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:h 50,2.5 


H^artart CoUcgf libtars 


Ot FitiS'lON 







^ Jo. a. . 3 



^BD coo:^ 

MAR 6 190R 


Sat np ud (kcuotypad. FuUlmbad Juuinr. 



MAR 6 1908 

I, Ih^ tHuf Jaittt-Stftt, 1 

"B«*«Dd«n htbg kh (Mna and mi duo eehArt. Briulg dnrchitndlrt. loh lub« ait 
«iei wlflhClfa Luid ^fllehiun ku^AhotiAii and kli^Bond«l, un ralAh Im FaU dtr NoUi, 
to «■ anofa Jfltxt fwehflhen, dmhln eti flflAbUD, Bleh En elnein fui neaen ZoBtuidfl nok 
u la niilMitiii n baflDdii, lit lahr helliuD." 


When, in 1818, aboat the time of the battle of Leipeig, 
patriotic carea preyed upon his soul, Germany's great 
poet, Goethe, took refuge in the history of China. The 
novelty of the study and the very diversity of the subject 
bad, we may conclude from his own words,' a salutary 
effect on his mind. 

The century, or nearly so, which baa elapeed since the 
time when Chinese subjects were the Ultima Tbule in that 
wide range of scientifio industry characteristic of one of 
the world's most Quiversal minds has wrought a wonder- 
ful change in public interest. 

Political events have brought China to the front ; and 
the Western world is now more than ever bent on study- 
ing the civilization of that once-neglected empire — un- 
fortonately often with ill success. It is the universal 
complaint among Westerners — and those who have had 
the longest experience in studying Orientals are the most 
ready to admit the fact — that we shall scarcely ever be- 
come as familiar with the Chinese as we are with nations 
nearer to ourselves in race and culture. This complaint 
will probably never cease to be justified, but it may be 
considerably attenuated. 

Students wishing to know something about China often 
believe they have done enough if they have read a book 
of modem travel or one on recent politics. They re- 
semble the amat«ur traveler in Italy who thinks he may 
' 8m th« qnouiloni rnttt. 


learn to know the country without troubling himself 
about the history of Rome. Having started at the wrong 
end, as it were, they will never realize that many of the 
oddities and puzzles encountered in the attempt to under- 
stand the modern Chinese disappear if we can trace their 
historical origin and development. In this respect the 
China of to-day is unique as compared with all other 
countries. No other people in the world is so closely 
connected with its ancient history as the Chinese, and of 
this the earliest part, with that classical Chou dynasty, 
the constitutional period of all Chinese culture, has 
created standards which have become dominant in all 
development down to our own times, not only in China 
herself, but to a certain extent throughout the Far East, 
especially in Corea and Japan. The ancient history of 
China in this respect holds a position in the extreme East 
similar to that of Greece and Rome in the West. 

Such considerations had induced the author to pre- 
pare lectures on the subject addressed to such university 
students as did not intend to become specialists in the 
language and literature of China. This necessitated the 
elimination from them of the purely philological element. 
On the other hand, the present state of research in sub- 
jects of Chinese history and culture called for the inser- 
tion of results which might have necessitated much deeper 
argumentation in matters of detail than the chief object 
in view would justify. The author has, therefore, en- 
deavored to steer a middle course by referring students 
to the foreign literature, leaving it to them to extend their 
knowledge by studying these sources. It should be 
understood, however, that merely a selection from the 
enormous material existing in the shape of translations, 


monographs, and comprehensiTe works is here presented. 
A complete biblii^raphy of the foreign literature will be 
found in Henri Cordier's "Bibliotheca Sinica: Diction- 
naire bibliographique dea ouvrages relatifs i Tempire 
chinois" (2d edition, PariD, 1904, nnder the head of 
** Histoire " ; some of tlie collateral subjects, such as 
arcbteolo^y, art, etc., being dealt with in other sections 
of the work). The Sinological reader may dispense with 
a whole library of works constituting the native sources 
of our subject by referring to that huge collection of 
historical extracts, the I-ihi, in 160 books compiled by 
Ha Su and published in 1670 — a rentable mine of infor- 
mation and a monument of methodical treatment remind- 
ing one of Kaspar Zeuss's unique work *' Die Deutschen 
ond die NachbarstAmme." (Cf . Wylie, " Notes on Chinese 
Literature," Shanghai, 1867, p. 23.) 

To my students is due my thanks for having listened 
to these Lectures with never-failing interest during four 
consecutive academic years, — a source of much encour- 
agement to the lecturer, considering that the course lay 
through paths so very far from the beaten track. Their 
publication as a text-book for students and as a work 
of reference for general readers is due to the liberality of 
the Trustees, Dr. Nicholas Murray Butler, President of 
Columbia University, ex offieio President, and Professor 
William H. Carpenter, Secretary, of the Columbia Uni- 
versity Press, and the cooperation of the Norwood 
Press. I have also to thank Mr. Albert Porter of 
Livingston, Staten Island, N.Y., for the conscientious 
manner in which he has revised the manuscript for the 


CIK.CFXBU UinTBmaiTT ih thk Ottt 
or Nbw Yobk, Hftrcb, IKIT. 



ImTKUonom fob Rkadikq Cbiksbk Wobds. 

HrmoLoaiCAi. axd Lmkitvakt 1 

} 1. The Fabnlons Coamogooy: Pui-ka, etc — | 2. Fa-hi 

(2862-2788 B-c.)— JS- Shfln-onng (2787-2706 B.C.) 

S4. Hu«ng-ti (2704-2696 B.c.)-~9 6. SuppoMd intro- 
ductioD of B foreign ciTilixatioo under HuBikg4i. — 
!«. Farther d»edt dI Hu«iig-»._S7. ShBu-hBu (26»4- 
2511 B.C.) — 1 a CbaBD-hU (2610-2188 b.c.)— 5 »■ Ti- 
k'n (2482^888 B.C.).— | 10. Ti-chl (2882-2868 B.O.). 

The CovrucLui I 

1 1 1. Tbo (2867-2268 B.C.). — i 12. Shan (2268-2206 B.O.). — 
I 18. The HiB dpiBitr (2206-1708 B.C.). — S 14- Vli, or 
Tft-jtt (2206-21M B.C.).— t 16. Ttt'a nooBMon (21B7- 
17W B.C.}. 

TsB Sbavo, OB Tor, Dtxutt (1768-1122 b.c.) . 46 

{ 16. Ch'Ong-t'Bng (176(^1764 B.C.). — {17. Ch'ftng^'Bng'i 
■oeoeWHB.— S 18. Chtfi^ein.— ( 10. WAo-wBog, Duke of 
Cbtfo.— (20. Wn-wBugBodthefmltof tbeShBDgdjBBBtr. 
— 1 21. Culture of the Shang period. 




The Ch<5u Dtnastt (1122-249 b.c.)* • • • • 98-328 


From Wu-wamo to K^amo-wano: the Period of Impe- 
rial Authority 93-139 

§ 22. Wu-wang as King of Chdu ( 1122-1116 b.c. ). — 
§23. Ch'6ng-wang (1115-1079 b.c.). — § 24. The "Chdu- 
li." — § 25. Origin of the mariner's compass in China. — 
§ 26. Ch^dng-wang's reign continued. — § 27. K^ang-wang 
(1078-1053 B.C.). 

Gradual Decline of Central Power .... 141-197 

§ 28. Chau-wang (1052-1002 B.C.). — § 29. Mu-wang (1001- 
947 B.C.). — § 30. Kung-wang (946-935 B.C.).— § 31. I- 
wang (934-910 b.c.).— § 32. Hiau-wang (909-895 B.c.). 
— § 33. I-wang (894-879 b.c.). — § 34. Li-wang (878- 
842 B.C.). — § 35. The Kung-ho period (841-828 b.c.).— 
§ 36. Suan-wang (827-782 b.c.). — § 37. Yu-wang (781- 
771 B.C.). — § 38. Fing-wang (770-720 b.c.).— 5 6Q. Geog- 
raphy of the Ch^un-tsUu period (722-481 ;p.c.). — 
§ 40. Huan-wang (719-697 b.c). 


The Century of the «* Five Leaders " (685-591 b.c.) . 199-223 

§41. Chaang-wang (696-682 b.c.). — § 42. Hi-wang (681- 
677 B.C.). — § 43. Hui-wang (676-652 b.c). — § 44. Siang- 
wang (651-619 b.c). — § 45. K'ing-wang (618-613 b.c). 
— §46. K'uang-wang (612-607 B.C.). — § 47. Ting-wang 
(606-586 B.C.). 


Thi Aoi or Lau-tzI amd Cokpucius . . . . 22C 
i 48. KitfD-wuig (585-572 B.C.)- — S 49. Ling-wang (671- 
545 B.C.)- — § 5a KiDg-wang, the elder (544-520 b.c.).— 
I U. King-WMig, the jonnger (510-476 b.c). 

The CoNTKifDnta Statb§ 269-328 

I 62. Tnu-wuig (475-468 B.C.). — S 5S. Chdn-ting-wuig 
(468-441 B.C.). — 5 54. K'»u-w»Dg (440-426 a.c). — 
{ 55. Wei-lid-WMg (425-*02 b.c). — g 56. An-w»ng (401- 
876 B.C.). — 5 67. Li6-wang (376-36B b.c.). — § 68. HWn- 
waog (368-321 b.c.). — f 69. The philosopherB Yang Cha 
and Ho Ti. — S 60. Meneini.- S 61. Chnang-tti. — 
i 62. Minor Fhiloeoi^en. — § 63. Su Ta'la and Chang L 
— S 94. Sh6n-taing-wang (.'120-315 B.C.). — S 66. Nan- 
w»ng (814-266 B.C.). — § 66. The "Four NobloB," — 
1 67. The leadenhip of Ts-in (256-221 B.O.). 

APPENDIX: Ckboholooical Tables .... 329-348 

INDEX U9-883 

SiKTCB Hav or Cbuia DumiKO TBI Ca6tr Dtmastt 890 


Rkasbbs need not trouble too much about the proaon- 
cutioD of the Chinese words occurring in this volume. 
They should regard them as mere symbols for certain 
Chinese chsrsctera transcribed in the Mandarin dialect. 
Since the sounds attached to the characters of the Chinese 
written langui^ vary considerably in the several prov- 
inces, and even in the Mandarin dialect itself, it should 
be understood that merely an approximation of the true 
sounds as heard in the north of China is aimed at. The 
phonetic principles on which sounds are here described 
correspond in spirit to those adopted by the Royal Qeo- 
graphical Society of London ' and the United States Board 
on Geographic Names.* According to these principles, 
vowels are to be pronounced as in Italian and on the 
oontinent of Europe generally, and consonants as in Eng- 
lish. But for the special purpose of rendering Chinese 
sounds certain rules invdving some sl^ht modifications 
are here given. 

V0WXL8 AHD Diphthongs 
» has the sound of a io father. Examples: ma, 
hotw ; tha, sand ; won, bay ; than, mountain ; 
nan, south. 
> 8m Bttlffor tk» Onkagrapht of QtonrapMetit Nam**, pabUihed br 
tha CooncU of Um Boj»1 Oeogni^lcftl Bociet]', IWl. 

*Bm Steoud Beport of TV UnUed SuSm Board on OtognpkU 
XmM, 1800-1800; 9d ad., WMbincua, 1001. 


has the sound of e is men. Examples: kiint 
district ; tniin, face, surface ; tUi, aaow ; fii, 
iron ; y^, wild ; hM, caverD ; t'Un, field ; yen^ salt. 

has the sound of t in ravine, or of ee in beet. 
Examples: n, west; fn, rocks under water; 
£'t, rivulet ; nt, mud ; t (also read yt) city, 

is short as t in sin, or i in view when followed by 
n, by another vowel, or by a diphthong. Ex- 
amples: kin, gold; Wingy blue; kia, family; 
kiang, river ; tt^ palace ; k'iau, bridge ; k'iai, 

signifies that a vowel is to be intonated simulta- 
neously with the adjoining sonant. Examples: 
ek't, pool or lake ; «At, stone, rock ; ft, sun ; 
•81, township ; tz% porcelain i ir, two. This 
symbol is also used in describing the sound «I 
in words like lei, net, etc., the i of which is but 
faintly heard and disappears, as it were, in the 
preceding e. 

has the sound of o in mote. Examples: to, a 
place; ho, river; fo, Buddha; po, a marshy 

has the sound of ff in German, Hungarian, Swe- 
dish, Norwegian, and Danish, or of eu in 
French jeu, or of o in English love. Exam- 
ples: mSn, gate, door; thUng, province; tS, 

has the sound of oo in boot. Examples: Au, lake 
Am, valley ; fu, prefecture. 

is short when preceding n, a, o, or a diphthong. 
Examples ; t'un, village ; tung, east ; kuang, 
broad ; cKuan, river, watercourses, Szl-ch'uan 


province ; chuati^, a farm ; huang, yellow ; 
kuan, frontier pass, cuetom-house ; tuan, abort ; 
kuo, kingdom ; i'uot, quick. 

(« with the timlaut) has the sound of u in French 
£lu. Examples: til, islet; ku, embankment; 
k'a, a drain ; ftO, market-place. 

is abort when preceding n, a, or ^. Examples: 
•fin, military station ; tM'ilan, fountain ; gUan, 
source ; tfl^, snow ; yil^, moon. 

has the sound of i in ice. Examples: hat, sea; 
('at, terrace, tower ; ch'ai, stronghold, hill 
fortress; tn, cliff, ledge. 

has the sound of ow in how. Examples: au, 
bay, cove ; kau, high ; lau, old ; miau, temple. 

has the sound of the Italian e and i combined, 
somewhat like ey in the English they. Exam- 
ples: Act, black; lei, thunder; met, coal; pet, 
north ; wet, tail, end. 

is a diphthong in which the two elements are 
distinctly intonated, as in fdu, bead, which 
should have the sound of the first word in the 
Hebrew tohu bohu without its h. Examples: 
Uu, a bouse with an upper story ; iVu, mouth, 
embouchure, port; kdu, ditch ; Atfu, after, 
behind ; fdu, mound. 

is sounded like oot, contracted into a diphthong, 
or like tn in the German ^^i. Examples: thui, 
water, river ; hui, whirling waters ; tui, a heap 
(as of rocks). 


The initials k,p, t, cK, tt, and tt should not be 
as hard as in English, though decidedly harder 



than g^ ft, (2, dj^ and dz. Thus the initial in kan^ 
sweet, should hold about the middle between 
the initials in English gone and con. To indi- 
cate that h^ |>, t, ch^ U^ and tz should be pro- 
nounced as hard as possible an asper is placed 
after them, which is frequently replaced by an 
apostrophe. Examples: kan^ sweet; Van^ a 
pit ; ping^ soldier ; p'ing^ even, level ; to, many ; • 
lO'fo^ a camel; cha%L, morning; cKau^ dy- 
nasty ; Uiau^ half-tide rocks ; U'iau^ mountain- 
ous; tet, purple; U%hi^ gentle, or motherly, 
pleasure (principal name of the Empress 
eh has the sound of ch in church, slightly softer 
when not marked and slightly harder when 
marked by an asper. Examples: ch4u^ island ; 
cKdng^ walled city. When followed by t, the 
vowel disappears in it. 
ras in English king, poll, and tall, but slightly 

k softer, and harder when marked by an asper. 

p < Examples: kduy ditch, drain ; k'6ng^ a pit; pau^ 

t police ward; p'uy shore, branch of a river; 

^ tou, island ; t'an, a rapid. 
ts slightly softer than the two consonants would 
sound in English, and harder when provided 
with an asper. Examples: ted', a pool; te'un, 
tz similar to te, the vowel disappearing in the sibi- 
lant. Examples: tet, son; tz% hall. 

f as in English. Examples: f&ng^ summit, peak; 
/rfu, mound. 

h as in English, or as a; in Spanish Xeres, both pro- 
nunciations being heard in North China. Ex- 
amples: hung^ red; hiU^ cavern; Ato, a gorge. 



I u y in French jeu, and not as in English. Ex- 
amplea: jSn, man; jS, hot. When followed 
by i the vowel disappears in it. 
(as in English. Examples: lir^, mountain pass, 
range ; mi, rice ; nt, mud ; cm, a small temple ; 
kutm, inn. 

r dental, not guttural, occurs solely in combination 
with the vowel i, which disappears in it, so that 
it is difficult to say whether it ia an initial 
or a final. Example: %r, two. 
■h ■■ in English show. Example: thang, above. 
When followed by i, the vowel disappears in it. 
Example: tfA, ten. 
w is a sharp sibilant, as in English mess, in which 
the vowel i disappears. Example: uif, mon- 
w as in English. Example: wan, gulf, bay. 
7 a consonant, as in English yard. Examples: yi, 
wild land ; yen, a precipice ; ying, a military 
camp; yilon, an eddy. 
■C as a final, as n^ in English song. Examples: t'tn^, 
an inferior prefecture; Uing, a well; yang, 
ocean ; hang, hill, ridge ; chung^ middle ; far^, 
dyke, pool ; timg, a cave. In certain words 
beginning with a, f, or o, 719 is optional as an 
initdat, and should not appear in any transcrip- 
tion. Thus an, repose, is by some individuals 
pronounced ngan, for which reason we often 
read Si-ngmi-fu instead of Si-an-fa. 
KoTB 1. — The accent in the vocalic combinations tfu, 
•J and Hi shows which of the two vowels is to be intonated ; 
it is otherwise not sssential ; and it must not be mistaken 
for a word-accent. 


Note 2. — In the modern Peking dialect linguistic 
evolution has brought about certain changes in initials 
such as may be observed in the pronunciation of Latin — 
the change of c, originally a decided guttural, into a sibi- 
lant having been first drawn attention to by Aug. Schlei- 
cher under the name of ^^zetacism." It can be compared 
to such words as the Greek Kue^pmv and the Italian cice- 
ronej Scotch kirk and English church, German £mn and 
English chin. In the Peking dialect, however, not only 
is k before i and U changed into the sibilant ch (kiang^ 
river, becomes chiang ; VUan^ dog, becomes cViJUm)^ but 
the initial t% also becomes cA, and both the initials h and t 
are changed into h». The name of the well-known prov- 
ince Kiang-si thus becomes Chiang-hsi; those of the great 
emperors K'ang-hi and K'ien-lung are changed into K'ang- 
hsi and CK ten-lung ; and those of the city of Tsi-nan be- 
comes Chi-nan. The adoption of Peking spelling in 
transcribing Chinese words is bound to create confusion, 
chiefly in connection with such changes in the initials, 
which are liable to disturb readers accustomed to the 
traditional style much more than any other deviation in 
the transcription of sounds. Whether Kiu-kiang, the 
name of the treaty port, be spelled in the old English style 
KeW'keang or, as by French Sinologues, JSteou-kiang^ will 
not matter much, whereas the Peking spelling Chiu-chiang 
renders the name almost unrecognizable to readers look- 
ing for it on any of the existing maps of China. I have, 
therefore, in my transcriptions retained the traditional 
initials (i, Uy A, and «), while otherwise reducing the 
spelling to a certain conformity with the phonetic princi- 
ples likely to become standards for geographical names 
both in England and in the United States. 





{ 1. The Fabulous Cosmoqont 

A GOOD deal of what Chinese authors have placed on 
record as the beginnings of their history is probably 
nothing more than prehistoric lore invented by 
generations much later than the events themselves. The 
mventors evince a certain amount of logic in assimiing that 
a degree of development was necessary to prepare mankind, 
as far as known to the Chinese race, for that state of civiliza- 
tion without which accounts of the beginnings of history 
wiU not appear plausible. 

The mythological period of the Chinese, like that of other 
ancient nations, stretches from the creation of the world 
out of chaos to what at first sight looks like history, but 
which does not deserve that name. From the scientific 
point of view this period should be allowed a much wider 
range than from that of the less critical Chinese historians. 

It should be remarked at once that the Cliinese themselves 
do not refer to any tradition written or unwritten as to 
their most ancient forefathers having immigrated from 
abroad. Their oldest habitat was, so far as their own 
literature goes, the cradle of Chinese civilization in the 




present provinces of Shen-si and Kan-su in the northwest 
of China. If they have at any time immigrated there from 
some other part of the world, we possess absolutely no 
record of it. The gods and demigods mentioned as the 
predecessors of their legendary emperors are supposed to 
have originated in territories within that limited geographi- 
cal area peculiar to the times in which these legends were 
invented by the popular imagination of the ancient Chinese. 
We are thus left in the dark as to any wanderings of the 
race, whether from central, northern, or western Asia, to 
their later homes. To judge from native accounts, the 
Chinese must have been living in the northwestern part of 
the country now called China from the very earliest period 
of their own history. The safest view we can, therefore, 
take of their origin is that of the agnostic. 

Chinese mythology refers the origin of the human race 
to a fabulous creature known by the name of P^an-kUj the 
first human being, though endowed with all supernatural 
powers. The several myths connected with his cosmo- 
gonic origin, his appearance, nature, and first dissolution, 
vary in the different accounts manufactm-ed about him 
and his life. Such myths have, of course, nothing to do 
with history. Millions of years are said to have elapsed 
from the time of his creation down to the historical 

The fabulous period following P*an-ku, whom the poetic 
fancy of his inventors regarded as the first ruler of the 
world, was followed by ten distinct epochs of sovereigns, 
some of whom are, even from the fabulous point of view, 
nothing more than mere names to us. All that is interest- 
ing in connection with their alleged doings is some sort of 
progress in civilization ascribed to these several periods. 


Next following P'an-ku, the so-called fOn-huang, " Heavenly 
emperors/' a succession of thirteen brothers, represent a 
state of life similar to that of our Paradise. Man in those 
days lived a life of perfect innocence, and knew neither 
temptation nor impurity. Some authors ascribe to this 
early period the invention of the so-called Ten Stems 
{shl-kan) and Twelve Branches (sAl-ir-cAi), series of ten 
and twelve symbols afterward combined to form the 
"Cycle of Sixty" in the present Chinese calendar. Each 
of the thirteen brothers is credited with a reign of eighteen 
thousand years. 

The Heavenly emperors were followed by the tirhvang, 
"Terrestrial emperors," eleven brothers, credited with 
having first distmguished sun, moon, and constellations. 
They instituted the divisions day and night, and discovered 
that thirty days constituted a month. Their homes were 
ascribed to the hills of Hiung-ir and Lung-mon. The 
former name appears later on in Ho-nan ; the latter, in 
various towns of northern China. 

The next generation saw the yon-Awangr, "Human em- 
perors," nine brothers, who divided the world known to 
them into nine countries, a kingdom for each, with cities 
and towns. 

Tliese fabtilous creatures form the so-called epoch of the 
TTiree (or Nine) emperors. It is followed by a period of 
"Five dragons" (wurlung), and this again by other series 
of rulers, each comprising so many generations and having 
fanciful names, down to the Yin-ti epoch, when the nation 
was ruled by thirteen families known as Yvrch'aUy "The 
Nest-builders," from yu, "to have, to possess, to occupy," 
and di'au, "a nest." Numbers of names are constructed 
in this way, the syllable yu indicating that their bearers 


held a territory named in the second syllable. Yin-ti . 
taught the people to build dwellings as a protection against 
the animal world. Beasts of all kinds are believed to have 
lived in perfect peace with mankind. Primeval man was 
supposed to subsist on a vegetarian diet, and it was not 
before he began to kill them for food that animals became 
hostile to him. 

The Yu-ch'au were followed by Suirjdn, " the Fire Pro- ^ 
ducer/' the Prometheus of the Chinese, who discovered the 
fiery element by looking up to the stars. This, however, 
did not lead to any practical application until he observed 
a bird pecking at a tree and thus producing sparks. The 
result was the discovery, that fire might be produced by 
rubbing pieces of wood against each other ; and this in 
due course led to the art of cooking. The same ruler is 
the reputed inventor of the prehistoric knot-writing of 
the Chinese. 

Several of the phenomena of progress in civilization at- 
tributed to these fabulous sovereigns reappear as new inven- 
tions during subsequent periods. The most that may be 
gathered from such incidents of ancient lore is the convio- , 
tion that Chinese literature knows no beginning for certidn 
elements of culture within the historical period and, there- 
fore, assigns them to the mythological ages. 

These periods represent a somewhat arbitrary mixture of 
cultural development, even if we look upon them as mere 
symbols of what might have been. It will be found that, 
like history itself, the fabulous accounts that take its place 
repeat themselves. As symbols for certain periods of 
social development the legendary emperors that follow the 
Yin-ti period claim a somewhat deeper interest. Ssi-ma 
Ts'i^n, the Herodotus of the Chinese, b in this respect a 


somewhat better guide to us than the inventors of pre- 
historic legends. He commences his list of emperors with 
Huang-ti,* the first ruler to whom a chronolo^cal period 
is assigQed. 

i 2. Fu-Hi (2852-2738 b.c.)' 

llie allied first emperor of Chinese historians, Fu-hi, 
if we ignore the still more fabulous period preceding him, 
cannot, of course, have been a historical personage. Chro- 
Dologists do not agree as to his exact lifetime, but, con- 
sidering the l^endar? character of his existence, this need 
not concern us much. The Chinese place him in the begin- 
ning of the third millennium b.c. He is also known by 
the name oi Pau-ftt, which may be merely a different way 
of writing the name Fvr-ki; for we cannot know what 
pbc«ietic changes the syllables now pronounced ^u and 
Pau respectively may have undergone since the name was 
first used or invented. His official name as an emperor 
was Tairhau, "the Great Almighty." Later generations 
represent him as partly a supernatural being and partly 
an emperor cA human form. Tbia is one of the dangers of 
the prdiistoric accounts of the Chinese, which are often 
reconstructed in imitation of facts that look like history 
but have not the slightest claim to historic truth. Super- 

' ^d. Cbawmes, Lei ttUmoira kMoriquei de S»-ma T^im. Pftria, 
I8B5, Tcd. i, p. 25. ■ Different datea are given by Ui« toUowing writen: 
Ibyen {Tti* Ckinttt Reader' t Manual, p. 366), 2852-2738 b.c. ; Gilea 
(A CkinsM Biographieat Dittionan/, p. 233), 2953-2838 B.C. ; Arendt 
(Synehronitlitclu RegententabclUn, etc., in MittktUungtn del Seminari 
fir Orietttaliaclu Spracken, J&hrguig ii, 1899, p. 216), 2852-2738 a.c. 
For chronological data I propose to follow the Isst-nsmed vork u 
bcfng the rwult of ■ careful, special inquiry Into the miblect of 


natural accounts will be taken for what they are worth, 
and the historians repeating them deserve greater credit 
than the uncritical crowd, who are bent on representing 
the impossible as matter of fact. 

According to some accounts, Pu-hi was the successor of 
Sui-jon, the Fire Producer, who selected him among four 
of his disciples. His mother, Hua^sii, according to some 
writers a native of Lan-t'i6n near the present city of Si-an-f u, 
gave birth to him under miraculous circumstances at a 
place called Ch'6ng-ki, somewhere in the neighborhood of 
Kung-ch'ang, in the present province of Kan-su. I lay 
stress on this otherwise imimportant statement made by 
later writers, because it shows again that the Chinese 
themselves do not look upon their earliest rulers as immi- 
grants. Neither Fu-hi nor any of his still more fabulous 
predecessors are mentioned as having anything to do with 
territories outside the northwest of modem China. In 
other words, if the Chinese race has at all immigrated from 
any other part of the world, no tradition of such wander- 
ings has survived among the early legendary accounts of 
the people. 

What we hear of Fu-hi's life from his biographer * is a 
mixture of supernatural features and mock reality. His 
appearance is described as somewhat like that of a Triton, 
a human figure the lower part of which has the shape of 
a scaly serpent. The well-known stone sculptures of the 
Wu-chi-shan tombs in Shan-tung, dating from the second 
century a.d., described by Professor Ed. Chavannes,' con- 
tain a representation of Fu-hi and of an apparently female 
figure, perhaps his wife or sister, the lower part of the two 

^ Ghavannes, op. cU., p. 3. ' Idem, La sculpture aur pierre en Chine 
au temps des deux dynctsties Han. Paris, 1893. 


bodies being represented by serpents' tdls intertwined 
with each other. 

According to those authorities who consider him as the 
first real ruler, it was Fu-hi who established order in the 
social relations of his people, who, before him, had lived 
like animals in the wilds. He is also supposed to have 
introduced the marriage bond, which was previously un- 
known. It was he who taught the people to hunt, to fish, v; 
and to keep flocks. He constructed musical mstruments 
of wood and silk threads. He is also looked upon as the 
inventor of those mysterious eight diagrams, the pa-kua, 
a series of lines of symbolic meaning, embodymg the oldest 
system of Chinese mystic philosophy, which, in spite of 
many ingenious efforts on the part of European students, 
still remain a mystery to our philosophers. He is further 
supposed to have replaced the ancient knot-writing, which 
may have resembled the quipu of the Peruvians, by a 
system of hieroglyphics. He arranged some kind of a 
calendar, and gave expression to his religious sentiment 
by being the first to introduce sacrifice to his God on the 
sacred mount of T'ai-shan. His capital was a city called 
Ch'on, in the present province of Ho-nan. He is supposed 
to have died after a reign of 115 years, and to have been 
succeeded by a personage called Nii-kua, or Nii-wa, whether 
a man or a woman is doubtful. According to some, 
Nu-kua was Fu-hi's sister. She, too, is occasionally repre- 
sented as having a human head with the body of a serpent. 

Nii-kua did not add much to Fu-hi's work in the way of 
new phases of civilization, but he, or she, is supposed to 
have invented the shong, a kind of reed organ ; and when 
Fu-hi's evil spirit, his minister Kung-kung, had smashed 
the vault of heaven^ it was Nii-kua who patched up the 


broken firmament by melting stones. A further legend, 
current in Cambodia in the twelfth century a.d., speaks of 
certain stains visible in a distant comer of the sky which 
she did not succeed in repcuring; referring apparently to 
the so-called "coal-sacks" near the Southern Cross. 

§ 3. Sh6n-nung (2737-2705 B.C.) 

If, in following some Chinese authors, we assume NU-kua 
to have reigned merely in the name of Fu-hi, the second 
legendary emperor was Shon-nung. His dynastic appella- 
ZJ^YeTti. We find hur2>metimes^resenS ^ 
having the body of a man and the head of an ox. To him 
is ascribed the invention of the principal agricultural im- 
plements and the introduction of field labor, as is indicated 
by his name, Shdn-nung, which may be rendered " Divine 
laborer." Among the several phases of civilization, the 
introduction of which b ascribed to him, the most note- 
worthy is the discovery of the medicinal properties of 
plants. I have already remarked that the value of the 
several discoveries ascribed to the legendary emperors is 
of a negative character, inasmuch as it may be assumed 
that the beginnings of certain cultural elements were 
placed by the Chinese in the legendary era because they 
could not be traced to any time within the historical 
period. This holds good particularly in connection with 
the Emperor Shon-nung's alleged discoveries. What that 
ruler is supposed to have done in connection with the 
products of the vegetable kingdom and their medicinal 
properties has been collected in a book entitled Sh&rMiung- 
pdn-ts'avrking ("The Classic of Shon-nung's Botany"). 
The book itself is no longer extant; but it is constantly 


quoted as an authority in later works on the subject. 
Tliere can be no doubt that this work of Shon-nung's is as 
much a fabrication of later periods as the emperor himself. 
What it teaches us, however, is that the knowledge con- 
vejred in it could not be historically assigned to any other 
period and was handed down from a time lying beyond the 
beginning of Chinese history. Possibly it is identical with 
some similar production supposed to have existed during 
the Han d3masty. The Emperor Shon-nung's name may 
have been added to the title, in order to show that the 
knowledge conveyed in the work is of the most ancient 
origin. Chang Yii-si, an author of the eleventh century, 
says with regard to it : — 

" In remote times, when the art of writing was not yet known, 
science was transmitted from generation to generation by oral 
tradition, and what was called P(Hi48*au then was not a written 
book. From the period of the Han dynasties medical art began to 
devek>p. Chang Ki and Hua T'o [celebrated ph3r8icians in the 
third century of our era] contributed largely to the completion and 
diffusion of medical knowledge, commented on previous writings 
and added new information, arranging the whole into a system; 
and this was probably the time when the materia medica of Shon* 
nung first appeared as a written treatise." * 

The localities mentioned in connection with the life of 
Shon-nung are for the most part in the northwest of China, 
he having resided in the old capital of his predecessors. 
But he b supposed to have come originally from a place in 
Hu-pel, to have lived later on at K'ii-fdu, the birthplace of 
Ccmfucius, in Shan-tung, and to have been buried in 
Ch'ang-sha, the present capital of Hu-nan. It would 
seem that the manuf actiu^rs of the accounts of the legend- 

* Bretsehneider, Botanieon Sinieum, in Journal qf the China Brands 
9t tiU Boyol A9iaHc Soeuty, 1881, p. 28. 


ary era wished to indicate thereby the gradual increase of 
the Chinese sphere of civilization in the prehistoric period. 
To Shon-nung is ascribed the foundation of a family 
which furnished emperors in several generations. Since 
these are mere names, and the authorities disagree as to 
their chronology, we need not trouble about them till we 
come to Huang-ti, "Yellow Emperor." 

§ 4. HuANG^i (2704-2595 B.C.) 


The accounts regarding the life of this monarch, the 
third of the series of great emperors grouped by the Chinese 
under the name of wurti, "The Five Rulers," are also very 
contradictory. According to Ssi-ma Ts'i6n he was the 
son of Shau-ti6n, which would imply his relationship to 
Shon-nung ; Shau-ti6n being mentioned as the father of 
the latter emperor also, in spite of discrepancies in the 
chronology, which is, of course, as fictitious as the entire 
structure of legends before us. Huang-ti's supernatural 
qualities became apparent from his very birth, since as an 
infant he had a full command of language. From Ssi-ma 
Ts'i6n's account it would appear that Huang-ti, whose 
personal name was Hi&n-yuan, was a contemporary of 
Shon-nung; that anarchy had set in under the eyes of 
the old emperor, his own descendants fighting each other; 
and that Hi^n-yiian became emperor by virtue of his su- 
perior energy. As such he persecuted the refractory, while 
leaving alone the peaceful. He cut passages through the 
hills and built roads, so that in times of peace he did not 
enjoy a moment's rest. He extended his empire in the 
east to the sea of Shan-tung, in the west far beyond Kan-su, 
and in the south to the Yang-tzi-kiang ; while in the north 


he drove away the Hun-yu. This name is probably merely 
another transcription of what the Chinese afterward called 
Hiung-nu, their old hereditary enemy on the northern 
boundary, and the ancestors of King Attila's Hmis. If we 
cannot look upon these tribes in this remote legendary 
period as having a historical existence, the mention of them 
certainly seems to show that a nation called Hun-yii, and 
occupying the northern confines of China, may have been 
among the earliest historical traditions of the Chinese.. 
Having consolidated his empire, Huang-ti moved to and 
fro within its limits with his military encampments, with- 
out having a fixed place of residence. Chavannes ^ suggests 
that this passage in Ss!-ma Ts'i^n's account may point to 
nomad life among the ancient Chinese. Huang-ti regu- 
lated the sacrificial and the religious ceremonies of his 
people, and he further improved upon Shon-nung's agri- 
cultural work by determining the time when cereals were 
to be sown and trees planted, and by devoting his attention 
to the animal kingdom. Astronomy, too, received his 
attention, as did the waves of the sea, the rocks, metals, 
and jade. Quite a number of the fundamental inventions 
of Chinese civilization are ascribed to him. 

It b hardly necessary to enumerate here all the facts 
ascribed to this legendary period, which, as I have said, 
cannot be historical. For us the legendary emperors from 
Fu-hi onward are nothmg more than symbols of the earli- 
est developments of Chinese civilization, as the inventors 
imagined it, possibly in connection with old traditions. 
From the time of Fu-hi, however, a certain logic in the 
order in which the principal phases of Chinese civilization 
follow each other becomes apparent; and we shall not 

^ Lm n%HnairtM hiHoriqueM, vol. i, p. 31, note 3. 




venture too much if, on the one hand, we discard all chro- 
nology in connection with these emperors, and, on the 
other, regard their names merely as representatives of the 
preparatory periods of culture in Chinese national life. 

If the old accounts say of Fu-hi that the people before 
him lived like animals, wrapped their bodies in skins, ate 
raw meat, knew only their mothers and not their fathers, 
and did not practise matrimony ; that it was he who raised 
his nation from thb state of savage life by introducing 
hunting, fishing, cattle-breeding, the calendar, matrimony, 
and cooking, — all this means no more than that he was the 
representative of what is found in the beginnings of all 
histories ; namely, the period of hunting and nomadic life. 
As regards the chronology assigned to the legendary period, 
if the time allotted to some of these rulers is much too long 
as a term of government for a single human life, it is, on 
the other hand, much too short, if we measure it by the 
cultural progress it involves for the nation. Pu-hi's period 
of hunting life must have lasted many generations before 
it led to the agricultural period represented by the name 
Shon-nung ; and this period in turn could not possibly have 
led within a little more than one hundred years to the 
enormous progress ascribed to Huang-ti. 

§ 5. Supposed Introduction op a Foreign Civiliza- 

An ingenious, but, I am afraid, hopeless attempt was 
made by the late Professor Terrien de Lacouperie to explain 
the several cultural developments ascribed to the Emperor 
Huang-ti as offshoots of Babylonian civilization. I have 
already declared my own views to be those of an agnostic. 


Chinese tradition contains no clue to a migration of the 
Chinese race, or any part of it, from west to east ; and the 
arguments laid down by De Lacouperie in his bulky 
volmne devoted to this problem* seem to be doomed to 
Asre the fate of De Guignes' attempt (before the French 
Academy in 1758) to prove that the Chinese had grown 
out of an Egyptian colony. 

Every student of the Chinese language is aware that 
the Chinese are very fond of expressing categories in 
certain round numbers, which have no deeper meaning 
than, say, the Latin sexcenii, in the sense of an indefinitely 
large number. TTius the word pat or pOj which is pro- 
nounced pak Q>ak) in the Canton dialect, is placed before 
quite a number of nouns, in order to denote "totality.'* 
Pairkuan, "the hundred Mandarins," means "all the 
Mandarins," or "the official world"; pairts'aUy "the hun- 
dred plants," means "all plants," or "the vegetable king- 
dom." Similarly pairsing, or jxhsing, "the hundred sur- 
names," means "all the surnames," or "the people." 
De Lacouperie ignores these analogies, of which, to judge 
from his general knowledge of the language, he must cer- 
tainly have been aware, by explaining the term po-sing as 
not a numerical category, but an ethnical name. He gives. 
this number pai (i.e. "a hundred") its Cantonese, or old, 
pronunciation pak or bak, and translates the term by the 
" Bak tribes." Bak Sing, he says, "is the earliest denomi- 
nation in their historical literature which the Chinese used 
to give to themselves, exclusively of the native populations 
they had subdued. TTie Bak Sings were the followers of 
Huang-ti, who came with him from the northwest and 
settled at first in the southwest comer of Kansuh." For 

* W^timn Origin of the Early Chinese Civilization, London, 1894. 


more than ten years the author had objected to the common 
rendering of Bak Sing by "the hundred families," because 
in his opinion it was an early ethnical name. Among the 
arguments brought forward in support of this view the 
following might decoy the uncritical reader: "In the ex- 
pression Bak Sing the first s}rmbol cannot have had in 
China the meaning of ' one hundred * as a definite niunber, 
for the conclusive reason that the niunber of Sings in early 
times was not one-fifth of that total. If the Sing^ ever 
numbered one hundred before that time, it must have 
been at the original seat of the race in western Asia, in the 
country whence Huang-ti and his followers originated." 
To this it must be remarked that pai or pak in these phrases 
is not a definite number, and that the term does not neces- 
sarily involve that the people should have consisted of 
exactly a hundred families. Moreover, the term can- 
not be shown to have been in existence at the time of 
Huang-ti; its first occurrence being traceable to the 
Confucian Classics, written at a time more than a thousand 
years distant from the reign of that emperor. Since the 
ethnical meaning "Bak tribes" must, therefore, be looked 
upon as the result of an arbitrary interpretation, which we 
find nowhere in Chinese literature, I cannot help ex- 
pressing it as my view that this term has never had any 
other meaning than that of the totality of the several sur- 
names representing the Chinese people. 

Now Professor De Lacouperie thinks that a people called 
Bak was originally seated in Babylonia, whence they 
migrated eastward. Among the arguments adduced in 
support of this untenable theory is the occurrence of 
geographical names in western Asia, in which the sound 
"£aA" is prominent; e.g. Bakhdi (Bactra), Bakhtan, 


Bakihyari, Bagdad ( !), Bagistan, '' land of Bak.'' Huang-ti, 
therefore, is, according to De Lacouperie, not an aboriginal 
Chinese ruler, but the leader of the "Bak tribes," who 
brou^t his people from Babylonia to the northwest of 

Ssl-ma Ts'i^n says in his Shl-ki * : " From Huang-ti down 
to Shun and Yii all the emperors had the same family name ; 
and consequently, to distinguish them, they were given 
the names of the fief of which they were lords before their 
accession to the throne." The name by which Huang-ti is 
thus sometimes described in Chinese history is Yu-hiung^ 
which, literally translated, means, "Having Hiung," or 
"Holder of the fief Hiung." Several names are formed in 
analogy with this example; and I shall, in due course, 
mention some of the titles meaning ''Holder of such and 
such a fief" and made up of the character yu, ''to have, to 
hold," and the name of the fief. The character hiung in 
Huang-ti 's fief name has a twofold pronunciation in ancient 
Chinese, namely, hiung and nai, according to the meaning 
attaching to it; but all the native authorities on ancient 
sounds agree in givmg it the sound of hiung and not nai, 
when applied to the name of that fief of which the Emperor 
Huang-ti was the holder. Through an oversight, the name 
has been transcribed by YvHfuii instead of Yvrhiung in the 
chronological table of Mayers' well-known work, "The 
Chinese Reader's Manual "; it has been correctly rendered 
in Arendt's " S3mchroni8ti8che RegententabcUen," the best 
work we possess on Chinese chronology ; also in Chavanncs' 
translation of the Shl-ki, in Giles' Dictionary; in fact, 
by all the Smologues familiar with the subject. 

