed as near them as possible. In it are
thrice mentioned recipes which had proved efficacious in the time of Neb-Maat-Ra.

The entry occurs twice as |^ m "^f TtT J _ } ^ CSlS] ^"^

once as ^,^ ni ^^f '^^ ( ^jL fi '^^^ J . It is clear that Amenhetep III

could not have been referred to thus in his own time, nor in that of his immediate
successors, and Moller suggests that the disrespectful form of the second reference
shows that the MSS. must have been written at a time when this king's race
had waned, probably in the reign of Tut-anch-amen. On palaeographical grounds,
it is impossible to give the papyrus a later date. Similarly, the Astarte
papyrus is near the London Medical papyrus in date, and cannot be much
more recent. It probably belongs to the time of Horemheb.

The Harris papyrus 500 has certain signs in common with the handwritings
of the time of Menepthah, Sapthah and Seti II, and others in common with
those of the end of the XVIIIth Dynasty and the time of Seti I. The order of the

signs 2 ^or s=, as in the ver$o of the Harris papyrus, is characteristic of these

papyri of the first half of the N.K. That this pap3n:us comes palaeographically
between the Rollin papyrus of the time of Seti I and certain MSS. of the time of
Menepthah and his successors is proved by the form of some of the signs, the actual
form of writing being older than those of the dated MSS. of the second half of the
reign of Rameses II. Moller would, therefore, place the older texts of the recto
of the Harris papyrus 500 (love songs) at the end of the reign of Seti I or the
beginning of the reign of Rameses II, and the texts of the verso (The Tale of the
Conquest of Joppa and the Story of the Enchanted Prince) in the first half of
the reign of the latter king.

Amongst the wrongly dated papyri he includes the Millingen papyrus
(Griffith, Zeitschrift, Vol. 34, pp. 36 and 37), which is undoubtedly contemporary
with the Cairo Hymn.

Sethe, K. Die aegyptische Bezeichnungen fiir die Oasen und ihre Bewohner.
Sethe proposes a new reading ze'/i^.i for the word " oasis," which from the N.K.

onwards is written | r^/^^ (with variants) and sometimes with the first con-
sonant z', ^ I I , etc. The reading wkl.t for this word-sign would give a
uniform word as a term for " oasis " throughout Egyptian history, the O.K.
name for the Great Oasis being y | ^v f\/xo' and the Coptic word for " oasis "
OTAee. From the way in which the word whl.t is used in N.K. texts, it seems
likely that it was a general term for all the Oases of the Libyan desert and did
not designate individual Oases.

The word w/iit, which was the general term for oasis from the O.K. onwards.

had a forerunner in the term u]] U , " field," which survived in the name for

the Wad ; Natrum, ||| ^ | _> ^^ \ i,, " salt field," and in the name of

its inhabitants U.IJU ^ VJ^. " field-dwellers."

Zeitschrift fiir Aegyplische Sprache. 91

Spiegelberg, W. Neue Schenkungstelen iiber Landstiflen an Tempel. Five
steles are described and figured which record the endowment of temples with
land by priVXite individuals, (i) A limestone stele (Strasbourg Institute of
Egyptology, No. 1378) depicts Rameses I making an offering to Amen Ra of
Pa-Bekhen. According to Brugsch, there was a series of places of this name
{plbkn), all of which were in the Delta. The inscription of six lines relates to
an endowment of 50 arura of land to the temple by the commander of the fort ;
21 arura seem to have been presented at his own charge, and the remainder at
the charge of others, most of whose names have disappeared. (2) A limestone
stele (Strasbourg Institute of Egyptology, No. 1588) records the dedication of
five arura of land to Thoth by the scribe of a troop of Libyan mercenaries. The
name and title of the benefactor (who is figured larger than the god) and the
style of the inscription, which is mainly hieratic, point to the XXIInd dynasty.
(3) The drawing of the third stele is based on a hand-copy made from three much-
weathered fragments of a limestone stele which Spiegelberg saw in Cairo in 1905.
Behind the goddess Sekhmet stands a youthful god with the Libyan name of
HwKi. Approaching the two divinities is a man in a long tunic holding the

sign, which means offerings of land, and accompanied by two smaller figures.

The hieratic text (dated the eighth year of Shashanq) is much damaged, never-
theless Spiegelberg thinks he can detect the word l/d in the 3rd line. (4) A lime-
stone stele, the squeeze of which was taken in Cairo in 1903, records a gift of
land on the west of Sais to a temple, in the 23rd year of Psamtek I. Only the
southern and eastern limits of the land are given. (5) A stele in the Cairo Museum
(Recueil XVIII, 1896, p. 51) shows Neith with the wis sceptre instead of the
customary papyrus sceptre. In front of her is a male figure, possibly the king
as the official donor, and behind her is a dwarf. Below is an incorrect inscription,
mostly in hieratic, recording the gift of arable land, presumably to a temple of
Neith, by a man of the Libyan name of Iwilhini, " the dwarf of Neith."

Erman, Adolf. Zusammenziehung zweier Worte in der Aussprache. ^The
frequent occurrence of forms such as j for ^ssn points to the improba-

bility of such being caligraphical errors, and suggests rather the disappearance
of one or two similar consonants in consequence of a slurring of two syllables in
speech. Erman extends this explanation to another error in writing, which
occurs in old texts and in those of the late N.K. This error consists in omitting
one consonant in cases in which the last syllable of a word ends with the same
consonant as the initial consonant of the next word. This explanation pre-
supposes that the two words were run together in ordinary speech, and that
there was no vowel sound after the last consonant of the first word ; for instance,

<2i for ^ ( proves that the demonstrative was tacked on to the substantive,
and that the feminine ending, even in old times, was something like -ai and not
-atu. Similarly mdt for m mdt " with ointment " shows that the preposition was
joined to the substantive and was without a vowel ending. The objection that
the scribe omitted the second consonant by mistake, thinking that he had already
written it, disappears in the case of words with the same sound, but a different
sign, such as the omission of m before , instances of which, however, are not

frequent. Erman appends a tabulated list of examples of the omission of a
consonant.