De Lacouperie quite arbitrarily disconnects the name of 

* Chavannes, vol. i, p. 03; cf. note 3. 


the emperor's fief, Hiung, from the emperor's sobriquet 
Yvrhiung, gives it the wrong somid naif which he con- 
jectures stands for an original nak, and joins it to the name 
Hvang-ti, in order to reconstruct a name found nowhere in 
Chinese books, Nak-huang-li. This he declares to be 
identical with that of a powerful king of the Babylonians, 
Kudur Nakhunte ("Servant of Nakhunte")i the Elamite 
chief god, who lived about the time assigned by Chinese 
fictitious chronology to the Emperor Huang-ti. This 
alleged identity of the two names must certauily be re- 
jected on philological grounds ; and as to facts, it appears 
to me that history, whether real or legendary, furnishes no 
basis for the assumption of an immigration of Babylonians 
to the northwest of China. I do not wish to dismiss the 
idea of western origin, in an offhand manner; but I must 
confess that the logic brought to bear on the subject in 
De Lacouperie's much too ingenious attempts will never 
inspire one with confidence in the results of his investiga- 
tions. I avail myself of this opportunity to say that the 
work referred to contains, nevertheless, a host of valuable 
suggestions, based on Chinese literature, which are interest- 
ing in connection with side questions, and fully deserving 
the attention of students willing to place a lively imagina- 
tion, the basis of all philological research, under the iron 
rule of self-criticism. 

Another attempt to derive Chinese civilization from the 
West, more plausible than De Lacouperie's, has been made 
by Baron von Richthofen,* who looks upon the oasis of 
Khotan in the southwest of eastern Turkestan as the cradle 
of the Chmese race. The possibility of an immigration 
from those parts may be admitted on geographical grounds 

* China f vol. i, p. 48, note. 


in ooDiiection with a few legendary accounts placed on 
record by the Chinese; but we have to be cautious as to 
the historical statements of later periods. Chinese his- 
torians of the fifth and sixth centuries a.d., it is true, say 
that the people of Kau-ch'ang (i.e. Turfan) and farther 
west have deep eyes and high noses, and that only the 
inhaUtants of Khotan do not resemble those foreigners, 
they being similar in appearance and character to the 
Chinese. The latest discoveries made in this part of Central 
Asia, however,^ seem to show that the civilization of the 
natives of Khotan and neighborhood, including the once 
flourishing oases of the sand-buried cities in the desert of 
Takla-makan, was imported by Indian immigrants ban- 
ished from Taxila m the Punjab under King Ashoka during 
the third century b.c' Numerous relics of Buddhist art 
and manuscripts in the '' Kharoshthi " and other Indian 
scripts are testimonies to the fact that a non-Chinese civili- 
sation flourished there at the time, when the Chinese thought 
they had discovered among the hated Turks a nation more 
sympathetic to them in point of outward appearance and 

How much Chinese historians were inclined to look upon 
the evidences of a superior civilization distinguishing cer- 
tain foreign nations from their crude Turkish neighbors in 
Central Asia as a sign of congeniality may be inferred from 
a statement occurring in the Hdurhan-shu, the author of 
which says of his contemporaries, the inhabitants of 
Ta-ts'in, or the Roman Orient, that they are tall and 
upri^t somewhat like the Chinese, whence they are called 

' I refer to the archsological results of the famous journeys of 
Dra. von Hedin and Stein. ' M. A. Stein, Preliminary Report on 
a Jaurtuy in Chinete Turkestan, p. 51. London, 1901. 


TortsHn} Chmese vanity was flattered by the idea, which 
is found requoted for centuries by later historians. The 
fact of Chinese authors comparing the highly civilized 
Khotanese of Indian extraction to their own race seems to 
be sufficiently explained by this precedent; and I do not 
regard it as an argument supporting prehistoric immigra- 
tion from that region of the Tarim basm. 

§ 6. FuBTHER Deeds op Huang-ti 

Huang-ti had to fight his way to the throne; but when 
he had captured and decapitated Ch'i-yu, his chief opponent 
and the first traitor to plant the banner of rebellion on 
Chinese soil, he devoted himself to works of peace. His 
first care was the organization of government. It is per- 
haps characteristic of the great veneration in which in all 
ages the writers of history have been held among the 
Chinese, that the inventors of this period ascribed to 
Huang-ti the institution of a board of historians, divided 
into a right and a left wing, the one being charged with the 
record of facts, the other with that of words and speeches. 
The first state historian placed at the head of the new board 
was Ts'ang-ki6, the legendary inventor of the art of wri- 
ting. The more fabulous accounts represent him as having 
four eyes. He is supposed to have derived the first clue 
for his hierogljrphics from the marks of birds' claws made in 
sand, which shows that the inventors of this legend cannot 
have believed in Fu-hi as the originator of the hieroglyphic 

According to some, Ts'ang-ki6 merely perfected what had 
been in existence before him. His writing material con- 

^ Hirth, China and the Roman Orient, p. 41. 


flisted of boards made of bamboo, on which he pamted his 
hiero^jri^cs mth a bamboo brush dipped m a sort of 
varnish. He is the supposed mventor of about 540 hiero- 
^yphics representing a special style of ancient writing 
known as niaw-tei-tron, "script of birds' footprints." 
While Ts'ang-ki^ was engaged in perfecting the system of 
writing, Huang-ti laid the foundation of what has ever 
played a most conspicuous part in Chinese public life, the 
sacrificial cult. Hitherto sacrifices had been brought to 
Shang-ti, ''the Supreme Ruler/' in the open air; Huang-ti 
is supposed to have made bricks and to have taught his 
workmen how to construct houses. With their assistance 
he built the first temple for the offering of sacrifices. He 
drew up rules of conduct for the people. He further built 
a palace for his own use, in order to distinguish himself 
from his subjects ; for hitherto the emperors had enjoyed 
no privilege in this respect, they having all lived like the 
most lowly of their subjects in huts built of branches of 
trees. The inhabitants of his empire, who had hitherto 
lived scattered about wherever they chose, were now settled 
in villages, towns, and provinces. The provinces were 
called ck&u, a term which down to the Middle Ages denotes 
a much wider district than it does at present, for which 
reason certain titles of officers, which nowadays do not 
mvolve hi^ rank, have to be differently translated when 
occurring in old books. The man placed over a chdu, who 
is now a mere magistrate, was a governor or viceroy in 
ancient times. 

To regulate the calendar, the beginnings of which are 
said to date from Fu-hi, Huang-ti built an observatory and 
placed it under the charge of certain officers, each of whom 
was given a special department of astronomical observation. 


Some had to study the course of the sun, others that of the 
moon, and others agam the movement of the five planets. 
It was then discovered that the twelve lunar months did 
not suffice to make up the year, and that an mtercalary 
month had to be added. The observations made in this 
respect are described in full detail by the historians of this 
legendary period. 

The emperor's wife, Lei-tsu, called " the Lady of Si-ling," 
studied the rearing of silkworms, the principal manipular 
tions of which are said to have been her inventions. 

Not satisfied with having created the sources of national 
wealth, the emperor provided the means for the exchange 
of produce by inventing cars drawn by oxen. The rivers 
and lakes of his empire also were soon covered with barges. 
His soldiers were provided with bows and arrows, swords 
and lances; and his regiments were taught to follow a 
standard. Precious stones and pieces of gold and copper 
were introduced to serve as mediums of exchange. 

To cause his people to adopt promptly all these new 
elements of civilization, he ruled with a rod of iron. Implicit 
obedience was the order of the day, and opposition was 
threatened with capital punishment. On the other hand, 
this extreme severity against rebellious elements was made 
up for by the greatest kindness toward the loyal ones 
among his subjects, for whose benefit he mtroduced a 
number of enlivening novelties, chiefly in the way of 
musical instruments. The invention of certain flutes, com- 
bined in a series to form a kind of reed organ, is supposed 
to have led to systematic studies in connection with the 
production of certain musical sounds. The construction 
of such musical instruments called for a certain accuracy 
in measurements, the most minute details of which have 


been placed on record by Chinese authors as the result of 
observations made by the officers appointed for the purpose. 

It is from these musical efforts that the Chinese derive 
their entire system of weights and measures. Indeed, a 
regular system must have been indispensable to the in- 
ventor of the Chinese musical notation, which, distasteful 
thou^ it may seem to the European ear, is built up on 
mathematical principles claiming much deeper efforts of 
human thou^t than any of us would admit to be the case 
when listening to the strains of a Chinese band. 

The empress had in the meantime brought the silk 
industry to a high state of perfection. Hitherto the people 
had dressed in skins; weaving had been an imknown art; 
and it was only through the efforts of the Lady of Si-ling 
that silk textures were woven, the empress herself em- 
broidering them with representations of flowers and birds. 
In due course other materials were discovered, and the 
emperor was able to invent imiforms to be donned by his 
officers and people on certain occasions. Rank and posi- 
tbn were thus for the first time mdicated by the man's 
outward appearance. Caps and tiaras, coats, aprons, and 
other garments were given distinctive shapes; and the 
desire to increase the variety of patterns led to the applica- 
tion of color, so that the use of some rude dyeing materials 
may be reasonably assumed. 

On one of his journeys of inspection the monarch is sup- 
posed to have discovered in the neighborhood of K'ai- 
fong-fu a copper mine, which led to the establishment of 
a foundry in the province of Ho-nan, where the first sacri- 
ficial vases are supposed to have been cast from the emperor's 
models. Huang-ti, however, did not live to see the results 
of his last enterprise, a fatal disease carrying him off after 


a glorious reign of about one hundred years. He was suc- 
ceeded by his eldest son Shau-hau. 

§ 7. Shau-hau (2694-2611 B.C.) 

Shau-hau did not attain to the standard of his great 
father ; but he was peaceably inclined, and did not lead his 
people into trouble — a merit that many a greater man 
cannot claim. He had merely to continue the works of 
his father, who had done quite enough to occupy the people 
for some time. Still Shau-hau's love of peace must have 
bordered on negligence, smce we read that during his reign 
the veneration of Shang-ti, the Supreme Ruler, was vio- 
lated by some of his officers, who gave themselves up to 
heretical doctrines. 

Shau-hau is credited with having made further distinc- 
tions in the uniforms of his mandarins ; indeed, the custom 
of embroidermg representations of birds on the uniforms 
of civil officials and of certain beasts of prey on those of 
the military — prevailing up to this day — is supposed to 
date from his period. This is probably all that can be 
said of his rule in the way of new elements of civilization. 
Ssi-ma Ts'i^n skips his name altogether. Shau-hau died 
at K'u-f6u, the birthplace of Confucius, in Shan-tung, 
where his tomb, duly certified to by a number of inscrip- 
tions in stone, is supposed to exist at the present day. 

§ 8. Chuan-hu (2510-2433 B.C.) 

The people of China had not been greatly pleased with 
the government of the defunct emperor, and they, therefore, 
selected from the princes of the imperial house as his sue- 


oeflBor not the eldest-born, but the one whom they thought 
the most worthy of the position; namely, Kau-yang, a 
grandson of Huang-ti, who ascended the throne under the 
name of Chuan-hu. The new monarch had received a 
most careful education from his early childhood. His first 
step was directed against the spread of those heretical 
superstitious doctrines which, under the careless rule of his 
predecessor, had gamed the upper hand in public life. 
The sacrificial service was reorganized, and in astronomy 
progress was made which led to further improvements in 
the calendar. The limits of the empire were considerably 
extended under his rule, and it was divided mto nine 
provinces. Chuan-hii had several wives. From the son of 
his first sprang the great Emperor Yii, and by one of his 
C(mcubines the Emperor Shun was his descendant. At his 
death he left the empire in a most flourishing condition. 

i 9. Ti-K'u (2432-2363 B.C.) 

Ti-k'u, who was not one of the princes of the family, was 
elected emperor on the strength of his good qualities. 
Under his rule public schools were established, and the 
science of music was greatly improved. He married three 
wives in succession, and having no child by any of them, 
took a fourth, who gave birth to Ch!, his successor. After 
Chi*s birth his second wife presented him with a son, who 
afterward became the celebrated Emperor Yau, while a 
son bom by his third wife had among his lineal descendants 
some centuries later the Emperor Ch'ong-t'ang, the founder 
of the Shang dynasty. A posthumous son, bom ten 
months after the death of Ti-k'u, by Kiang-yiian, his first 
consort, became the legendary ancestor of the emperors 



5 11. Yau (2357-2258 B.C.) 

YAU and his successor Shun are perhaps the most pop- 
ular figures in Chinese history as taught in China. 
Whatever estimable qualities can be imagined in 
great and good rulers have been ascribed to them. Chi- 
nese literature is full of their praises, and the records of 
their deeds as appearing in the Shurking of Confucius and 
the Shl-ki of Ss!-ma Ts'i^n may be looked upon as the 
true " Mirror of Princes," held up as a canon of an emper- 
or's good conduct to after generations. In the Shvrking 
the ''Canon of Yau" serves as an mtroduction to that 
venerable historical work. I quote the following from 
Legge's translation : ^ — 

" Examining into antiquity, we find that the Emperor Yau was 
caDed Fang-hQn. He was reverential, intelligent, accomplished, 
and thoughtful — naturally and without effort. He was sincerely 
courteous, and capable of all complaisance. The display of these 
qualities reached to the four extremities of the empire, and ex- 
tended from earth to heaven. He was able to make the able and 
virtuous distinguished, and thence proceeded to the love of the nine 
classes of his kindred, who all became harmonious. He also regu- 
lated and polished the people of his domain, who all became brightly 
mteUigent. Finally, he united and harmonized the myriad states 
of the empire ; and lo ! the black-haired people were transformed. 
The result was universal concord." 

^8hu-kingt p. 16. 


After this the compiler of the Shvrking plunge right into 
the annals of Yau's reign, by telling us that he ordered 
Hi and Ho, whoever these worthies may have been, to 
''Observe the Heavens, calculate and delineate the move- 
ments of the sun, the moon, the stars, and the zodiacal 
spaces; and so deliver respectfully the seasons to the 

Hi and Ho appear to be family names, since in the sequel, 
"Hi, the second brother," "Hi, the third brother," etc., 
are mentioned as office-bearers. The several brothers were 
to make astronomical observations in the distant parts of 
the empire. This ancient record, if it were a true record 
of the twenty-third century B.C., would reveal quite an 
advanced state of astronomical science. To judge from it, 
Yau must be credited with a knowledge of the astronomical 
year, consisting of 366 days, and of other facts which none 
but the most accurate observation could have revealed to 
primeval man. Quite a library of books and papers has 
appeared on the knowledge of astronomy possessed by the 
ancient Chinese. Names like Deguignes, Gaubil, Biot, 
and Schlegel being among those of the chief investigators, 
much acumen has been brought to bear in proving the 
accuracy of the statements made in these ancient records. 
On the other side are the skeptics, who maintain that the 
form of the original text of the Shvrking must have been 
changed by later interpolations, and that later editors 
introduced statements that could have been made only 
with the astronomical knowledge possessed by their own 
contemporaries. C!onfucius himself may have felt tempted 
to date back by some fifty generations what was, after ail, 
not quite so old an acquisition. It must certainly be 
admitted that the question is very complicated ; and I, for 


one, as a non-expert in such matters, would not dare to 
pose as judge. 

During Yau's reign inimdations, reminding one, in their 
graphic descriptions, of the Biblical deluge, threatened the 
Chinese world. For these the emperor blamed Kun, his 
minister of works, whom he is said to have addressed in the 
fdlowing words : " chief of the four mountains, destruc- 
tive in their overflow are the waters of the inundation. In 
their vast extent they embrace the mountains and overtop 
the hills, threatening the heavens with their floods, so that 
the inferior people groan and murmur." * Nme years were 
spent in trying to stop the floods, when the emperor, after 
a reign of seventy years, wished to abdicate. He offered 
the throne to one of his trusted ministers, who declined it 
as being imworthy of it. " Point out some one among the 
iUustrious or set forth one from among the poor and mean," 
the emperor sugg^ted. His advisers thereupon imani- 
mously agreed that a certain young man named Shun, one 
of the emperor's lowliest subjects, was the most qualified. 
Hie monarch sent for him and married him to his two 

i 12. Shun (2268-2206 B.C.) 

Shun, as may be seen from the way in which he is intro- 
duced in the Shvrking, was a self-made man. After the 
death of Yau in 2258, he entered on a period of mourning 
lasting three years, which the Chinese historians do not 
lode upon as part of his reign. He organized the adminis- 
tration of the empire, which he divided into eight branches. 
Before his palace he had a board on which every subject 
was permitted to note whatever faults he had to find with 

> Shu-king, cd. Legge, p. 24. 


his government ; and by means of a drum suspended at his 
palace gate attention might be drawn to any complaint 
that was to be made to him. He banished Kun, the 
official whom Yau had called upon to stop the inundations, 
owing to his incapacity in improving matters, and ap- 
pointed the disgraced officer's son Yii to cany out the 
labors neglected so much by his father. 

§ 13. The Hia Dynasty (2205-1766 b.c.) 

This is the first continuous dynasty of what native 
authors consider to be the history of China. I propose to 
notice merely the important details of the epoch, which 
certainly cannot be regarded as history in the strictest 
sense. The name of the dynasty is derived from its first 
emperor's honorary title Hia-po, i.e. "Earl of Hia," or 
Yvrhiay literally "having or possessing Hia," i.e. "Holder 
of the fief of Hia," given him by the Emperor Shun as a 
reward for his services in draining the empire from the 
floods. The second title, Yvrhia, may be compared to 
Huang-ti's title Yvrhiung and to a similar title Yvryu, 
"Holder of the fief of Yii," by which the Emperor Shun 
is sometimes designated. These and a number of other 
combinations occurring in the oldest history show clearly 
that the character yu, "to have, to hold," has a recognized 
standard meaning in such names, and that De Lacouperie's 
manipulations in joining the name of his fief to that of 
the Emperor Huang-ti are, as I have already stated, not 

§ 14. Yij, OR Ta-yu (2205-2198 b.c.) 

The deeds of the Emperor Yu, or Ta-yu, " the Great Yu," 
as he is often called, have been set forth in the Shvrking, 


the compilation of which from records supposed to have 
existed before his time is, perhaps wrongly, ascribed to 
Confucius, who died in 479 B.C. Anyhow, the Shvrkvng 
18 the oldest source for the pre-Confucian history of China. 
According to later authorities, Yii was a native of the prov- 
ince of Ssi-ch'uan, where his name has survived in numerous 
legends. According to Ssi-ma Ts'i^n he was a descendant 
of the Emperor Huang-ti, though none of his ancestors 
held the throne. His father, Kun, had, as we have seen, 
been commissioned by the Emperor Yau to arrest certain 
inundations in the empire, he having been selected for that 
Herculean task on the unanimous advice of the govern- 
ment officials against the monarch's own opinion. Kun's 
attempts, however, ended in failure. It is a characteristic 
feature of the history of these early emperors, especially 
Yau and Shun, who are held up to all the world as models 
of what good rulers should be, that in all such important 
selections they were guided by the advice of their ministers. 
This, it appears to me, is very suggestive as to the class of 
persons who were chiefly influential in inventing the Chinese 
"model emperor lore,'' as we may call that part of Chinese 
history, taking it for granted that in such cases the wish 
was father to the thought. 

It is reasonable to assume that not an independent his- 
torian, but certain parties interested in raising the impor- 
tance of their own class invented or modified the old records 
80 as to lay the intellectual fatherhood of great decisions 
on ministers or philosophical advisers. All those gushing 
speeches of emperors and their ministers, placed on record 
m the Shxirking, may well be said, as Baron von Richthofen 
remarks,^ to have been placed together by their compilers, 

» China, vol. i, p. 279. 



m order to express the fundamental ideas of political and 
social government and to illustrate the way of handling 
them in the earliest times. The monarch asks, "Whom 
shall I appoint ?" The ministers propose, and the emperor 
cheerfully adopts their advice. Yau had made an unfortu- 
nate move in appointing Kun, who, by his being the de- 
scendant of Huang-ti, may have commanded more personal 
influence than talent. Yii may have benefited by the dis- 
asters experienced by his father. His education must have 
given him frequent opportunities to study the causes of 
the floods then devastating China and the means to stop 
them, and it is quite possible that he succeeded in some 
matters of detail. But if we read the accounts of what 
the great prehistoric engineer is supposed to have brought 
about, we are bound to agree with the view expressed by 
Biot, Legge, and Von Richthofen, the last mentioned of 
whom * is of opinion that the oldest account of Yii's labors, 
as contained in that part of the Shu-king known imder the 
name of Yu-kung ("Tribute of Yii"), is much more mod- 
erate in its statements and contains less of the wonderful 
than the later commentaries on it. From these later views, 
which may be said to represent the belief of the modem 
Chinese, it would appear that Yii cut canals through the 
hills, in order to furnish outlets to the floods ; that he visited 
the several provinces of the empire and all the mountain 
ranges and cut down forests ; that he traced each river to 
its source and back again to its mouth, in order to clear its 
spring, regulate its course, deepen its bed, raise embank- 
ments, and change its direction, — in other words, that he 
performed work, compared to which, as Von Richthofen 
justly remarks, the construction of the St. Gotthard tunnel 

» Op, cU., p. 286. 


without blasting materials would be child's play, and all 
this within a few years. 

If we lean at all toward the assumption that these ancient 
records have been constructed upon a historical basis, it 
will be necessary to free them of what we may call the 
poetical exaggeration which led the old historians to repre- 
sent the work of man as that of a god. Accounts of a great 
deluge occur in other literatures. Who knows how much 
has been added to them by the imagination of later genera- 

Such poetical exaggeration would in the first instance 
induce historians to represent the inundations as much 
more in the way of a catastrophe than they may have 
actually been. The Emperor Yau, according to the Shur 
king, describes the great deluge as embracing the mountains 
and overtopping the hills, threatening the heavens with 
their floods. How can such language possibly refer to phe- 
nomena witnessed at any time in any part of the globe ? 
Does it not rather recall a poetical figure like Schiller's 
'^Bis sum Himmel spritzte der dampfende Gischt"? 
Similariy, a considerable allowance may have to be made 
on account of exaggeration in the description of Yii's 
efforts to stop the floods, which may have subsided of 
thdr own accord after a number of years. It appears to 
me that Yii's father is not to be blamed for being imable 
to cope with the catastrophe, when it had reached its culmi- 
nation, nor does Yii himself deserve the credit, cheerfully 
given him by his contemporaries, of having stopped the 
floods by his own exertions. Of course, his people were 
only too glad to raise him to the pedestal of a national hero 
as an expression of the relief they felt after the floods had 
subsided. I look upon the story of the Emperor Yii as an 


early manifestation of what has continued to be a charac- 
teristically Chinese view down to the present day. The 
emperor is generally responsible for natm-al phenomena. 
It is he who has to address Heaven and pray for rain after 
a long drought ; and to his prayer is due the credit of relief, 
when it comes. It seems quite consistent with the Chinese 
character that the merits of a man credited with almost 
supernatural powers by his contemporaries should have 
been so grossly exaggerated by succeeding generations. 

The most interesting document referring to this period 
in the Shu-king is the above-mentioned "Tribute of Yii.'' 
In it the nine provinces into which Yii divided his empire 
are described with their products in that terse, archaic lan- 
guage peculiar to the oldest records of all nations. The 
incidents related in this accoimt correspond fairly with 
those in the accoimts written within the historical period, 
and this is just the reason why some critics are of opinion 
that they may be interpolations of a later date. 

The late Professor James Legge, of Oxford, to whose 
edition of the Shvrking the reader may be referred for the 
original text, translation, and critical apparatus, took an 
entirely skeptical view with regard to the doings of Yii. 
"If we allow," he says,* "that all the resoiirces of the em- 
pire, so to speak, were at his disposal, the work which he 
is said to have accomplished far exceeds all limits of credi- 
bility." Legge quotes Edouard Biot the yoimger, who 
says '} — 

"The Yellow River, after its entrance into China, has a further 
course of 560 leagues; the Kiang, tak^n only from the great lake 
of Hu-kuang visited by Yii, has a course of nearly 250 leagues ; the 

* ShU'kingf Prolegomena, p. 59. ' Mimoire 8ur le chapitre Yu-kong 
du Chourking, etc., in Journal Anatique, 3d series, vol. xiv, p. 160. 


Han, from its source to its junction with the Kiang, is 150 leagues 
long. These three rivers present a total length of nearly 1000 
leagues; and, adding the othef rivers (on which YQ laboured), we 
must extend the 1000 to 1500. . . . Chinese antiquity has pro- 
duced one monument of immense labour, — the Great Wall, which 
extends over nearly 300 leagues; but the achievement of this 
gigantic monument required a great number of years. It was 
commenced in pieces, in the ancient states of Ts'in, Chau, and Yen, 
and was then repaired and lengthened by the first emperor of the 
Tsln dynasty. Now such a structure, in masonry, is much easier 
to make than the embankment of enormous streams along an ex- 
tent of 1200 or 1500 leagues. We know, in effect, how much trouble 
and time are required to bring such works to perfect solidity. We 
can judge it from the repeated overflowings of the Rhdne ; and the 
bwer Rhdne is not a fourth of the size of the Ho and the Kiang in 
the lower part of their course. If we were to believe the commenta- 
tors, YQ would be a supernatural being, who could lead the inmiense 
ri^'ers of China as if he had been engaged in regulating the course 
of feeble streamlets." 

Legge continues : — 

"These illustrations of Biot are sufficiently conclusive. I 
may put the matter before the reader by one of a different 
character. I have represented the condition of the surface of 
China when YQ entered on his labours by supposing the regions 
of North America, from the St. Lawrence southward, to have been 
found in similar disorder and desolation by the early colonists from 
Europe in the seventeenth century. Those colonists had not the 
difficulties to cope with which confronted YU; but we know how 
dowly they pushed their way into the country. Gradually growing 
in numbers, receiving constant accessions from Europe, increasing 
to a great nation inferior to no other in the world for intelligence and 
enterprise, in more than two centuries they have not brought their 
territory more extensively into cultivation and order than YU did 
the inundated regions of China in the space of less than twenty 

"The empire as it appears in 'The Tribute of YU' consisted of 
nine provinces. On the north and the west its boundaries were 


much the same as those of China Proper at the present day. On 
the east it extended to the sea, and even, according to many, 
across it, so as to embrace the territory of Corea. Its limits on 
the south are not very well defined. It certainly did not reach be- 
yond the range of mountains which runs along the north of Kuang- 
tung province, stretching into Kuang-si on the west and Fu-ki6n 
on the east. Even though we do not reckon those three provinces 
in YQ's dominion, there still remains an immense empire, about 
three times as large as France, which we are to suppose was ruled 
over by him, the chief of K'i, and the different regions of which sent 
their apportioned contributions of grain and other articles of trib- 
ute to his capital year by year." 

The reader will find most valuable material regarding 
the Emperor Yii's exploits, and more particularly the 
geographical features of the Yu-kung, in volume i of Von 
Rich thof en's well-known work China. I look upon this 
author as an absolute authority in his own field, the geology 
and geography of the world, including that of China; but 
I draw a sharp line between this cheerfully acknowledged 
competency and the treatment of philological problems, 
the solution of which is dependent upon a knowledge of 
the Chinese language and literature. 

§ 15. Yu's Successors 

None of the sixteen successors of the great Yii is credited 
with any particular brilliancy of character, and it looks as 
if the story of their government had been written merely to 
give relief to the great Confucian idols Yau, Shun, and Yii. 

Yii had the intention to select a clever man rather than 
his own son as his successor, but yielded to the advice of 
his ministers in leaving the empire to the rightful heir, 
K% or Ti-k'i, "Emperor K'i'' (2197-2189 b.c). 

The people and his ministers having been highly satisfied 


with Yu as a worthy monarch; the rule hitherto observed in 
sdecting a successor from some other family was broken ; and 
from this precedent, the Chinese say, dates the practice of 
later ages in securing the succession to one of the emperor's 
own sons. Ti-k'i enjoyed the confidence of all his federal 
brds except one, Yu-h6u, "Holder of the fief of H6u," who 
refused to render allegiance to and took up arms against 
him. With the assistance of his adherents, however, the 
miperor vanquished him ; so that H-k'i at his death, which 
occurred after a reign of about nine years, was able to 
leave the empire in good order to his eldest son, T'ai-k'ang. 

Tai-k'ang (2188-2160 b.c.) gave himself up to a gay 
Sfe amid convivial pleasures, women, and the chase. 
But for the fact that he was a grandson of the great Yii, 
the people would have revolted against him, since he spoiled 
thdr harvests by his hunting parties. All remonstrances 
on the part of his ministers were in vain. Among the 
latter one H6u-i, " Holder of the fief of K'iung" (yurkHung), 
planned a coup (Titat. Taking advantage of the emperor's 
protracted absence on one of his hunting expeditions, he 
intercepted him with an army, and, making him prisoner, 
offered the throne to T'ai-k'ang's brother, named Chung- 

Chung-k'ang (2159-2147 b.c.) was a much better man, 
who would not, however, assume the imperial dignity dur- 
ing T'ai-k'ang's lifetime, but succeeded him formally after 
his death. H6u-i continued to be his minister, but, having 
assumed greater authority than Chung-k'ang approved, 
his public influence was considerably curtailed. The post 
of general-in-chief of the army, formerly held by H6u-i, was 
given to his rival, the Prince of Yin. Under Chung-k'ang 
the two court astronomers Hi and Ho — whom we must 


suppose to be descendants of the two brothers of the 
same name and holders of similar offices under the Em- 
peror Yau — were decapitated for having failed to predict 
an eclipse of the sun which took place while the two delin- 
quents were absent and given to debauchery instead of 
attending to their duties. 

Several ingenious attempts have been made to identify 
the solar eclipse referred to in the Shvrking account of 
Chung-k'ang's reign, the latest and most plausible one 
representing the joint labors of the late Professor G. 
Schlegel, author of the great work on Chinese astronomy, 
" Uranographie chinoise/' and Dr. F. Kiihnert of Vienna, 
who, besides being a Sinologue, is an astronomer by profes- 
sion. It seems to me that none but a scholar well at 
home in both these sciences is able to understand thor- 
oughly this very complicated subject; but students may 
be referred to the work itself, which is published by the 
Royal Academy of Sciences of Amsterdam under the title 
"Die Schu-king-Finstemiss'' (Amsterdam, J. Miiller, 1889). 
The authors endeavor to prove that the eclipse which the 
court astronomers Hi and Ho failed to predict during 
Chimg-k'ang's reign, actually took place on May 7, 2165 
B.C., about one hour after sunrise and that it was plainly 
visible at the time in Ho-nan. Being an utter stranger to 
astronomical research, I am not able to refute the criti- 
cisms of a well-known Sinologue, Dr. E. J. Eitel, * who has 
the following remarks on the subject : — 

"If the date of this eclipse could be fixed accurately and in a 
manner bringing conviction to the mind of a vast majority of read- 
ers, all doubts as to the reliability of the most ancient historical 

* China Review , vol. xviii, p. 266. 


lecordB that exist in the world would be removedi and the basis for 
a connected outline of ancient Chinese history would be gained. 
But although the two professors bring together an unusual amount 
of Sinologic and astronomical skill, qualifying them for the task 
they have in hand, we doubt if many readers will see in the argu- 
ments here propounded any more plausible evidence in favor of 
May 7, 2165 B.C., than Gaubil advanced for October 11, 2154 B.C., 
or Largeteau and Chalmers (both working independently) for 
October 12, 2127 B.C., or Fr^ret and D. Cassini for October 24, 
2006 B.C., or Gumpach for October 22, 2155 B.C., or Oppolzer for 
October 21, 2135 b.c. 

** The question is extremely complicated, for the following reasons : 
The original reading of the text of the Shu is uncertain. Confucius 
may have altered it to bring it into conformity with his imperfect 
astronomical knowledge, and especially with his prejudices against 
the poflsible reading of his original, caused by his ignorance of the 
precession of the equinoxes. The Han editors, who, after the burn- 
ing of the books, patched up the lacunae of the ancient texts and 
freely reconstructed the Shu, may likewise have corrected the 
amended reading of Confucius. But, on the other hand, it is also 
possible that both Confucius and the Han editors respected the 
original reading of the Shu and left it untouched. It is, in our 
opinion, absolutely impossible to get anything more than plausi- 
bility for either view. Certainty is out of the question." ' 

On his death Chung-k'ang was followed by his son Ti- 

8IANG (2146-2119 B.C.). 

What we know about him and Yii's successors generally 
is chiefly due to the records of the Bamboo Books, and it 
is perhaps characteristic that Ssi-ma TsM^n does not now 
give much more than the names of emperors down to Ki^. 

TVsiang, a man of amiable temper, was much too yield- 
ing in disposition to escape being victimissed by crafty 
underlings. He had reinstated H6u-i in his post as gcneral- 

> For the Chinese text, translation, and commentary see Lagge, 
Shu-^nng, p. 162 $egq. 


in-chief; and the latter earned great success in subduing 
certain rebellious border nations. Having thereby become 
a favorite with the people, he made use of his power to 
reduce the emperor to a mere shadow. Tl-siang was com- 
pelled to live on the frontier of his empire, not daring to 
come to the capital, where H6u-i ruled supreme. When, 
after a long banishment, he at last returned, H6u-i declared 
him mcapable of governing and deposed him, after he had 
made use of the emperor's authority to get rid of all the 
officials that opposed his own schemes. 

Among the adherents of H6u-i was an official named 
Han-cho, who succeeded by another coup d^itat in wrench- 
ing the empire from the usurper. H6u-i, like his victim 
Ti-siang, had contracted a passion for the chase, and Han- 
cho made use of that very circumstance which had been 
fatal to the emperor. Seizing the government during the 
absence of H6u-i, he caused the latter to be murdered on 
his return from a somewhat protracted hunting party. 
Upon this Han-cho married H6u-i's widow, by whom he 
had two sons. When he took charge of the empire as sole 
regent, the "shadow emperor" Ti-siang still lived in banish- 
ment; and the usurper, in order to prevent any possible 
legitimate interference with his plans, induced his sons in 
2119 B.C. to kill the emperor, upon which the Hia dynasty 
was interrupted by the reign of 

Han-cho (2119-2079 b.c), characterized by the attempts 
made by the legitimate emperor's family, notably his widow 
and her son with their adherents, to regain the empire. 
In this Ti-siang's son succeeded. He ascended the throne 
under the name of Shau-k'ang (2079-2058 B.C.). 

For the names of ten of Shau-k'ang's successors the reader 
is referred to the chronological tables given in the Appendix. 


The list of emperors of the Hia dynasty is closed by the 
name ci aae who brought about its ruin, and this, with 
Chinese historians, is sufficient reason for describing him 
as an arrant knave. 

Kife, known also as Kui, Ti-kui, and Kit-KXJi (1818- 
1766 B.C.), united in his person the most abominable qualities 
with which a ruler may possibly be charged. If the entire 
story of this first dynasty is an invention, the historians 
have certainly shown method in drawing impresdve sketches 
of the great Yu and the scoundrel Ki6. It may almost be 
considered a rule henceforward — corresponding to what 
is observed in the history of other nations — that the 
founder of a dynasty is usually endowed with all the virtues 
of a great man, whereas the one who has the misfortune to 
be the last of a long and glorious line of rulers is, after its 
downfall, credited with all the known vices. K\6 began 
his reign by punishing those of his vassals who, prompted 
by deep contempt of his cruel and dissolute character, 
refused obedience to him. One of them, Yu-shI, "Holder 
of the fief of Shi," had a beautiful daughter named Mel-hi, 
and knowing the emperor's fatal weakness for female 
charms, sent him the girl, with whom Ki6 became infatu- 
ated. To please the woman, who is represented as gifted 
with great intelligence coupled with the extreme of heart- 
lessness, Ki6 gave himself up to the most extravagant 
pleasures of which human imagmation can conceive. 
On the heads of this couple have been heaped all the 
infamies of vice that history has ever recorded; and 
the historians may well be said to have created with 
their account of this disastrous period the prototype of all 
that is low and contemptible in human nature. The 
details of their abominable acts of terrible cruelty are fully 


described by the historians of the period, whose account of 
Ki6'8 reign surpasses everythmg recorded in the way of 
tyranny in the history of the world, not excepting the 
darkest periods of imperial Rome. The reaction set in 
under the leadership of Ch'ong-t'ang, or T'ang, " the C!om- 
pleter," Prince of Shang, who, after overthrowing Ki6, 
became the founder of the house known as the Shang, 
or Yin, dynasty. 


(1766-1122 B.C.) 

THE 8HAN0, OR YIN, DYNASTY (1766-1122 b.c.) 
i 16. CH'ONChT'ANO (1766-1754 B.C.) 

fT^HIS ruler, whose rebellion against Ki6 dates from the 
1 year 1783, spent seventeen years m fighting the em- 
peror, who was soon deserted by his former adherents. 
In 1766 B.C. Ki6 was made a prisoner and deposed. When 
Ch'ong-t'ang ascended the throne as the founder of the 
Shang dynasty, he was found to be a good and virtuoxis 
ruler. He was full of benevolence not only toward his 
human subjects, but also toward the animal world. His 
name has become proverbial in connection with hunting 
and fishing, which he sanctioned, while taking measures to 
prevent all cruelty to animals. The introduction of sports- 
manlike treatment of these pastimes is ascribed to him. 
He was succeeded by his grandson. 

1 17. Cn'oNo-r'ANo's Successors 

Tai-kia (1753-1721 b.c), as a young man, was inclined 
to be wayward, but I Yin, the prudent minister of his 
grandfather, caused him to withdraw from government for 
three years, in order to prepare for the responsible duties 
awaiting him, after which he returned to the capital. 

I Yin must have been a man of great power, and he 
should be regarded as the chief ag^nt in consolidating the 


»\ ^ ' 


empire under the first three rulers of the dynasty. He 
had greatly assisted Ch'ong-t'ang in securing the throne, 
and had remained his chief adviser throughout his life. 
He now held a similar position under T'ai-kia. He died a 
centenarian in 1714 under the reign of T'ai-kia's son, Wu- 
TiNG (1720-1692 B.C.). 

T'ai-kong (1691-1667 b.c.) was the next ruler, and after 
his death T'ai-kong's son 

SiAU-KiA (1666-1650 B.C.) 
was followed by his younger brother 

YuNG-Ki (1649-1638 B.C.). 

Under this reign the imperial authority became weak- 
ened, and when the monarch called the princes of his 
empire to a meeting, they declined to obey the summons. 

T'ai-mou (1637-1563 B.C.), 
known also under his posthumous name Chung-tsung, was 
another brother of Siau-kia and Yung-ki. He was fright- 
ened by the sudden growth of an ill-portending mulberry 
tree and a stalk of grain. He consulted his minister 
I Chi as to the meaning of this omen. I Chi, who was of 
opinion that sorcery ought to be powerless against virtue, 
ascribed the phenomenon to the emperor's lack of good 
qualities. The monarch took the hint and resolved to 
start a new life, upon which the dangerous plants withered 
away. The result was that the princes of the empire, who 
had refused to do obeisance to his brother, hastened to 
tender their allegiance. He was followed by his son 

Chung-ting (1562-1550 b.c). 

This youthful monarch did not share his father's good 
luck in having the assistance of an excellent adviser like the 
prime minister I Chi, who had died soon after his master. 
The neighboring states refused their former vassalage and 

THE SHANG, OR YIN, DYNASTY (1766-1122 b.c.) 49 

made the reign one of constant warfare. China's sorrow, 
the Yellow River, added to these misfortunes a serious 
inundation, which threatened with destruction the imperial 
capital, situated in the adjacent lowlands. The capital 
was, therefore, again transferred to a more favorable place 
in the present province of Ho-nan. Chung-ting died child- 
less after a reign of thirteen years. He was followed by his 

Wai-jon (1549-1535 B.C.), 
a boy ct fifteen, who at his death left the empire to another 
brother of Chung-ting's, 

Ho-TAN-KIA (1534-1526 B.C.), 

who again changed his residence owing to the Yellow River 
troubles. He had taken good care to give his son an edu- 
cation qualifying him for his responsible duties, and the 
latter succeeded him imder the name of 

Tbu-i (152&-1507 B.C.). 
He was a peaceful ruler and enjoyed the benefit of being 
assisted by a clever minister. The capital was, during his 
reign, repeatedly shifted, but he left the empire in good 
Y Hie greater part of the history of this dynasty is merely a 
series ot names ; and the chronology of the rulers to whom 
these names belong has been fixed by later generations 
with the assistance of records which may possibly have 
existed two thousand years ago, but have not come down 
to us. From Tsu-i down to the end of the dynasty the 
names ot seventeen rulers are recorded, and these are given 
in the chronological tables appended to this work. The 
degree of relationship in which these monarchs stand to 
each other is immaterial. 

Many of these names are mentioned in the Shirking, but 


the det^ of the history of this dynasty, with the material 
placing the philologist in the position to reconstruct some 
sort of chronology, is f omid in another ancient record known 
as Chvrshvrkir^iin, i.e. ''Annals of the Bamboo Books/' 
which contain the history and chronology of Chinese em- 
perors from Huang-ti nearly to the end of the Ch6u 
dynasty. These records were discovered about the year 
280 A.D. A native of the district of Ki in the north oi the 
present province of Ho-nan had committed what, according 
to Chinese views, would be considered a great indiscretion 
in excavating the tomb of a prince of the Ch6u dy- 
nasty, whose remains had rested there in peace for well- 
nigh six hundred years. The record from which we learn 
this fact duly insinuates that the man had no permission 
to do so ; yet he did it to the great delight of the philolo- 
gists of the period. It had been customary, as may be 
concluded from similar cases well known in the history of 
Chinese literature, to bury with the worldly remains of 
great folks not only weapons and armor, but also valuable 
manuscripts. Thus it came about that one of the princi-* 
pal sources of the oldest history down to the year 299 B.C. 
was preserved. The text contammg these annals was m- 
scribed on a number of bamboo tablets, the time-honored 
mode of writing prior to the invention of more handy 
writing materials. It was written in characters, the deci- 
phering of which had to be intrusted to the experts of the 
day, who had also to make use of their philological acu- 
men in arranging it, before it could be inserted in duly 
transcribed copies among the treasures of the imperial li- 
brary. We have no more reason to doubt the bona fides 
of the philological work done in connection with it than 
we are accustomed to doubt the tradition of many a his- 

THE SHANO, OR YIN, DYNASTY (1760-1122 B.C.) 51 

torieal work o( Greek or Roman origin; and sound argu- 
metkta may be brou^t forward to support the belief in its 

. iimi ;^i ;r; ; 

Althou^ discrepancies of considerable weight exist m 
its tradition as compared with the Shvrking, the oldest 
text treating (A the most ancient history, and the great 
historical work of Ssi-ma Ts'i^n, the Shi-ki, originating in 
the b^inning of the first century B.C., such as they are the 
Annals ct the Bamboo Books are the most detailed record, 
as far as they go, of the earliest periods of Chinese history. 
. Am<Mig the discrepancies the one most conspicuous is 
the dironology of the early legendary periods. I have, in 
the dates assigned to these emperors, followed what may 
be called the standard view of Chinese chronologists. 
The Bamboo Books di£fer from them considerably. The 
Emperor Huang-ti's reign, which began in 2704 b.c. 
according to the standard computation, is made to date 
more than two hundred years later, i.e. from 2491 b.c, 
in the Bamboo Annab. The difference diminishes gradu- 
ally later on, but still amounts to more than fifty years 
at the end o( the Shang dynasty, imtil it disappears 
altogether about the middle of the ninth century b.c. 

Sel-ma Ts'i^n, with true historical spirit, refrains from 
any attempt at exact chronology prior to the year 841 b.c. 
In the Genealogical Table inserted in the thirteenth book 

j * CY. Legge> 8hu4nng, Prolegomena, p. 105 9e^., where the text is 
•t reproduced with an introduction, a careful translation, and critical 
: aotet; also Ed. Chavannes, Let mHnoires hidariquet, vol. i, Intro- 
duction, p. dxxxviii, and especially vol. v, pp. 44^-479, appendix i, 
where the moet exhaustive monograph on the archaological merits 
d the work and the history of its discovery will be found. A French 
trmoslation with introduction and notes was published by id. Biot in 
the Journal Atiatique, 3d series, vol. xii, pp. 537-67S, and vol. xiii, 
pp. 381-431. 


of his work, he merely gives names and generations for 
the preceding periods ; and, from the indications he makes, 
it seems that his chronology, vague though it has been 
left for good reasons, comes nearer that of the Bamboo 
Books than our standard figures.* Altogether, too much 
stress should not be laid on dates of any kind previous to 
the Ch6u dynasty.' 

What we learn from the Bamboo Books about the Shang 
dynasty is dry and immteresting. I am inclined to look 
upon this as an argument supporting the confidence to be 
placed in it. The accounts of the early legendary emperors 
are much more detailed: they are attractive when com- 
pared with the terse entries appearing imder the Shang 
dynasty in that old chronicle; and this, considering the 
remoteness of the period, is bound to cause suspicion. 
Very little need be said about the long array of names I 
have referred to of rulers of that dynasty as belonging to 
the fifteenth down to the twelfth century. The beginning 
of the fourteenth century saw P'an-kOng (1401-1374 b.c), 
who for the fifth time removed the court — this time far 
away from the troublesome banks of the Yellow River to 
a site in the present province of Chi-li. A lengthy account 
containing speeches in which he places on record his views 
on government has been preserved in the Shvrking. One 
of his successors, Wu-ting, the last of the virtuous rulers 
of the dynasty (1324r-1266 B.C.), had intrusted himself in 
all government aflFairs to his aged teacher Kan-p'an, who 
soon had to retire on account of old age. The emperor 
now sought a clever man to assist him in his duties, for 

^Chavannes, op, cit,, vol. i, Introduction, p. cxci. 'The details 
of the two systems of chronology have been placed together in 
Arendt's SynchroniaHsche RegenUntabeUen. 

THE SHANG, OR YIN, DYNASTY (1760-1122 b.c.) 63 

which purpoee he addressed himself to Shang-ti, the Supreme 
Rukr, that is, God, asking that He would reveal to him in 
a dream the man who should act as his prime minister. 
He dreamed the dream and saw his futiu-e counselor, but 
he could not find his like among the grandees of the empire, 
thou^ he searched the country over. Finally he proved 
to be a common workman by the name of Fu-yu6, who not 
only resembled the portrait shown him by God in his 
dream, but in the sequel showed his possession of all the 
requisite qualities for the high position to which he was 
forthwith raised. Indeed he became a worthy successor 
to the great I Yin, the assistant of Ch'ong-t'ang, the 
foimder of the dynasty. A glorious and peaceful govern- 
ment resulted from the perfectly harmonious manner in 
which Wu-ting and his minister worked together. 

Not much need be said about their successors, rulers as 
well as ministers, down to Ch6u-sin, the last ruler of the 
dynasty, on whose imworthy head all the crimes of an 
incompetent and vicious monarch have been heaped by 
the historians of later ages. His history is almost a parallel 
to that of Ki^, the unworthy last emperor of the Hia 

I quote the Bamboo Books in Legge's translation,^ in 
order to show what this venerable record is like. 

§ 18. Ch6u-sin (1154-1122 b.c.) 

"In his first year, which was ki hai (thirty-sixth of the cycle 
= 1102 B.C.), when he came to the throne, Ch6u-8in dwelt in Yin. 
He gave appointments to the princes of K'iu, Ch6u, and YU. 

" In his third year, a sparrow produced a hawk. In his fourth 
year, he had a great hunting in Li. He invented the punishment of 
roasting. In his fifth year, in the summer, he built the tower of 

* ShU'king, Prolegomena, p. 139 9eqq, 


Nan-tan. There was a shower of earth in Po. In his sixth year, 
the chief of the west [Si-po, t.e. Won-wang] offered sacrifice for the 
first time to his ancestors in Pi. In his ninth year, the royal forces 
attacked the State of Su, and brought away Ta-ki as a captive. 
The king made an apartment for her, with walls of carnation stone, 
and the doors all adorned with g^ms. In his tenth jear, in the 
smnmer, in the sixth month, he hunted in the western borders. 
In his seventeenth year, the chief of the west smote the Ti. In the 
winter, the king made a pleasure excursion in El. In his twenty- 
first year, in the spring, in the first month, the princes went to Qi6u 
to do homage. Po-i and Shu-ts'i betook themselves to Qi6u from 
Ku-chu. In his twentynsecond year, in the winter, he had a great 
hunting along the Wei. In his twenty-third year, he imprisoned 
the chief of the west in Yu-li. In his twenty-ninth year, he liber- 
ated the chief of the west, who was met by many of the princes and 
escorted back to Ch'ong. In his thirtieth year, in the spring, in the 
third month, the chief of the west led the princes to the court with 
their tributes. In his thirty-first year, the chief of the west began 
to form a regular army in Pi, with LU Shang as its commander. In 
his thirty-second year, there was a conjunction of the five planets 
in Fang. A red crow lighted on the altar to the spirits of the land 
in Ch6u. The people of Mi invaded YUan, when the chief of the 
west led a force against Mi. In his thirty-third year, the people 
of Mi surrendered to the army of Ch6u, and were removed to Ch'ong. 
The king granted power to the chief of the west to punish and attack 
offending states on his own discretion. 

"In his thirty-fourth year, the forces of Ch6u took K'i and Yli; 
and then attacked Ts'ung, which surrendered. In the winter, in 
the twelfth month, the hordes of Kun overran Ch6u. In the 
thirty-fifth year, there was a great famine in Ch6u; when the 
chief of the west removed from Ch'ong to Fung. In his thirty- 
sixth year, in the spring, in the first month, the princes went to 
court at Ch6u, and then they smote the hordes of Kun. The chief 
of the west made his heir-son Fa [i.e. Wu-wang] build Hau. In his 
thirtynseventh year, the Duke of Ch6u built an imperial college- 
In his thirty-ninth year, the great oflficer Sin-kia fled to Ch6u. In 
his fortieth year, the Duke of Ch6u made the spirit-tower. The 
king sent Eiau-ko to seek for gems in Ch6u. In his forty-first year. 

THE SHANG, OR YIN, DYNASTY (176G-1122 b.c.) 55 

in the npnitg, in the third month, Ch'ang, the chief of the west, died. 
In his forty-fleeond year. Fa, the chief of the west, received the 
vermilion book from LQ Shang. A girl changed into a man. In 
his forty-third year, in the spring, he had a grand review. Part of 
Mount Yau fell down. In his forty-fourth year. Fa smote Li. In 
his forty-eeventh year, the recorder of the Interior, Hiang Chi, fled 
to Ch6u. In his forty-eighth year the I goat was seen. Two suns 
appeared together. In his fifty-first year, in the winter, in the 
deventh month, on the day m6u-tzi (twenty-fifth of the cycle), the 
army of Ch6u crossed the ford of Mong, but returned. The king 
imprisoned the Viscount of K'i, and put his relative Pi-kan to death ; 
while the Viscount of Wei fled away. In his fifty-second year, 
which was kong-yin (twenty-seventh of the cycle), Ch6u made its 
first attack on Yin. In the autumn, the army of Ch6u camped in 
the plain of 8i6n. In the winter, in the twelfth month, it sacrificed 
to God. The tribes of Yung, Shu, Kiang, Mau, Wei, Lu, P'ong, 
and Pu, followed Ch6u to the attack of Yin." 

Some explanations will be necessary for the modem 
stud^it to understand this terse account, apart from the 
several geographical and personal names, to comment on 
which it would take us too far afield. 

I fuUy conciur with the opinion expressed by Chavannes,^ 
who 8a3rs with regard to the trustworthiness of Chinese 
history down to this period, that the legends recorded in 
connection with the model emperors Yau and Shun appear 
to be built up on a sjrmmetrical system provoking suspicion ; 
that neither of them is mentioned in the most ancient Con- 
fucian classic, the Shl-kinQf and that most of the details of 
their history betray the manners and political organization 
<rf the Ch6u dynasty. Chavannes * says : — 

''As regards the Emperor YQ, he is credited with having 
performed hydrographic works which would have claimed the 
continuous efforts of several generations. In the book of the Shur 

* Les mimaireM hiitorique*, vol. i, Introduction, p. czl. 


king, called 'Tribute of Yii/ we may distinguish an ancient geograr 
phy with which the legend of this sovereign has been mixed up by 
way of superfoetation. Yau, Shun and Yil, these three august 
m3rthological phantoms, have no longer any reality, if one seeks to 
seize them bodily. The veritable facts do not appear before the 
Ch6u dynasty and the prince deposed by it, the perverse Qi6u-sin, 
who became guilty of excessive love towards the beautiful and 
cruel Ta-ki. It is, therefore, not until almost the end of the twelfth 
century b.c. that we find the hitherto uncertain ground on which 
the historian has guided us so far become firm enough to walk upon." 

Ch6u-sin united in hb person all that is bad in an em- 
peror. If Yau and Shun may be called the model emperors 
par excellence, he was the very reverse. Ssi-ma Ts'i6n* 
characterizes him in a few words as follows : — 

"The Emperor Ch6u was of quick discernment, gifted with sharp 
senses, mental ability beyond the ordinary, and physical strength 
of brutal power. Knowledge enabled him to keep remonstrance at 
a distance ; eloquence enabled him to gloss his vicious acts. Boast- 
ing to his subjects of his ability, and exalting his empire by clamor- 
ing, was to him the means to make himself prominent. He loved 
the pleasures of the cup and debauchery, and was infatuated with 
his consort, the beloved Ta-ki, whose words he obeyed." 

From what the historian places on record in connection 
with this couple, it appears that Madam Tarki was an early 
prototype of that perverse mentality presented in the eigh- 
teenth tjentury by that ill-famed maniac, the Marquis de 

Legge* recapitulates what the commentators of the 
Shvrking have to say about her crimes as follows : — 

" Ta-ki was shamelessly lustful and cruel. The most licentious 
songs were composed for her amusement, and the vilest dances 
exhibited. The court was at a place in the present district of K'i, 

* Shi'ki, ch. ill, p. 10; of. Chavannes, op. cU., vol. i, p. 199. ' Shu- 
king, p. 209 aeq. 

THE SHANG, OR YIN, DYNASTY (1766-1122 b.c.) 57 

dep. of Wei-4iuiy and there a palace was erected for her, with a 
famous terrace or tower, two li iii;^de, and the park around stocked 
with the rarest animals. This expenditure necessitated heavy 
exactions, which moved the resentment of the people. At Sha-k'iu, 
in the present district of P'ing-hiang, in Chi-li, there was still greater 
extravagance and dissipation. There was a pond of wine, the 
trees were hung with flesh ; men and women chased each other about 
quite naked. In the palace there were nine market stances, where 
they drank all nig^t. The princes began to rebel, when Ta-ki said 
that the majesty of the throne was not sufficiently maintained; 
that punishments were too light, and executions too rare. She, 
therefore, devised two new instruments of torture. One of them 
was called 'The Heater,' and consisted of a piece of metal made 
hot in a fire, which people were obliged to take up in their hands. 
The other was a copper pillar, greased all over, and laid above a 
pit of live charcoal. The culprit had to walk across the pillar, 
and when his feet slipped and he fell down into the fire, Ta-ki was 
greatly delif^ted. This was called the pimishment of 'Roasting.' 
These enormities made the whole empire groan and fume with 
indignation." ' 

§ 19. WoN-WANG, Duke op Ch6u (1182-1135 b.c.) 

Such a state of things could not, of course, last long, and 
the reaction, bound to follow such misgovemment, soon 
set in. Among the feudal states of the empire was that of 
Ch6u, distinguished by its virtuous ruler Ch'ang, known also 
by the name Sirpo, "Chief of the West," and well known 
in Chinese literature as Won-wang, the father of Wu-wang, 
the first ruler of the Ch6u dynasty. He had followed his 
father on the throne of his duchy in 1182 b.c. His grand- 
father Tan-fu, known in literature as Ku-kung, " the Old 

* From the chronology of th^p Bamboo Books it would appear that 
the " punishment of Roasting/' was invented by Ch6u-sin five years 
before he brought away Ta-ki as a captive. 


Doke/' or T'ai-wang (King T'lu), the prince (A a little state 
called Pin, near the present Si-an-fu, had since 1327 B.C. 
changed the name of his little duchy into that of Ch6u. 
As Duke of Ch6u he was followed by his son Ki-li in 1231 
B.C., the very year in which Ki-li's son Ch'ang (Won-wang) 
was bom. Ki-li had been, throu^ several generations 
of emperors, the most influential personage of the em- 
pire, being employed as prime minister and at times as 
conmiander-in-chief to fight rebels and other enemies; 
and when Won-wang succeeded him, it appears the condi- 
tions of the r61e the great Wu-wang's house was destined 
to play in the history of China sixty years later on were 

Won-wang began his career by devoting himself entirely 
to the administration of his state, which henceforth he 
changed into a model of good government. Chinese 
literature abounds with records of his doings ; and all au- 
thorities agree in the praise of his virtue and wisdom. His 
consort gave birth to ten sons. Of these the eldest died 
young; the second, Wu-wang, whose proper name was 
Fa, later on became the f oimder of the Ch6u dynasty ; his 
fourth son Tan, well known as Ch6u-kung, or Duke of 
Ch6u, became Wu-wang's famous assistant in consolidating 
the empire. Won-wang's uprightness of character was 
boimd to bring him sooner or later into conflict with the 
tyrant emperor Ch6u-sin. He and two other grandees of 
the empire had been raised to the dignity of dukes, although 
none of them approved the vicious government of their 
chief. Two friends and colleagues of Won-wang's had 
made an attempt to cure the emperor of his infatuation 
for Tarki, for which they were condemned to death. The 
body of one of them was cut into pieces, cooked, and served 

THE SHANQ, OR YIN, DYNASTY (176ft-1122 b.c.) 59 

as a didi (rf meat to the father of the victim, who also was 
gubeequently killed. Won-wang freely gave vent to his 
indignation at these horrors, whereupon one of the emperor's 
creatures, the Biarquis of Ch'img, denounced him for the 
crime q( lese-majesty ; but Won-wang's reputation through- 
oat the empire for unimpeachableness of character gave 
bun an authority which even the emperor respected, and 
CSi6u-sin dared not take his life lest the people should rise 
in indignation ; he, therefore, confined himself to making 
the duke a prisoner at Yu-li, in the modem Honan. There 
Won-wang spent three years, making use of his seclusion 
in producing one of the most famous works of Chinese 
literature, the I-king, "Book of Changes." Next to cer- 
tain ballads (A the Shl-king, "Book of Odes," and apart 
from the hieroglyphic inscriptions of the Shang, this is 
(me of the oldest products of Chinese literature now in 

As we have already seen, the invention of the so-called 
Pnhkua, "Eight kua," or mystic trigraphs of Chinese super- 
stition (I have no better name for them), is ascribed to the 
Emperor Fu-hi. This means that historians are unable 
to name an inventor for them within the historical period. 
The ei^t trigraphs, or Kua, consisted of a combination of 
continuous and broken lines, each corresponding to cer- 
tain elements of nature. The continuous lines represent 
the male, the broken lines the female, principle. Every- 
thing good and superior, according to Chinese ideas, is 
male; the opposite is female. The female clearly takes 

* It* rival, aa regards antiquity, ia poaaibly the very abort text 
known aa Yn-Ul, "The Philosopher YQ/' ascribed with some uncer- 
tainty to YQ Hiung, W5n-wang'a own teacher. Wylie, Noiu en 
CHmm LUeraiure, p. 125. 


a back seat in nature. Heaven is male, earth is female; 
the smi is male, the moon is female. Similarly, the ideas 
of "day," "south," "white," as positive terms, are male, 
while their opposites "night," "north," and "black" are 
female. If the mventor of these mystic combinations, 
which m the last instance fall back on the most ancient 
Chinese division of natural phenomena into male and 
female, was aware that he was dispensing all the good 
things to man, leaving his fair companion in the cold, the 
eight kvxL could not have originated at a time when matri- 
archy was the order of the day, as ought to have been the 
case before Fu-hi, the inventor of matrimony, before whose 
time, we are told, "children knew only their mothers and 
not their fathers." This unmistakable allusion to matri- 
archy occurs in the Pairhvrt^ung, a work published by the 
celebrated historian Pan Ku, who died 92 a.d. The coin- 
cidence of matriarchy being abandoned for matrimony, 
headed by a pater f amilias, which involves the ascendency 
of the male to rulership in the family, and the invention of a 
system of S3nnbols associating all the sympathetic phe- 
nomena of nature with the male, leaving their cold and 
unsympathetic opposites to the female, impresses me as 
another instance of logical reasoning among the historians 
responsible for these details in their imaginary history of 
primeval man. 
The eight trigrams of Fu-hi were the following : — 

1st ^^= KHSn^ heaven, the ethereal principle; the 

symbol consisting of three male lines. 

2d ^ ^ K^un, earth; three female lines. 

3d ^= = Ohon, thunder; two female lines above one 


THE SHANG, OR YIN, DYNASTY (1766-1122 b.c.) 61 

4th z=i := Kon, mountain and hills; two female lines 

below one male. 

5th Ld, fire, light, heat; one female between two 

male lines. 

6th ~ ZZ K^an, water, liquid element; one male be- 
tween two female lines. 

7th Tin, steam ; one female above two male lines. 

8th Sun J wind ; one female below two male lines. 

It will be seen that all these symbols constitute a com- 
bination of broken and unbroken lines ; the latter stand for 
male, or yang; the former for female, or yin. The pre- 
ponderance and relative position of the one or the other of 
the two principles of gender produce the idea of certain 
dements of nature. Won-wang is supposed to have per- 
fected this system by doubling the number of strokes, thus 
obtaining sixty-four combinations, to each of which he 
attached a number of symbolic meanings. He described 
this system in the /-Aring, which is regarded by the Chinese 
themselves as the chief classic of their literature. In their 
opinion it forms the essence of all wisdom. Its occultness, 
however, makes it unintelligible to any student not willing 
to devote all his energies to its interpretation. The I-king, 
which during recent years has attracted the attention of 
Sinologues, is important not only from any value modem 
scholars may attach to it, but also from the close connec- 
tion, mysterious though it may appear to us, in which it has 
stood for three thousand years with the entire mental and 
social life of the Chinese. The native literature in the shape 
of commentaries on Won-wang's work is enormous. As a 
book containing what the Chinese would call the principles 
ct their acience of divination, the I-king has, in spite of its 


unintelligibility, permeated the masses more deeply per- 
haps than the writings of Confucius. Confucius himself 
spoke of the work in the highest terms ; and this could not 
but act as a reconmiendation to all the philosophers of his 

Won-wang's son Fa, who later on became the founder of 
the Ch6u dynasty imder the name of Wu-wang, was anxious 
to see his aged father delivered from his confinement, and 
since he did not see his way to bring this about by either 
persuasion or force, he took refuge in the emperor's weakr 
ness for female beauty. He made him a gift of a beautiful 
yoimg woman, who availed herself of the tyrant's tem- 
porary infatuation in demanding Won-wang's release. 
Won-wang was reinstated in all his former dignities and 
declared the first prince of the court. This included the 
privilege of smrounding himself with an armed retinue. 
Won-wang soon left the court and returned to his duchy. 
There he gathered aroimd him the discontented elements 
among the emperor's grandees and, by making war on 
some of the neighboring states which the emperor had 
asked him to subdue, increased his military power. Hav- 
ing changed his capital twice and spent several years in 
warfare, he died in 1135 B.C. at the age of ninety, after a 
glorious reign of half a century. 


Won-wang's government had so much strengthened the 
power of his duchy, and his grand reputation as a ruler 
with the emperor's misgovemment had made him so many 
friends, that his son Wu-wang soon found himself at the 
head of a revolutionary party destined to make an end of 

THE 8HANG, OR YIN, DYNASTY (1766-1122 b.c.) 63 

the abhctfred dynAsty of Shang. New, unheard-of cruelties 
committed by Ch6uH3in and his consort Ta-ki helped to 
kindle the fire oi sedition. The remonstrances and ex- 
hortations ci the well-disposed among the emperor's 
entourage were of no avaU. One of his own relatives, 
named Pi Kan, who had dared to reproach him for his 
depravity, became one of the last victims of his cruelty. 
In reply to a long speech he had made before the emperor, 
the latter cried out : '' They say a sage has seven orifices 
in his heart. Let us see if this is the case with you/' 
Up<m which he caused Pi Kan to be disembowelled in his 

Another kinsman of the emperor's, the Viscoimt of WeT, 
left court to place himself under Wu-wang's protection, 
who at last assembled his forces to take in hand the punish- 
ment <rf the tyrant. Before crossing the Yellow River, 
at a pUce called Mdng-tsin, he made some celebrated 
speeches to his adherents, in which he explains the motives 
of his action, the supposed tenor of which has been pre- 
served in the Shvrking} Wu-wang there says : — 

"Heav«i and earth is the parent of all creatures; and of all 
creatures man is the most highly endowed. The sincere, intelligent, 
and perBpicacious among men becomes the great sovereign; and 
the great sovereign is the parent of the people. But now Ch6u-8in, 
the king of Shang, does not reverence Heaven above, and inflicts 
calamities on the people below. He has been abandoned to drunk- 
enoeas, and reckkfls in lust. He has dared to exercise cruel oppres- 
sion. Along with criminals he has punished all their relatives. 
He has put men into office on the hereditary principle. He has 
made it his pursuit to have palaces, towers, pavilions, embank- 
ments, ponds, and all other extravagances, to the most painful 
injury of you, the myriad people. He has burned and roasted the 

^ Leggc, p. 2S1 uqq. 


loyal and good. He has ripped up pregnant women. Great Heaven 
was moved with indignation, and charged my deceased father 
Won-wang reverently to display its majesty; but he died before 
the work was completed. 

"On this account, I, Fa [Wu-wang], who am but a little child, 
have by means of you, the hereditary rulers of my friendly states, 
contemplated the government of Shang; but Ch6u-sin has no 
repentant heart. He abides squatting on his heels, not serving 
God or the spirits of heaven and earth, neglecting also the temple 
of his ancestors, and not sacrificing in it. The victims and the 
vessels of millet all become the prey of wicked robbers ; and still 
he says, 'The people are mine ; the decree is mine,' never trying to 
correct his contemptuous mind. Now Heaven, to protect the 
inferior people, made for them rulers, and made for them instruc- 
tors, that they might be able to be aiding to God, and seeing the 
tranquillity of the four quarters of the empire. In regard to who 
are criminals and who are not, how dare I give any allowance to 
my own wishes? Where the strength is the same, measure the 
virtue of the parties; where the virtue is the same, measure their 
righteousness. Ch6u-sin has hundreds of thousands and myriads 
of ministers, but they have hundreds of thousands and myriads of 
minds ; I have three thousand ministers, but they have one mind. 
The iniquity of Shang is full. Heaven gives command to destroy 
it. If I did not comply with Heaven my iniquity would be as 

"I, who am a little child, early and late am filled with appre- 
hensions. I have received charge from my deceased father Won- 
wang; I have offered special sacrifice to God; I have performed 
the due services to the great Earth — and I lead the multitude of 
you to execute the punishment appointed by Heaven. Heaven 
compassionates the people. What the people desire. Heaven will 
be found to give effect to. Do you aid me, the one man, to cleanse 
for ever all within the four seas. Now is the time ! It may not be 

With similar speeches Wu-wang addressed the leaders 
and soldiers of his army and his allies, who had '' come from 
afar, being men of the Western regions." This may pos- 

THE 8HANG, OR YIN, DYNASTY (lV6^1122 b.c.) 65 

8U>ly imply that he relied on the help of the Huns, his 
nei^bors in the West. He certainly mentions a number 
of ^hnic names belonging to non-Chinese tribes. ''Lift 
up your lances, join your shields, raise your spears." 
"C3i6u, the king of Shang, follows only the words of his 
wife." "They are only the vagabonds of the empire, 
loaded with crimes, whom he honors and exalts, whom he 
employs and trusts, making them great officers and nobles, 
80 that they can t3rrannize over the people, exercising their 
villainies in the city of Shang." 

On having made a goodly number of speeches, which are 
preserved in the Shu-king, Wu-wang gave battle to the 
assembled army of the emperor. After a bloody fight the 
latter was completely defeated. Ch6u-sin took refuge in 
his palace, where he ordered all his most valuable jewels 
to be lm)ught, and set fire to the building, in order not to 
fail into the hands of the enemy. When the news of 
C3i6u-sin'8 death was brought to Wu-wang, he entered 
C3i6u-6in'8 palace to convince himself of the fact. Ssi-ma 
Ts'i^n informs us that Wu-wang shot three arrows at the 
emperor's corpse, descended from his car, and stabbed it 
with his dagger, after which he severed the head from the 
body and suspended it from a white standard. Madam 
Ta-ki and another favorite of the emperor were killed, and 
their corpses were similarly treated. 

The word used by Ssi-ma Ts'i^n for the dagger with 
which Wu-wang stabbed the dead emperor is king-hUn, 
which means a "light two-alged sword." But this is 
clearly not the original reading. The latter is preserved 
in the Chdu-shu, a work which Chavannes^ has good 
reason to believe to be older than the Shl-ki. In the cor- 

* Les mimoitf histariqueMf vol. i, p. 235, note 1, and vol. v, p. 457. 



responding passage of the Ch&Urshu, which appears with 
but slight alterations in Ssi-ma Ts'i^n's text, the word 
used for Wu-wang's dagger b king-lu (king = " light/' lu = 
"a musical pipe")- The two characters employed in 
describing this sound give absolutely no sense in ordinary 
Chinese; and the commentators found it necessary to add 
that the term represents the "name of a double-edged 
sword," or "a dagger" (kiin-ming). Ssi-ma Ts'i^n, or per- 
haps some later editor of his text, who did not understand 
the word, substituted Hng-kiM, "light double-edged 
sword." But the word is easily explained if we look upon 
it as a foreign term. We receive a broad hint as to its 
origin in the accoimt of a historical event preserved in the 
history of the earlier Han dynasty/ When, in 47 B.C., 
the chief of the Hiung-nu, or Hims, was about to conclude 
a treaty with the Chinese court, the ceremony of swearing 
a solemn oath had to be gone through, in which the Great 
Khan, or SJuxn-yu, had to swallow a beverage prepared by 
himself and consisting of the blood of a white horse mixed 
with wine. The khan stirred the wine with a king-lvk and 
a golden cyathus, and the scholiast explains the term king- 
luk as "the precious sword of the Hiimg-nu." I have for 
years, in the course of my readings of Chinese texts re- 
garding the Turkish nations in central Asia, tried to trace 
the prototypes of Chinese transcriptions representing 
Turkish words; and quite a number of examples seem to 
suggest that the language used by the ancient Huns, or 
Hiung-nu, was actually Turkish, as has been suggested by 
Klaproth and others. The word corresponding to the 
Chinese transcription king-luk may be easily recognized 
in a word found in the modem Turki language and some 

1 Ta^Un-han-ahu, ch. 94 B, p. 6. 

THE SHANO, OR YIN, DYNASTY (176^1122 b.c.) 67 

oiher Turkish dialects; namely, kingrak, "a two-edged 
knife, a sabre." I do not hesitate to apply this identifica- 
tion to the word used for Wu-wang's dagger, king-luy which 
may be merely another transcription for the purely Turk- 
ic word kingrak. If my deductions are correct, they 
would indicate that a Turkish name was in use for a kind 
of weapon which the first emperor of the Ch6u dynasty 
carried with him in the twelfth century B.C., and that this 
b the oldest Turkish word on record. But it seems also to 
suggest that Wu-wang, whose dominions lay on the western 
border of China, stood in certain relations with his next- 
door nei^bors, the ancestors of the Hiung-nu. It is 
hi^y probable that the barbarians mentioned in connection 
with certam inroads they made on Chinese territory during 
the remotest periods of Chinese history are identical with 
the well-known hereditary enemy of the Chinese, the 
Hiung-nu, whose history begins to be told with palpable 
detail from the beginning of the third century B.C. 

The various names under which these northern and west- 
em nei^bors of the Chinese are mentioned during the 
earlier periods of history appear to be variants in the 
transcription of the same name Hvn or Hunnu. Thus we 
find the Hun-yu mentioned as a tribe on the northern bor- 
ders, against whom the Emperor Huang-ti is supposed to 
have made war in the twenty-seventh century B.C. A later 
name was Hiinryun, the designation in use previous to 
the introduction of the term Hiung^u in the third century 
B.C. The root Hun or Kun will appear to those gifted 
with a lively imagination to occur in various other names 
for the ancestors of King Attila's people, then occupying 
the northern and western borders of China. The reason 
why the Chinese compare these northern nomads and other 


barbarous tribes to "dogs" (K^uan or K^un) may have 
originated in a kind of jeu de moL As early as 689 B.C. 
we read in Tso's commentary on the "Spring and Autumn 
Annals "V that the "dog barbarians," in Chinese K^Oanr 
jung, were defeated. If this word K^Oan (in Cantonese 
K^un), "dog," is another transcription for Hun or Hun, 
this may remind us of the popular etymology of the Ger- 
man abusive term Hundsfott, which has been wrongly 
explained as having originated in the words Hunnus 
fuit. One of these tribes, whom Won-wang is supposed 
to have defeated 1138 B.C., was called Kvmi, Kun, or Hun, 
and has been located by the Chinese historians in the south 
of the present Ordos territory. Mencius praises Won- 
wang for the wisdom with which he "served" the Kun 
barbarians. "It requires a perfectly virtuous prince," he 
says,' "to be able with a great country to serve a small 
one, as, for instance, King Won served the Kun barbarians. 
And it requires a wise prince to be able with a small country 
to serve a large one, as King T'ai [Won-wang's grand- 
father, 1327 B.C.] served the Hiin-yii." The two ethnic 
names here mentioned probably both refer to the Hims. 
How Won-wang served his neighbors, the Huns, may be 
seen from another passage in Mencius,' who says : — 

" Formerly, when King T'ai dwelt in Pin, the barbarians of the 
north were constantly making incursions upon it. He served them 
with skins and silks, and still he suffered from them. He served 
them with dogs and horses, and still he suffered from them. He served 
them with pearls and gems, and still he suffered from them. See- 
ing this, he assembled^the old men, and announced to them saying : 
* What the barbarians want is my territory. I have heard this — 
that a ruler does not injure his people with that wherewith he 

* Legge, CA'un-f«'tM, p. 126. ' Mencius, ed. Legge, p. 31. • Men- 
ciu8, ed. Legge, p. 52. 

THE SHANO, OR YIN, DYNASTY (1766-1122 b.c.) 69 

them. My children, why should you be troubled about 
no prince? I will leave this.' Accordingly, he left Pin, 
croflsed the mountain Liang, built a town at the foot of Mount K'i, 
and dwelt there. The people of Pin said : ' He is a benevolent man. 
We must not lose him.' Those who followed him looked like crowds 
hastening to market." 

We learn from this passage that T'ai-wang, known also 
as Ku-kung, whose personal name was T'an-fu, the grand- 
father of Won-wang, changed his residence from a place 
called Pin to another called K'i, and that the move was due 
to the grinding tribute exacted from him by his neighbors, 
the Hun-yii (Hunnu), or, as they were afterward called 
by the Chinese, Hiimg-nu tribes. The foundation of the 
duchy of Ch6u is, therefore, closely connected with this 
historical fact, placed by Chinese standard chronologists, 
whether rightly or not, in the year 1327 B.C. I am inclined 
to believe that the steady growth in the power of this 
house of Ch6u was due to two main causes : (1) the rotten- 
oeflB of the Chinese government under Chou-sin, who lacked 
the backbone absolutely essential to protect the nation 
against the common enemy that, after the lapse of fifteen 
hundred years, was to become fatal to powerful Europe; 
(2) the exposed position of the dukes of Ch6u, who had for 
generations to defend their distant palatinate against the 
conunon enemy, while the resp)onsible head of the nation 
roasted his subjects to please his favorite Ta-ki. But for 
the dukes of Ch6u, China would have then become a prey 
to the Huns. In one of his speeches to the assembled army, 
preserved in the Shu-kingj^ Wu-wang mentions eight 
ethnic names: "0 ye men of Yung, Shu, Kiang Mau, 
Wei, Lu, P'ong and Po, lift up your lances, join your 

' Leggc, op. cii., p. 301. 


shields, raise your spears! I have a speech to make." 
The Chinese commentators hold that these names belong 
to barbarian tribes living outside of China proper, and 
insinuate that they were subject to the dukes of Ch6u 
without falling under the dominions of the emperor of 
China. Some of them may be safely located in the south 
and southwest of the Ch6u duchy; others are stated to 
have occupied the western and northern borders. In the 
Bamboo Books Wu-wang is represented as " assembling the 
barbarians of the West (sirt) and the princes to attack Yin" 
(i.6. Shang) ; ^ which seems to imply that his ascendency 
was actually brought about by a foreign army. It is, 
therefore, quite posirfble that a portion of Wu-wang's army 
was formed by the Kim barbarians, or Huns, of the Ordos 
territory, his nearest neighbors, defeated and, as we may 
assume, incorporated into his dommions by his father 
Won-wang in 1138 B.C. 

We need not be astonished from all this to find that 
Turkish words, like the one for Wu-wang's dagger, have 
crept into the Chinese language, which is as much mixed 
up with foreign elements as is Chinese civilization gen- 
erally. I wish to lay stress on this idea, which, it appears 
to me, has not been sufficiently appreciated by the his- 
torians, although at this stage we can but faintly trace the 
foreign influences affecting the nation, which during later 
centuries, in spite of the well-known conservative character 
of Chinese culture, have assumed such dimensions as almost 
to amount to amalgamation. 

^ Legge, ShU'kingj Prolegomena, p. 144. 

THE SHANG, OR YIN, DYNASTY (176^1122 B.C.) 71 


Before leaving the Shang dynasty, which may be de- 
scribed as the semi-historical period of Chinese history, 
a few words as to its culture will be in place. The Shang 
and C3i6u dynasties have left to the Far-eastern world 
most valuable legacies in the shape of monuments of 
national art, chiefly sacrificial vessels and bells made of 
bronse and covered with characteristic ornaments, some- 
times also with hieroglyphic inscriptions. Under the 
Emperor Sh!-huang-ti works of literature and of art had 
a narrow escape from being consigned to oblivion, owing 
to the persecution of this enemy of all ancient civilization. 
Lovers of these precious monimients of antiquity had to 
bury, inunure, or conceal them, lest they might be dis- 
covered and destroyed under a cruel law. Later centuries 
rediscovered them, when a period of renaissance set in, 
culminating in the imperial collections of the T'ang dy- 
nasty in the ei^th, and again in the twelfth, century, imder 
the great imperial collector Hui-tsung, and finally \mder 
K'ito-lung of the present dynasty. Chinese archaeologists 
have done excellent work in applymg a sound method of 
criticism to the examination of such works ; and I am per- 
scMiaUy inclined to place confidence m the results of their 
researches. Whether an ancient bronze vessel is 1000, 
2000, or 3000 years old, can in my opinion never be decided 
on the mere appearance of its surface. Chemical analysis 
mi^t throw light on the question; but I am not aware 
that this has been attempted. In deciding whether such 
vessels date from the Shang dynasty, Chinese archaeologists 
were guided by the style of ornament — which only a trained 
eye can distinguish from that of the succeeding Ch6u dy- 


nasty — by the contents and style of the legends appearing 
on them, the shape of the hieroglsrphics used therein, and 
chiefly by the names of persons mentioned in them. 

Let us start with these personal names. It is a character- 
istic of the Shang period that personal names are repre- 
sented by cyclical characters such as /, Tingy Sin, Kui, 
Kong, and Wu, which were originally used as calendar 
signs to denote certain days of the month. When a child 
was bom, it received the name of the day on which the 
event took place. This custom is said to have prevailed 
throu^out the Shang period down to the beginning of the 
Ch6u dynasty. In examining the list of the Shang em- 
perors one finds that, with the exception of Ch'ong-t'ang, 
the founder of the dynasty, every one of their names con- 
tains a personal epithet, like T'ai ("great"), Siau ("small, 
young"), Tsu ("ancestor"), and others, followed by one 
of these cyclical characters denoting the birthday, e,g. 
T'ai-kia, Siau-sin, and Tsu-i, being names of Shang em- 
perors, or Fu-i and Tsu-m6u, which are foimd among the 
inscriptions of sacrificial vessels. With other words the 
formation of names becomes typical as compared with 
both the previous legendary period and the succeeding 
Ch6u epoch. It stands to reason that the appearance of 
a name constructed on this principle caused the medieval 
art critics to infer that works thus marked dated from the 
Shang period. This has led them to the study of other 
characteristics — the shape of the hieroglyphics used, the 
style of ornament, class of vessel in connection with its 
sacrificial use, etc. 

The study of these ancient bronzes began to be taken up 
from a critical point of view in the tenth century a.d., 
when, imder the title K^au-kurt^u, an illustrated work was 

THE SHANG, OR YIN, DYNASTY (1766-1122 b.c.) 73 

published with the cooperation of the celebrated painter 
Li Lung-mi^n, known in Japan as Ririumin, himself a 
great collector of antiquities, by whom some of the illus- 
trations showing the shapes and ornaments of ancient 
bronses were drawn. The compiler of the book had to 
collect his material from manifold sources, since at that 
time only a small number of the vessels described was 
found in state collections, the remainder being in the hands 
of thirtynsieven private collectors living in several parts of 
the empire, but chiefly in the capital Ch'ang-an, the present 
Si-an-fu. Within less than a century a considerable change 
took place. The great catalogue of the collections of the 
Emperor Hui-tsung, comprising the art treasures formerly 
in private hands, besides a great many new additions, was 
prepared and published under the name Po-kvrt^U'lu in 
thirty books during the years 1107-1111. Its author, 
Wang Fu, was an eminent archaeologist ; and the Emperor 
HuHtsung (1101-1126), insignificant though he was from 
a political point of view, was the greatest patron of art 
that ever occupied a Chinese throne. In his capital, 
K'ai-fong-fu, he imited the most extensive art treasures 
consisting of bronzes, works in jade, paintings, and manu- 
scripts. Among an enormous number of bronzes there 
were 148 vessels which Wang Fu ascribes to the Shang 
dynasty. In 1749 the Emperor K'i6n-lung of the present 
dynasty caused a magnificent illustrated catalogue of 
ancient bronzes to be published by a committee of scholars, 
in which, besides those previously known, a number of 
Shang examples, apparently not known to Wang Fu, were 
described and illustrated; and further additions were 
made in a publication of the year 1822, the Kin-shl-so in 
twelve books. 


These bronze works of the Shang dynasty, with thdr 
mscriptions, and a few ballads in the SMrking, "Book of 
Odes/' are the chief monuments that throw li^t on the 
culture of that period. The mscriptions of these, as of 
later bronze vessels, have been collected in nimierous works. 
The Chinese method of taking rubbings of old mscriptions 
and transferring them to wooden blocks for printing greatly 
facilitates the publication of illustrations for works of 
this kind. The best known thesaurus of hieroglyphic 
legends, found in nearly every good collection of Chinese 
books, is the Chung-ting^k'irkuanrshlf published in 1804 
by Yiian Yiian (died in 1849), the great statesman and 
scholar, well known for his obstructive policy as viceroy of 
Canton in dealing with foreign relations. This work con- 
tains facsimiles of all the hieroglsrphic inscriptions on the 
oldest bronze vessels known up to his time. Of these 
about 170 short inscriptions appear on sacrificial vessels 
and bells ascribed to the Shang dynasty. Yiian Yiian 
faithfully reproduces the opinions of former native archae- 
ologists, who deserve all credit for unbiased conservatism 
in judgment; and the critical apparatus contained in his 
commentary presents ample proof of the care with which 
native students have sifted the several arguments for or 
against the genuineness of each of these inscriptions. Such 
as it is, Yiian Yiian's "Thesaurus of Hieroglsrphics,*' while 
probably containing far less than the entire treasury of 
words which might then have been included, may serve to 
throw some light on the civilization of that remote 
period.* I shall attempt a rapid survey of the hiero- 

* Of. Frank H. Chalfant, Early Chinese Writing, reprinted from 
Memoirs of the Carnegie Museum (Pittsburg), vol. iv, no. 1, Septem- 
ber, 1906. 