}

92 Zeitschrift fi'tr Aegyptische Sprache.

MoLLER, Georg. Das Atntsabzeichen des Oberrichters in der Spdtzeit. Aelian
{Varia Historia, XIV, 34) recounts that " from ancient times the judges in Egypt
were priests. The oldest was their Chief. . . . Round his neck he wore an
ornament of sapphire (= lapis lazuli) ; this decoration was called ' Truth.' "
Diodorus states that this was put on before hearing cases, and was turned toward
the successful party as a sign of the verdict. The picture of the goddess of Truth
hanging from the neck of a Chief Justice is met with occasionally in inscriptions
of the time of Ptolemy III Euergetes ; moreover, some statues of Chief Justices
have been preserved showing the sign of office. The oldest known example
(of the time of Necho) is in the Louvre ; there are two in Berlin of the time of
Nectanebo and Ptolemy V Epiphanes respectively. Figures of the goddess of
Truth, hke those represented in the statues, are also in existence ; the Berlin
Museum has three specimens, all made of lapis lazuli, and all with a loop at the
back. A passage in the Gnomon of the Idios Logos, which Moller restores and
renders as : " only the President (of the Court of Justice) is allowed to wear the
sign of Justice," shows that this symbol was in use at least until the middle of
the second century a.d.

Ranke, H. Keilschriftliches. The author supplements his work on cunei-
form renderings of Egyptian names by suggesting that : (i) Dudu (Duddu) =

^ Vici v:>, (2) An/jara = ]\ ^^^ Jf. (3) Manahpirja (variant Manakpija)

(i) On the assumption that Twtw is a Semitic name, there is no objection
on phonetic grounds to the identification of Dudu, the high Egyptian official
(whose name occurs so frequently in the Tell el Amama letters) with the high
official of Amenhetep IV, called Twtw, who was buried at Tell el Amama. His
conclusion is confirmed by details in the letters and in the tomb inscriptions.
D/idu " sat before the king " ; Aziru promises him anything he desires if he will
only intercede for him against the enemies who slander him at Court ; Aziru
" fears the king and D?'idu. Twtw states that he " communicated the requests
of the foreign ambassadors in the Palace, in that I was daily in the (house of
the king ?), and I went out to them as the king's envoy, equipped with all his
Majesty's commands."

(2) In the cuneiform titulary of Rameses II at Bogaskeui, the king is
described as the god, the ruler of HeliopoUs, the brother of Anha.a.ra . . .
For his former translation of " brother of the god Horus," Ranke now substitutes
" brother of AnMra, reading an as a syllabic sign instead of as the determinative
for god. This reading would correspond very well phonetically with the N.K.
vocalization of 'In Hr, the only god who is ever termed " brother of the king "
in hieroglyphic inscriptions (c/. Mariette, Abydos I, 6, 30, where the same king
mentions his brother 'In Hr).

(3) The variants Manahpirja and Manahpija each occur once in the Tell el
Amama letters as the name of an Egyptian king. The recipient of the letter in
which King Manahpija is called " the father of his father " is generally taken to
be Akhenaten ; consequently Thothmes IV should be Manahpija. Phonetically,
this is impossible, as the p of hprw becomes an aleph in cuneiform. There remains
only Thothmes III, but Ra in Middle Babylonian times was rendered as riya.
Failing the supposition that the scribe in question omitted the sign ri by mistake

Zeitsclirift fiir Aegyptische Sprache. 93

in two separate places, there remains only the assumption that the form is a

rendering of an abbreviation of the name Men.Kheper.Ra, namely e;;^ W W\,

after the pattttn of 'Imni'i for 'Imn-m-hit {Zeitschrift. 42, 144). The occurrence
of such an abbreviation in these two places only is explained by the fact that the
passages in question are in a letter, and that the name does not form part of a
formal address or titulary. On phonetic grounds this explanation is satisfactory,
but the actual difficulty of regarding Thothmes III as " the father of his father "
can only be overcome by assuming that the expression is used in the sense of
" ancestor." This is a somewhat forced explanation, as the same expression
used in the same sentence in connection with the writer himself must surely refer
to his own grandfather.

MoLLER, Georg. Zu Herodoto aegyptischen Geschichten. ^Herodotus (II,
129 ff.) relates of Mycerinos that he built the third Pyramid ; that he was espe-
cially concerned with the administration of justice ; that he lived at Sais, or at
least built there ; that he reigned not long before the Ethiopian domination ; and
that he ruled for six years only.

[All this is explained by the interchange of two rolls, the restoration of which
puts the history in perfect order. It is useless to find an elaborate explanation
of only one of the errors resulting from the change. F. P.]

(2) Spiegelberg derived 'Ep/uoTu/Si'e? (Herod. II, 164 f.) from ^^ "^

\ ^ ^ ''^ " horsemen." Moller substitutes A J t ^'^^ "spear," for the

second constituent of the word, according to which the term would mean
spearmen, not cavalry.

(3) Mai/e/j09 (Herod. II, 79). A grave inscription {Zeitschrift, LV, p. 56)
contains mention of a herdsman's lament on a reed flute for the god of vegetation.
In a passage from Nymphis it is seen that the Maneros is a song of the country
folk to Osiris