THE SHANO, OR YIN, DYNASTY (176^1122 b.c.) 75 

^yphic material contained in Yiian Yiian's work; as far as 
deciphered by native critics. We find in it the following 
words: — 


Tlie technical names of a number of sacrificial vessels 
such as ting, i, tsimf etc. ; the words for bell, spear, arrow, 
bow, and hatchet, the last two names being merely the 
pictures of those articles; carriage, broom, cowries (the 
oldest means of exchange), and possibly amber; further, 
the terms for wood or tree, vessel or vase, clothes, field, 
palace, gate. Among the terms representing persons we 
find father, mother, son, grandson, uncle, woman, wife, 
ancestor, friend, prince or king, minister of state, military 
leader, lord. Names of animals are represented solely by 
hawk and pictures of the horse, tiger, and deer, the meaning 
bdng uncertain. Apart from these are found the terms 
for sun or day, moon or month, year, evening, family, ter- 
ritory, history, beginning, middle, orders, sacrifice, and 
; the pronoun denoting he, she, it. 

i» »• iiir;.; : 

« « 


West and east, precious, eternal, good, military, wild or 
rude, and nearly all the cardinal numbers, including xvan 
C myriad "). 

(c) VERBS 

To make, use, complete, uphold, guard, register, engrave, 
bestow, rely upon, see, arise, spread out (as troops), move, 
mourn, admonish, say, drink, and follow. 

Of personal names, which are mostly compounds, of 


one of the above words and a cyclical character, I have 
already spoken. 

The odes of the Shl-king^ a collection of popular songs 
compiled by Confucius, probably contain a number of 
specimens representing Shang-lore, if not the very text 
handed down from the Shang period. But such a sup- 
position rests on nothing better than conjecture, since 
historical allusions, which would enable us to refer them 
to some particular period, are wanting. The Chinese con- 
mder one particular ode as the oldest to which a date can 
be assigned,^ of which I shall speak later on ; and since this 
does not take us farther than the eighth century B.C., we 
have to content ourselves with the idea that some portions 
of the SKi-king may possibly reach beyond the time of 

What we know about the culture of the Shang epoch 
and the legendary periods preceding it, apart from these 
monuments of art, appears in the historical accounts of 
the Shvrkingj the dry-as-dust annals of the Bamboo Books, 
Ssi-ma Ts46n's Shl-ki, and the occasional remarks foimd 
in Confucian and later literature. The Shvrking is a his- 
torical source which becomes the more suspicious the more 
it enters into the detail of cultural life ; and I, for one, am 
inclined to think that much of what we read about those 
beautiful maxims of social and official life preserved in the 
speeches of emperors and ministers, supposed to have been 
made during the earliest periods from Yau and Shun and 
the great Yii down to Ch6u-sin, are merely the philosophical 
views of Confucian sages, who fitted them into a chronologi- 
cal framework of their own invention, in order to make a 
deeper impression on the people. In this, if ever it was 

* Shi'VrU'k^ i-yiian, ch. iv, p. 3. 

THE SHANG, OR YIN, DYNASTY (176^1122 b.c.) 77 

their intention, they have succeeded perfectly. The old 
emptor lore, divested of this chronological framework, 
may be r^arded as dramatized social philosophy of the 
sixth and fifth centmies b.c. Considered in this li^t, it 
certainly is of great value from a cultural point of view. 
Tlie few traces of real cultural development found in these 
alleged old records may be due to traditions still alive at 
the time when they were amalgamated with contempo- 
raneous lore. 

It will ever be a matter of regret that we are not in a 
position to support the most ancient history of China by 
unchallengeable moniunents such as those of ancient 
E^3rpt. Had Napoleon I appeared with his army on the 
banks of the Yellow River instead of on the NilC; his his- 
torical conscience would not have entitled him to inform 
his soldiers that ''four thousand years looked down upon 
them'' without adding emphatically the word ''perhaps." 
He could more confidently have said "three thousand/' 
thou^ he would have looked in vain for witnesses to im- 
preas the imagination of his hearers, such as the venerable 
pyramids of Gizeh or the temple ruins of Luxor and Kamac. 
^th the exception of the Great Wall, an almost modem 
structure when compared with its Egyptian rivals, and a 
few tombs of doubtful identity, China has only literary 
evidence to advance m support of the antiquity of her cul- 
ture. Its oldest extant witnesses are the sacrificial vessels 
and bells of the Shang and Ch6u dynasties. Of them we 
possess faithful descriptions with rubbings of the hiero- 
C^yphics found on them. But who is able to tell the differ- 
enoe between an original actually dating, say, from the fif- 
teenth century B.C., and a clever recast or an imitation made 
two thousand years later, such as have been prepared m 


thousands of copies ever since the Han djmasty? These, 
the only monuments of the second millennium B.C. and the 
succeeding Ch6u dynssty, are now scattered throughout 
the world. They are foimd in the curiosity shops of Japan, 
the museums of Europe, and the drawing-rooms of American 
millionaires. We are bound to acknowledge the bona fides 
of these witnesses of ancient culture, whether genuide or 
not, since a recast, or a close imitation, or even a good book 
illustration, is to us as good as an original, so long as the 
ancient style has been preserved in its purity; and we 
hardly ever meet with specimens where this is not the 
case. The material fiunished by these renmants of Shang 
and Ch6u art may be scanty as compared to the records 
of Uterature; but this much may be said in their favor, 
that they have not been tampered with by literary editors. 
The culture of the Shang period, as far as the religious 
life of rulers, grandees, and people, and the social relations 
between them are concerned, we may assume to be reflected 
in that mirror held up by the historians of the Ch6u dy- 
nasty; and what we learn about the legendary emperors 
Yau, Shun, and Yii may be held to apply more aptly to 
the period immediately preceding the Ch6u epoch than to 
the more remote ones. From the records of the Shurking 
we are bound to admit that the ancient Chinese were 
decided monotheists. Shang-ti, "the Supreme ruler," re- 
ceived as much veneration at the hands of his people as 
did God, under any name, from any contemporaneous 
nation. The religious instinct of the Shang and Ch6u 
rulers may have been less romantic than that of Homeric 
Greece, but it came nearer the Christian standard than 
that of many another nation of antiquity. The worship 
of other spiritual beings was less developed than it has 

THE SHANG, OR YIN, DYNASTY (176^1122 b.c.) 79 

become in the China of later centuries. Religion was not 
in the hands of priests; but the father was the priest for 
his family, the prince of each state for his people, and the 
"Son of Heaven" for the empire. The emperor's duties 
in his capacity as high priest of the nation were not a mat- 
ter of personal belief, but formed the most important part 
of his position. 

The ideas entertained by the ancient Chinese of the one 
God, ranking above all the other spirits, such as Sun, Moon, 
and Stars, the "Five Sacred Mountains," Heaven and 
Earth, his creatures, as represented in the accounts of the 
Skthking, are well described by Legge * as follows : — 

"The name by which God was designated was 'the Ruler' and 
'the Supreme Ruler,' denoting emphatically his personality, 
supremacy, and unity. We find it constantly interchanged with 
the term 'Heaven,' by which the ideas of supremacy and unity are 
equally conveyed, while that of personality is only indicated vaguely, 
and by an association of the mind. By God kings were supposed 
to reign, and princes were required to decree justice. All were 
under law to Him and bound to obey His will. Even on the in- 
fericyr people He has conferred a moral sense, compliance with which 
would show their nature invariably right. All powers that be are 
from Him. He raises one to the throne and puts down another. 
Obedience is sure to receive His blessing ; disobedience, to be visited 
with His curse. The business of kings is to rule in righteousness 
and benevolence, so that the people may be happy and good. They 
are to be an example to all in authority, and to the multitudes imder 
them. Their highest achievement is to cause the people tranquilly 
to pursue the course which their moral nature would indicate and 
approve. When they are doing wrong, God admonishes them by 
judgments, storms, famine, and other calamities ; if they persist in 
evil, sentence goes forth against them. The dominion is taken from 
them, and given to others more worthy of it. The Duke of Ch6u in 
hii address on 'The Establishment of Government' gives a striking 

* Shthking, Prolegomena, p. 193 9eqq, 


summary of the history of the empire down to his own time. Yti the 
Great, the founder of the Hia dynasty, sought for able men to honor 
God. But the way of Ki^, the last of his line, was different. He 
employed cruel men; and he had no successors. The empire was 
given to T'ang the Successful [Ch'ong-t'ang], who 'greatly ad- 
ministered the bright ordinances of God.' By and by T'aqg's 
throne came to Ch6uH3in, who was all violence, so that God sov- 
ereignly punished him. The empire was transferred to the house of 
Ch6u, whose chiefs showed their fitness for the charge by finding 
out men who would reverently serve God, and appointing them as 
presidents and chiefs of the people. 

"It was the duty of all men to reverence and honor God, by 
obeying His law written in their hearts, and seeking His blessing 
in all their ways ; but there was a solemn and national worship of 
Him, as ruling in nature and providence, which could only be per- 
formed by the emperor. It consisted of sacrifices, or offerings 
rather, and prayers. No image was formed of Him, as indeed the 
Chinese have never thought of fashioning a likeness of the Supreme." 

Besides God as the Supreme Ruler, the Shang rulers 
and their alleged predecessors are shown in the Shvrking 
to have worshiped several minor deities, if we may so 
call them. Legge speaks of this phase of religious life in 
the following terms : — 

"Who the 'six honored ones,' whom Shun sacrificed to next to 
God, were, is not known. In going on to worship the hills and 
rivers, and the host of spirits, he must have supposed that there were 
certain tutelary beings, who presided over the more conspicuous 
objects of nature, and its various processes. They were under 
God and could do nothing, excepting as they were peniiitted and 
empowered by Him; but the worship of them was inconsistent 
with the truth that God demands to be recognized as 'He who 
worketh all in all,' and will allow no religious homage to be given 
to any but Himself. It must have always been the parent of many 
superstitions ; and it paved the way for the pantheism which enters 
largely into the belief of the Chinese at the present day, and of which 
we find one of the earliest stei>s in the practice, which commenced 

THE SHANG, OR YIN, DYNASTY (1766-1122 b.c.) 81 

with the Ch6u dynasty, of not only using the term 'Heaven' as a 
gynoiaym for God, but the combination Heaven and Earth." 

Ancestor worship, the leading feature of all religious 
belief among the Chinese down to the present day, must 
have taken its rise long before historical times, since allu- 
sions to it in the Shurking are referred to the times of the 
legendary emperors. Legge says with regard to it : — 

"There was also among the early Chinese the religious worship 
d their departed friends, which still continues to be observed by 
all clfianefl from the emperor downward, and seems of all religious 
« rv ice s to have the greatest hold upon the people. The title given 
in the Shu to Shun's minister of religion is that of ' Arranger of the 
Ancestral Temple.' The rule of Confucius, that 'parents when 
dead should be sacrificed to according to propriety,' was doubtless 
in accordance with a practice which had come down from the earliest 
times of the nation. 

"The Bpiriis of the departed were supposed to have a knowledge 
of the circumstances of their descendants, and to be able to affect 
them. Events of importance in a family were communicated to 
them before their shrines ; many affairs of government were trans- 
acted in the ancestral temple. When Yau demitted to Shun the 
buflinefls of the government, the ceremony took place in the temple 
id 'the accomplished ancestor,' the individual to whom Yau tra^d 
his poewflsion of the supreme dignity ; and while Yau lived. Shun, on 
every return to the capital from his administrative progresses, offered 
a buQock before the shrine of the same personage. In the same 
way, when Shun found the toils of government too heavy for him, and 
called YQ to share them, the ceremony took place in the temple 
ci ' the q>iritual ancestor,' the chief in the line of Shun's progenitors. 
In the remarkable narrative, which we have in the sixth of the books 
ci Cb6a, of the Duke of Ch6u's praying for the recovery of his 
brother. King Wu, from a dangerous illness, and offering to die in 
his stead, he raises three altars, to their father, grandfather, and 
great-grandfather, and prays to them as having in heaven the charge 
ci watdiing over their great descendant. When he has ascertained 


by divination that the king would recover, he declares that he had 
got Wu's tenure of the throne renewed by the three kings, who had 
thus consulted for a long futurity of their House. 

''This case shows us that the spirits of good kings were believed 
to be in heaven. A more general conclusion is derived from what 
we read in the seventh of the Books of Shang. The Emperor P'an- 
kong, irritated by the opposition of the wealthy and powerful Houses 
to his measures, and their stirring up the people also to murmur 
against them, threatens them all with calamities to be sent down 
by his high ancestor, T'ang the Successful. He tells his ministers 
that their ancestors and fathers, who had loyally served his predeces- 
sors were now urgently entreating T'ang, in his spirit-state in heaven, 
to execute great punishments on their descendants. Not only, 
therefore, did good sovereigns continue to have a happy existence 
in heaven, but their good ministers shared the happiness with them, 
and were somehow roimd about them, as they had been on earth, 
and took an interest in the concerns which had occupied them dur- 
ing their lifetime. Modem scholars, following in the wake of Con- 
fucius, to whom the future state of the departed was all wrapt in 
shadows, clouds, and darkness, say that the people of the Shang 
dynasty were very superstitious. My object is to bring out the fact 
and the nature of their superstition. 

/' There is no hint in the Shu, nor elsewhere, so far as I am aware, 
of what became of bad emperors and bad ministers after death, nor 
indeed of the future fate of men generally. There is a heaven in 
the classical books of the Chinese; but there is no hell, and no 
purgatory. Their oracles are silent as to any doctrine of futiu^ 
rewards and pimishments. Their exhortations to well-doing and 
their warnings against evil are all based on a reference to the will 
of God,' and the certainty that in this life virtue will be rewarded 
and vice punished. Of the five happinesses the first is long life; 
the second is riches ; the third is soundness of body and serenity of 
mind ; the fourth is the love of virtue, and the fifth is doing or re- 
ceiving to the end the will of Heaven. There is no promise of rest 
or comfort beyond the grave. The virtuous man may live and die 
in suffering and disgrace ; let him be cheered. His posterity wHl 
reap the reward of his merits. Some one sprung from his loins 
will become wealthy, or attain to distinction. But if he should 

THE SHANG, OR YIN, DYNASTY (1766-1122 b.c.) 83 

hftve no posterity — it never occurred to any of the ancient sages 
to ooDsider such a case. 

" I wiU pass on from this paragraph with a reference to the sub- 
ject of divination. Although the ancient Chinese can hardly be 
nid to have had the knowledge of a future state, and were not 
curious to inquire about it, they were anxious to know about the 
wisdom and issues of their plans for the present life. For this pur- 
pose they had recourse to divination. The Duke of Ch6u certainly 
practised it; and we have a regular staff of diviners among the 
officers of the Ch6u dynasty. P'an-kong practised it in the dynasty 
of Shang. And Shun did so also, if we can put faith m the ' Counsels 
of YQ/ The instruments of divination were the shell of the tortoise 
and the stalks of a certain grass or reed. By various caustic opera- 
tions on the former, and by manipulations with the latter, it was 
supposed possible to ascertain the will of Heaven. It is difficult 
to understand how the really great men of ancient China could have 
bdieved it. One observation ascribed to Shun is worthy of remark. 
He tells YU that divination, when fortunate, must not be repeated. 
I once saw a father and son divining after one of the fashions of 
the present day. They tossed the bamboo roots which came down 
in the unlucky positions for a dozen times in succession. At last 
a lucky cast was made. They looked into each other's faces, laughed 
\ and rose up delighted from their knees. The divination 
now successful; and they dared not repeat it." 

Sacrificial service, we may conclude from all we read in 
the Shurking and other accounts relating to the Shang 
dynasty, was the leading feature in the spiritual life of 
the Qiinese, whether devoted to Shang-ti or God, or to 
what we niay call the minor deities as being subordinate 
to "the Supreme Ruler" or to the spirits of their ancestors. 
That minuteness of detail which up to the present day 
governs the entire religious and social life of the Chinese 
gmtleman, the more so the higher he is in the social scale, 
and most of all in the case of the emperor himself, had 
cleariy commenced to affect public and private life long 


)efore the ascendency of the Ch6u dynasty, under which 
rule it reached its highest development to serve as a 
pattern to future generations. The vessels preserved as 
living witnesses of that quasi-religious relation between 
man and the unseen powers supposed to influence his 
life are full of symbolic ornament. Each of their mani- 
fold shapes is devoted to a special purpose, which in those 
days had nothing to do with the burning of incense, a 
form of worship peculiar to Buddhism and other modem 
cults rather than to the rites of the Shang period. The 
bronze vessels of the Shang and Ch6u epochs were used 
for holding viands placed before the spirits worshiped, 
or wines for libations to be made to them. The term 
'' censer" often applied to them is a misnomer; for, al- 
though the Chinese of later ages have used such vessels for 
holding ashes of incense burned in them, their prototypes 
were not made for that purpose. The shapes of sacrificial 
vases, pots, and bottles invented during, if not before, the 
Shang dsoiasty were perfected under the Ch6u, and have, 
in the course of imitation, become the models in the later 
jade and ceramic industries. They have thus exercised no 
little influence on Ein-opean pottery, the forms of which are 
in their origin not confined to the models handed down by 
Greece and Rome. 

Among the ornaments engraved on the outer surface of 
Shang vessels is one occurring in great frequency. It 
represents the conventionalized face of a monster with a 
feline expression, called TaurVii by the Chinese, the old 
pronunciation of which name was probably fo-Vit, to-tin, 
or to-tim. I cannot endorse the attempt made * to con- 
nect this sound with Greek ravOe, which is derived from 

' China und Babylon^ in BeUage tur AUgemeinen Zeitung, July 25, 1903. 

THE SHANG, OR YIN, DYNASTY (1760-1122 b.c.) 85 

the cuneiform Tiarnat,^ nor do I think that the attempts 
to comiect the name with similar words in west-Asiatic 
languages will be crowned with success. From the defini- 
tions of the oldest Chinese dictionaries it appears that the 
two syllables representing that name are separate Chinese 
words of which the first, t^au^ means ''greedy of eating and 
drinldng/' the second, (U, "cravmg for money and prop- 
erty/' So it is explained in the Tso-chuan, the ancient 
commentary on the Ch^un-tsHuy or "Spring and Autumn 
Annals." * There the term occurs in connection with four 
parallel names, each of which represents the personifica- 
tion of some abominable quality. Whether their bearers 
were persons or tribes, the Emperor Shun " banished these 
four wicked ones, 'Chaos,' 'Monster,' 'Block,' and 'Glutton' 
[the last being Legge's translation for t^avrfiS], to meet the 
spite of the sprites and evil things. The consequence of 
this was, that when Yau died, all under Heaven, as if they 
had been one man with common consent bore Shun to be 
emperor, because ... he had put away the four wicked 
ones." The terms used for what Legge translates by 
"Chaos," "Monster," "Block," and "Glutton" are built 
up on a uniform plan by combining two words of evil sig- 
nificance. According to one of the commentaries the 
Glutton, or T'au-t'i6, was identical with a personage or tribe 
(for it appears to be an ethnic name) called San-miau, whom 
the emperor banished from his dominions and who originally 
occupied the regions about Mt. Hong-shan and the shores 
of Tung-ting Lake in the present Hu-nan province. From 
these ancient seats the emperor is said to have banished 
them to a place called San-wei, which Chinese commenta- 

* Cr. Q. Oppert, in ZeiUehri/t fUr Ethnologie, 1903, p. 213. * Legge, 
pp. 280, 283. 


tors have identified with a locality now known as San-wei- 
shan in the neighborhood of Tun-huang-hi6n in northwest- 
em Kan-su. The San-miau are considered the forefathers 
of the Tangutans, or K'iang, the southern neighbors of the 
Yii6-chi, or Indo-Scythians, before their great migration 
westward in the second century B.C. and of the Miau-tzi 
tribes. If Klaproth's derivation^ based on Chinese notices, 
of the origin of the Tibetan race from these K'iang tribes 
holds good/ the legend of the banishment by the Emperor 
Shun of the San-miau, their ancestors, may be looked upon 
as a symbolic allusion to the shifting of their aboriginal 
seats. It would appear from this tradition that Tangutans, 
Tibetans, and Miau-tzi originally occupied the north of 
Hu-nan province and were thence driven westward, owing 
to the rapid growth of the Chinese race. Legge' appro- 
priately remarks in connection with this piece of folk-lore : 
"The references to men and things in what we may cidl 
the prehistoric period were, no doubt, in accordance with 
traditions current at the time, though we cannot accept 
them as possessed of historical authority, more especially 
as there is an anti-Confucian spirit in what is said of 

The story of the banishment of the San-miau has been 
recapitulated by Ssi-ma Ts'i6n in his Shi-ki; • and one of 
the commentaries on this occasion refers to an early work 
on spirit lore, the Shdiv4-king, probably dating from the 
fourth or fifth century a.d., in which the word faurfii 
occurs in connection with the San-miau. The paragraph 
from which this quotation is taken says : — 

* Cf . S. W. Bushell, The Early History of Tibet, in Journal of the 
Royal Asiatic Society, 1880, p. 439. » Ch'un^s'iu, p. 283. • Cha- 
vannes, op. cit,, vol. i, p. 67 et passim. 

THE SHANG, OR YIN, DYNASTY (1760-1122 B.C.) 87 

"In the wilds of the West there is a beast shaped like a tiger, 
but having dogs' hair two feet long ; it has the face of a man, the 
feet of a tiger, mouth and teeth of a pig, and a tail eighteen feet in 
length. It infests the wilderness and is called T'ati-um, t.e. ' Block ' 
or 'Blockhead/ or Aurlang, 'Werwolf,' lit. 'The scornful wolf,' or 
Ncn^-^i^, * the Untamable. ' The ' Spring and Autumn Annals ' say : 
'The Emperor Chuan-hU had a degenerate son named T'au-¥ai with 
whom it is identical. He had a man's face and his eyes, hands and 
feet were of human shape, but on his arms he had wings, without 
being able to fly. He was a man greedy and voracious [for which 
the words t'au and t*ii are used], lewd, idle and void of reason; 
he, or his people, were called Miaii,** 

These are the San-miau mentioned in the '' Spring and 
Autumn Annals," of whom the Shvrking says that " the 
emperor banished them to San-wei.'' 

If we allow for gross exaggerations in this piece of folk- 
lore, the Tibetan mastiff, a ferocious, long-tailed, and 
long-haired hound, probably well known in the regions 
referred to in this passage, may be the foundation of it. 
Anyhow, the word TavrtH appears in all these old accounts 
as a compound adjective with a distinct meaning, " greedy 
and voracious." This does not exclude the term having 
originated from popular etymology, like the German 
Vidfrass, a term of similar meaning as understood by the 
broad masses, but actually derived from tJorse fjaUfress, 
t.e. ''inhabitant of rocks," a bearlike quadruped in the 
Scandinavian hills. Under no circumstances, however, 
should we rush to conclusions on the mere evidence of a 
similarity in sound. 

From all I can discover, as far as Chinese tradition goes, 
the monster called T'au-t'i6 appears to be a native inven- 
tion. So are the other mythological figures represented on 
the sacrificial vessels of the Shang dynasty, chiefly quad- 


rupedSy birds, and reptiles, conventionalized to such a 
degree as to render it almost impossible to identify their 
shape. Among them we find the dragon and the phenix 
{lung and fong) . These names occur in the oldest literature, 
it is true, but the shapes in which they are represented in 
those older works of art are quite different from the elabo- 
rate pictures made of them by later artists. The pictorial 
attributes added by them do not appear before the Han 
dynasty, when foreign influences began to modify the con- 
servative art of the Shang and the Ch6u. I, therefore, 
readily adopt the suggestion made by Professor Chavannes, 
who m a review of my researches on foreign influences on 
Chinese art says : * — 

''The bird one sees on these archaic bronzes is generally the 
pheasant. I find before the Han period nothing that resembles the 
phenix ; it appears to me that this fantastic bird is entirely derived 
from some Western legend or drawing ; the dragon itself could well 
be related to the nagas of India. Dragon and phenix, it is true, 
are mentioned in those writings which, in the face of the rudimentary 
state of their texts as accepted by Sinologues, we must look upon 
as very old; but the traditional shape which they have adopted 
is of recent date and seems to have been derived from some foreign 
model. It is interesting to note that this group of fantastic con- 
ventionalizations is perhaps not Chinese at all from the outset, 
and in any case not so old as one would feel tempted to believe." 

Among the chief ornaments on the sacrificial vessels of 
the Shang dynasty we find a combination of lines which 
at first sight in some instances recalls the Egyptian scroll 
or Greek pattern. It has, however, nothing to do with 
the latter, but is to be considered an independent creation 
of Chinese symbolism. Chinese archseologists derive its 
origin from the oldest hieroglyphic for "thimder,'' which 

* Journal Asiatiqiie, 1896, p. 533. 

THE SHANG, OR YIN, DYNASTY (1760-1122 b.c.) 89 

represents a spiral, pure and simple. In this shape we find 
it here and there on vessels of the Shang djmasty. Since 
round objects are more difficult to engrave than square 
ones, we soon find it changed into a ''quadrangular spiral/' 
if we may so call it, and two of these combined yield the 
design called Lei-iPdn, or "thunder pattern," by the 
Chinese. Placed side by side in border style, we often see 
them forming an ornament somewhat resembling the 
Egyptian scroll. The difference is that the latter is con- 
tinuous, whereas in the genuine Chinese scroll the elements 
are not connected. In the majority of cases these ele- 
ments are crowded mto empty spaces surrounding some 
principal pattern and thus used for filling-m purposes. The 
symbolic meaning attributed by native archseolo^sts to 
this pattern is that of "thunder-storm and rain" as the 
chief benefactors of agriculturists. 

Besides the sacrificial vessels and bells, and a few bronze 
weapons, such as spearheads and lances, ascribed to the 
Shang djmasty, the ant iciui ties of this period are represented 
by a number of jade specimens. A huge number of works 
m this material has been described in a comprehensive il- 
lustrative catalogue, published m 1176 a.d., under the title 
Kuryiirt ^Urp^u, of which a new edition appeared in 1779. 
Among the collaborators mentioned in the preface are 
found some of the most noteworthy painters of the period, 
especially the great landscapists Ma Yiian, Hia Kui, and 
Li Tang, known in Japan as Bayen, Kakei, and Rito, who 
^>pear to have supervised the preparation of the numer- 
ous illustrations. Whereas the critics who have published 
and interpreted the Chinese bronze treasures do not go 
beyond the Shang dynasty, this book shows us jade tablets 
covered with undecipherable hieroglyphics and ascribed 


to the fabulous Emperor Yii. So say the inscriptions added 
on the back surface during the seventh and tenth centuries. 
The characters of the original inscriptions are stated in the 
text to resemble the style of the celebrated tablet of Yii, 
which, if it were genuine, would beyond doubt be the oldest 
specimen of Chinese writing now in existence and which, 
even if it is a forgery, must be one of very ancient date, as 
Mr. C. T. Gardner has shown in his paper, " The Tablet of 
Yii." * These jade tablets, as well as the stone inscrip- 
tion ascribed to the Emperor Yii and the nine geographical 
tripods he is supposed to have left to posterity as a pictorial 
record of the nine provinces into which he divided his 
empire, are probably as doubtful in their origin as the 
accounts of his reign, his engineering work, and his provinces 
placed on record in the Shu-king and other works. The 
Confucian age is responsible, it appears to me, for forgeries 
not only of literature, but of art also. If the Emperor 
Huang-ti is reported to have discovered a copper mine 
and established a foundry in Ho-nan a short time before 
his death, it appears that the forger of literature merely 
works into the hands of the inventor of Yii's tripods. The 
Kvryvrt^Vrp^u coutains a number of illustrations showing 
that numerous copies were made in jade of the ancient 
sacrificial vessels of the Shang period as well as of the Ch6u 
dynasty. Yet, although it appears that the style has been 
well preserved in these imitations, they are for the greater 
part declared even by the Chinese archaeologists to be 

* China RevieWf vol. ii, p. 293 seqq. Cf. also E. Haenisch, Die 
Ta/el des Yu^ in MiUheilungen des Seminars fur Orientalische Spror 
chen, vol. viii, 1905, p. 293 seqq. Mr. Haenisch thinks the tablet is 
not a forgery, but an ancient monument, which has nothing to do 
yrith Ytt. 

THE SHANG, OR YIN, DYNASTY (1760-1122 b.c.) 91 

works of the Han period. I do not wish to say that jade 
sculptures were an impossibility during the Shang period. 
Indeed, we read of gems and badges of rank, which may, or 
may not, have been made of jade, and the word yu, "jade," 
occurs over and over again in the oldest texts. It must 
also be admitted that jade, or jadeite, may in the course of 
trade have come to China from quarries in other countries, 
if not from Khotan, without the Chinese having been aware 
ci its origin. But it is not likely that this industry existed 
on a very large scale previous to the Han dynasty. The 
jade quarries of Khotan, which have ever since the Han 
dynasty had the lion's share of the trade in that precious 
material as far as China is concerned, were not known to 
the Chinese before the end of the second century B.C. 

It is a remarkable feature of that old catalogue of jade 
works that during all this time, from the first century B.C. 
down to the twelfth century a.d., almost every one of the 
jade vessels and implements represented in it has its proto- 
type in the shape of an old bronze object. The Chinese of 
the Shang d}aiasty must be considered as the creators of 
Chinese autochthonous art. At this time the foundation 
for much of the later development was laid. We are en- 
titled to adopt this view on the strength of existing monu- 
menta of Shang culture in the shape of sacrificial bronses 
bearing testimony more substantial than mere literary 


THE CH6u dynasty (1122-249 b.c.) 





§ 22. Wu-WANO AS Kino op Ch6u (1122-1116 B.C.) 

AFTER the death of Ch6uHan, Wu-wang became mas- 
ter of the empire. The renitent among the former 
adherents of Ch6uH3in had dispersed in the hills. 
Wu-wang rejected the advice given him to persecute them, 
and invited those who promised to become loyal subjects 
to return. On the other hand, he treated the refractory 
with great severity. One of Chdu-sin's former ministers, 
Shang Jung, greatly assisted him in appeasing the startled 
population, and he soon found himself universally recog- 
nized as "Son of Heaven" (i'i^-tei). This is the style by 
which the holder of the supreme authority is designated 
m China, whatever his other titles may be. The term has 
been applied to the legendary emperors ; the great Yii calls 
himself "Son of Heaven'' in one of his speeches preserved 
in the Shvrking. The Shang emperors used the same title, 
and if Wu-wang is so described, he is virtually emperor of 
CSiina, who rules over his people — the people par excdr 
lenee — whose lord has received the approval of Heaven, 
who rules the world in the name of Heaven, and who is 
the representative of the (itnrhia, "what is under heaven," 
"the world," "the Chinese people." Tiinrizi may in this 
sense be appropriately traoislated by "Son of God/' a 



designation for which it is easy to find parallels in the his- 
tory of both Oriental and Occidental nations. For, al- 
though shang-ii, "the Supreme Ruler/' may be looked 
upon as the very term for God in pre-C!onfucian monotheism, 
Ti&n, "Heaven," has very much the same force as a term 
in the natural philosophy of the Chinese. In one sense 
it means the other world, and the term is actually applied 
to the Mahomedan heaven in the account of a califal 
embassy of the early part of the seventh century * accord- 
ing to which the Mahomedan who dies before the enemy 
is bom again in fi6n ("heaven")* According to the 
same accoimt, Mahomedans kneel five times a day before 
i'Unshon, "the spirit of Heaven"; and the members of 
the califal embassy declined to perform the ceremony of 
the k^(ht^6Uj saying : " The inhabitants of our coimtry 
kneel only before i^Un; when seeing the king, they do 
not kneel." In this case i^i&n clearly refers to Allah, or 
God. The "Son of Heaven" is thus apparently a term 
which may be compared to the Homeric SioyAnj^ ffcuriXeu^j 
the epithet Divtis of the Roman emperors, and quite a 
host of parallels in Oriental titles. 

When Wu-wang had become "Son of Heaven," he 
bestowed on Ch6u-sin*s son, Wu-kong, known also as Lu-fu, 
who had tendered him allegiance, the title of chvrh&u, 
"Prince of the Empire," and appointed him king of Corea. 
The title tij "emperor," had grown unpopular after the 
many examples of weakness and lack of virtue displayed 
by so many of the previous emperors, who would not 
conform to the model set for them by the " Five Emperors,' 
by which name Fu-hi and his immediate successors are 
designated. In his modesty he continued to style himself 

* Vang-shUf ch. ccxxi B, p. 18. 


siinply wang^ or ''king/' and his successors followed his 
example. It is for this reason that down to the time of 
Shi-huang-ti, who purposely ignored all previous history 
and called himself "The First Emperor/' this being the 
literal meaning of his title, all the rulers of the Ch6u dy- 
nasty styled themselves iwingf, that is, "king'' or "prince/' 
besides holding the dignity of " Son of Heaven." Wu-wang 
had been duke of Ch6u after the death of his father for 
twelve years when he became emperor. As such, he was 
virtual ruler of the Chinese empire from 1122 to 1116 B.C. 
Personal qualities and a fine physique, coupled with great 
affability, assisted him greatly in gaining the sympathy of 
his people ; and this was increased by his good government. 
In the latter he was assisted by his brother Tan, known in 
literature as Ch6u-kung, the " Duke of Ch6u." From the 
time of Wen-Wang's death Ch6u-kung was the soul of 
Wu-wang's government, and to him must be ascribed an 
important share in the consolidation of the power of the 
Ch6u dynasty. Many fundamental institutions were the 
result of his suggestions. So great was his zeal in govern- 
ment matters that, if summoned on business matters, he 
would interrupt his bath and consult with his interviewer 
while holding his wet hair in his hand. 

After Wu-wang had made his solemn entrance into the 
capital, he issued a manifesto, destined to calm the people, 
in which he promised to conduct the government in the 
q>irit devised by the ancient sages. He opened the prisons 
and set free the victims of Ch6u-sin's severity. Ch6u-sin's 
granaries also were opened, and their contents distributed 
among the people. The treasures and luxuries found in 
Ch6u-8in's palace were used in rewarding the officers and 
soldiers of Wu-wang's army and were also dbtributed 


among the people, for the king would not appropriate to 
his own use any of those ill-gotten riches. Further, the 
many women assembled in Ch6uH3in's harem were allowed 
to return to their families. 

Soon after his ascension to the throne he decided to pay 
a visit to his native duchy of Ch6u. He had found in the 
imperial treasury the celebrated bronze tripods, supposed 
to have been cast by order of the Great Yii and containing 
the descriptions of that emperor's nine provinces. These 
national relics he caused to be transported to his capital 
in the west, possession of them being regarded as a guarantee 
of the security of the empire. One of the first govern- 
mental measures taken by Wu-wang was the regulation 
of the nobility of his empire. Hereditary rank appears to 
have occupied a more prominent position in the most 
ancient periods of Chinese history than during its modem 
development. The division of the nobility into the five 
grades existing at the present day, namely, kung (" duke ")> 
h6u C' marquis ")> P^ (" earl "); ^^ C' viscount '')> *^d nan 
C' baron ")> is supposed to have been first made by the em- 
perors Yau and Shun. Wu-wang arranged that each of 
these dignitaries should be allowed to hold a fixed area of 
land. In selecting the officials of his government he made a 
careful choice among those of his predecessor, dismissing all 
the incapable ones. He tried to improve the moral standard 
of his people, and paid special attention to the welfare of 
the laboring classes as well as to industry and trade. At 
the beginning of his reign he had to contend with some 
refractory elements among his own people; but he soon 
overcame these, and established peace all over his empire. 

He then devoted himself to the improvement of the 
calendar. He declared red to be the color of his reign, 


just as yellow is the color of the present djmasty; and it 
was directed that all the imperial flags show this color. 
The old capital Fong-ch'ong, "City of Affluence," which 
had been built generations ago by his father Won-wang, 
proving too small to hold his court, he transferred the seat 
of government to a place caUed Hau, situated in the neigh- 
borhood of the modem Si-an-f u ; and this remained for a 
long period during antiquity and the Middle Ages the 
center of the Chinese empire. There he established schools, 
divided into six classes, the three lower ones of which were 
to serve for the education of boys of the age of eight to 
fifteen years. In admitting yoimg candidates to the 
highest possible degrees of learning, no distinction was 
made between high and low, between rich and poor. In 
this he laid the foundation of that democratic principle 
which has, up to the present day, been characteristic of 
the system of education and the subsequent promotion to 
hi^ oflSces among the Chinese. His own son, the heir 
presumptive to the throne, was educated at one of these 
schools like the son of a common laborer. As a further step 
toward the consolidation of his power he surrounded him- 
self with a phalanx of faithful supporters to the throne 
by reorganizing that class of nobility called chu-h6u, 
"Princes of the Empire," selected from the representatives 
of families deriving their pedigree from the old sacred em- 
perors and other personages of similar merit. It appears 
that, whether wrongly or not, descendants of Shon-nung, 
Huang-ti, Yau, and Shun were supposed to exist, and that 
Wu-wang rewarded the merits of their respective ancestors 
by ^>pointing such descendants fief-holders in different 
parts of the empire. To his own brother, Ch6u-kung, hb 
confidential adviser, he gave the earldom of Ku-f6u, called 


also Luy in whose capital Confucius was bom in the sixth 
century. Other brothers of his were made fief-holders. 
The sentiment of gratitude thus implanted in the hearts 
of his grandees remained constant during their lifetimes. 
But later generations are apt to be forgetful of benefits 
accorded to predecessors — a fact exemplified in the his- 
tory of all nations ; and in this respect China was destined 
not to prove an exception. 

The good ones among the most ancient rulers of China 
are represented as having been full of religious sentiment. 
We meet with numerous instances of the most ancient 
emperors addressing themselves in prayer to God the 
Almighty, and, if we find social life to have been made 
dependent in all its phases upon thousands of little cere- 
monies, all these served one end — the humble recognition 
of a powerful fate that rules us all. The worship of an- 
cestors began to be gradually cultivated as a side develop)- 
ment of this original monotheism. It culminated in the 
belief that the spirit of a departed forefather actually re- 
places fate by influencing the life of his descendants. I 
have already referred to the beginning of ancestor worship 
in connection with the legendary emperors as early as the 
thirteenth century. The virtuous Emperor P^an-kong says, 
according to the Shvrking : * — 

"Were I to err in my government, and remain long here, my 
High Sovereign, the founder of our house, would send down great 
punishment for my crime, and say, *Why do you oppress my 
people ? ' If you, the myriads of the people, do not attend to the 
perpetuation of your lives, and cherish one mind with me, the one 
man in my plans, my predecessors will send down on you great 
punishment for your crime, and say : * Why do you not agree with 
our young grandson, but so go on to forfeit your virtue ? ' When 

» Legge, p. 238. 


they punish you from above you will have no way of escape. Of 
M, my royal predecessors toiled for your ancestors and fathers. 
You are equally the people whom I nourish ; but your conduct is 
injurious — it is cherished in your hearts. Whereas my royal 
predecessors made happy your ancestors and fathers, your ancestors 
and fathers will cut you off and abandon you, and not save you 
from death. Here are those ministers of my government, who 
diare with me the offices of the state — and yet only think of 
hoarding up cowries [the old medium of exchange] and gems I 
Your ancestors and fathers urgently represent to my High Sovereign 
8a3ring, 'Execute great punishments on our descendants.' So 
they intimate to my High Sovereign that he should send down great 

TTie God of the ancient Chinese was the creation of their 
own mind and the result of their natural instinct; there 
was no revelation made to them resembling our Ten Com- 
mandments or the New Testament. \Miether Shang-ti, 
"the Supreme Ruler/' or Ti6n, " Heaven/' the real God 
has never been, as He is not now, entirely disavowed by the 
Chinese ; but we find Him occasionally viewed in the spirit 
of that much-quoted precept attributed to Oliver Cromwell : 
"Put your trust in God; but mind to keep your powder 
dry." The Shiirking clearly shows this in a conversation 
between one of the representative gentlemen of the period, 
the Duke of Ch6u, and a Prince of Shi, in which the duke 
prognosticates the stability of the newly founded dynasty 
by saying : * — 

" I do not dare to say as if I knew it : the final end will issue in our 
misfortunes. Oh I you have said, O prince, ^t depends on our- 
selves. I also do not dare to rest in the favor of God, never fore- 
easting at a distance the terrors of Heaven in the present time when 
there is no murmuring or disobedience among the people ; the issue 
is with men. Should our present successor to his fathers prove 

* Legge, p. 475. 


greatly unable to reverence Heaven and the people, and so bring 
to an end their glory, could we in our families be ignorant of it? 
The favor of Heaven is not easily preserved. Heaven is hard to be 
depended upon. Men lose its favoring appointment because they 
cannot pursue and carry out the reverence and brilliant virtue of 
their forefathers. Now I, Tan, being but a little child, am not able 
to correct our king. I would simply conduct him to the glory of 
his forefathers, and make his youth partaker of that. . . . Heaven 
is not to be trusted. Our course is simply to seek the prolongation 
of the virtue of the tranquilizing king Wu-wang, and Heaven will 
not find occasion to remove its favoring decree which Won-wang 

The influence of God on the fate of man is here brought 
into direct opposition with that of one's forefathers. 
Heaven, or God, having bestowed favors on one's ancestors, 
it rests with the present generation to shape its own fate. 

Who were the real powers to be addressed in prayer, and 
whose influence on the fate of the living generation was 
thus sought, has been clearly indicated in an anecdote told 
in the Shu-king,^ Two years after the conquest of the 
Shang dynasty, that is, in 1120 B.C., Wu-wang fell ill and 
"was quite disconsolate." Some one proposed to consult 
the tortoise oracle concerning him, but Ch6u-kung dis- 
approved because that would ''distress our former kings.*' 
Keeping his powder dry would not have availed much in 
saving a dying man. But it is characteristic that, instead 
of praying to Heaven, Ch6u-kung addressed the spirits 
of his ancestors, to each of the preceding three generations 
of whom he erec^ an altar on which he deposited the 
sacred gem (pt). This he did with the seriousness of a 
modem clairvoyant while upholding with his folded hands, 
as the evidence of his person and rank in appearing before 

' Legge, p. 351 aeqq. 


those exalted spirits, his own personal jade badge (kui). 
Thus prepared, he prayed to the spirits of T'ai-wang, 
Tai-wang^s son Ki, and Won-wang, his and Wu-wang's 

"The grand historian by his order wrote on tablets his prayer 
to the following effect: 'A. B., your chief descendant, is suffering 
from a severe and dangerous sickness ; — if you three kings have in 
Heaven the charge of watching over him, Heaven's great son, let 
me. Tan, be a substitute for his person. I have been lovingly 
obedient to my father; I am possessed of many abilities and arts 
which fit me to serve spiritual beings. Your chief descendant, on 
the other hand, has not so many abilities and arts as I, and is not 
to ci4>able of serving spiritual beings. And, moreover, he was 
appointed in the hall of God to extend his aid to the four quarters 
of the empire, so that he might establish your descendants in this 
lower world. The people of the four quarters stand in reverent 
awe of him. Oh I do not let that precious Heaven-conferred appoint- 
ment fall to the ground ; and all our former kings will abo have a 
perpetual reliance and resort. I will now seek for your orders 
from the great tortoise. If you grant what I request, I will take 
these symbols and this mace, and return and wait for the issue. 
If you do not grant it, I will put them by.' " 

The duke then divined with the three tortoises and all 
were favorable. He took a key, opened, and looked at the 
oracular responses, which were also favorable, and said: 
''According to the form of the prognostic the king will take 
DO injury. I have got his appointment renewed by the 
three kings." On the following day the king got better. 

In the fourth year of his reign (1119 B.C.) a great assembly 
of the princes and grandees of the empire took place, when 
they all did homage to Wu-wang as their emperor. Wu- 
wang died m 1116 b.c. 


§ 23. Ch'Ong-wang (1115-1079 B.C.) 

Wu-wang's son and heir, Ch'ong-wang, was a minor 
when he became emperor, and his imcle, the Duke of Ch6u, 
had l)een appointed his guardian before Wu-wang's death. 
The duke, being now the senior of the family, was also 
appointed regent of the empire. The jealousy and in- 
trigues of his brothers and other discontented parties 
resulted in the circulation of rumors among the people to 
the effect that Ch6u-kung intended to usurp permanently 
the supreme power for himself, and that his guardianship 
over the young emperor was merely a pretext leading to 
this end. With great delicacy of feeling he met all these 
accusations by withdrawing from the court without in- 
forming the emperor. But so great was his personal in- 
fluence among the people, that it seemed as though he 
carried the court with him, to judge from the attention 
he received wherever he made his appearance. He re- 
mained two years in his voluntary exile, during which time 
he is said to have occupied himself with an extension of 
the work commenced by his father Won-wang, while in 
prison, the I-king^ or "Book of Changes." He kept, how- 
ever, as far as distance would permit, a watchful eye on 
his brothers, who were at the bottom of the intrigues 
against him and who had in the meantime taken charge of 
the young emperor. It appears that two of his brothers, 
driven by personal ambition, had invented these rumors 
for the special purpose of getting the powerful duke out 
of sight so that they might accomplish their own ends. 
With the assistance of Wu-kong, the son of the last emperor 
of the Shang dynasty, whom Wu-wang had placed in charge 
of Corea, a rebellion was planned. Seeing the danger of 


these plots to the yoiing emperor, Ch6u-kung is supposed 
to have written a poem, preserved among the odes of the 
Shl'kingy^ a sort of allegory in which he represents himself 
as a bird bewailing the attacks made by owls on its nest 
and its young one (that is, the emperor) sitting in it. 
Whether this ode was really composed by Ch6u-kung or 
not, it is ascribed to him and is characteristic of the situa- 
tion. The last two verses read, in Legge's translation, as 
follows : — 

"With my claws I tore and held. 
Through the rushes which I gathered, 
And all the materials I collected, 
My mouth was all sore: — 
I said to myself, I have not yet got my house complete. 

" My wings are all injured ; 
My tail is all broken ; 
My house is in a perilous condition ; 
It is tossed about in the wind and rain : — 
I can but cry out with this note of alarm." 

TTie young emperor had always silently sided with Ch6u- 
kung. When, owing to a great storm, the crops through- 
out the empire had been destroyed, he searched the 
court records in order to find out what his predecessors 
had done in the presence of such calamities. On this 
occasion he discovered the record of Chdu-kung's prayer 
to his ancestors, in which the duke had asked them to take 
his own life in order that his brother, the Emperor Wu- 
wang, might recover. This moved the young emperor's 
heart. He was now convinced that the great storm had 
been sent by Heaven as a punishment for the ill-treatment 
Ch6u-kimg had received at his hands. He recalled the 
exile and reinstated him in all his honors. 

1 Legge, p. 233 9eq, 


His enemies now broke out in open rebellion and took 
up arms under the pretext of defending the dynasty 
against its minister, the Duke of Ch6u, to the great delight 
of Wu-kong, who was led to hope that through the en- 
deavors of the Ch6u family to ruin each other his own 
house might come into power again. The emperor was 
prudent enough to see through these designs and sent an 
army under Ch6u-kimg against the imited forces of Wu- 
kong and his friends. Ch6u-kung gained a decisive vic- 
tory and made Wu-kong prisoner. His brothers tendered 
their submission ; one of them was executed with Wu-kong, 
the other being banished. Within three years Ch6u-kung 
established peace throughout the empire. After Wu- 
kong^s death the dignity of a prince of the empire, granted 
to him as the last scion of the Shang dynasty, was trans- 
ferred to the late Emperor Ch6u-sin's stepbrother We'i-tzi 
(or K'i, Baron of Wei), by which act of grace toward a 
descendant of the dynasty headed by one of the best 
monarchs China had seen, Ch'ong-t'ang, the emperor 
showed his appreciation of the legitimacy of tradition. 
Wei-tzi had been among those who had protested against 
the late Emperor Ch6u-sin's cruelties and, therefore, deserved 
to be selected as the one member of his family to be given 
the chance of continuing the generation in a prominent, 
if not imperial, position. A special chapter is devoted to 
a speech of Ch'ong-wang's on the occasion of Wei-tzi's 
investiture in the Shvrking} In appointing him prince 
of Sung the emperor said, among other things : — 

"Reverently and carefully you discharge your filial duties; 
gravely and respectfully you behave to spirits and to men. I 
admire your virtue and pronounce it great and not to be forgotten. 

^ Legge, p. 376 seqq. 


God will always enjoy your offerings ; the people will be reverently 
harmonious under your sway. I raise you, therefore, to the rank 
of Hif^ Duke, to rule this eastern part of our great land [i.e, Corea]. 
"Be reverent. Go and diffuse abroad your instructions; be 
carefully observant of your robes and various other symbols of 
your appointment ; follow and observe the proper statutes — so as 
to prove a bulwark to the royal House. Enlarge the fame of your 
meritorious ancestor, be a law to your people I so as forever to pre- 
serve your dignity. So also shall you be a help to me, the one man ; 
future ages will enjoy the benefit of your virtue ; all the states will 
take you for a pattern 1 and thus you will make our djmasty of 
CSi6u never weary of you. Oh I go, and be prosperous. Do not 
disregard my charge." 

§ 24. The " Ch6u-u " 

TTie reign of Ch'ong-wang is distinguished by what may 
be called the laying of the foundations of a government in 
China; and the king's uncle, Ch6u-kimg, must be looked 
upon as the organizer of the state machinery of the Ch6u 
d3masty. In the Shu-king two chapters, entitled respec- 
tively "The Establishment of Government" and "The 
Officers of Ch6u,'' are specially devoted to the fundamental 
institutions made by Ch'ong-wang under the advice of the 
Duke of Ch6u. To Ch6u-kung is also ascribed the author- 
diip of the CMu'lif a work in which the entire government 
apparatus of the Ch6u djrnasty is described. It seems 
quite possible that Ch6u-kung may have outlined such a 
work ; but it is not likely that he is responsible for all the 
details found in the present text, since it must have taken 
generations of government life before opportunities could 
have arisen to place on record ail the minute regulations 
embodied m this huge collection of statutes. Opinions 
have, therefore, differed a great deal among the Chinese 


themselves as to the real authorship of the work in ques- 
tion. It was the great expounder of Confucian philosophy, 
Chu Hi (1130-1200 a.d.), who investigated the subject and 
defended the ancient origin of the Chdvrli, claiming that it 
might possibly be traced back to Ch6u-kung himself. Even 
if that be SO; it stands to reason that a standard work on 
government institutions would be subject to a great many 
additions and modifications, called for by practical require- 
ments in the course of seven himdred and fifty years, which 
was the period that elapsed from the time of Ch6u-kung 
down to the end of the dynasty. If we assume that the 
nucleus of the contents was actually Ch6u-kung's work, 
the text as handed down to posterity seems to represent 
the public institutions of the dynasty in their fullest develop)- 
ment, and as such, it forms a most important source in the 
history of cultural life during the Ch6u period, which must 
be regarded as a model serving as a guide to later genera- 
tions. As an educator of the nation the Chdnrli has 
probably not its like among the literatures of the world, 
not excepting even the Bible. This remark refers es- 
pecially to its minute details of public and social life, in 
which respect its influence on the character of the Chinese 
has been fully equal to that exercised by the teachings of 
Confucius in regard to morals. Its contents, as repre- 
sented in fidouard Biot's valuable French translation,* throw 
considerable light on the constitution and culture of the 
nation during the Ch6u period. 

China was in those days divided, somewhat like Ger- 
many, into a number of smaller states, all of which recog- 
nized the Son of Heaven as their principal ruler, who 
from the outset must have had considerable power over 

^ Le Tcheou4i, ou riles dea Tcheou, 2 vols., Paris, 185L 


the several feudatory governments; for it is he who 
establishes states, defines their limits, and indicates the 
location of their capitals ; through him, also, their rulers 
hdd their appointments. Their government is to be 
modeled like the emperor's, and is to be controlled and 
inspected from time to time by him, he having the power 
to revoke and to depose or reprimand the refractory. The 
most ri^d religious ceremonial regulates the daily life of 
emperor, government officers, and feudatory lords. It is 
this detail in regard to the outer forms of life that has held 
the Ch6u organism together for so many centuries. There 
is hardly an act in official, and even social, life which is not 
performed with certsun ceremonies. This applies to the 
mode of dress to be worn, the speeches to be made, and 
the postures to be assumed on all possible occasions, 
whether at court or in private life. Biot appropriately 
ranarks that the chief aim of all these minute regulations 
was the founding of a certain immutability of government 
on the physical and moral immutability of individuals by 
depriving them as much as possible of all spontaneous 
action in public and private life. Although catastrophes 
have every now and then exploded dynastic and social 
relations among the people, it would appear that the tra- 
ditional veneration in which their ceremonial has been 
held by the Chinese ever since the days of the Cfuhirli has 
had much to do with the stability of China and the Chinese 
as an empire and a nation. 

Far below the emperor and the princes of the empire 
was the mass of the people, placed in rank and file accord- 
ing to their occupations. The nation consisted of rulers 
and their assistants, government officers, and the rest of 
the world, who were the working classes. These latter 


were divided into nine sections ranking in the following 
order: first, landholders, the producers of grain; second, 
gardeners, who grow plants and fruit trees; third, wood- 
men, occupied with the products of the forests and moun- 
tains; fourth, livestock holders, raising cattle and fowl; 
fifth, artisans, who convert raw materials into articles of 
daily use; sixth, merchants, both resident and traveling; 
seventh, the wives, who change oik and hemp into clothes; 
eighth, servants, both male and female; ninth, the mis- 
cellaneous class, who have no fixed profession, but change 
their occupation as occasion may demand. 

The agricultural population forming the first class hold 
their estates as tenants of their princes, and have to deliver 
a percentage of the cereals they grow proportionate to the 
fertility of the soil. The latter is ascertained by special 
officers appointed for the purpose, who also instruct the 
cultivators in the nature of the grains and vegetables best 
adapted for cultivation, and the times for tilling, sowing, 
watering, and harvesting. Under their advice a system of 
irrigation best suited to the configuration of the land is intro- 
duced. It is by government officers that the people's work 
connected with the production of silk is supervised in all 
its details. The inhabitants are treated like a huge family, 
at the head of which is the emperor, their patriarch. The 
government apparatus is, therefore, not confined to those 
who mete out justice and collect taxes or administer what 
with us would be called government departments, but the 
officers of Ch6u (Ch&urkuan, which was the original title of 
the Chdvrli) comprise inspectors, appointed by the gov- 
ernment, for almost any useful work performed by the 

Nearest the emperor in power is the prime minister 


{ta49ax)f who has general charge of the six divisions of 
government. This division of dl official business into six 
categories, as described in the Ch&urli, has become the 
prototype of the six boards of government (liurpu) of later 
dynasties, and the corresponding divisions made in the 
administrative offices down to our own days. The six 
ministries, or boards, are but slightly different. At the 
head of them is the "Board of Heaven," or the "Mandarin 
of Heaven" (tHinrkium). Its chief is identical with the 
prime minister. This highest board has, therefore, a 
general supervision over all government affairs, as having 
e(xitrol of the appointment of officers. It is the origin of 
the board which later on was called, as it is known to-day, 
the Zt*-pu, or "Board of Civil Office." The president of 
this board (li^-piirshang'Shu) has always had precedence 
over his colleagues of the other boards ; and the minister 
presiding over the Board of Civil Office has at all times been 
known, as he is to-day, as fUnrkuaUy" Heaven's Mandarin," 
the chief assistant of tihirtziy the "Son of Heaven," that is, 
the emperor.^ Foreign affairs had up to this time been 
rd^ated to the background among the Chinese adminis- 
trative divisions. The old tsung-liryamen was merely a 
eommiflsion which the Chinese would never admit to be a 

* This has been so for the Ust three thousand years; and it was 
aoi until qtiite recently that, under the pressure of negotiations with 
lordlgD powers, the head of a newly created board, the Wai-wu- 
fm, or ''Board of Foreign Affairs/' was assigned a rank above all 
flie presidents of the other boards. The creation of a seventh board, 
in addition to the time-honored six, is a thing which would have been 
impoasible in conservative China previous to the era of reforms, ini- 
tialed by the Emperor Kuang-sQ in 1898 and forced upon the recal- 
cUrant conservatives under foreign pressure after the troubles in 
1900. This change of rank was notified to the empire in an imperial 
•dtel dated July 24, 1901. « See note on p. 1 13. 


board; chiefly because statesmen of three thousand years 
ago had made their arrangements, never thinking that the 
relations with foreign nations would be sufficiently impor- 
tant to justify the existence of a special ministry. Chinese 
national ambition has, ever since the constitutional ar- 
rangements of public life were made, looked upon the em- 
peror as the person who rules the entire world by the 
decree of Heaven. The " world " was China, in which sense 
she is called t^i&nrhia, that is, "all that is under heaven." 
Foreign nations were regarded as mere boundary tribes in 
a state of rebellion against the emperor, their lawful ruler ; 
and if they sent embassies with gifts of courtesy to the 
Chinese court, such gifts were styled "tribute" (kung). 
During the Ch6u dynasty down to that of the western 
Han, when China led an isolated life in the Far East, long 
before the existence of other great countries like India, 
and the great monarchies of western Asia and the Roman 
empire, became known to them, this view was not without 
good foundation, since China was then actually the only 
civilized country, towering high above a host of barbarous 
tribes surrounding it. During this long period of undis- 
puted superiority over her neighbors, that characteristic 
national megalomania, of which she finds it so difficult to 
rid herself even at the present day, had a thousand years 
to develop and to take firm root in the heart of the nation. 
The Chinese would never have dared to make a change in 
those sacred institutions, said to have been first placed on 
record by the Duke of Ch6u, but for circumstances over 
which they had no control. 

The six departments of government as described in the 
Chdvrli were the following : (1) " The Mandarin of Heaven," 
{Ciifi'kuan), who had general control over all the other 


departments. His office corresponded to the modem 
K'-pu, * or " Board of QvU Office." (2) " The Mandarin of 
Earth" (tirkuan), charged with the instruction of the 
people, primarily in agriculture (ndng), that being the 
dneS source of national wealth and consequently of govern- 
ment revenue. It is from this point of view that we have^ 
to explain its gradual change into what is now called 
hvrpUj the "People's Board/' or "Board of Revenue." 
(3) "The Mandarin of Spring" {ch'uvrhuan), who was in 
charge of the state ceremonial and whose office corresponded 
to the modem li*'pu,^ or " Board of Ceremonies." (4) " The 
Mandarin of Summer" {hia-kium), who exercised executive 
power, and is now represented by the "Board of War" 
{pmg-pu). (5) " The Mandarin of Autumn " (tsHurhmn) , in 
charge of punishments, represented by the present " Board 
of Justice" (hing-pu), and finally, (6) "The Mandarin of 
Winter" (tttng-kuan) ^ who was in charge of public works 
and corresponded to the modem kung-jm, or "Board of 

These six categories have down to the present day been 
the basis of all division of official work, and the yamen, or 
government offices, throu^out the empire imitate metro- 
politan arrangements by classifying business in separate 
departments, secretariats, desks, or pigeonholes, large or 
small, as the range of their jurisdiction may be, under the 
six heads of "Personal," "Revenue," "Ceremonies," 
"MiUtary," "Judicial," and "Works." 

The Mandarin of Heaven performed, as it were, the func- 
UoDS of a prime minister, having joint responsibility for the 

* Note that the first syllable in W-fm and H^-pu, as indicated by 
Bumben, Is pronounced in different tones in the two words and in 
Chinese is written with different characters. 


five other boards. It was he who fixed the amounts to be 
levied under the heads of dues, local tribute, and taxes of 
all kinds, which constituted the imperial revenue ; he r^u- 
lated the public expenses; the entire inner and outer gov- 
ernment service, both civil and military, was under his 
jurisdiction; so also was the management of the several 
imperial households, those of the emperor himself, of the 
empress, of the crown prince, and of the imperial concubines. 
The great number of the last named had even in those early 
days led to the employment, in personal attendance on the 
imperial ladies, of a special class of court officials — those 
pests of Oriental court life, the eunuchs. This feature of 
the constitution of the Ch6u dynasty forms a strange con- 
trast to the moral purity which otherwise characterizes 
the early social life of the Chinese. Eunuchism has proved 
a curse to public life in China at all times; and many a 
catastrophe must be ascribed to its intrigues which have 
raised unworthy men to high positions and worked much 
harm in an underhand manner. It appears that the early 
legislators of the Ch6u dynasty cannot be held responsible 
for such a degeneration of court life as that, for instance, of 
the Ming dynasty, whose downfall is ascribed to the in- 
famous power attained by the court eunuchs as a class. 
Under the Ch6u rule these were merely servants and in 
no way connected with administrative or political duties. 
The imperial palace consisted of a vast inclosure sur- 
rounded by high mud or brick walls, in which were the 
following : the dwelling-houses of the emperor, the empress, 
the concubines, and their servants ; the offices of the minis- 
ters, reception halls, and temples ; shops for weaving silk 
and hemp for the use of the court ; treasuries for the preser- 
vation of the imperial archives, historical documents, 


jewelry, and other precious belongings of the state or the 
empen^ ; depositories for stores and all that was necessary 
for the maintenance of life. In other words, it was a walled 
city within the capital city reserved for the emperor, his 
household, and his government; and the monarch seldom 
left it except in his official capacity. The emperor's per- 
sonal life was regulated by strict ceremonial in its most 
minute details, in which respect the most powerful man 
among millions was less free than any of his subjects. His 
mode of dress, the work he had to do during every hour 
of the day, the postures he had to assimfie in performing 
certain ceremonies, and the words he had to pronounce on 
every possible occasion were regulated by that cruel tyrant, 
state ceremonial. Even his daily meals, the nature and 
the quantity of food to be served to him at each season of 
the year and on special occasions were subject to fixed rules. 
He was supposed to starve himself when famine prevailed 
m the country or in times of public calamity. His meals 
were not jwesented to him by state dignitaries or by eunuchs, 
who mi^t flatter his senses in order to curry favor, but by 
a court attendant who had to taste them in his presence. 
The same rigid ceremonial was brought to bear on the feudar 

Since the broad masses of the people were not supposed 
to know how to behave in the various conditions of life, 
the 8ec<^ among the administrative divisions, that of 
instruction, headed by the Mandarin of Earth, had to take 
precautions for their welfare. The mandarin's jurisdiction 
extended to all relations in life: the occupations of the 
people, their trade, civil services, religious duties, family 
matters, etc. The ordinary subject was, even in his private 
Bfe, under government control. Tlius a special mandarin 


was in charge of marriages. He had to see that no man re- 
mained unmarried after the age of thirty, ^Is being sub- 
ject to marriage at twenty. The chief duty of this depart- 
ment was the levying of taxes in accordance with a budget 
drawn up by the prime minister. The Mandarin of Earth 
acted also as a kind of justice of the peace. Thousands of 
little rules had been made to prevent disorders of any kind ; 
and in order to see that they were duly observed both by 
the government agents charged with their execution and 
the people who had to obey them there were officers who 
had to watch public life and denounce any irregularity 
occurring. All these measures were calculated to main- 
tain the nation in a state of general goodness ; and lest the 
government itself should fail in its sacred duties, there were 
the pavrshl, an officer endowed with power to reprimand 
the emperor himself if he was at fault ; the ssl-shi, who had 
to instruct the emperor and the sons of the empire {hu/h 
tzi)j i,e, the elder sons of high officials, in all that is good 
and virtuous; and the ssi-fd&nj or public remonstrator, 
who was expected to mix with the people in order to study 
their lives, correct their faults, and report on any evils he 
might discover. These officers, dependent on the Mandarin 
of Earth, may be said to have performed the functions of 
preachers, though their duties had nothing to do with re- 
ligion, but merely with morality, virtue, and goodness, 
pure and simple. Their subordination to a higher board 
seems to indicate that they had not the political influence 
exercised later on by the institute of Public Censors 
{yu-shi)j which was not developed before the Ts'in and 
Han dynasties. 

To what degree the government solicitude for the life 
of the people went into detail, may be seen from the fact 


that ei^t out of the forty-four books in the great code of 
the C3i6u dynasty are devoted to the functions of the 
Mandarin of Earth and his subordinate officers. One of 
these was charged with the duty of making tours of inspec- 
tion in order to ascertain the merits of individuals qualify- 
ing them for office ; for, with the exception of the emperor, 
his princes, and the several feudal lords, the incumbents of 
all, even the hi^est, government officials were selected 
from among the people. Merely the eldest sons of the 
hi^er officials enjoyed certain privileges under the name 
"Sons of the Empire" (kuo-tzi), inasmuch as they were 
pven the chance of a higher education imder a special 
officer. They had their special uniforms and were admitted 
to court ceremonies as pages. 

Exceptions were also made with regard to heredity of 
office in cases where certain qualifications, required for its 
duties, were likely to be confined to certain families and 
had become traditional, having been transmitted from 
gmeration to generation, such as the practice of certain 
arts which were treated as family secrets. It is a feature 
of Chinese social life that specialties in art and workman- 
Aip are treated as the monopoly of certain families on 
which no outsider is allowed to trespass. Such was the 
case under the Han dynasty with certain patterns of silk 
brocade. Many trades, such as the superior lacquer in- 
dustry in Foochow and the manufacture of bronze drums 
m Canton, have been family secrets ; and these secrets are 
80 well guarded that a branch of art may die out with the 
last scion of the family that created it, as in the case of the 
celebrated Foochow lacquer, the secret of which was lost 
diuing the T'ai-p'ing rebellion. 

The Mandarin of Spring, who was in charge of religious 


ceremonies, was a characteristic creation of the Chinese 
nation. If, as we have seen, the emperor addressed himself 
to God, or Heaven, as the supreme ruler, his subjects sacri- 
ficed to beings of a lower order: sun, moon, and stars, 
hills, rivers, and forests, and last, not least, the departed 
souls of their ancestors. The manner in which sacrifice 
was to be brought was regulated by thousands of petty 
rules. In recording such rules the Chdurdi places us in a 
position to form an idea of the spiritual life of the people, 
which was full of superstition. The art of obtaining an 
omen from the unseen spirits was cultivated in every pos- 
sible detail. The chief means of auguration was, of course, 
the time-honored system of Pa-kva, as explained m Won- 
wang^s I'king. In many cases the scales of the tortoise 
scorched by fire were used as oracles. The fissures thus 
created on the surface of a scale were of great variety ; and 
a regular system had been invented for the interpretation 
of what may be called tortoise palmistry. There were 
scientists for the interpretation of dreams, and sorcerers, 
male and female, who could bring on fine weather or rain. 
Observation of the stars was, of course, a great means of 
ascertaming man's fate. The position of court astronomer, 
with functions distinct from those of the astrological ex- 
perts, was hereditary. The astronomer did good work in 
connection with the calendar, and what we learn in the 
Chdurli about his duties betokens an advanced state of 
scientific development. The astrologer held a diflferent 
office from that of his colleague just mentioned. The 
latter had to watch the position and movements of the 
heavenly bodies; the astrologer was required to interpret 
their forebodings, since numbers of ceremonies were con- 
nected with the seasons. Both of these officers were of 


great importance in connection with the Board of Cere- 
monies. The astronomers of the Ch6u dynasty were 
familiar with the use of the gnomon; and their observa- 
tions, which have been checked by European savants, have 
proved correct. 

The fourth of the six boards, represented by the Mandarin 
of Summer, corresponded to the present Board of War. 
The diinese in those days had no standing army, but when 
soldiers were required for the purpose of fighting external 
enemies, suppressing rebellions, or assisting in the em- 
peror's hunting expeditions, the necessary numbers were 
enlisted. The Mandarin of Elarth in charge of the Peoples' 
Board made the levies; and his subordinates placed them 
at the disposition of the Mandarin of Summer, who was a 
kind of commander-in-chief of the empire. Mmute in- 
structions were issued in connection with the levy of troops ; 
the nimiber of able-bodied men each family had to keep in 
readiness was prescribed by law, and for this purpose 
a general census was taken of the entire population once 
every three years, when males and females, adults and 
children, were distinguished and note was taken of domestic 
animals and of tools used for work. S tftti8^>ics had de- 
veloped into a regular science even in those early days. 
How the statistical method was made use of for govern- 
ment purposes, apart from the levy of troops, will be shown 
later on by the work of the philosopher Kuan-tzi, who 
died 646 b.c. The levying of troops thus laid the founda- 
tion of vital statistics as a science, and it also became a 
great stimulus in improving the records of the geographical 
eondition of the empire, which was then divided into 
nine provinces. Of these maps were made showing their 
principal rivers, lakes, and mountains, their products and 

<' ^. 



articles of trade, and other useful details. The China d 
those times was, of course, not the big empire it is to-day. 
Her dominions were then confined to the northern part of 
the present "Eighteen Provinces." At the beginning of 
the Ch6u dynasty the Tartar nations in the northeast, the 
precursors of the Huns, constantly encroached upon what 
later on became undisputed Chinese territory; and the 
nation did not feel much tempted to extend toward the 
south and southwest which were then held by unculti- 
vated Man barbarians. On the east the sea was still the 
most satisfactory boundary, since no foreign fleets threat- 
ened the peace of the empire from that direction. 

The most distant province and the first one described 
in the Ch&urli was Yang-ch6u, occupying the coast terri- 
tories near the mouth of the Yang-tzi River south and 
north of it. The term Yang-ch&u, as denoting the southern 
margravate of the empire, has been very elastic in the 
course of history. Some Chinese authors make it cover 
the entire south of China, as far as imperial authority went, 
during the several periods of history ; others, more critical, 
distinctly exclude from the Yang-ch6u of the Ch6u dynasty 
those territories in the south which are screened off by 
the Nan-ling range. The name Yang-chdu has survived 
in that of the city so called and possibly in that of the river 
Yang-tzi, the etymology of this latter name being uncertain. 
This province was irrigated by the lower Yang-tzi', with its 
affluents, and the T*ai-wu Lake, and its trade consisted in 
metals, tin, and bamboos. The Ch6u-li says of its popula- 
tion that there were five men to every two women, and that 
the cultivation of rice formed their principal occupation. 
Every province had its sacred mountain. That of Yang- 
ch6u was caUed Kuirki (Hui-ki), 


The second province described in the Ch&Urli is King- 
ch6u, comprising those fertile territories on the banks of 
the middle course of the great river. Its name has sur- 
vived in that of the city of King-ch6u-fu, near the present 
treaty port of Shasi. Since Mt. Hong is mentioned as its 
sacred hill, its territories must have extended far south- 
ward into the province of Hu-nan. Hu-nan and Hu-pei 
may be said to cover the territory of the ancient King- 
ch6u. The C?i6u4i states that its trade consisted of 
vermilion (cinnabar), ivory, and skins. The word used 
m the Chdurli for ivory is cA'i, which means a "front tooth," 
pure and simple; but the commentaries give it the sense 
of "elephants' teeth." Although the elephant is now quite 
extinct in these regions, local records contain quite a nimfi- 
ber of traditions to the effect that the animal was to be 
found among the fauna of the barbarian districts in this 
nei^borfaood in ancient times. One of the local legends 
mentions that an elephant was seen there as late as the 
seventh century of the present era [Hurnan-fang-wurchl, 
ch. viii, p. 9). In its population females predominated, 
the proportion being two women to one man. 

The province adjoining King-ch6u in the north and 
reaching as far as the south banks of the Yellow River was 
Yu-ch6u. Its tutelary hill was Mt. Hua, and its trade 
consisted in bamboos, varnish, silk, and hemp. The pro- 
portion of the sexes was three women to two men. 

A territory occupying the present Shan-tung was called 
T8'ing-ch6u, with Mt. I as its sacred hill. Its trade was 
in rushes and fish. As regards the population the sexes 
were equally divided. Fowls and dogs are mentioned as 
the principal animals, showing that the country was well 
settled, and rice and grain thrived in the fields. 


North of Ts'ing-ch6u, occupying the northern part of the 
present Shan-tung, was the province of Yen-ch6u, with the 
celebrated Mt. T'ai as its sacred hill. It was situated on 
the banks of the Yellow River, which then ran into the 
Gulf of Chi-li as nowadays. Men and women were in the 
proportion of two to three respectively. 

The extreme west, the country south of the Ordos ter- 
ritory, with Mt. Yo as its sacred hill, was called Yung-ch6u. 
It was bounded by the river Wei on the south, and its 
trade consisted of jade and other minerals. The male sex 
predominated to the extent of five men to three women. 
Oxen and horses were the principal animals, and certain 
kinds of millet were grown. 

That part of the present province of Chi-li which faces 
the sea-coast was called Yu-ch6u. Its sacred hill was Mt. 
I-wu-lii, situated in the present province of Shong-king. 
Fish and salt were its chief products, and the proportion 
of females to males was three to one. 

The southern part of Shan-si was occupied by the province 
of Ki-ch6u. Its sacred hill was called Ho. The trade 
of the district was in pines and cypresses; the male sex 
prevailed in the proportion of five to three; horses and 
oxen were the chief animals ; and millet was grown. 

The northernmost province, Ping-ch6u, occupied the 
north of Shan-si, with the celebrated Mt. Hong as its sacred 
hill. Its products were cotton and silk textures. Ping- 
ch6u and Yung-ch6u were the two frontier provinces which 
came most into contact with the nomad tribes of the 
northern steppe, and most of the great battle-fields com- 
memorating that endless contest between the Chinese race 
and its northern neighbors lie within their boundaries. 

The geography of the Ch&urli bears a remarkable resem- 


Uaaoe to that of the YUrkimg, though dififerences m de- 
tail can be traced. What we learn of China during the 
Shang dynasty appears quite different from either, and it 
would seem that the conjecture that Yii's nine provinces 
are a reconstruction of the philosophers of the Ch6u dynasty, 
is supported by this consideration. Scanty though it is, 
the g^ogn^hical section of the Ch&urli gives us an idea of 
the extent of China during the early part of that period. 
The care with which the proportions of the sexes in the 
several provinces is placed on record shows that no little 
attention was paid to vital statistics, which is quite in 
accord with the lessons given to his prince by the philosopher 

The fifth great governmental division was the Board of 
Justice, presided over by the Mandarin of Autumn, who was 
supposed to be "in charge of the brigands." He and his 
subordinates had to mete out justice m criminal cases. 
Hie penal code of the Ch6u dynasty represents a system 
full ot detail which may be called humane when compared 
with other Asiatic systems. Before capital punishment 
could be pronounced on a criminal, the most minute and 
rigid rules had to be observed ; appeals were made first to 
a board of hi^ officers, then to a commission composed of 
offic^B of lower rank, and lastly to the people themselves ; 
and it appears that the people's verdict was final, some- 
what like that of the juries of modem civilized nations, the 
sovereign alone having the right to pardon. The people 
were also consulted in cases of punishment for minor 
offenses. All subjects were equal before the law; but 
monbers of the imperial house and the administrative 
offic^B enjoyed the privilege of being punished behind the 
as it were, so that the dignity of their positions 


might be mwitained. The people had also to deliberate 
and decide under the authority of government justices 
what was to be done m the case of invasion of the country 
by an enemy ; or, when a part of the population had to be 
transferred to another provmce, owing to a failure of the 
means of subsistence in their original homes ; also, when a 
new king had to be elected, there being no heir to the 
throne, — in brief, we find traces of parliamentary power. 
Certain officials subordinate to the Mandarin of Autumn 
were, conjointly with the delegates of the Board of Cere- 
monies, charged with the responsibility of legalizi^g state 
contracts, such as the agreements made between the em- 
peror and his feudatory princes, or between the latter 
themselves. Other officials had to superintend the cere- 
monial connected with contracts among the people, the 
main feature of which was an oath in which the blood of an 
animal sacrifice was an important factor. Also subordinate 
to this board was the official called ta-hing-jon, the "Great 
Traveler," as Biot translates, the chief authority in charge 
of ambassadorial matters, who, together with his staff, 
performed functions somewhat resembling those of a foreign 
office. He was in charge of the ceremonial connected with 
the reception of visitors to the court, whether from the 
feudatory states or from abroad. The most minute details 
regarding these court receptions have been placed on record 
in the Ch&urii, The "Great Traveler'' and his junior col- 
league, the "Small Traveler'' {siavrhmg-jon) were, more- 
over, charged with police duties, inasmuch as their sub- 
ordinates had to inspect the condition of the feudatory 
states and their population. They had to keep the em- 
peror informed of all that was going on within his dominions. 
The emperor himself traveled through his dominions to see 


for himself where his authority was called upon to inter- 
fere. In his journeys through the empire, he was accom- 
panied by an official provided with charts of his provinces, 
which gave him the information he desired in connection 
with the countries he visited. Another officer had to keep 
himself posted on historical, social, and economical ques- 
tions concerning the localities visited. 

The Great Traveler also convened periodical meetings 
of the court interpreters, the musicians, and the official 
historians. The Interpreters {siang-su) had to be familiar 
with the languages of the surrounding nations and to assist 
at the court receptions ; the musicians are called ku, ** blind," 
because the performers on the various musical instruments 
and the singers at court were selected from blind men. 
The court historians are represented by a large and com- 
plicated staff of officials, one of whom, the siathshi, or 
"Small Historian,'' was in charge of the documents con- 
taining the material for the history of the states of the 
empire, whereas another, the vxiirshi, the " Historian of the 
Exterior," was charged, among other duties, with the record 
of the history of foreign nations as well as of that of the 
Three Emperors and the Five Rulers {sanrhiumg-wurti). 
It is probably one of these officials who, on higher inspi- 
ration, is responsible for the fabrications placed on record 
in connection with the fabulous Fu-hi, Shon-nung, and 
Huang-ti, the fine speeches of Yau and Shun, and the 
engineering exploits of the great Yu. 

The sixth great board was that of Public Works. The 
section of the Chdthli describing the organization of this 
department is lost and has been replaced under the 
Han djmasty by a work called Tung-kuan'k'ayrk%mg4ri, 
" Records of the Public Works of the Mandarin of Winter," 


or Ssirkung, " Superintendent of Works." We learn from it 
nothing about the administrative functions of this important 
dividon of government life; but the work contains an 
enormous mass of detail concerning the arts and industries 
of the period, of which so few remnants have come down 
to later generations. Thus most valuable facts are re- 
corded with regard to the manufacture of bronze imple* 
ments and vessels. Bells, tripods, and other sacrificial 
objects contained one-sixth part of tin in an alloy of cop- 
per; hatchets of all sdzes contwied one-fifth; lances and 
spears, one-fourth; knives and swords, one-third; erasing 
knives and arrow-heads, one-fifth, and metallic mirrors, one- 
half. All the important objects of art and productions of 
handicrafts are fully described in this interesting chapter, 
which is quoted by the historians of Chinese culture in 
connection with the origin of quite a host of characteristic 
products of Chinese civilization. 

Such as it is, the Ch&urli is a mine of information on the 
culture of the Ch6u period, which has in many respects 
become the prototype of later institutions. The very few 
facts I have extracted from it are but a poor substitute for 
the work itself, for more detailed information as to which 
the reader is referred to Biota s French version. It should 
be remarked that the style of the work is often so terse and 
ambiguous that a comprehension of it, as of the other 
Chinese classics, is in many cases impossible without the 
aid of later Chinese commentaries. 

§ 25. Oriqin of the Mariner's Compass in China 

The reign of Ch'ong-wang (1115-1079 B.C.) has been 
quoted by Chinese and foreign authors alike as the period 


during which the north-, or as the Chinese say, south- 
pointing qualities of the magnetic needle were discovered. 
In the sixth year of his reign, so the legend runs, Ch'ong- 
wang received the news that the ambassadors of a distant 
foreign kingdom, called the tribes of Yii^h'ang, had ar- 
rived with presents to do him homage. They had come 
from the south of the country of Kiau-chi, i.e. the present 
Timgking. Later Chinese historians placed them at the 
very spot where, during centuries at the beginning of our 
era, the embassies from India {T^i6nrchu) and Syria {Tor 
te'm) disembarked, in order to be conveyed to the Chinese 
court, and where, according to the Shuirking-chu, a geo- 
gr^)hical record of the fifth century a.d., ships used to 
start for the journey south to the countries of the Malayan 
Peninsula. This place clearly marks what may be called 
the terminus of Western navigation as described on the 
diinese side, which is probably identical with Ptolemy's 
city of Cattigara, the terminus of shippmg enterprise in the 
Far East according to Western classical authors. The 
emperor gave orders that the Yii^-ch'ang ambassadors 
duHild be conducted to the court and that great honor 
riiould be paid them. The ambassadors, who were accom- 
panied by interpreters speaking different languages, brou^t 
pheasants and the tusk of an elephant as tribute. Since 
they were in doubt as to how to find their way back to 
thdr home, the Duke of Ch6u, the emperor's uncle and 
prime minister, is said to have presented them with five 
chariots provided with a south-pointing contrivance 
{chUuinrku, " south-pointing chariots "). Thus they found 
thdr way back "to the seas of Pu-nan and Lin-i," the last- 
named country, well known during the Han dynasty, em- 


bracing the territory from which they had come, as Legge * 
has pointed out. 

No trace of this embassy or of the south-pointing char- 
iots mentioned in connection with it is contained in the 
Shvrking and the Shv-ki. Legge, therefore, looks upon 
it as a myth. Nevertheless there are early traces of the 
belief that such a contrivance was invented, if not by Ch6u- 
kimg, at least by some one among the old rulers. The 
philosopher Han Fei, who died in 233 B.C., says in one 
of his essays ' : " The early kings constructed the sswian, 
i.e. 'the south-pointer,' in order to fix the position of 
morning and evening. *' And a still earlier philosopher, 
Kui-ku-tzi, who lived in the fourth century B.C., refers to 
the people of Chong (K*ai-f6ng-fu) as having made use of 
the "south-pointing chariof {ssv-nan-kiX), when sending 
for jade {Kui-kurtzXy sec. 10). Kui-ku-tzi, whose little 
work is not preserved in its entirety, is also quoted in the 
TairpHng-yu-lariy a cyclopedia of the tenth century, as 
having toid : '* The Su-shon ' offered a white pheasant to 
Won-wang. Lest they might lose their way on the jour- 
ney, Ch6u-kung constructed the * south-pointing chariot ' 
to accompany them.'' * 

Possibly Won-wang and Ch'ong-wang were confounded 
in this passage. Kui-ku-tzi's text contains yet another 
passage (p. 4 B), in which he speaks of "loadstone attract- 
ing a needle"; but, since this need not necessarily involve 
a knowledge of the magnetic compass, I lay no stress on it. 

* Shu-king, p. 535 seq. ' Han-fei-tzi, ch. ii, p. 4. • This is the 
same name by which, many centuries later, the NQ-chon, Ju-chI, or 
Djurdjen Tartars, the Tungusic ancestors of the Manchus, were 
known, but which in this case probably represents an unknown 
barbarous tribe somewhere near the Chinese territory mentioned in 
the Shu-king, Legge, p. 12, par. 56. * Legge, OTp. cU,, p. 537. 


From all this it would appear that as early as the fourth 
century b.c. some sort of a contrivance indicating a southern 
direction either existed or was believed to have existed in 
former times. In the later literature, the term cklr^nan 
(from chi, "to point with the finger," and nan, "south," 
and identical with ssi^nan) is occasionally used meta- 
phorically ; for instance, in the " History of the Tliree King- 
doms,"^ from which it would appear that the term was 
known in the sense of " a guide " about the year 200 a.d. Yet 
we have no indication whatever to show what the south- 
pointing chariot, or chl^nan-ku, really was. We do not 
hear of the magnetic needle being used as a compass in 
eonnection with it any more than on board ship for several 
oenturies after the downfall of the Ch6u dynasty ; and if the 
needle was at all connected with those chariots, the in- 
vention of which was attributed to the Emperor Huang-ti 
b one, and to Ch6u-kung in another passage of the Kvrkinr 
cku, a work of the fourth century a.d., we possess no record 
riiowing how they were constructed. From an account of 
the history of this invention contained in the Sung^hu, a 
historical work of the fifth century,' it appears that the 
secret of the "south-pointing chariots" had been lost for 
many centuries, when the eminent astronomer Chang Hong, « 
who died in 139 a.d., reconstructed it. In the troubles caus- 
ing the downfall of the eastern Han dynasty his model, too, 
was lost and consequently forgotten. 

From the third century a.d. renewed interest began 
to be taken in these mysterious allusions of the ancient 
literature, which led to repeated attempts to reconstruct 
what the would-be reconstructors apparently mistook as a 
mechanical contrivance; and it appears that all that was 

* San-kuo-chi, Shu, ch. viii. p. 4 B. * Ch. zviii, p. 4. 



turned out was a machine conasting of certain whc 
possibly registering the movements of the axle of a cha 
in such a manner as to cause an index to point in 
same direction, whatever direction the chariot might U 
I do not know whether such a construction is actu^ 
within the range of possibility; if so, I should be inch 
to think that these reinventions were used as mechan 
toys to be kept in some imperial museum as models s 
posed to correspond with Ch6u-kung's chariots and doon 
to oblivion as being practically useless. I findJU^sta 
in the Sung-shu, to which account Professor^^E-Vai 
has drawn attention in the China Review (vol. xi 
p. 197), that certain models made under instructions fi 
Shi Hu, the emperor of a short-lived foreign dynasty 
the middle of the fourth century, and from Yau Hing, 
emperor of the later Tsin dynasty (about 400), fell i 
the hands of the Sung court in 417 a.d., but " the machin 
being too coarse, the south-pointer showed so often 
the wrong direction that men were required to set it ri 
again." Subsequent attempts are spoken of as hav 
been more successful, but, as I understand the Sung-s 
the author of this account thinks of "machinery" anc 
not aware of the real agent, although he casually rema 
that, during the Tsin dynasty (265-420), there i 
also a chi-nsm-chdu, i.e, "a south-pointing ship J* ''. 
Emperor Yau Hingis contrivance is more clearly descril 
in the biography of its engineer,* which says it had 
machinery at all, but that, whenever it was put in moti 
a man had to step inside to move the apparatus. Read 
between the lines, I am inclined to assume that this 
mark strongly suggests the use of a compass, the man v 

* Nan-U^i-shUf ch. lii, p. 15. 


had to step inside giving the chariot the direction ascer- 
tained from it. Yet we find in the Sung-shl ^ the detailed 
descripticm (ji the model of a "south-pointing chariot/' 
seriously submitted to the Emperor Jon-tsung as late as 
1027 A.D.y based on a most complicated system of cogged 
irtieels (diameters and numbers of cogs being given), and 
8aid to have been originally constructed about 806 a.d. A 
similar machine, also described in the Sung-shl, was con- 
structed in 1107, when it was submitted to the Emperor 
Hui-tsung. From other sources it may be shown that at 
this time the magnetic needle must have been well known, 
if not as a guide to mariners, at least as an instrument in 
the hands of geomancers for centuries before that date. 
Dr. Edkins, in his paper " On Chinese Names for Boats and 
Boat Gear," quotes Mr. Wylie in showing that the Buddhist 
priest and imperial astronomer I-hing at the beginning of 
the ei^th century knew not only the south-pointing 
qualities d the magnetic needle, but also its eastern devia- 
tion.' Since no references arc given, I am not able to con- 
firm the fact, but I am certain that the deviation of the 
needle was well known in China about the year 1115 a.d., . 
when it was described in the Pon-ts'athyenr^.* It was there 
stated that, if one rubbed a needle with loadstone, it 
would point to the south, but that it would always deviate 
a little to the east and not show due south. To prepare 
the contrivance, one had to single out a fine thread from a 
new skein of silk floss and fix it with half a candareen of 
bees' wax on the middle of the needle, the latter to be hung 
up where there was no wind. Tlie needle would then always 

■ Cai. cxlix, p. 15. * Journal of ths China Branch, Royal Aiiaiie 
SoeiMy, N.8., vol. xi, p. 13S. * Quoted in the Ko-chi-kinQ-yikan, eh. 
xlix, p. 12 B. 



point to the south. By stickmg the needle through a piece 
of lamp wick (which in China is made of pith), thus cauang 
it to float on the water, it would also point to the south with 
a slight deviation, which the author tries to explain from 
the mystic point of view of Chinese natural philosophy. 
Shon Kua, who wrote about the middle of the eleventh 
century, gives a still clearer account of the contrivance, 
which, according to his own words, was used by the ^ang- 
kia, or geomancers, and he says absolutely nothmg about 
its use in navigation. He also describes the deviation of 
the needle, without any attempt at explanation. For, 
'Hhe reason why loadstone points to the south, just as 
cypresses point to the west, cannot be explained." ' Since 
Shon Kua was a native of Hangchow, where in those days 
a lively traffic existed with Arab and Persian traders, it 
seems quite possible that the latter have seen the needle 
used for geomantic purposes somewhere in that neighbor- 
hood, if not in Chinchew (Zaitun) or Canton, learned the 
secret of its preparation from the Chinese, and discovered 
its further use in navigation. 

The Ch'avry6'tsH6n-tsai^ states that in 692 a.d. a me- 
chanic was sent to court from Hai-ch6u, a seaport on the 
coast south of Kiau-ch6u (Shan-timg), who had constructed 
a "chariot showing the twelve hours of the day" (sAi-ir- 
cKdn-ka) by the shaft being turned due south. It looks 
very much as though the magnetic needle had something 
to do with it, too. It may have been a mechanical toy to 
be used indoors, somewhat like another "south-pointing 
cAario(," so styled and described on the preceding page of 
the cyclopedia referred to as being only seven and one-half 

* Mdng-J^inpi-fan, ch. xxiv, p. 7 B. 'A work of the eighth century 
A.D. quoted in the Ko-chX-king-yilanj ch. xxix, p. 25. 




inches long and about fifteen inches high, and not a chariot 
in the ordinary sense. 

Tlie earliest unmistakable mention of the use of the 
magnetic needle as a guide to mariners that I have been 
able to find in Chinese literature is probably as old as the 
knowledge of its use in Europe. It occurs in a work of the 
twelfth century, entitled PHng-chdurk'o-t^an, and compiled ' i 
by cme Chu Yii, a native of Hu-ch6u in Cho-kiang. In -.j 
the second chapter of this work the author has inserted a ; 
series of notes on the foreign trade at Canton, which, pre- 
vious to the arrival of the Portuguese in Eastern waters, 
had been in the hands of Arab and Persian navigators. 
Since, from what we know of the author's lifetime, he him- 
self never lived at Canton, whereas his father, Chu Fu, had 
held oflSce there at the end of the eleventh century, the 
critics of the great Catalogue of the Imperial Library at 
Peking ^ hold that his information about the foreign trade 
in Canton is based on accounts of Chu, the father, and that 
it, therefore, dates from the latter part of the eleventh 
century a.d. This view is supported by the fact that 
the years 1086 and 1099 are mentioned in Chu Yii's 
paragraphs referring to Canton in other connections. 
Among these interesting notes I find (ch. ii, p. 2) one 
referring to the foreign ships by which trade was carried on 
betwe^i Canton and San-fo-ts1 (Palembang) on the coast 
of Sumatra and farther on to the ports in Arabian coun- 
tries, including India. It runs as follows : — 

"In dear weather the Captain ascertains the ship's position, at 
ni|^t by looking at the stars, in the daytime by looking at the sun ; 
in dark weather he looks at the south-pointing needle (chl-nan^ch&n). 
Sometimes he will make use of a rope, ten chang in length, to hook 

' Ttung-mu, ch. cxli, p 15 9eq. 


up mud from the bottom of the sea, the smell of which will tell him 
where to go. In the open sea there is no rain; and when it rainSi 
they are nearing land/' etc. 

The wording of this passage is such that it gives us no 
clue as to whether or no the Chinese at the time were 
familiar with the use of the compass on shipboard. I am 
inclined to think, however, that attempts to use the needle 
on ships must have been made in China about as early as 
it was known there to geomancers, but that it was aban- 
doned as a useless luxury by the conservative jimk masters, 
who were accustomed to steer their ships by bearings and 
sotmding9, and who scarcely ever required a compass for 
their coasting trips. Navigation on the high seas in those 
days was in the hands of foreigners (Arabs and Persians) ; 
and this may be the reason why we first hear of them as 
having turned the old Chinese invention to practical use 
on shipboard. 

We have seen that, apart from the great probability 
of the magnetic needle being known in high antiquity, 
instances are on record of its use during the Middle Agds 
for geomantic purposes. If my assimiption proves correct, 
that the magnetic needle was seen by Arab traders on the 
coast of China in the hands of geomancers, was applied by 
them to navigation, and was then brought back to China 
as the "mariner^s compass/' the history of this invention 
may be looked upon as perfectly analogous to that of gun- 
powder, the preparation of which was probably known to 
the Chinese long before they learned its application to 
firearms through Europeans. 



2704-2594 B.C. The invention of the "south-pointing chariot" 
ascribed to the legendary Emperor Huang-ti according to the 
K%i-kin-chu (4th cent. a.d.). 

1231-1135 B.C. "South-pointing chariots" were presented by W6n- 
wang to certain ambassadors. The passage, which may be 
wron^y handed down, is contained in the Kui-ku-Ui, a work 
of the fourth century b.c. 

1115-1079 B.C., under Ch'5ng-wang. Legend of the arrival of am- 
bassadors from the south, conducted home by the aid of "south- 
pointing chariots." No indication is on record as to what these 
were. The entire accoimt is legendary and not backed by con- 
temporaneous records. 

4th Cent. b.c. The philosopher Kui-ku-tzl speaks of the use of the 
"south-pointing chariot" by the people of Chdng. He knows 
that loadstone will attract a needle. 

233 B.C. The philosopher Han Fel speaks of a "south-pointer" 
by which the position of east and west may be ascertained. 

139 A.D. The astronomer Chang Hong tries to reconstruct the old 
"south-pointing chariot." His model, however, was lost and 

200. The term ehi-nan ("south-pointer," or "compass") Is used 
figuratively in the sense of " a guide " (San-kuo-chi), 

850-400. The emperors Shi Hu and Yau Hing are in the possession 
of apparatuses pointing south; but, the "machinery" being 
defective, they point wrong (Sung-shu), and in Yau Hing's con- 
trivance a man is required to move it (Nan-U'i-thu), 

265-420. "South-pointing ships" (ehi-nan-chdu) are mentioned. 

092. A south-pointing contrivance showing the hours of the day is 

700. The Buddhist astronomer I-hing is familiar with the eastern 
deviation of the magnetic needle. (Ekikins, quoting Wylie.) 
Wylie, in a paper entitled "The Magnetic Compass in China,'' 
reprinted in Chinese Reeearchee (Shanghai, 1897), p. 155, says: 
"A passage from the life of Yih-hing, a Buddhist priest and 
imperial astronomer at the commencement of the eighth century, 
will show that the subject had engaged attention at least nine 
hundred years earlier [than the seventeenth century]. It is 
said, that 'on comparing the needle with the north pole, he found 
the fonna* pointed between the constellations ha and toef . The 
pole was Just in degrees of hH, from which the needle declined 


to the right (east) 2*" 95' . As it declined to the right of the north 
pole, it was necessarily to the left of the south pole.' " I have 
not succeeded in finding this passage in the lives of I-hing I 
was able to consult, but take it for granted, on the excellent 
authority of the late Mr. Wylie, that it is contained in some other 
Chinese text, which I hope to be able to hunt up some day. 
Unfortunately neith^ Mr. Wylie nor Dr. Edkins has given chap- 
ter and verse of this passage, so very important in the history 
of our subject. 

806. A south-pointing contrivance consisting of cogged wheels 
is said in the Sung^hi to have been constructed. 

1027. A "south-pointing chariot," described as a mechanical con- 
trivance, is submitted to the Emperor J6n-tsung {Sung-M). 

1030-1093. Lifetime of the encydopsddist Sh5n Kua, who speaka 
of the magnetic needle and its deviation as used for geomantio 

1100, or earlier. Probable first unmistakable mention on record 
in Chinese literature of the use on shipboard of the ''south- 
pointing needle" by foreign (Arab and Persian) navigators at 

1107. A ''south-pointing chariot," also described as a system of 
cogged wheels, etc., is submitted to the Emperor Hui-tsung. 

1115. The magnetic needle is described in detail and its deviation 
mentioned in the Pdn-t^au-yenH, where no allusion is made to 
its use on shipboard. 

§ 26. Ch'ong-wang's Reign (Continued) 

After the alleged embassy from the Yu6-ch'ang barbarians 
in Tung-king, Ch'ong-wang decided to erect a new capital 
which should be more centrally situated than his old resi- 
dence in the west ; and he selected the city of Lo-yang, cor- 
responding to the present city of Ho-nan-fu. Ch6u-kung 
made all the necessary arrangements, and the court re- 
moved to Lo-yang. The country about Lo-yang being 
supposed to occupy the middle of the then Chinese empire, 
it was called, in distinction from the other provinces. 


Chung-kuo, the "Middle Country," or the "Middle Kmg- 
doiD." In this sense the term, which has been quoted as 
the origin of the present name for China and which is 
generally translated by the "Middle Kingdom," occurs 
repeatedly in the Shirking. The same classic, however, 
contains an ode ^ in which long before that Won-wang, 
Gh'ong-wang's grandfather, b made to use the term 
Ckung-hw in the sense of China as opposed to Kuirfang, or 
the "Demon Regions." In the "Tribute of Yu"» China 
is unmistakably to be understood by the term Chung- 
pangy which Legge translates by the "Middle Regions." 
Another name Chung-yOanj which may be translated by 
"Bliddle Plain," occurs in the sense of "China" in the 
SMrking and other classics. All this shows that, during 
the Ch6u dynasty and probably even long before that, the 
Chinese looked upon their country as the middle of the 

In 1105 B.C. Ch6u-kung died, and Ch'ong-wang buried 
him with royal honors. The Chinese nation regards him 
as one of the most important personages in its history. 
Mencius,* referring to Yu, Confucius, and Ch6u-kung, 
speaks of the "Three Great Sages" {san-shong) whose work 
he should like to continue. Ch6u-kung was the type of a 
monarchist ; and the example of loyalty set by him may be 
called the mainstay of the stability of the Ch6u dynasty. 
TTie long duration of that uniform spirit of Chinese official 
life which, in spite of all political and personal changes, has 
under all dynasties come to the front again, is mainly the 
work of this model statesman, the main spokesman of hu- 
mane government and absolute justice on the one hand 
and of undisputed legitimacy of the supreme ruler on the 

« Legge, p. 5Q9, ^ Legge, 8hu4iing, p. 141. ■ Lcgge, p. 160. 


other. "In former times," Mencius says, "Yu repressed 
the vast waters of the inundation, and the empire was 
reduced to order. Ch6u-kimg's achievements extended 
even to the barbarous tribes of the west and north; he 
drove away all ferocious animals; and the people enjoyed 
repose." Mencius sings Ch6u-kung's praises to mark the 
contrast with certidn philosophers of his own time, esp^ 
cially Yang Chu, the cynic, " whose principle was each one 
for himself, and who would not acknowledge the claims of 
the sovereign." "These father-deniers and king-deniers 
would have been smitten by Ch6u-kung," says Mencius. 
If Ch6u-kung had done nothing but furnish the germs of 
that imique code, the Chdurli, he would indeed have done 
more to give to Chinese official life its characteristic feature 
of systematization than any ruler, statesman, or philosopher 
after him. 

The years of Ch'ong-wang's reign following Ch6u-kung's 
death were spent in peaceful government. Ch'ong-wang 
died in 1079 B.C. Chau, his heir presumptive, being a 
minor, he had appointed the dukes of Shau and Pi as 
regents, under whose guidance Chau ascended the throne. 
He reigned under the name of K'ang-wang. 

§ 27. K'ang-wang (1078-1053 B.C.) 

K'ang-wang's rule, like that of his father, was a great 
blessing to the empire, being full of humanity and of love 
for his people. The Duke of Shau {Shavrhmg), one of 
his guardians, who acted as his prime minister, actively 
seconded him in this friendly disposition. The duke's 
condescension toward the people was so great that he 


would travel about the country in order to listen to their 
grievances. Tlie result was his great popularity, which 
has found a lasting memorial in one of the best-known odes 
<rf the Shirking: * — 

"This umbrageous sweet pear tree; 
Clip it not, break not a twig of it. 
For under it the Duke of Shau rested.^ 

Tlie sweet pear tree {kanr^ang, the translation being doubt- 
ful) has ever since been the sjrmbol of the people's appreciar 
tion of condescension and kindness shown to them. 

* Legge, p. 26. 


' >•• J 

^ *p 


S 28. Chau-wang (1052-10Q2 B.a) 

SSl-MA TSlM insmuates that under Chau-wang 'Hhe 
lung's ways became feeble and defective." He left 
the cares of government to his ministers^ among 
whom were none like the dukes of Ch6u and Shau. In 
qiite of serious warnings given by Heaven in the shape of 
natural phenomena, the king would not change his wa3rs, 
but devoted hunself solely to pleasure. To indulge in the 
chase, he did not mind spoiling the crops in the fields of 
his subjects. The req)ectf ul remonstrances of his ministers 
made no impression on him. In 1002 b.c. there was a 
revolt amcHig the people of Ch'u, the semi-barbarous state 
on the southern frontier. Chau-wang went south to make 
war on the barbarians. Even then he looked upon the 
campaign as a sort of pleasure trip and, by damaging the 
fields of his people in pursuit of his hunting parties, drew 
on himself their dislike. To enable him to cross a river, 
— said by some to have been the Kiang or Yang-tzi, by 
others, the Han-kiang,' — the people furnished him with a 
boat, the boards of which were insecurely fastened together 
— the time-houOTed method of committing a political mur- 
der. In the middle of the river the boat broke up, and the 
king had a narrow escape from drowning. He died aooa 
after as a result of this "accident.'' 



§ 29. Mu-WANG (1001-947 B.C.) 

On going south with his army, Chau-wang had appointed 
regent his son Man, and the latter on his father's death 
ascended the throne under the name of Mu-wang. He was 
then at the ripe age of fifty, and was a great admirer of the 
virtue of his forefathers Won and Wu. Detiuls of his life 
and government in the Shvrking are very scant, and a great 
deal of what we know about him has been supplemented 
by later authorities. The most prominent of his charac^ 
teristics referred to by these is his restless love of traveling 
beyond the confines of his empire. His alleged journeys 
to the West have given rise to the wildest speculations as 
to his having been a mediator between the western Asiatic 
and Chinese civilizations. The Bamboo Books contain 
only a few allusions to his expeditions against the hordes of 
the K'iian barbarians, or K^Han-jung, identified by the 
Chinese commentators with the later Hiung-nu, or the 
Huns, who, as I have already shown, had under various 
names linguistically answering to the root Hun or Kun, 
engaged the king's forefathers, when they (the Hiung-nu) 
were still holding the northwestern borders of the empire 
during the Shang dynasty under T^ai-wang and Won-wang. 
Besides a number of hunting and punitive expeditions and 
journeys described as "tours of inspection," the Bamboo 
Books ^ record that, " in his seventeenth year he [Mu-wang] 
went on a punitive expedition to Mt. K'un-lun and saw the 
Si-wang-mu [lit. "Western King's Mother"]. That year 
he [Si-wang-mu] came to court." Here a note is added, 
which may be that of a commentator of later date, saying 
that " the king, in his expeditions to the north, traveled a 

* Legge, Shtt-king, Prolegomena, p. 150 seq. 


thousand li over the Liu-sha'' ("The Moving Sands/' by 
which name any part of the central Asiatic desert west of 
the Great Wall may be understood, if not the Desert of 
Takla-makan) ; that he also traveled "a thousand li over 
the Tsi-yu" [lit. "Heaped-up Feathers"]; and that "he 
made war on the K'uan-jung [Huns?] and returned to the 
east with their five kings as captives/' Westward he is 
said to have "pushed his expeditions to where the green 
birds cast their feathers" (said by some Chinese commenta- 
t(»r8 to be identical with the San-wei-shan near the Tang-ho, 
an affluent of the Bulungir). The note ends by saying that 
on these expeditions he traveled over 190,000 li. This 
dry-as-dust account is greatly supplemented by another 
work specially devoted to Mu-wang's expeditions, the 
Murt*iin4zi'chuan, " Biography of Mu, the Son of Heaven," 
probably originating in a period not later than the third 
century B.C., if we accept the fact that it was found in a 
tomb of one of the Wei princes dating from 281 B.C. Of 
this work Wylie * Bsys : " It savors too much of the fabulous 
to be admitted among the authentic records, but it is pre- 
served as a specimen of ancient composition." 

Tlie work contains a host of geographical names which 
it b scarcely possible now to identify, the best known of 
which b that of Mt. K'un-lun, where the king is supposed 
to have met Si-wang-mu. TTie name K'un4itn first occurs 
in the Shu-king * in the list of articles said to have been sent 
to the Emperor Yu ; but in that passage it seems extremely 
doubtful whether it does not apply to the name of some 
wild tribe of the West furnishing "hair-cloth and skins." 
It seems quite possible that this name, as mentioned in the 
Bamboo Books, amounts to no more than this; but since 

* Noi€$ on ChintM LiUraiur€, p. 153. * Legge, p. 127. 


it is there described as a hill, it can be understood how the 
author, or some interpolator, of the MthtH6nrtzfrchuan came 
to identify it with the K'un-lun-shan, or Karakorum rang^, 
the reputed source of the Yellow River, which, according 
to early Chinese ideas, took its rise in the affluents of the 
Tarim, and disappeared into the ground at Lake Lob-nor, 
reappearing at its real source in northwestern Tibet. Tlie 
K'un-lun-shan has in times much more recent than the 
Shvrking grown into a sort of fairy-land and become the 
seat of numerous legendary creations, among which is the 
Si-wang-mu, who, owing to the meaning of these three 
words, is usually represented as a queen, the ''Royal Lady 
of the West," heading the troops of genii inhabiting Mt. 
K'un-lun and holding from time to time intercourse with 
favorite imperial votaries. Such is the legend which has 
grown up in the course of ages from the slender basis 
afforded by the occurrence of the name in very early tra- 
ditions. An obscure reference to Si-wang-mu is also to be 
found in the Shan-hai-kingy a geographical record possibly 
as old as it is insipid ; and upon these ancient notices the 
philosopher Li6-tzi is supposed to have based in the fifth 
century B.C. a fanciful and perhaps allegorical tale of the 
entertainment with which King Mu was honored and en- 
thralled by the supernatural being. In later ages the 
superstitious vagaries of the Emperor Wu-ti (140-87 B.C.) 
gave rise to innumerable fables respecting the alleged visits 
paid to that monarch by Si-wang-mu and her fairy troop ; 
and the imagination of the Tauist writers of the ensuing 
centuries was exercised in glowing descriptions of her 
mountain palace.^ Her palace was supposed to stand on 
Mt. K'lm-lun which, after Wu-ti's expeditions, was well 

^ From Mayers, The Chinese Reader's Manual, p. 178; cf. p. 108 9eq. 


known to be somewhere in the south of Khotan. It is 
understood by all serious Chinese historians that the gen- 
eral Chang K'i6n, who returned from his first journey to the 
West in 126 b.c., was the first to bring notices to China of 
such countries even as near the western boundaries as 
Khotan. The mention of the K'un-lun in connection with 
Mu-wang's travels must therefore remain a puzzle, unless 
we assume that some other region much nearer to his own 
dominicHis is indicated by this name. We need not be 
astonished to find such shifting of names, which Mr. Kings- 
mill thinks correspond to the development of geograph- 
ical knowledge among the Chinese. Although the K'un-lun 
itself, after it was once understood to be identical with 
Mt. Karakorum, was not affected thereby, several of the 
other creations of Chinese popular imagination can be 
diown to have wandered to the West in the same measure 
that matter-of-fact knowledge began to extend in China. 
This refers especially to certain legendary terms associated 
with each other in the very earliest periods. The Si-wang- 
mu, mistaken for a fairy queen, owing to the name being 
transcribed with characters suggesting such an interpretar 
tion, had been made to live somewhere on a hill, sometimes 
called the " White Jade Hill," in a palace of jade. Near her 
abode were the Liursha, or "Shifting Sands " : and this may 
have been any part of the Tarim desert, even to the east 
of Lake Lob-nor, since the Liu-sha is said by Chinese geog- 
raphers to begin about eighty li west of Sharch6u. Another 
name which also occurs in the Shvrking is the Jo-shui, or 
"Weak Water," to the west of which the "Western King's 
Mother" held court. I am inclined to assume that the 
localities covertly referred to by these legendary terms 
were originally much nearer the Ch6u empire than they 


were held to be later on, and that, being constantly asso- 
ciated with the western terminus of what was to the ancient 
Chinese the inhabited world, their imaginary position had 
to be shifted farther west from time to time; for, in ac- 
cordance with some of these legends, the Si-wang-mu had 
to be located somewhere near the place "where the sun 
sets." When Chang K'i6n returned from his visit to 
Bactria, he had f oimd there was a still farther West ; and 
when the first detailed accounts of Ta-ts'in, i.e. the eastern 
provinces of the Roman empire, became known in China, 
the Chinese became aware that T'iau-chi, or Chaldea, 
which after Chang K'i^n's expeditions had been nearly 
the westernmost Asiatic country known, by name at 
least, in China, was not the end of the world, but that 
Ta-ts4n, or Syria, was still farther west. For, as Chi- 
nese writers in the second century a.d. say, "formerly 
it was wrongly believed that the Jo-shui, or 'Weak 
Water,' was in the west of T'iau-chi; now the Jo-shui 
is in the west of Ta-ts'in. Formerly it was wrongly be- 
lieved that, going over two hundred days west of Tlau- 
chi, one came near ' the place where the sun sets ' ; now 
one comes near the place where the sun sets by going 
west of Ta-ts'in." * 

As to the Si-wang-mu mentioned in the Bamboo Books 
as having visited Mu-wang's court, the responsibility for 
all the fanciful tales heaped about that name must be left 
to later authors. If we confine ourselves to the really 
oldest texts, or even to the more detailed account of the 
MvrtH&n'tzi-chiuin, there is nothing to prevent us from 
adopting the opinion expressed by the author of a critique 
of the work published in the great Catalogue of the Imperial 

^ Hirth, China and the Roman Orient, pp. 68, 291 seqq. 


Library of Peking.^ This view has been independently 
arrived at by Dr. E. J. Eitel, to whom we are indebted for 
a translation of the work, with some valuable explanatory 
notes.' Regarding the name Si-wang-mu, Dr. Eitel says : 

"These three characters probably are merely a transliteration of 
a name belonging to a polysyllabic non-Chinese language. The 
meaning of the individual characters, chosen to represent the foreign 
name, ought not to prejudice the reader. There is nothing in this 
or any other ancient text to indicate that Si-wang-mu was a woman. 
Taking this name like other names in our text, it seems to me best 
to treat Si-wang-mu as the name of a tribe whose chief went by 
the same name." 

Such transformations are by no means uncommon in 
legendary subjects of periods much more recent even than 
the Si-wang-mu legend; and the change of a man into a 
woman has its parallel in Buddhist lore, if we consider that 
the goddess Kuan-yin, the Holy Virgin of the Chinese, has 
grown out of Avalokitds'vara, an Indian male divinity 
represented as late as the eighth century by the great 
Chinese painter Wu Tau-tzi, the Godoshi of the Japanese, 
as a tall young man with a respectable mustache. 

The impression I myself have received with regard to 
the historical signification of Mu-wang from a survey of 
the native literature is as follows : If we fall back on the 
very oldest records, there is nothing to prevent us from 
assuming that the emperor was fond of traveling about, but 
that his most distant journeys did not take him far beyond 
the present wall frontier in the west. Even Terrien de 
Lacouperie puts a stop to the emperor's progress at Karashar, 
which he thinks may be considered as the farthest point 

> Ch. cxlii, p. 4. ^ China lUview, vol. xvii, pp. 223, 247. 


reached in a westerly direction.^ In that case the accounts 
of the K'un-lun and all that can be proved to refer to the 
western part of Chmese Turkestan should be looked upon 
as havmg been interpolated in later times. If, however, 
we adopt Dr. Eitel's opmion, who looks upon the Mu- 
tH6nrizirchuan as a work of the tenth century B.C., we could 
not well deny that some region called K'un-lun, if not the 
Karakarum, was then known to the Chinese. The former 
opinion had found its advocates among the Chinese them- 
selves, since the local records of the city of Su-ch6u in 
Kan-su claim the K'un-lun-shan, where Mu-wang met Si- 
wang-mu, to have been identical with a certain hill called 
Su6-shan, i.e. "Snow Mountain,'' situated two hundred and 
fifty li southwest of that city (Su-ch6u). The inventor of 
this theory, a magistrate by the name of Ma Ki, who lived 
during the tenth century a.d., thought he had to look for 
" Si-wang-mu's Stone House and Jade Hall" in this locality. 

The Si-wang-mu legend and the relations of Mu-wang with 
that mysterious personage have quite lately given rise to 
a somewhat extravagant view of the extent of the emperor's 
expeditions. Professor A. Forke, of Berlin, in an ingenious 
attempt to explain the several accounts preserved in Chinese 
literature,' comes to the conclusion that Si-wang-mu is no 
less a personage than the Queen of Sheba, and that the em- 
peror's journeys took him to her kingdom in Arabia Felix. 

But the name Si-wang-mu is by no means confined to the 
lifetime of Mu-wang. For, apart from its occurrence in 
later legends, the annals of the Bamboo Books ■ mention 

* Origin of Early Chinese Civilizationf p. 265 seqq. ' Mu Wang und 
die Kdnigin von Saba^ in MiUheilungen dee Seminars fur Orientalische 
Sprachen zu Berlin, Jahrgang vii, 1904. • Legge, Shu-king, Prole- 
gomena, p. 115. 


a visit of Si-wang-mu to the Emperor Shun, and Legge, 
following the native commentaries, explains the name as 
that of ''a state or kingdom in the distant west." Cer- 
tainly the compiler of the Bamboo Books cannot have 
thought of the Queen of Sheba, when he connects the name 
with that of Shim, who, according to this very source, should 
be held to have lived eleven hundred years before Mu-wang. 
The arguments brought to bear on the Si-wang-mu problem 
by Forke are very interesting, but I cannot, with Chavannes, 
make up my mind to accept his conclusions. Chavannes ^ 
has devoted an excursus to "Le voyage au pays de Si- 
wang-mou,'' in which he endeavors to show that the Mu- 
wang of the Si-wang-mu legends is not the emperor of that 
name, but his namesake Duke Mu, of the state of Ts'in, who 
reigned from 659 to 621 b.c' 

Whichever view we may adopt, the journeys of Mu-wang 
seem. to have in no way affected Chinese civilization. Sup- 
posing the emperor had actually reached the distant region 
of Khotan, no one to-day can tell what sort of people he 
may have found there, whether Indians, Persians, or Tar- 
tars ; and even admitting that the illustrious traveler may 
have brought home some strange impressions from his 
interesting trips into the formerly unknown parts of cen- 

> Le9 Mim&iru hiMUfriqtieM, vol. v., pp. 480-489. > Cf. Profc»- 
•or H. A. Giles's paper Who imm Si Wang Mut in his AdvtT9ana 
Siniea, no. 1, Shanghai, IOCS, p. 1; also Ed. Ruber's notes on 
Forke' s work in Bulletin de V A cole Fran^aiee d^ Extreme Orient, 
vol. iv, pp. 1127-1131. Huber (p. 1128) jusUy draws attention to 
the record in the Bamboo Books of Si-wang-mu's visit to the 
Chinese court "in the same year/' which would involve the fact 
that the Queen of Sheba was an Asiatic traveler fully as bold as 
her friend Mu-wang. The Queen of Sheba theory, Huber points 
out (p. 1131), had been raised as early as 1863 by Paravey, thou^ 
rejected by Bumouf and Von Humboldt. 


tral Asia, we fail to notice in the development of Chinese 
civilization during the Ch6u dynasty any such palpable 
proofs for the accession of foreign elements as we can show 
to have been introduced about nine himdred years later 
imder the Emperor Wu-ti of the Han. 

Mu-wang had, contrary to the opinion of his advisers, 
made great preparations for a campaign against the K'iian- 
jung, which apparently ended in fwlure. Altogether his 
long reign did not tend to strengthen the empire. He died 
at the advanced age of 104, after a reign of fifty-five years. 

§ 30. KuNG-WANG (946-935 B.C.) 

Mu-wang's eldest son I-hu was himself seventy-two years 
of age when he succeeded his father under the style of Kung- 
wang. His reign, which lasted about ten years, would 
have been one of perfect peace save for an event casting a 
slur, savoring of the scandalous, on the emperor's character. 
One of his vassals, the duke of a little state called Mi, had 
married three women of his own surname. This has at all 
times been looked upon in China as a sort of incest, and it 
was also contrary to the laws of the Ch6u dynasty. Ac- 
cording to SsJ-ma Ts16n, his mother had reprimanded him 
on this account, saying: '^You ought to hand over your 
wives to the king, for as three animals constitute a flock 
and three persons a meeting, three wives are a luxury. 
Luxury is a fine thing, but not even the emperor will take 
three wives of the same clan. If you assume to do what 
even he is not worthy of, this will be your end." When 
Kung-wang had seen the duke's three beauties, he called 
for their delivery and, the women being withheld, the 
emperor made war on the duchy of Mi and destroyed it. 


It does not appear from Ssi-ma Ts'i^n's account for what 
reason the emperor wanted the three women. From other 
accounts it would appear that old man though he was he 
had fallen in love with them.^ Kung-wang died at the 
age of eighty-four, leaving the throne to his son I-wang. 

S 31. I*-WANG (934-910 B.C.) 

Ssi-maTsl^n describes this monarch as an incapable ruler, 
under whose government the royal house rapidly declined ; 
and he insinuates that many of the satirical poems con- 
tained in the Shirking referred to him.' 

S 32. HiAU-WANG (909-895 B.C.) 

This is the first monarch of the Ch6u dynasty who was 
not the son of his predecessor. Hiau-wang, the younger 
brother of Kung-wang, usurped the government, the chil- 
dren of I-wang being too young to succeed their father. 
The most noteworthy event of his reign was the elevation 
of a favorite by name of Fei-tzi to the rank of prince of 
Ts'in. Fei-tzi was supposed to derive his pedigree from 
Po I, minister of ancestor worship under the Emperor 
Shun in the twenty-third century B.C.; but, his family 
having degenerated, he was obliged to make a living by 
dealing in horses. The emperor being a great sportsman, 
he managed so to ingratiate himself that he became 
chief equerry and finally rose to be a prince of the em- 
pire. In the course of centuries the duchy of Ts'in grew 
in power and was destined after several generations to 
cause the downfall of the Ch6u empire. 

' De Mailla, Histoire g^rUraU de la Chines vol. ii, p. 11 teqq, 
* His name I* differs in tone from that of his son P (| 33). 


§ 33. P-WANG (894-879 B.C.) 

P-wang was the eldest son of IWang, Hiau-wang's 
nephew and predecessor. The tyrannical temper of Hiau- 
wang, the usurper, had prevented Twang's character from 
developing that self-consciousness inseparable from the 
dignity of a ruler. Gossip has it that on his first court 
assembly, when the grandees and ministers of the empire 
were assembled to do him homage as emperor, he descended 
from the throne to salute his friends. The princes did not 
appreciate this democratic familiarity ; on their part, they 
began to take liberties; discipline began to wane in the 
empire, and internal wars were the result. 

§ 34. Li-WANG (878-842 B.C.) 

Li-wang tried to make up for his father's mildness by 
excessive severity ; and the result of his imreasonable tem- 
per was that the imperial authority sank rapidly into a 
shadow. More than any of his predecessors, he tried to 
rule by force and by terrorizing the people ; moreover, the 
king was greedy for money, and he favored such officials 
as knew how to extract it from the people. t^The spirit of 
J independence which had taken possession of the feudatory 
! princes under P-wang took more positive shape under Li- 
' Wang. China now became more and more a confederation 
of smaller states, and the power of the central government 
became more and more nominal in spite of the emperor's 
^eat exertions to keep down every attempt at freedom on 
the part of his own subjects. Once in an interview with 
his chief minister, the Duke of Shau, the emperor gave vent 
to his displeasure because the people sneered at his ways. 


XJpcm the duke's remarking that it was impossible to issue 
orders in this connection, the emperor became furious and 
sent for the court wizards, whom he ordered to furnish a 
list of those of his subjects who had dared to say evil things 
about him. The list being supplied, all the alleged slan- 
derers were executed. Nobody henceforth dared to say a 
word, for the very streets had eyes to detect offenders. 
When Li-wang expressed his gratification at his success by 
saying, ''Well, what has become of your gossipers now?" 
the duke is supposed to have retorted in the famous speech : 

"All you have brou^t about is a screen which prevents you 
from learning the real sentiments of the people; but you should 
know it is more dangerous to shut the people's mouths than to stop 
the waters of a river. To stop the progress of a river means to force 
It to expand, and thus do more harm than if it had been allowed 
to take its natural course. Such is the case with your people. If 
you want to prevent the damage threatening from the inundation 
of a river, you have to lead it into a proper bed which will hold all 
its waters; if you want to make an impression on the people, let 
them have perfect liberty of speech." 

He then goes on to explain why it is the best policy to 
allow poets, historians, and statesmen to speak out freely ; 
in fact, he places on record all the well-known commonplace 
arguments brou^t forward against the evil effects of too 
much seal in public censorship. 

Li-Wang's speech has been preserved in a work of doubt- 
ful origin, said to have been compiled during the Ch6u 
dynasty, entitled Ktuhyu, "State Speeches" — a typical 
representative of quite a number of works containing 
speeches ascribed to all possible historical personages, but 
bemg probably nothing better than the riietorical effusions 
of some philosopher who wished to air his views by pigeon- 



holing them m his register of historical anecdotes. This 
seems, indeed, to be the origin of a great deal of what has 
been handed down to us as ainese history; and m this 
respect our knowledge of Chmese antiquity is hardly better 
than that of ancient Rome, whose history often impresses 
one as though it had been expressly gotten up for the stage. 
Even the Shvrking, our oldest source for all that precedes 
Confucius, is mainly a series of speeches embodying political 
and social wisdom, loosely strung on anecdotes, possibly in- 
vented for the purpose and distributed over a chronological 
framework which may or may not be fictitious. We have 
seen that the Emperor Huang-ti was credited with having 
created a board of historians, divided into a right and a left 
wing: the former of which had to record facts; the latter, 
words and speeches. This is, of course, an invention of 
later ages; but it clearly indicates the method observed by 
the ancient Chinese in constructing or reconstructing their 
most ancient history. The question arises whether the 
facts were not invented in order to find nails on which to 
hang the speeches. The latter, divested of their alleged 
historical background, might be collected into a regular 
system of political and social philosophy. Their associa- 
tion with the dramatis personce of the several dynasties and 
reigns, which would otherwise have remained an iminter- 
esting skeleton of names, gives life to the lifeless and renders 
abstract theories more palatable to the reader. Professor 
Grube in his History of Chinese Literature * justly draws 
attention to this peculiarity of the oldest historical texts, 
in which speeches preponderate, whereas facts are referred 
to in a mere casual manner in order, as it were, to facilitate 
the understanding. The historical accounts of the Shvr 

^ OeachichU der chineaischen Litteratur, Leipzig, 1902, p. 118. 


king, therefore, consist much more of philosophical col- 
loquies than of matters of fact. 

Li-wang's govermnent was, of course, not liked by the 
people, who broke out in open rebellion in 842 b.c, and 
forced the king to spend the rest of his days in banishment, 
leaving the government to the dukes of Ch6u and Shau, 
descendants of the great Ch6u-kung. 

§ 35. The Kunq-ho Period (841-828 b.c.) 

The interregnum during which the two dukes conducted 
the government on behalf of the absent king was called 
kung-ho, which term may be rendered by ''common har- 
mony," as alluding to the regency of the two officials named 
by Ssi-ma Ts46n. According to the Bamboo Books and 
the philosopher Chuang-tzi (4th cent. B.C.), the word Kung- 
ho represents a personal name of one Ho, Earl of Kung, 
which would imply that he, and not the two dukes, was 
actually responsible for the government. When the 
popular indignation had grown into open rebellion, Tsing, 
the heir presumptive to the throne, took refuge after his 
father's fli^t with the Duke of Shau, who shielded him 
against the revolutionists ; and when in 828 b.c. Li-wang 
died in banishment, Tsing, who had in the meantime 
attained his majority, was proclaimed king under the name 
of Suan-wang. 

§ 36. SiJAN-WANG (827-782 B.C.) 

Under the advice of the two virtuous dukes Ch6u and 
Shau, Siian-wang earned the complete confidence of his 
people as well as of his officials, althou^ dereliction of duty 


had repeatedly brought on political reverses, which the 
historians are so fond of tracmg back to the rulers' not hav- 
ing listened to good advice before acting. 

There was a time-honored custom under the Ch6u dynasky 
that the emperor had to perform the ceremony of working 
in person in the " Fields of a Thousand Acres" set aside for 
the purpose, a ceremony similar to the handling of the 
plough by the emperor at the present day. Siian-wang 
declined to comply with the practice, in spite of the re- 
monstrances of one of his dukes, with the result that in 
789 B.C. his army was defeated in a battle against certain 
Tangutan tribes. The name of the battle-field, according 
to Ssi-ma Ts'i^n, was Ts'i6n-m6u, which means " a thousand 
acres," but it would appear that the name was given to 
that locality afterward in commemoration of the emperor's 
disinclination to listen to his minister's remonstrances. 
Ssi-ma Ts'i6n's account of Siian-wang's reign is very meager, 
and he says nothing about any military achievements 
against the Huns. 

We learn much more on this subject from an ode in the 
Shirking, which throws considerable light on one of those 
contests of the Chinese against their old hereditary foe, the 
Hi^n-yiin, or HUns, in the north. Although not a historical 
narrative, the Shi-king serves occasionally as a most valu- 
able historical source; its odes probably existed genera- 
tions before Confucius and may, where facts of history are 
alluded to, be regarded as almost contemporaneous tradi- 
tion in poetical shape. This piece of ancient poetry con- 
tains a lively account of a battle between the Chinese army 
and the Huns which, according to the commentators, took 
place in the first year of Siian-wang's reign, in July, 827 b.c. 
The philosopher Chu Hi, in describing the situation referred 


to by the poet, 8a)r8: "After Ch'ong-wang and K'ang- 
wang the house of Ch6u fell into decay. Li-wang was so 
oppressive that the people drove him from the capital. 
TTie Hi6n-]riin then took advantage of the internal disorder 
and invaded the country, till on the king's death his son 
Tsing, known as Siian-wang, succeeded to the throne and 
despatched against them Yin Ki-fu, whose successful 
operations were sung by the writer of this ode.'' * Tliis part 
of the Sh^kingf written by a poetical recorder of Hunnic 
fighting living fully twelve himdred years before Priscus 
and Jordanes, is probably as valuable a historical account 
as any of the speeches attributed to emperors or ministers 
and preserved so religiously in the Skurking and other 
histories. I reproduce the ode in Legge's translation : ' — 

** In the sixth month all was bustle and excitement. 
The war carriages had been made ready, 
With the four steeds of each, strong and eager ; 
And the regular accoutrements had been placed in the 

The Hi6n-yQn were in blazing force, 
And thence was the urgency. 
The king had ordered the expedition, 
To deliver the royal kingdom. 

''Matched in strength were the four black steeds. 
Well trained to observe every rule. 
On this sixth month, 
We completed our accoutrements. 
Our accoutrements were completed. 
And we marched thirty li every day. 
The king had ordered the expedition. 
To help the Son of Heaven. 

* Cf . Qfles, A Ckineu Biographical DieUanary, p. 943, no. 2486. 

* p. 281. 


"The four steeds were long, and stout^ 
And laige-headed. 
We smote the Hi6n-yihiy 
And achieved great merit. 
Severely strict and careful was our leader, 
Discharging his military service, — 
Discharging his military service, 
And settling thereby the royal kingdom. 

"Badly reckoned the Hi6n-y(in, 
When they confidently occupied Tsiau and Huo 
And overran Hau and Fang, 
As far as to the south of the King. 
On our flags was oiu: blazonry of birds, 
While our white streamers fluttered brightly. 
Ten large war chariots 
Led the way in front. 

"The war carnages were well made. 
Nicely balanced before and behind. 
Their four steeds were strong, 
Both strong and well trained. 
We smote the Hi^n-yiin, 
As far as T'ai-yiian. 
For peace or for war fit is Ki-fu, 
A pattern to all the states. 

"Ki-fu feasts and is glad; 
Great happiness is his. 
In returning from Hau, 
Distant and long had been our march. 
He entertains and feasts his friends. 
With roast turtle and minced carp. 
And who are there? 
There is Chang Chung, the filial and brotherly." 

It appears from this ode that the Hi^n-yiin had made in- 
roads into the very heart of the Chinese dominions. Al- 
though the several local names mentioned in connection 


with the territories as being occupied or ovemrn by their 
wild hordes cannot now be safely identified, there cannot 
be any doubt about the river King, the south of which 
(not the north, as Liegge inadvertently translates) the 
enemy had reached. The King is an affluent joining 
from the north the river Wei, near the present city of 
Si-an-fu. We see that Siian-wang's army "smote the 
Ki^n-yun as feu* as T'ai-yuan.'' This shows that the Huns 
even after SiiiEtn-wang's victory held the entire north of the 
Shan-si province, the very neighborhood where in the 
third century B.C. their great monarch Mau-tun had his 
capital. The hero of this ode was Yin Ki-fu, who is re- 
peatedly mentioned in the "Book of Odes" as a military 
leader, and who appears to have had a confidential position 
among the king's surroundings. In another ode ' the 
imperial troops are praised for their deeds on returning 
from an expedition against the Hi^n-yiin imder a general 
who is described as "the awe-inspiring Nan-chung.^' This 
cide is generally referred to the much earlier wars of Won- 
wang against the Hi^n-yiin, though it may have originated 
at a later time. A descendant of this same Nan-chimg 
is also mentioned in one of the odes ' as a military leader. 
I am not prepared to say in what relation this man, whose 
personal name was Huang-fUy stands to the name Nan- 
chung occurring in a hieroglyphic inscription found on the 
celebrated bronze tripod, now in the Buddhist Monastery 
of Silver Island in the Yang-tzi River, near Chinkiang, and 
of which I succeeded in taking a photograph in 1892.* 
This interesting relic of Chinese ancient art has been the 
subject of several learned essays by native archsologists, 

* Legge, p. 261 9€qq, ' Lcggc, p. 555. ' See Toung pao, vol. vii, 
p. 487 teg. 


who have proved from the inscription that it dates from 
the year 812 B.C., which falls in the reign of Suan-wang. 
This emperor's wars against the Hi6n-yun give us, in con- 
nection with what the bards of the ShVking have to tell 
about them, an appropriate idea of the outfit of a Chinese 
army in those days. The phases of pre<!onfudan culture, 
as described in the several odes of the Shirking, have been 
collected and methodically arrange by Ed. Biot in a paper 
entitled ''Sur les moeurs des anciens Chinois, d'aprds le 
Chi-king/' ^ and reproduced in an En^ish version by 
Legge, in an Appendix to the Prolegomena of his edition 
of the Shirking} While referring the student to this excel- 
lent source of our knowledge of the Ch6u cultiu^, I think 
the reign of the fighting emperor Siian-wang furnishes a fit 
opportunity to extract the most noteworthy facts regarding 
the manner in which wars were conducted by the Chinese 
of the Ch6u period generally. Biot says : — 

" It has been said that hunting is the image of war. This com- 
parison becomes a reality in the deserts of North America and Cen- 
tral Asia. When the men of one horde assemble and issue from 
their place of settlement, their association has two simultaneous 
objects : hunting in the vast steppes which have no definite pos- 
sessors, and war with the other hordes which come to hunt on the 
same debatable ground. In the times described in the Shi4nng 
the greater part of the country surrounding the great cultivated 
valley of the Yellow River was such a hunting ground, undivided 
between the Chinese and the indigenous hordes. The CSiinese 
armies, then led against the barbarians, hunted and fought by turns ; 
their warriors used the same arms against the enemies and against 
the wild animals. Nevertheless, several odes give the description 
of regular expeditions directed by the sovereign, or by a CSiinese 
feudal prince against another prince; several of them depict the 

^ Journal Asiatique, 4th series, vol. ii, 1S43, pp. 307 9eqq,, 430 $eqq, 
* Shirking, Prolegomena, pp. 142-171. 


po«U ngularly ortablished upon the frontJen. Some extracta 
from theM odea give an idea of what was then the art of war in 

"Tbe frontier posts between the stat«e at war with one another, 
m on the borders of tiie barbarous regions, were supplied from the 
peaaantiT, and were relieved from year to year ; the service at these 
posts was truly forced, and hence the lamentations of the soldiers 
who were so stationed. Hie edict which enjoined regular service 
OD tbe frontiers was inscribed on a bamboo tablet placed at the 
post. In the Chinese armies of Uiis epoch, as in the feudal anniea 
of our Middle Ages, the infantry was composed of husbandmen 
taken from their labors, and they complained bitterly of their lot, 
especially when they formed part of an expedition against the bar- 
barous hordes of the north and the south. They had the greatest 
fear of tbe HiAi-yOn on tbe north, known afterwards as the Hiung- 
nu. The principal element of a Chinese army was the chariot 
drawn by four horses. It carried three mailed warriors, the officer 
to wbom it belonged being in the middle. He had on his right his 
esquire, who passed to him bis arms, and on his left the charioteer. 
A troop of soldiers followed the chariot to protect it. Tlie term 
' chariot' was then a collective name like ' lance ' in our Middle AgM. 
lite Li-la reckons for every chariot three mailed warriors, 25 foot- 
men in front and at the ndes to guide the horses and the chariot, 
and 72 U^t-armed foot-soldiers following. But this number or 
oompany was never complete. . . . The sovereign never marched 
without a guard of 2500 men, called ihl. Every dignitary, or great 
officer, had an escort of 500 men called la. To employ our military 
terms, ihl was a regiment and IQ a battalion. 8iz thl, or 15,000 
men, formed an ordinary army. They distinguished the soldiers 
of the left wing and tbe ri^t, according to the division long used 
b the marching and encampments of the Tartar hordes. An army 
was divided into three troops. . . . The chief of each corps had 
his place in the middle of it. 

"The chariot of the sovereign, or of the commander-b-chief, had 
four or six horses, yoked abreast. When there were four horses, 
which was the ordinary number, two of them were yoked to the 
pols, and two to the transverse bar of tbe chariot. Tbe horses 
were eorered with mail, or protected by bucUers. Those of the 


commanders had golden bits with a small bell at each side of the 
bit. The reins were richly adorned and led through rings of leather 
on the backs of the horses. The sides of the chariots were covered 
with boards as a defense against the arrows of the enemy. They 
were adorned in the inside with mats of bamboo, or embroidered 
carpets. The axle-trees of the chariots of the chiefs were wrapped 
round with green silk, or with leather, probably to strengUien 
them . The pole was also covered with leather, painted in five colors. 

** The princes and regular warriors wore helmets. Those of the 
princes of the blood were adorned with a plume of red silk. The 
regular warriors had a sword, two lances (or spears) and two bows. 
The scabbards of the chiefs' swords were adorned with precious 
stones, or with other ornaments. The spears were of three kinds : 
man, which was 4 meters long (20 Chdu cubits), and the ko, 
16 cubits. These were set up in the war chariots. The javelin 
was 6 cubits 6 ins. long, and was used by the foot-soldiers. ' All 
the lances had red pennants or streamers. 

" Like the hunting bows, those used in war were of wood adorned 
with green silk. The bows of the chiefs had ornaments of ivory. 
There were also bows of horn, or strong as horn, which discharged 
several arrows at once. To preserve the bows, they were kept in 
cases of tiger skin, or of ordinary leather. Every case contained 
two bows, and they were closely fitted to bamboos, to hinder them 
from being warped by the damp. The bow-cases and the quivers 
were made of the skin of some marine animal called yu, which may 
have been a seal. 

''The mailed warriors had bucklers and battle-axes with handles 
of wood. The foot-soldiers were usually armed only with javelins 
and spears. The horses in the chariots neigh ; the flags and pennons 
wave in the air ; the foot-soldiers and the assistants who guide the 
horses march in silence. Besides the war chariots, there followed 
the army carriages laden with sacks of baggage, and drawn by oxen. 
These sacks had one or two openings, and contained provisions. 
The chariots were unloaded, and arranged around the place of 
encampment. Then the feeble watched the baggage, while the 
strong advanced against the enemy. 

''The expeditions against the indigenous tribes of the center, 
the west, and the north, were made in the sixth moon, the time of 


the year corresponding to the end of May and the beginning of 
June. They marched 30 li per day, about 11 kOometera, if we 
value the li at 1800 cubits and 10 centimeters each. For a grand 
army of 300 chariots, 10 chariots formed the advanced guard. 

''On the banners were figures of birds and of serpents. There 
were attached to them little beUs and ribbons. On the royal 
standard there was the image of the sacred dragon. The princes of 
the blood, and secondary chiefs or viceroys had broad pennons or 
flags. One pennon, formed of an ox-tail upon a pole, was placed 
behind in the chariot of the chief of a squadron. 

"The warriors wore colored cuisses, and buskins on their legs. 
In one of the odes a man of Ts'in engages another to follow him to 
the war by the promise of clothes, shoes, and weapons, should he 
need them. The commandant of a corps d'armU had the title 
K'i-fu or of Shang-fu. Several odes designate the general by the 
name of ' the illustrious man,' meaning ' the Prince,' ' the Dignitary.' 

"The drum gave the signal for departure, for attack, and for 
retreat. Large drums were covered with the skin of a lizard called 
Vo. Before the battle, the warriors excited one another by mock 
combats. They leaped, ran, and threatened one another with their 

"In one of the odes. King Won causes the assault of a fortified 
city, and his soldiers ascend the wall by means of hooked ladders. 
He takes some prisoners and punishes them as rebels, proportion- 
ing their chastisement to the gravity of their offense. He causes 
the left ears of his captives to be cut o£f ; and in contenting himself 
with this punishment he passes for a just and humane man. In 
the state of Lu (towards the south of Shan-tung), the army returns 
from an expedition. They present to the prince the ears that have 
been cut o£f; they bring the captive chiefs in chains before the 
judge, by whom they are condemned by regular sentence. Like 
the tribes of America, the Chinese then made very few prisoners; 
they put the vanquished chiefs to death, and released the com- 
mon soldiers after cutting o£f one of their ears, as a mark of dis- 
honor, or that they might recognise them if they met with them 

"On the parade ground of the ci^ital they practised archery 
and the use of other weapons." 


This graphic description of the Chinese method of war- 
fare under the Ch6u djmasty has been gathered from 
numerous passages in the Shirking. It will serve as an 
example showing how the old poetical literatiu^ fills a gap 
in the historical tradition similar to that filled up by the 
Homeric epics in Greek history. The student will find 
references in detail, with some valuable critical notes, partly 
modifying the results drawn by Biot from the Shirking, in 
Legge's translation. 

From a military point of view the Chinese method of 
warfare does not strike one as very practical, if one con- 
siders that the Hi6n-]riin, or Hims, as true sons of the 
steppe, which they must have been at all times, ought to 
have enjoyed a great advantage in moving about on their 
fleet horses against an enemy possessing no cavalry what- 
ever. Although the Chinese have been defeated here and 
there by the Huns, it appears that on the whole, in spite of 
then* clumsy chariot fighting, on roads which were probably 
hardly any better than those of the present day, they have 
had on their side greatly superior armament and a certain 
uniformity of organization ; but their chief advantage dur- 
ing centuries of this warfare may have been the fact that 
the fighting took place on hilly territory, where cavalry 
forces could not well be displayed, the Huns having always 
been more successful on extensive plains, like the Mon- 
golian steppe, than in alpine regions, like the north of 
Shan-si. When they broke into Europe twelve hundred 
years after Siian-wang, their first successes were largely 
supported by the conditions of the ground, those extensive 
plains of southern Russia, over which they sent that ava- 
lanche of warlike hordes, increasing their power by forcing 
kindred folks into their service. Finally, we have to con- 


ader the probability that, during the Ch6u period, the Huns 
had not as yet consolidated into a nation, whereas the 
Chinese, althou^ a confederation of smaller states some- 
what like the German emph^, cheerfully followed the call 
of the Son of Heaven when the nation was in danger. 
With all the welcome detail regarding the Chinese side of 
that warfare, the ShVking tells us very little about the Huns 
of those days. The earliest account of the gradual develop- 
ment of Hunnic life has been supplied by Ssi-ma Ts'i£n, 
who probably reconstructs his sketch of the most ancient 
Huns from what he had learned about these nomads at 
his own time, the beginning of the first century b.c. Ssi- 
ma Ts'i^ ^ gives us the following account of the oldest 

''Their earliest ancestors were the descendants of the 
Eknperor Yu of the Hia dynasty and were styled Shun-weL" 
Parker suggests that this name Shvnrweif which most prob- 
ably applies to the chief of the country, — since not the 
whole nation, but merely the reigning family could have 
descended from the Emperor Yii, — is related to an old 
diinese family name Shvn-yu. This seems quite possible, 
althou^ the Chinese themselves derive it from a small 
state mentioned in their "Spring and Autumn Annals." 
Since we hardly know anything about the sounds of Chinese 
characters during the Ch6u dynasty, excepting the some- 
what doubtful conclusions we may arrive at from a study 
of the rhymes m the ShV-king odes, it may not be too bokl 
a conjecture if we connect this title Shun-w^^ or «SAufi-yfi, 
with the sound Shan-yu, by which throughout Chinese his- 
tory the supreme ruler of the Hiung-nu is designated. 

^8H4ri, ch. ex; cf. E. H. Parker, Th« Turko-^cytkian TrAtt, in 
diiMi Review, vol. xx, p. 1 M99. 


"Before the time of Yau and Shun there were the Shan-jung, 
the Hi^n-yiin and the Hun-yii, who occupied the northern de- 
pendencies, following their cattle and shifting their abodes. Their 
herds chiefly consisted of horses, oxen and sheep, these being the 
animals commonly reared by them; the camel, mules and other 
equine animals [named in the text, but difficult to identify] being 
of less frequent occurrence. Following their pasturages, they shifted 
about and had neither cities and towns, or other fixed abodes, nor 
regular agriculture, though they divided their territories ; they had 
no written documents, the spoken word being sufficient by way of 
contract. From early childhood they were taught to ride on sheep, 
to draw the bow and shoot birds and rats ; when half grown they 
would shoot foxes and hares as game for food. Having grown to 
become soldiers, they would thus become excellent archers, when 
they were all supplied with armors on horseback. In easy times 
they would follow their cattle and live on the chase, but in times of 
trouble every man was trained to fight in battle and ready to make 
raids on other lands. This was their natural disposition. For 
distant fight their weapon was the bow and arrow ; for close fight 
they used swords and small spears. If they could, they would go 
on and on in fighting, but withdraw if they were not successful. 
They were not ashamed to take to flight, and as long as a matter 
was of advantage to them, they did not know propriety or justice. 
From their prince and king downward they all lived on the flesh 
of their cattle, using their skins for clothing ; they wore felt coats. 
The able-bodied would eat the fat and dainty parts of meats, 
leaving the remnants of meals to old folks, for they honored strong 
and robust men, and despised those that were old and decrepid. 
The man whose father had died would marry his step-mothers 
(i.e. his father's own wives except his own mother) ; when a brother 
died his consorts became the wives of the surviving brother. It 
was their custom not to taboo names ; and they had no clan names 
or by-names. When the Hia dynasty became weak, Kung Liu 
[Duke Liu, an ancestor of the Chou emperors] had lost his hus- 
bandry-post, he changed to become a western Tartar and had his 
city in Pin. Three hundred years after this, the Jung and the Ti 
Tartars attacked the great king T'an-fu [the grandfather of Won- 


I am inclined to assume from this passage that the ances- 
tors of the house of Ch6u had for centuries adopted semi- 
Tartar life, which supports the hypothesis that Wu-wang 
brou^t about the downfall of the Shang dynasty with the 
assistance of Hunnic tribes and helps to explain the use of 
a Turkish word for the dagger handled by him in giving 
the body of his enemy Ch6u-sin his final coup. 

" T'an-fu fled and went to the foot of Mount K'i, whither the peo- 
ple of Pin followed him and founded a city which was the beginning 
of the state of Ch6u. Fully a hundred years after this the Duke of 
the West [i,e, Won-wang] n^ade war on the Kun barbarians, and some 
twelve or thirteen years afterwards Wu-wang made war on Ch6u- 
sin and took up his camp at the city of Lo and again lived in Fong 
and in Hau, and scattered and drove away the Jung barbarians to 
the north of the rivers King and Lo, from whence they offered 
periodical tribute, and orders were given to call them Huang-fu, 
the 'Steppe Dependency.' 

"More than two hundred 3rears later the prestige of the (3i6u 
dynasty began to decline, and when Mu-wang made war on the 
K'Qan barbarians, he obtained four white wolves and four white 
deer to come back with. From this time onward the Huang-fu 
did not come, upon which Ch6u introduced the punishment of 
mutilation [probably referring to the habit of cutting o£f the left 
ear of prisoners in war, which thus seems to be looked upon as an 
act of reprisal for the Huns not sending tribute to the Chinese 
court]. Over two hundred years after Mu-wang, Yu-wang of the 
Ch6u dynasty had quarreled with the Marquis of Shon [father of 
the legitimate empress] on account of his favorite sultana Pau SsL* 
The Marquis of Shon got angry and formed an alliance with 
the K'Qan barbarians and attacked and killed Yu-wang of the 
Ch6u djmasty below the Li-shan. Upon this they seised certain 
territories of the C3i6u and settled down between the rivers 

* Cf. Chavannes, MhnmreM huioruiu€$, vol. i, p. 281 ; also Giles, 
A Chinese Bio^aphicdL Dictionary, p. 619, who r e pr es en ts Yu-waof 
as ''King of Yu" in modem Chl4i, though I do not know on what au- 


King and Wei, encroaching over and terrorising the Bfi 


The time of Suan-wang has been credited with the pro- 
duction t)f a most interesting monument of Chinese an- 
tiquity in the shape of a lengthy stone inscription, the so- 
called " Stone Drums of the Ch6u Dynasty," describing, as 
Chinese critics mamtain, a himting expedition by the em- 
peror to the neighborhood of Mount K'i, the ancestral home 
of the Ch6u rulers. Ever since they were first discovered, 
the ten stone slabs containing the remnants of these ancient 
hieroglyphics have been the subject of much controversy 
among the Chinese. To imderstand the name ''stone 
drums," in Chinese shirku, it should be known that the 
Chinese include imder that term all rocks having a flat sur- 
face and a shape in any way similar to a drum. Since their 
first discovery, early in the seventh century a.d., on what 
must be supposed to have been their original site near the 
old Mt. K4 in southwestern Shen-si, the stone drums have 
been shifted about a good deal, so that the seven hundred 
characters which may have constituted their original tenor 
have dwindled to a few more than three hundred, the re- 
mainder being totally effaced. Among the many learned 
opinions placed on record by native archaeologists, the most 
noteworthy seem to be those of Ou-yang Siu, the Mommsen 
of his time, the eleventh centiuy, inasmuch as he was the 
first historian and epigrapher, who is entirely skeptical as 
to its being a genuine document, and another writer of the 
Sung dynasty who tries to refute Ou-yang Siu's arguments 
one by one. The modem view among the Chinese au- 
thorities is in favor of the inscriptions being true records 
of the Siian-wang period. This is also the view expressed 
by Dr. S. W. Budiell in an elaborate essay, "The Stone 


Dninifl of the Ch6u Djmasty/' ^ who concludes his paper 
by saying: "No motive has been suggested to account 
for forgery on so large a scale. If we accept the train of 
reasoning of Ou-yang, we must reject all the sculptured 
monuments of Egypt, Assyria and Persia, which have 
been brou^t to li^t in such profusion of late years." 
Chavannes, while accepting the Stone Drums as a g^- 
uine relic of antiquity, differs from the Chinese re- 
ceived view in ascribing them not to Siian-wang, the em- 
peror, but to a king of the Ts'in state sometime about 
300 B.c.» 

J 37. Yu-WANO (781-771 B.C.) 

In quoting this rapid survey of the oldest relations of 
the Chinese with the nei^boring Hims, I have anticipated 
the troublesome times which followed the energetic Siian- 
wang under the reign of his lascivious son Yu-wang. Suan- 
Wang's armies had fou^t successfully not only against the 
Huns, but also against the Man barbarians in the state of 
King, on the borders of the Yang-tzi River, about Lake 
Tung-t'ing and other enemies in the east and west. In all 
directions the old frontiers of the empu^ were maintained 
and extended by him. Yu-wang led a dissolute life, and 
his government was oppressive. Like several of his prede- 
cessors, he brought trouble on himself and his country by 
his infatuation for a woman. When he intended to make 
war on a small state called Pau, the chief of that country 
sent him for his seraglio a girl of great beauty, named Ss!, 

> Jownal €f tk§ China Branch of ths Royal AiioHc SocUty, New 
Serial, no. 8, pp. 133-160. * See Mimoir*$ hulaHquo$, toL t, p. 
488 Mf. 


for which reason she is known as Pau-ssi, or Ssi of Pau. 
The king became so enamored with her that he deposed in 
her favor his legitimate consort, who was a daughter of 
the Marquis of Shon. He was weak enough to conform all 
his life to the pleasures of his favorite, who did not seem 
to appreciate his attentions. She even made him wait in 
vain to see her smile. Having allowed it to become known 
that the sound of the tearing of silk was a particularly 
pleasant noise to her, the emperor caused many fine pieces 
of precious texture to be torn up to gratify her whim ; but 
even this failed to bring the desired smile. She wished for 
a greater sacrifice, and what seemed to her a good practical 
joke was actually carried out: Huge beacon fires, which 
had been agreed upon to serve as a signal to the emperor's 
vassals to come with their troops to his rescue in time of 
danger, were lighted. The princes promptly responded, 
and the frivolous queen laughed at them. She little 
thought, however, how dangerous it is to cry "wolf!" 
without need. When, later on, the Huns made renewed 
inroads, the beacon signals were lighted m earnest, but the 
feudal princes, without whose assistance the king was at 
the mercy of the enemy, thinking that they might again 
be the victims of a hoax, failed to obey the simimons, which 
led to Yu-wang's ruin. Ssi-ma Ts'i6n places the time of 
Yu-wang's being first enthralled by his mistress in the 
third year of his reign (779 B.C.). The emperor had by 
her a son named Po-fu; hence the wish of the unworthy 
couple to depose the legitimate consort as mother of the 
heir to the throne. This caused the court astronomer 
Po-yang to predict the downfall of the dynasty ; and good 
reason he had for his prediction, if we view things through 
the eyes of an ancient Chinese philosopher. For nature 


itself began to show warnings of all sorts. An earthquake 
created alarm among the people ; a famine throu^out the 
empire was interpreted as the immediate punishment of 
Heaven for Yu-wang's evil ways ; but the most portentous 
of all Heaven's warnings was an eclipse of the sun. Re- 
garding this eclipse, in connection with the other public 
misfortunes that had befallen the empire, we possess an 
ode of the Shi-king,^ which proves to be a historical docu- 
ment of the greatest value. It says : — 

'' At the conjunction of the sun and moon in the tenth month. 
On the first day of the moon, which was Hn-mau, 
The sun was eclipsed, 
A thing of very evil omen. 
Then the moon became small. 
And now the sun became small. 
Henceforth the lower people 
Will be in a very deplorable case. 

"The sun and moon announce evil. 
Not keeping to their proper paths. 
All througfk the kingdom there is no proper government^ 
Because the good are not employed. 
For the moon to be eclipsed 
Is but an ordinary matter. 
Now that the sun has been eclipsed, — 
How bad it is 1 


Grandly flashes the lightning of the thunder; — 

There is a want of rest, a want of good. 

The streams all bubble up and overflow. 

The cragi on the hill-tops fall down. 

Hi^ banks become valleys; 

Deep valleys become hills. 

Alas for the men of this time 1 

How does the king not stop these thingn? 

* Legge, p. 820. 


"Huang-fu is the president; 
Fan is the minister of instruction; 
Kia-po is the chief administrator; 
Chung-ytln is the chief cook; 
Ts6u is the recorder of the interior; 
K'ui is master of the horse ; 
Yd is captain of the guards; 
And the beautiful wife blazes, now in possession of her place/' 

This ode, of which I have quoted the first four stanzas 
in Legge's translation, has for its subject the lamentation 
of one of the emperor's officials living in an out-of-the-way 
quarter of the empire, alone and sorrowful over the sad 
corruption into which the empire had sunk. If we hesi- 
tate in accepting the identification of the date of the 
eclipse under Chung-k'ang in 2165 B.C., there cannot be 
any doubt as to the one referred to in this ode. The tenth 
month and first day of the moon, designated by the cyclical 
characters sin-mau of the Ch6u calendar, correspond to 
August 29, 776 b.c. (not 775; Dr. Chalmers, and with him 
Legge and other Sinologues, make a mistake of one year in 
all their chronological statements by not coimting the year 
of Christ's birth as 1 b.c.).* This fact, highly important in 
calling Heaven itself as a witness in confirming the reliance 
we may place in this early period of Chinese history, has 
been pointed out without contradiction, as far as I am 
aware, from either Sinologues or astronomers by the Jesuit 
Father Amiot in his celebrated paper on " The Antiquity 
of the Chinese proved by their Monuments." ^ The coin- 
cidence of the two dates proves beyond a doubt that the 
opinion of Chinese commentators, who described this ode 

^ Arendt, Synchronistische RegenterUdbellen, p. 196. ' Mifno%re$ 
eoneernarU Us Chinois, vol. ii, Paris, 1777, p. 99 seqq. 


as applying to Yu-wang on the ground of circumstantial 
evidence, must be correct. It is, according to all the 
Chinese chronological authorities, the sixth year of Yu- 
wang's reign ; and this is, indeed, as Legge says, '' the earli- 
est date in Chinese history about which there can be no 
dispute." Previous dates have been arrived at by compu- 
tation. This should not involve that the historical period 
be^ns as late as Yu-wang's reign, as Mayers seems to assume 
in his Chronological Tables. Doubts may be justified, it 
is true, as far as exact chronology is concerned ; but we 
have in this case to distinguish between chronology and 
history. We have seen that the main two sources of the 
former, the standard reckoning and the Bamboo Book 
Annals, show considerable deviations from each other, in- 
creasing as we go back to the earliest times and amounting 
to more than two hundred years under Huang-ti, but dis- 
appearing altogether with the end of Li-Wang's reign 
(842 B.C.). If such solar eclipses as ought to have been 
visible in China previous to Yu-wang's time are not men- 
tioned in the early Chinese history, otherwise so conscientious 
in placing on record astronomical facts, the reason may be, 
as Amiot has pointed out, that they occurred when cloudy 
weather made their observation impossible. I, therefore, 
see no reason why we should not date the commencement 
of the historical period, as far as the main facts are con- 
cerned, many generations before Yu-wang, while making 
allowance for doubts in the chronology owing to the two- 
fold tradition. The dates of the Bamboo Books will be 
found in Arendt's Table. The differences in the begin- 
nings of the main periods are shown in the following 
extract: — 



Standard Chronology Bamboo Books 











Kung-ho period 





It seems strange that the two divergent chronologies 
should harmonize just at the commencement of the Kimg-ho 
period, the name of which, we have seen, was interpreted 
in a twofold sense. Is it possible that neither of the inter- 
pretations is correct, and that the term Kung-ho, " common 
harmony,'^ refers to the end of the discord among chronolo- 
gists, signalized by the first year of this period ? 

We have seen from the Shi-king that the beautiful Pau- 
ssi was "in possession of her place" at the emperor's side 
in the sixth year of his reign. The legend, if it may be so 
called, of her having lighted the beacons to make fools of 
the feudatory princes would, therefore, seem to fall in the 
years following the eclipse. Certainly the punishment for 
it, ending with Yu-wang's destruction, belongs to the year 
771 B.C., as the last year of his reign. Ssi-ma Ts'i^n does 
not mention the eclipse referred to in the Shl-king ; but he 
has preserved fuller details about the beacon affair. It 
appears that Yu-wang himself had made the arrangement 
of a fire beacon, or pyre, being lighted " when the big drum 
announced the approach of an enemy," the smoke of which 


was to serve as a signal in the daytime, whereas the flames 
were visible at long distance at ni^t, the beacons being 
placed on the summits of the hills. The Marquis of Shon, 
father of the legitimate empress, of course, resented the 
treatment his daughter and grandson had received at the 
hands of Yu-wang and his ambitious minion. In his dis- 
tress he had allied himself with the K'iian barbarians (Huns) 
to attack the emperor. The signal beacons were lifted, 
but no soldiers came to the rescue. Yu-wang was killed 
by the Huns, who also carried away Pau-ssi and plundered 
the imperial treasury. 

I 38. P'ING-WANG (770-720 B.C.) 

After the fall of Yu-wang the feudal lords arranged with 
the Marquis of Shon that the late emperor's legitimate son 
I-kiu, who had been staying with the marquis, should be 
raised to the throne, and he occupied it under the name of 
PHng-toang, — Ssi-ma Ts'i^n says, " in order that he mi^t 
be charged with the sacrifices of the Ch6u dynasty." This, 
it appears, was henceforward the most important duty of 
the Ch6u emperors, who, with the great respect for legiti- 
macy characterizing the Chinese, were required to see that 
sacrifices were duly offered to their distinguished fore- 
fathers. But that is all; the real power went more and 
more into the hands of the emperor's vassab. P'ing-wang, 
feeling the weakness of his dominions in the western por- 
tions, owing to their being so much exposed to the attacks 
of the barbarians, removed his capital to the city of Lo, 
previously known as Tung-tu, i.e. eastern capital.^ P'ing- 

* Thk dty, known also as Lo-yang , the present Ho-nan-fu, was also 
the capital of the eastern Han dynasty. 




Wang's reign, according to Ssi-ma Ts'i^n, is characterised 
\ by the rapid decUne of the imperial power in favor oi the 
rising influence of feudal states. Among the latter Ssi-ma 
Ts'ien mentions especially those of T&'i, Ch'u, T&'in, and 
Tsin, which treated the emperor more and more as a 
nonentity, and the lords of which held the leadership each 
in his own sphere. 

It is perhaps characteristic that imder the reign of P'ing- 
wang an important change takes place in our historical 
sources. The Shurking closes here its account of the Ch6u 
emperors, which is merely a collection of documents or 
speeches placed on record as being attributed to king^ and 
other historical personages, and contains important lacunae 
for long periods, during which nothing remarkable is re- 
corded. Legge * says with regard to this gap in the Shur 
king: — 

''This fact is sufficient to prove that Confucius did not compile 
the Shu as a history of his country, or even intend that it should 
afford materials for such a history. Hb design, we may rather 
judge, was to bring together such pieces as might show the wonder- 
ful virtue and intelligence of ancient sovereigns and statesmen, 
who should be models for those of future ages, but between P'ing- 
wang and Mu-wang there had reigned seven sovereigns of the house 
of Ch6u; and it is remarkable that not a single document of the 
reign of any of them was incorporated by Confucius into the ShU" 
king. Indeed, Wu-wang, the first of the sovereigns of Ch6u, had 
no successor equal to himself ; and but for his brother, the Duke of 
Ch6u, the dynasty would have come to an early end. There was a 
constant degeneration after K'ang-wang. Its progress was now 
and then temporarily but feebly arrested. Power and influence 
passed with a steady progress from the imperial court to one feu- 

^ Shu-king, p. 613, in a footnote, the substance of which is repro- 
duced above. 


datoiy and another, till in the time of Confucius himself the sue- 
oeasors of Wu-wang were hardly more than shadows of an empty 

Hie removal of P'ing-wang's capital to the east marks a 
new epoch in the history of the Ch6u dynasty. Chinese 
historians speak up to this time of the Sircfufu, i.e. the 
"Western Ch6u/' and from P'ing-wang downward as the 
Ttmg-chdu, or " Eastern Ch6u." It is a remarkable coinci- 
dence that from this time also dates the period described 
in another historical classic compiled by Confucius under 
the name of Ch'un-tsHu, "Spring and Autmnn Annals/' 
which no longer describes the history of the house of Ch6u 
as that of the imperial dynasty, but that of a vassal state 
called Lu, covering certain territpries in the west of the pres- 
ent province of Shan-tung and being the sage's native coun- 
try. Such as they are, the "Spring and Autiunn Annals" 
contain the history of twelve dukes of Lu, extending from 
722 to 481 B.C. Confucius is supposed to have compiled 
them from records made in connection with the ducal 
court oi Lu. The mam text of the work is confined to the 
briefest possible notices of the chief events ; but it has been 
extended by three early commentaries, the most notable 
of which is that of Tso-k'iu Ming, a personage of doubtful 
identification, possibly a disciple of Confucius himself. It 
is known and much quoted under the name of Tso-chuan. 
Tlie Tso-ckuan is our principal source for the period covered 
by the " Spring and Autumn Annals. " The latter itself con- 
tains scarcely enough detail to make up a history, whereas 
Uie commentary throws important li^t not only on events 
connected with the state of Lu, but also on the history 
of other states and of the imperial house. The author 
has been at great pains to collect information apart from 


the ducal records, so that Legge^ justly says of this 
work : — 

"The events and the characters of the time pass as m reality 
and life before us. In no ancient history of any country have we 
such a vivid picture of any lengthened period of its annals as we 
have from Tso of the 270 years which he has embraced in his 

Two other commentaries on the " Spring and Autimm 
Annals " exist ; namely, those of Kung-yang Kau and Ku- 
liang Ch'i, both of whom lived in the fifth century B.C., but 
were probably somewhat more recent than Tso-k'iu Ming. 
The Tso-chiuin, however, is not only the most complete, but 
probably also the most reliable of the three, although, as is 
the case with many of the works of the Ch6u dynasty which 
have seen the light after the Confucian Classics, it has gone 
through the purgatory of philological treatment at the hands 
of native scholars of the Han dynasty, who are responsible 
for interpolations and additions easily distinguishable from 
the purely historical substance as philosophical reflections 
or ex post facto predictions. When compared with the 
Tso-chican commentary, the CKun-tsHu itself appears as a 
work unworthy of a great historian ; and doubts have been 
entertained whether Confucius must be really regarded as 
its author. If the great sage is really responsible for it, 
he must have had special reasons for leaving it with all 
the imperfections pointed out by later critics. The high 
reputation which the work has at all times enjoyed among 
Chinese scholars is apparently due to the personal admira- 
tion in which the great teacher was held by his nation. 
Confucius was not a writer. The CKun-tsHu is the only 

* CVufi-to'iu, Prolegomena, p. 28. 


work the actual authorship of which is attributed to him, 
if we accept the doubts expressed as to his fatherhood of 
the Skurking, and if we regard his connection with the Sh\r 
king as merely an editorial one. His greatness, like that 
of Socrates, consisted more in his personality and the 
teaching? among his friends than in his writings, and if 
Mencius ^ quotes him as having said, "It is the 'Spring and 
Autunm' which will make men know me; and it is the 
' Spring and Autumn ' which will make men condemn me," 
he clearly refers to his political views, and not to his position 
as an educator of his nation. Possibly the work has not 
come down to us in its original shape. Professor Grube, in a 
judicious essay on this vexed question of Chinese literature,' 
takes into consideration the possibility that both the CKunr 
Win and its commentary, the Tso-chiuin, were the work of 
Confucius ; and if we have to make allowance for the text of 
the latter having been tampered with by the Han editors, 
the occasional contradictions which may appear in the two 
texts in their present shape need not prevent us from mak- 
ing such a sympathetic compromise. 

I 39. Geography of the Ch'un-ts'iu Period 

(722-481 B.C.) 

If we ^ance at a historical map of Germany during the 
Thirty Years' War, and if we recall the changes it under- 
went both before and after that period within the space of 
about two centuries and a half, corresponding in duration 
to the Ch'un-ts'iu period, we may comprehend the diffi- 
culty, not to say impossibility, of furnishing a 83moptic 
view of the numerous states constantly at war with each 

* Legge* p. 157. ' OtMehiehU der chineMtscken Liiterahir, p. 68 Mgq. 


other, falling under the nominal sway of the Ch6u dynasty. 
Each generation of those days presents a different view. 
The geography of the Ch6u4i, with its nine provinces, or 
duiu, bearing such close resemblance to the divisions of the 
empire under the Great Yii, is a simple affau- when com- 
pared with that multiplicity of states which began to grow 
up from small beginnings, some of them attwiing great 
power, others being short-lived and swallowed up by their 
neighbors. Their development in history may be traced 
in the Tso-chtum ; but as affecting the history of China at 
large, I shall mention only the more important ones among 
them. Students who care for further detail will find it in 
Legge's edition of the historical classic itself. 

The development of supremacy among certain states, 
nominally coming within the jurisdiction of the emperor, 
is probably to a large extent the result of their geographical 
position. The states occupying the eastern part of the 
empire were naturally prevented from expansion by their 
being situated so close to the sea-coast ; those in the north, 
west, and south had the opportunity to join arms with 
rude but warlike neighbors, whose territories, by force or 
persuasion, they managed to incorporate into their own 
dominions, allowing their populations to amalgamate, 
spreading Chinese civilization among them, while profiting 
by their warlike spirit. The states which most benefited 
by such a conjimcture were those of Tsin, Ts'in, and Ch'u. 
The first two names, so similar in sound, should not be con- 
founded with each other; the initial of the tsin (without 
an apostrophe) being comparatively soft, whereas tsHn is 
pronoimced with a hard explosive almost approaching an 
aspirate. The countries represented by these names were 
next-door neighbors and occupied the entire northwest of 


the present empire. Tsin held the greater part of the 
present province of Shan-si and the adjoining portion of 
Chi-li with that portion of Shen-si which lay on and near 
the opposite shore of the Yellow River. Hie large tract of 
country west of it, comprising that fertile valley of the Wei 
River with a number of seats of the ancient Chinese civili- 
lation, had from small beginnings grown into the dominion 
of the Ts'in state. Both these states had for centuries 
to do all the fighting for the Chinese of the interior against 
their northern and western enemies, the Huns, whose several 
divisions are mentioned under various names, as we have 
seen. The result of this fitting was the gradual increase 
of their military strength. We have seen how the ancestors 
of the Ch6u emperors originally also occupied a small terri- 
tory on the western frontier, and how the warlike spirit 
and the virtue of their rulers was exercised and fostered 
by their having to do the fitting for that lazy and voluptu- 
ous court of the decadent Shang dynasty ; also, how thereby, 
from small beginnings, the dukes of Ch6u had grown so 
powerful that with the assistance of Huns and other 
boundary tribes they managed to throw the Shangs out 
of the field, whose last scion they placed in charge of the 
kingdom ot Corea as a vassal state. 

Hie states of Tsin and Ts'in and their great rival in the 
south, the state of Ch'u, now tried with the assistance of 
the foreign elements on the boundary to make use of the 
weakness of the imperial court to increase their power. 
Who those foreigners were is, of course, not an easy ques- 
tion to decide. If I speak of the nei^bors of Tsin and 
TiB'in as ''Huns,'' I wifih this term to be understood in its 
broadest sense. The Huns that broke into Europe in the 
fourth century a.d. should be looked upon as a politicali 


and not a racial, union. The Huns proper, as the dominant 
race, were probably of Turkish extraction. So were 
the Hiimg-nu, their predecessors in the east.* But the 
Hiung-nu, as a political power, comprised, besides the 
Turkish elements among central Asiatic nations, also 
the ancestors of the races which we now separate from them 
as being of Mongolic and Tungusic extraction. It is quite 
probable that the different tribes of the north and west of 
China whose names appear in the history of the Ch'un- 

^ Quite a number of arguments support this hy|K>thesis. The dis- 
covery and decipherment of the Old-Turkish stone inscriptions found 
on the banks of the Orchon and of the Tonjukuk inscription found near 
Urga leave not the slightest doubt that the language in which they are 
written is Turkish. There can, further, be no doubt whatever that 
the two allied nations, the Turk and Sir-TardiLsh, a portion of whose 
history is described in those inscriptions, are identical with the nar 
tions called Tu-kui and SU-yen-t*o respectively in Chinese records, 
both of whom are distinctly stated to have been offshoots of the old 
Hiung-nu. Similarly the nation described by the Chinese as Kau-ku, 
which we know to be identical with the Uigurs, one of the chief repre- 
sentatives of the Turkish stock during the Middle Ages, is stated in 
Chinese accounts as considering the Hiung-nu as their ancestors. 
They were even said to speak the language of these, their forefathers, 
with but slight differences occasioned by the lapse of centuries. 
This may account for the fact that many of the Hiung-nu words, of 
which the approximate sound and the meaning have been preserved 
in Chinese contemporaneous records, are easily explained by the cor- 
responding words in the Uiguric vocabulary or that of its modem 
representatives such as the Turki, Djagatai, or Teleutic dialects. 
The only conclusion we can draw from these considerations is, that the 
Hiung-nu, or Huns, were actually Turks in a racial sense, whatever 
the other nations may have been, whether Mongols or Tunguses, 
who were forced to join arms with them and formed part of the 
Hiung-nu, or Huns, as a political union. The identity of the Huns 
of Europe and the Hiung-nu of Chinese historians, denied by R^musat 
and Ritter, has been proved in my paper Ueher Wolga-Hunnen und 
Hiung-nu {Siizungsberichtt der phUos.-philol. Claaae der k. bayer. 
Akademie d, Wiasenach., 1899, Band ii, Fasc. ii, Mttnchen, 1900). 


ts'iu period were just as different in race and language as 
they are nowadays, and that it was merely their nomadic 
life and a certain uniformity in social organization which 
united them into one group. In the Tso-chtum these 
northern and western barbarians appear under various 
names, which now take the place of the former Hun-yii 
and Hi^n-yun, the Huns of the earliest periods, with whom 
they are identified by the later Chinese historians. As 
falling within this category, we may regard the hordes 
described in the Tso-chuan as Jung, Ti, and /. The Jung 
were chiefly found in the west, the Ti in the north, and the 
/ in the east of the present Chinese dominions. We know 
nothing about their relations with the inhabitants of the 
more distant parts of the Asiatic continent; and if they 
had anything in common with the earliest Scythians, which 
have become more or less imperfectly known in Europe, 
such a supposition can only rest on conjecture. Their be- 
ing mentioned under so many different names seems to 
show that in the earliest times they did not form a polit- 
ical union, as they certainly did at the end of the third cen- 
tury B.C., when Mau-tun, — which name I have endeavored 
to explain as the old Chinese transcription of Turkish 
Baghalur, " valiant," " hero," — as Great Khan of the Hiung- 
nu nation, united under his scepter the Tartars of all races 
between Manchuria in the east and Lake Aral in the west. 
An old Latin chronicle, the "Chronica Hungarorum," by 
John of Thur6cz, who probably wrote about the year 1490, 
has placed on record a list consisting of thirty-seven 
names siud to represent King Attila's ancestors.* We 

■Hirth, SinologUeKs BtUrdge zur OeMchiehU der TQrhMkmr: 
I. Du AhnerUafel AUUa*$ nach JoKannf von TkurdcM, in BulUiin qf 
tiU Imjmrial Academy of 8i. P^Urthwrg, 5th aeriei, vol. ziii, no. 2. 
OeptemlMr, 1000.) 


do not know what sources this author had before him ; and 
it was generally believed that he had drawn upon his 
imagination for his facts. This was my own belief, toO| 
until I compared the names found in the Latin chronicle 
with those appearing in a genealogical table of Hiimg-nu 
kings, reconstructed from Chinese records. I then found 
that some of the names of the chronicle in their proper 
generations and the identical sequence are strongly sug- 
gestive of the Chinese transcriptions of the names of certain 
Hiung-nu kings then settled in the north of China. Tlie 
Hungarian carries his list to the thirtieth ancestor of King 
Attila. At the head of it he places, in accordance with the 
time-honored custom of medieval authors, certwi Biblical 
names. If we except these, from Noah down to Nimrod, the 
first name having an indigenous coloring is that of King 
Attila's thirty-third ancestor which, if we give an average 
of thirty-three years to each generation, carries us to about 
the year 635 b.c. If we can make up our minds as to the 
chronicler's bona fides with regard to King Attila's ancestors 
during the Han period, we may perhaps be justified in 
doing so as regards the Ch6u d)masty to the extent of 
assuming that at least that portion of the northern tribes 
which was looked upon as the ancestral horde of the later 
Hiung-nu was governed by kings of the same family. 
Ssi-ma Ts'i6n {Shl-kif ch. ex, p. 9) even goes a good deal 
farther, when he asserts that " from Shun-wei [their alleged 
first monarch, called a descendant of the Chinese Emperor 
Yii] down to T'6u-man [probably standing for Turkish 
Tumarit or Tiimdn, 'ten thousand,' Mau-tim's father, who 
died 209 B.C.] fully a thousand years elapsed, though their 
genealogy could not be traced." This would bring us to 
the thirteenth century B.C., as the period in which regal 


power was organized at least among some portion of the 

The name Jung^ found in the TBo-chuanj is probably 
nothing but another form of the root Hun or Kan, which, 
we have seen, has assumed the most different shapes in the 
course of Chinese history. For like the Hun-yu, Hi^n- 
yun, etc.| they may be located, from the indications of the 
T^thchuant in certain parts of the northern or western 
boundary. This boundary was then, however, much nearer 
the center of the empire than it was later on. One of the 
tribes called Jung for generations made constant inroads 
on the state of Lu in the present Shan-tung, and b said to 
have had its seat at one time in the present prefectm^ of 
Ts'au-ch6u, south of the Yellow River. The Pei-jimg, or 
"Northern Jung," the Shan-jung, or "Hill Jung," which 
name seems to indicate that they were not occupants of 
the steppe, and the Wu-chung were settled in Tsun-hua- 
ch6u about one hundred miles east of Peking. Accordmg 
to the Tso-chumf the Northern Jung made a raid on the 
state of Chong in the north of K'ai-fong-fu, Ho-nan. This 
entry in the TBChckuan * is of importance, inasmuch as it 
states that, while the Chinese were fighting in chariots, the 
Jung had only f ootH9oldiers. The Tsfhchuan says : — 

"The Earl of Chung withstood them, but was troubled by the 
nature of their troops, and said, 'They are footmen, while we 
have chariots. The fear is, lest they fall suddenly upon us.' 
His son Tu said : ' Let a body of bold men, but not persistent, 
feign an attack upon the thieves, and then quickly draw off from 
them ; and at the same time place three bodies in ambuscade to 
be ready for them. The Jung are light and nimble, but have no 
Older; they are greedy and have no love for one another; when 
they conquer, no one will jrAA place to his fellow; and when they 

* Legge, p. 28. 


are defeated, no one tries to save another. When their front men 
see their success, they will think of nothing but to push forward. 
When they are thus advancing and fall into the ambush, they 
will be sure to hurry away in flight. Those behind will not go 
to their rescue, so there will be no support to them; and thus 
your anxiety may be relieved.' The earl followed this plan. As 
soon as the front men of the Jung met those who were in am- 
buscade, they fled, pursued by Chu Tan. Their detachment waa 
surrounded and smitten both in front and in rear till they were 
all cut to pieces. The rest of the Jung made a grand flight." 

This description of the battle, recorded under the year 
714 B.C., shows that the Northern Jung, then said to be 
settled in Yimg-p'ing-fu, Chi-li, were fighting without 
horses and that this was regarded as a disadvantage to the 
Chinese, who fought in chariots. We are further told by 
the Tso-chuan^ that the Jung and the Ti were continually 
changing their residence, and were fond of exchanging land 
for goods. This latter weakness, if we may so call it, was 
probably the reason for the Chinese buying the barbarians 
off their territory, when an appeal to arms failed, and of 
finally driving them into the Mongolian steppe, their later 
home. This is also probably one of the reasons why the 
federal states occupying the boundaries facing uncivilized 
barbarians, have grown so powerful as compared with the 
emperor's own dominions, which lay in the middle of the 
empire and occupied a comparatively small territory north 
and south of the Yellow River about the present city of 
Ho-nan-fu. The states of Tsin and Ts'in had apparently 
the lion's share in territorial extension at the expense of 
their Hunnish neighbors. The state of Yen, occupying the 
present Chi-li, was similarly successful; other states like 
Ts'i, Lu, Wei, Chu, Sung, Kii, etc., were hemmed in by the 

» Le^e, p. 424. 


sea-coast and could not, of course, increase by conquest 
among the barbarians. This, however, was the case in a 
prominent degree with the third of the great feudal states, 
Ch'u (to be distinguished from Chu mentioned above). 

The state of Ch'u was chiefly occupied by the southern 
barbarians known as Man, or Man-tn, Marco Polo's Manzi. 
Ch'u was its name as a state, which, like Tsin and Ts'in 
and all the other territories surrounding the imperial do- 
main, was under the more or less nominal jurisdiction of 
the Son of Heaven. In those very scanty records preserved 
of the reign of Chau-wang, the region where this worthless 
monarch came to grief, while crossing a river in 1002 B.C., 
b described as "the south." Ssi-ma Ts'i^n simply says 
that Chau went to "the south" on a tour of inspection, 
and that he did not return, having died on the kiang, or 
river.* Later commentators, however, identify " the south " 
with the Ch'u country; and, since this entire region was 
even at a much later period occupied by the Man barbarians, 
we may look upon this as an early mention of their country. 
In the Tso-chuan commentary on the " Spring and Autumn 
Annab," the Ch'u state is constantly referred to under this 
name ; but in the main text it was called King down to the 
year 659 B.C., when the name Ch'u took its place. From 
the tradition preserved in the commentaries' it would 
appear that the semi-barbarous state, if we may so call it, 
was from remote antiquity governed by rulers of Chinese 
extraction. The chiefs of Ch'u were at first viscounts with 
the surname Mi, which means "the bleating of sheep." 
Their lineage is traced up to prehistoric times, the family 
being said to be descended from the Emperor Chuan-hu 

* Chavannei, Mimoiru ki$Ufrique$, vol. i, p. 250. ' Legge, Ch'un* 
If'ttf, p. 86. 


(2510-2433 B.C.). This sounds, of course, very fabulous; 
but representatives of the line are mentioned by name as 
early as the times of Won-wang and Wu-wang, t.e. in the 
twelfth century B.C., when the head of the family was named 
Yii-hiimg. His great-grandson, Hiung I, was invested by 
Ch'ong-wang, the second Ch6u emperor, with the lands of 
King-man, i.e. " the Man barbarians of King." His capital 
was Tan-yang in the neighborhood of the present city of 
Ichang, in Hu-pei. It appears that after him the family 
name of the Man rulers was Hiungy "Bear," and from 
them this Chinese family name is supposed to have been 
derived.^ In 887 B.C. one Hiimg K'ii usurped the title 
of king, which was afterward dropped for a time, but 
permanently resimied by Hiung T'ung, known as King Wu, 
in 704 B.C., who also moved his capital to Ying, near the 
present city of King-ch6u-fu.' The rule of the Hiung 
family extends from 1078 b.c. down to the extinction of 
the Ch'u state by that of Ts4n in 223 B.C. Whether the 
forty names mentioned in this list are those of descendants 
of an originally Chinese family, as their being traced to the 
mythical emperor Chuan-hii would indicate, or whether 
they were the descendants of an aboriginal Man family, 
is immaterial. This seems a matter of doubt. On the one 
hand, their pedigree being traced to the Emperor Chuan-hii 
may not have more historical value than King Attila's 
in John of Thur6cz's '* Chronica Himgarorum," headed, 
as that is, by the Biblical names Noah, Japheth, Cush, and 

* See Giles, The Family NameSf in Joum. of the China Branch 
of the Royal Asiatic Society, New Series, vol. xxi, 1886, p. 265, no. 121. 

' For a genealogical table of the rulers over the state of Ch'u, see 
Appendix: Chronological Tables, xi; also Legge, Ch'un-U'iu, Prole- 
gomena, p. 109 eeq.; and Shl-ki, ch. xiv, Chavannes, vol. ill, p. 
35 seq. 


Nimrod. ITie Hungarian chronicler here merely indulges 
in what may be called the European practice of liis age. 
He Chinese did something dmilar in extending the pedi- 
grees of distinguished barbarian houses to some of their 
old legendary emperors. We find a perfect parallel in the 
great khans of the Hiung-nu, whom the Chinese described 
as descendants of their Emperor Yii, and we can prove 
from Chinese history that, within historical times, princes 
<A the same family were proud to refer to their Chinese 
pedigree. The rulers of the state of Ch'u certunly identi- 
fied themselves with their people, at least in certun pas- 
sages of Ssi-ma Ts'i^n's iSAi-Ari,' where Hiung K'ti, ruler of 
Ch'u some time in the ninth century b.c, justifies the 
appointment of hb sons as "kings" of certain Man bar- 
luuians in the Yang-tzi region, saying, "We are Man 
barbarians and have nothing to do with Chinese titles," 
which refer to the year 704 B.C., when Hiung T'ung, dis- 
satisfied with the scant recognition he had hitherto received 
at the hands of the imperial court, assumed on his own 
responsibility the title of "king," as under the existing 
circumstances he seemed justified in doing. In a discus- 
aon with his opponent, the Prince of Sui, he distinctly says, 
"We are Man barbarians" (Wo Afan-t yi). Chavannes* 
translates these words even by " Je suis un barbare " ; but 
it appears that both interpretations may be justified. 
Anyhow, he may have called himself a barbarian in spite 
of Chinese descent. He goes on to say that "now the 
princes of the empire are in a state of rebellion, that they 
encroach on their territories and that some even kill each 
other." On expressing his desire that the emperor should 
give him a hi^er title, the court refused this request, up<Hi 

• Oh. xl, pp. 3B ud fi A. 'Vol. It, p. S44. 


which the barbarian chief recapitulates the history of his 
house, saying, " My forefather Yii Hiung was instructor to 
Won-wang. Ch'ong-wang gave my forefathers a baronetcy 
and instructed them to live in Ch'u, and the Man barbarians 
all recognized him as their leader," etc.^ This again may 
involve that the Ch'u princes were originally a Chinese 
family, and that we may place confidence in the detailed 
pedigree commimicated in Ssi-ma Ts'i^n's chapter devoted 
to the Ch'u kingdom,' which contains no allusion to the 
Man barbarians down to the time of Ch'ong-wang. TTie 
non-barbarian origin of this pedigree is, moreover, if lineage 
and names as given by Ssi-ma Ts'i6n are correct, greatly 
supported by the fact of Yii Hiung, Won-wang's teacher, 
having been one of the most distinguished writers of the 
Chinese language during his time, he being known as the 
author of a book, the Yu-tzij the "Philosopher Yii," which 
is possibly the oldest specimen of Chinese literature; older 
even than the I-king, though opinions are divided on that 
point.' In forming an opinion as to the cultural develop- 
ment of the barbarians, we should take the following facts 
into consideration: — 

The Man barbarians were organized into a state, ruled 
over by a continuous line of princes, and, as such, formed 
an integral part of the Chinese empire under the Ch6u 
dynasty. Their state territory extended from about 23 
degrees north latitude in the north to Lake Tung-t'ing and 
beyond in the south. An expansion from north to south 
probably took place during this long period of political 
life, since we find Man barbarians occupying the whole 
south and southwest of China and the adjacent parts in 

» Chavannes, loc. cit. ' Chavannes, p. 337 seqq. » Wylie, Notes on 
Chinese LUerature, p. 125. 


Tung-king. For, soon after the absorption of the state of 
Ch'u by Ts'in, the native state of Ts^innshi-huang-ti (em- 
peror of China in 221 B.C.)) we find a native of north China, 
Chau T'o, appointed king of the Man barbarians. Accord- 
ing to Chinese views, the south of China in the present coast 
provinces and on the Tung-king border was an uninhabited 
wilderness at the dawn of history, and the ii;ihabitants 
found there later on were immigrants from north and 
central China. The word Man, as an ethnic term, is liable 
to create confusion, and requires some specification to be 
rightly understood. The term Nan-man, " southern Man," 
or "barbarians," in its widest sense comprises nations of 
quite different affinities from those of the Man barbarians 
who formed the state of Ch'u under the Ch6u dynasty; 
but from the genealogy of the southern and southwestern 
tribes, as reconstructed from Chinese sources, it appears 
that the Man of that southern state of the Ch6u empire 
retreated before the extension of Chinese culture into their 
later southern territories, which extended far beyond the 
present limits of China deep into the Malay Peninsula. 
It is, of course, quite possible, that races of the Man t3rpe 
have been settled there from times immemorial and that the 
Chinese idea of their having immigrated there from the 
north originated in the fact that they were discovered 
within historical periods in parts of the continent formerly 
believed to be uninhabited. Yet the wandering spirit of 
some of their tribes can be clearly traced in Chinese history. 
The best proof for this is what we read, for instance, about the 
history of one of their great divisions, the Liau barbarians, 
whose original seats were in Han-chung, south of the pres- 
ent Si-an-fu, whence they spread over the province of Ssi- 
ch'uan and farther on to Kui-ch6u. In the twelfth century 


A.D., if not earlier, we find them divided into over a hundred 
tribes on the southwest of the river Yu-kiang near the 
boundary of Tung-king.^ According to an old legend, a 
Man barbarian named P'an-hu assisted the emperor Ti-k'u 
(2432 B.C.) in procuring the head of his enemy, a certain 
chief of the E'iian-jung, for which he gave him, among other 
rewards, his daughter in marriage. This P'an-hu became 
the legendajy ancestor of quite a number of southern bar- 
barian tribes, the Miau-tzi being among them according 
to some accounts. There b, of course, not the di^test 
historical foundation for this popular story ; but the legend 
seems to point to an early relationship between the Man 
barbarians and the Chinese race, to whom they rendered 
assistance in fighting their other neighbors, the Huns.' 
Whether we assume the tribes now foimd in the northern 
part of the Malay Peninsula to have migrated there from 
the confines of China, or whether they have been settled 
there from times immemorial, so much is certain, that 
wanderings from north to south have taken place on Chinese 
territory; that the forefathers of at least some of them 
during the Ch6u dynasty were subjects of the state of Ch'u ; 
that they must consequently have participated to a certain 
extent in the benefits of Chinese civilization, and that 
those who were formerly connected with the Ch'u state 
may have become the mediators of such traces of Chinese 
influence which may now be discovered not only among 
the former members of the Ch'u state as one of the con- 
federate territories of China under the Ch6u d3masty, but 
also among their southern neighbors on the Malay Penin- 

* Of . D* Hervey de Saint-Denys, Ethnographie des peupUt Hranger$ 
& la Chine, vol. ii, pp. 10^121. > Cf. D* Hervey de Saint-Denys, op. 
eU,, pp. 1-45. 


aula. Such Chinese influences may have existed in former 
ages without their being traceable in the records. 

The only legacy left to us of the old Man culture consists 
of a still limited number of ancient bronze drums bearing 
ornaments on their outer surface, some of which may be 
declared as being of Chinese origin, whereas other specimens, 
and probably the oldest ones among them, whatever their 
age may be, have been for years a problem still awaiting 
solution. To judge from the localities where such bronze 
drums were first discovered, whether in the tombs of old 
Man chiefs or among dealers in antiquities in China, or in 
some place on the Malay Peninsula, and from what the 
Chinese have placed on record regarding them, I feel in- 
clined to comprise all the aboriginal tribes who can be 
shown to have made use of the bronze drum as an instru- 
ment of authority or worship under the common name of 
"bronze drum nations/' The area on which these imple- 
ments can be shown either to have been used formerly or 
to be used at the present day may be said to extend from 
the Yang-tzi region in the north over the whole southwest 
of China, including portions of the Euang-tung province, 
and well into the Malay Peninsula and even some islands 
of the Archipelago. The nations which might come within 
this denomination of '^ bronze drum nations'' may be 
divided into a northern and a southern section. The former, 
comprising the several denominations of the Man bar- 
barians and the Miau-tzi and extending certainly as far 
south as the present boundary of China, offer scarcely any 
difficulty as to their most ancient connection with Chinese 
civilization through the Ch'u state. Several of the south- 
Chinese Man barbarians can be shown to have migrated 
to their later homes from the old Ch'u territory within his- 


torical periods, and the Miau-tzi, as well as other aboriginal 
tribes, probably including the Tangutans in the northwest 
of China, are referred by the old legend of the banishment 
of the San-miau^ to former seats in central China in remote 
antiquity. The southern section, comprising various tribes 
of the Malay Peninsula, cannot, as far as I am aware, be 
traced to the ancient Ch'u state, and if in then* case migra- 
tions from north to south have at all taken place, they 
must be referred to prehistoric periods. 

It seems difficult to decide whether any racial afiBnities 
exist between the several nations using bronze drums. It 
appears, however, that traces of Chinese influences appear 
in the ornament even of the more remote discoveries, since 
one of its principal elements is the more or less convention- 
alized figure of a bird, standing or flying, which can only be 
identified with the south-China egret, an old traditional 
emblem of the Chinese skin drum. The southern section 
may also have been influenced in its culture from India, 
and finally the Man and other barbarians may have added 
features of their own invention to the traditional ornament 
of Chinese or Indian origin. This probably holds good 
with regard to the figures of frogs or toads cast on the face 
of these instruments corresponding to the skin of ordinary 
drums. These frogs, found on some of the most ancient 
specimens discovered in south China, may be interpreted 
as a totem of the barbarians of Kuang-tung, Kuang-si, etc., 
since the barbarian inhabitants of the old state of Nan- 
yu6 are referred to by the name of "frogs" or "toads" in 
an entry in the Chinese court annals under the year 112 B.C.* 

* See above, p. 85. ' Cf. Hirth, Chinesische Ansichten aber Bron- 
zetrommeln. Leipzig (Otto Harrassowitz), 1904, and the several 
works and papers referred to therein by Meyer and Foy, Heger, De 
Groot, etc. 


Surrounded by its federal states was the emperor's own 
domain of Ch6u, a comparatively small territory in the 
present province of Ho-nan. The imperial power during 
the Ch'un-ts'iu period had become more and more nominal, 
and the Ch'tm-ts'iu itself, as explained above, does not 
describe the history of the Ch6u emperors, but that of the 
princes of Lu. The history of the other states, though 
much more important from a political point of view, has 
to be reconstructed from the liberal amplifications con- 
tained in the Tso-chuan. The line of Lu rulers is represented 
by twenty-eight names, extending from 1122 B.C. to 249 
B.C. The Ch^un-tsHu records of Lu history begin with the 
fifteenth ruler of that state, Duke Yin, in 722 b.c. The 
main text of the Ch'un-tsHu narrates the events of history 
from the local Lu point of view year by year under the 
twelve following dukes down to the fourteenth year of 
Duke Ai, about 480 b.c, and the commentaries carry it 
just about a generation farther on. With the understand- 
ing that, as a matter of course, each of the federal states 
has had its own history, claiming at some time or other 
much greater importance than that of the imperial house 
itself, I propose to continue my account where I left it, at , 
the death of P'ing-wang with the most noteworthy events 
during the time of his successors as Ch6u emperors. 

{ 40. HuAN-WANG (719-697 b.c.) 

Huan-wang, P'ing-wang's grandson, tried in vain to 
assert his authority among the contending states. His 
reign was characterized by constant wars among his vas- 
sals, and his attempts to establish order ended in defeat 
on several occasions. Huan-wang died in the twenty- 
third year of his reign and was followed by his eldest son, 





(685-691 B.C.) 


i 41. Chuano-wang (696-682 B.C.) 

THERE was some trouble in the succession to the 
throne, the emperor having declared himself in favor 
of his second son. But to the exertions of the minister 
Sin-po it was due that the legitimate succession gained the 
upper hand. Court intrigue had ended in an attempt to 
take the emperor's life in 694 b.c, and had been success- 
fully defeated by Sin-po. The rival prince fled to a northern 
state, and his chief patron, Ilei-ki^n, Duke of C!h6u, was be- 
headed. During the preceding year (October 3, 694 B.C.), 
an eclipse of the sun is recorded in the main text of the 

Under the reign of Chuang-wang we have to record the 
temporary rise to considerable power of one of the minor 
federal states, that of Ts'i, occupying the northeast, with 
a portion of the sea-coast, of the present province of Shan- 
tung and adjoining the right bank of the lower course of 
the Yellow River. The political success of this state dates 
from the prudent administration of Duke Huan, who, as its 
fifteenth ruler, reigned from 685 to 643 B.C. Duke Huan's 
good fortunes were entirely due to the excellent advice he 
received from his prime minister, the philosopher Kuan- 
tsi, known also as Kuan Chung and Kuan I-wu. Kuan-tzi 
impresses us as having furnished an example, unparalleled 



in the history of nations, of sdentific reasoning applied to 
practical statesmanship, Tlie chief um <rf his policy was 
the economic development of the nation, and by implying 
his theories to state life, he did more for the benefit erf his 
country than many of the official advisers oi the emperors 
and princes both before and after him. For a careful digest 
of his life and doctrines the reader is referred to G. von 
der Gabelentz's excellent monograph '' Vorbereitendes lur 
Kritik des Euan-tsi." ^ His theories have been recorded 
in a book handed down under the title of Kuan4sA, the 
''Philosopher Kuan," which is printed both as a separate 
work and as one of a series comprising the ten minor philoe- 
ophers of antiquity. Opinions are divided as to its author- 
sliip, some authorities, both native and foreign, holding 
that it was compiled during the Han dynasty. Giles' 
calls it ''one of the numerous forgeries of later times"; 
but I feel inclined to side with Grube, who ' regards the 
subject-matter of this text as contemporaneous. Indeed, 
if we compare Euan-tzi's wisdom m govemmg with what 
we read in the Cfuhhli concerning Chinese government 
institutions during the Chdu dynasty, there would seem to 
be no reason to doubt that the almost modem method of 
deriving political action from philosophical reasoning need 
not be looked upon as an anachronism in the face of the 
deep interest with which the intelligent part of the nation 
has devoted itself to the advancement of official life ever 
since the early Ch6u rulers. The advice given to his duke 
by Kuan-tzi has become the prototjrpe of governmental 
prudence for Chinese official life. Thus Euan-tzi, by meas- 

* SiUgh. d. Kgl, PreusB, Akad, d. WUienseh., 1892, vol. i, p. 127 teqq. 
* A Chinese Biagraphieal Didionary, p. 382. ' Cft^MchU dtr ehin€9-' 
%9chtn Litter<Uur, p. 113. 


ures he adopted in the federal state of Ts'i, has become the 
father <rf institutions of the utmost importance to the 
whole empire during its later economic development ; for 
example, in regard to the iron and salt monopolies. If we 
consider that his lifetime lay in the early days of regal 
Rome, and that the work of his life was done before Solon 
the Athenian was bom, Ku^^t^i may be regarded as 
having furnished the very type of a statesman in the 
modem sense by collecting facts for the purposes of gov- 
ernmental administration; further, by endeavoring to 
describe such facts in the shape of a numerical formula, 
he may in the proper sense of the word be regarded as 
the oldest '' statistician " of all nations. The method 
he adopted in persuading his monarch to introduce 
taxes on salt and on iron may in all respects be called 

The duke in a conversation with Kuan-tsi had consulted 
him on government affairs, and was advised to levy taxes 
upon salt and iron, hitherto not sources of public revenue. 
''How is this to be done?" the duke inquired; upon which 
the philosopher replied : " In a family of ten individuals 
there will be ten consumers of salt; in a family of a hundred 
there will be a hundred consumers. A male adult will 
consume five pints or at least half that quantity of salt 
every month ; a female adult, three pints, or at least half of 
this ; a child, two pints, or at least half of this. Tliese are 
the average for salt consumption." Kuan-tzi continues 
his reasoning by calculating from these averages the con- 
sumption, not known at his time, for the whole country. 
''In a country of ten thousand chariots," he says, "the 
number of consuming individuals may be set down at ten 
millioDs.'' Upon these salt consumers the philosopher 


recommends the imposition of a tax payable by the dealers 
in this article; this, he said, would be an impost which 
nobody could escape. 

With a similar calculation he recommended the intro- 
duction of a tax upon the iron production of the coimtry. 
The officials in charge of the iron-works had reported that 
every woman in the coimtry must have a needle and a 
knife ; that every field laborer must have a plough, a spade, 
and a cooking-pan, a cart, a hatchet, etc., — aU these 
being necessaries of life, a tax upon which would be a regular 
source of public revenue. This conversation of Kuan-tzi 
with his duke led to the institution of the salt and the iron 
monopolies, both of which not only yielded the desired 
revenue, but also became a great stimulus to succeeding 
governments to do all in their power to promote produc- 
tion as well as consumption. We know that the iron in- 
dustry of China assumed important dimensions during 
the following centuries. Chinese iron must have been of 
very superior quality, since not only the countries of 
central Asia drew their supplies from the Far East, but 
even the Roman market, as is known from Pliny, who says, 
that of all kinds of iron coming to Rome the Chinese (seri- 
cum ferrum) is the best. The salt produced on the Shan- 
tung coast during the Ch6u dynasty was not only con- 
sumed in the country of Ts4, but we are informed that the 
states of Liang, Ch6u, Sung, Wei, and Tu-yang were in 
great trouble when the usual supply was not forthcoming 
from Ts'i, not to speak of the frontier nations, the Huns, 
etc., who were then entirely dependent on this source. The 
salt monopoly introduced by Kuan-tzi thus became the 
source of immense wealth, collected in the state of Ts'i, 
and was the basis of a regular system of administra- 


tion known hereafter as yen-fa^ i.e. " the method of salt ad- 
ministration." There are apparently no records to show 
that a similar system existed in other parts of the coast 
during the Ch6u dynasty; but the native accoimt from 
which I have derived my information states that the state 
revenue yielded by the salt and iron monopolies had dur- 
ing the Ts'in dynasty (255-209 B.C.) grown to about twenty 
times the amount gained during the Ch6u period.^ 

Tliese are merely some important examples of govern- 
mental reforms introduced by Kuan-tzi. It goes without 
saying that the economic development of the little state 
could in the hands of a clever administrator be changed 
into an instrument by which political power might be 
wielded over rival states, which had for generations be- 
come dependent for their supplies upon industrious Ts'i. 
The discussions on political and economic subjects laid 
down in Kuan-tzi's work extend to all possible questions of 
government; and even if we grant that much of the ex- 
isting text may be interpolations, it is not likely that the 
doctrines attributed to Kuan-tzi sprang entirely from the 
imagination of Han compilers. As Grube points out, Ssi-ma 
Ts'i^n states that the philosopher's descendants held hi^ 
offices as hereditary fief-holders for more than ten generar 
tions in succession, and that this may furnish an explana- 
tion why Kuan-tzi's memory, in the shape of the work 
bearing his name, was preserved with such piety among 
his family records. 

The great success, due to a large extent to Kuan-tzi's 
advice, of the state of Ts'i initiated a period lasting about 

*Cr. my NoUm on the Early History of the Soli Monopoly in 
China, in Journal of the China Branch of the Royal AeioHc Society, 
New ScriflSy vol. zzii, p. 65 $€qq. 


a century, during which some of the great feudal states 
began to wield supreme power in the empire. Duke Huan 
of Ts'i opens the series of the five great leaders, whose 
power by far outshone that of the Son of Heaven and 
who by turns were virtually the rulers of China. These 
leaders are known as the tim-pa, the "Five Mighty 
Ones," or "Tyrants,'' interpreting the latter word in 
its original sense of " one who holds power not by ri^t, 
but by might." The five states thus prominent were 
those of Ts'i, Sung, Tsin, Ts'in, and Ch'u; and their 
several chiefs were: (1) Duke Huan of Ts'i (685-643 
B.C.), (2) Duke Siang of Sung (650-637 B.C.), (3) Duke 
Won of Tsin (636-628 b.c), (4) Duke Mu of Ts'in (659 
-621 B.C.), and (5) Prince, or King, Chuang of Ch'u 
(613-591 B.C.). 

The history of the internal wars waged during this period 
of wrangling for leadership is given in detail in the Tso- 
chiuin. It is full of romance and has left its traces deeply 
engraved in the heart of the Chinese nation. No one could 
better summarize the main events of this interesting period 
than the late Dr. James Legge, who had just finished his 
great edition of the ''Spring and Autumn Annals," when 
in a lecture delivered at Hongkong in March, 1873,^ he 
gave a charming sketch of what he called "Two Heroes 
of Chinese History." The two heroes placed before his 
audience by the venerable lecturer were Duke Huan 
of Ts4 and Duke Won of Tsin, the first and third of the 
"Five Leaders" respectively. I shall allow Dr. Legge to 
resume the thread of history where I* had broken it in de- 
scribing the relations between Huan and his great minister 

* See China Review, vol. i, p. 370 aeqq. 


Two Hbrobs of Chinbsb History 

" Huan and Kuan-tzi took measures in the first place to strengthen 
the resouroes of Ts'i itself and then proceeded to cultivate the good- 
will of their neighbors. Itfl territories were extended ; its industries 
cultivated; its levies well trained; a policy of forbearance and 
generosity displayed in its external relations. The natural result 
was that it became the asylum of the fugitive and the helper of the 
weak and oppressed. Gradually its preeminence was recognized, 
and Huan, whenever there was occasion, would assemble several 
of the other princes and preside among them, all engaging by cove- 
nant to observe the statutes of Ch6u, and take common measures 
against the unruly. By and by the King of Ch6u [i.e. the emperor] 
acknowledged the position which Huan had secured for himself, 
and gave him the title of 'President of Covenants,' devolving on 
him at the same time the duty of dealing in the royal name with all 
refractory vassals. With the barbarous tribes that squatted among 
the feudal States and occupied the country beyond them, he had 
many conflicts, and very much broke their power. In 660 [661] 
he and his minister Kuan-tzl conducted a great expedition against 
the tribes of the Hill Jung, who had reduced the State or Marquisate 
of Yen, lying on the east of Ts'i and extending nearly to the present 
capital of China, to the greatest straits. It would take a whole 
lecture to describe the toils which they underwent and the per- 
tinacity with which they followed up their successes through a 
country which was then cither pathless forest or howling desert, 
where there were no supplies of water or food. The expedition 
was entirely successful. The chiefs of the Hill Jung and other 
tribes were slain, and the tribes themselves extirpated or hopelessly 
dispersed. The Marquis of Yen could not show his gratitude 
sufficiently to his deUverer. Unable to part from him, he escorted 
him past the boundary of his own state nearly twenty miles into 
Ts'i. 'You have transgressed,' said Huan to him, 'the statute 
which forbids a prince to cross the boundaries of his state saving 
on the king's service. But you must not suffer for it, and I here- 
with bestow upon you all the tract of my territory over which we 
have passed.' *He did wrong in this,' say many Chinese writers; 
'for he had no right to give to another a foot of his land without 



the king's authority.' 'He may have done wrong,' say othen^ 
'but the wrong-doing showed the kindness of his heart and the 
magnanimity of his nature.' 

"Of all the expeditions which Huan imdertook, the greatest 
was one in 655 [656] against the great State of Ch'u in the south. 
The lords of this had only the patent of viscoimts from the Kings 
of Ch6u ; but they had long usurped the title of 'King,' and it was 
the barest acknowledgment which they deigned to make of their 
vassalage. The feudal states proper of China and the kings lived 
in a state of constant apprehension of the encroachments (d ChHi, 
which year by year with untiring determination advanced upon 
them. It was evident that, unless some severe check were inflicted 
upon it, it would ere long overflow the Middle Land with its bar- 
barous population and usages. Kuan-tzi had long seen that, to 
put the crown upon his ruler's presidency, he must contrive to 
beat back the advance of this power. Preparations were made for 
some years for an expedition against it and, when all things were 
ready, an opportunity was sought to burst upon it, and take it by 
surprise and unprepared. And this seemed to be afforded in the 
following way. A favorite lady of Duke Huan was a daughter 
of the house of Ts'ai, the southernmost of the feudal states, and 
nearest to the territories of Ch'u. One day he was amusing him- 
self with her in a boat upon a lake, though he had a dread of the 
water. The lady amused herself with playing on this weakness, 
and moved about so as to rock the boat. The Duke got angry 
and told her to desist, but she would not do so, and irritated him 
still more by taking up water with her hands and casting it upon 
him. The consequence was that he sent her back to her father, 
who soon after found another husband for her. This Duke Huan 
pretended to take as a great insult, and giving it out that his object 
was to punish the Marquis of Ts'ai, in the year which I have men- 
tioned, he called out all the forces of his own state and seven others, 
and marched in grand force to the south. The real object was to 
burst with this great host upon Ch'u. That state, however, was 
not unprepared. A favorite eunuch of Huan's harem had let out 
some time before the secret of the expedition; and the forces of 
the allies found themselves confronted in the present Hu-ch6u of 
Ho-nan by those of Ch'u. A great battle seemed imminent; but 


both sides were afraid to hasard such a risk. The King of Ch'u 
was brought to acknowledge his failure in duty in not sending tribute 
to Ch6u and to promise reformation, and thereupon a covenant 
was entered into, and both armies retired. It was a lame and 
impotent conclusion to an expedition on so grand a scale, but Ts'i 
had rather the better of it. The dreaded Ch'u had been threatened 
and obliged to slink away ; and all China breathed more freely and 
resounded with the praises of Duke Huan. 

" I will mention only one other exploit of our hero. In 654 [655^ 
having heard that there was serious disagreement in the royal 
family and that the king meant to degrade hb eldest son, who had 
been declared heir to the throne, — a proceeding which would 
produce great disorder and have disastrous consequences as a 
precedent throughout the states, — Huan said that it must be pre- 
vented, and for that purpose called a meeting of the states at a place 
in the present department of Kui-to, Ho-nan, at which also he begged 
the attendance of the crown-prince. This was intended to be a 
public recognition of the prince by the states as their future king. 
The reigning monarch could not refuse his powerful noble and sent 
his son to the meeting, though with inward dissatisfaction and 
grumbling. The device succeeded. In 651 [652] the king [Hui- 
wang] died, and the crown-prince took his place [as Siang-wangl 
and the next year Huan called another meeting in the province of 
Ho-nan, in the department of K'ai-f5ng, as an expression of loyalty 
to the new sovereign. To this assembly the king sent his chief 
minister with a portion of the flesh which he had used a little before 
in sacrificing to the founder of his dynasty. This was a special 
gift to Duke Huan of the royal favor and could only be received 
with reverent obeisance. The Duke was about to descend from 
his high place as president of the assembly to render the obeisance, 
when the king's minister proclaimed : 'The Son of Heaven further 
diarged me to say that in consideration of his uncle's seventy years, 
he confers on him an additional distinction ; he shall not descend 
and do obeisance.' 'Heaven's Majesty/ replied our hero, 'is not 
far from me. Shall I, Siau-pi [the duke's personal name], dare 
to covet this favor of the Son of Heaven, and not descend and do 
obeisance?' With this he went down the steps, and received the 
with humble homage. 



"Mencius has preserved for us the five articles of the covenant 
which was entered into at this meeting. The first was! 'Slay the 
unfilial; change not the son who has been appointed heir; exalt 
not a concubine to the rank of wife/ The second: 'Honor the 
worthy, and maintain the talented to give distinction to the vir- 
tuous.' The third: 'Respect the old, and be kind to the young. 
Be not forgetful of strangers and travelers.' The fourth: 'Let 
no offices be hereditary, and let not officers be pluralists. Let 
not a ruler take it on himself (without the authority of the king) 
to put to death a great officer.' And the fifth : ' Follow no crooked 
policy in making embankments. Impost no restrictions on the 
sale of grain. Make no promotions without first annoimcing 
them to the king.' It was then said in conclusion: 'All we who 
have united in this covenant shall hereafter maintain amicable 
relations.' * 

"Duke Huan was now, as has been intimated, about seventy 
years old, and his course was drawing to a close. In 645 [646] his 
great minister died. Kuan-tzi was aware of the defects of his 
master's character as well as his excellence, and with his dying 
breath warned him of the perils to which he exposed himself by 
the confidence he reposed in several unworthy favorites. The 
chief of these were his cook and the master of the eunuchs. The 
former, it is related, had won his confidence by a monstrous act. 
The Marquis was fond of the pleasures of the table, and was one 
day talking with the cook, who was a great artiste, about the various 
dishes which he had enjoyed. Kid, and lamb, and veal, and leveret 
had all their attractions for him, and he added in a joke, *I wonder 
how child would taste; I have never tasted that dish.' Next day 
there was the flesh of some young creature on his table, which had 
a peculiar delicacy. What would it be, — like lamb or veal, and 
yet better than either of them ? He called the cook, and asked him, 
and was told that in consequence of his remarks the day before, the 
cook had taken his own child, put it to death, dressed it, and served 
it on the table. The Marquis was indignant, and ordered the ar- 
tiste away. His stomach rose, and got rid of what he had eaten ; 
but on reflection he said, ' Surely this man is faithful and devoted 
to mci having killed his own child, in consequence of my foolish 
* Cf. Von der Gabelentz, op, cU,, p. 142. 


words.' The cook kept his place in his favor; but the Minister 
reasoned differently, and said : ' If the cook could kill his child to 
please you, what will he not do, if he can gain his own ends by 
taking a course adverse to you?' The Marquis, however, would 
not take his advice, and when Kuan-tzi was taken away, he fell, 
in the dotage of his old age, entirely into the hands of his unworthy 
parasites, dying a most miserable death in 642 [643]. 

"He had been addicted to the pleasures of the harem as much 
as to those of the table, and had by five different ladies five sons, 
all come to age, and all eager to succeed him. Their mothers 
caballed with the favorites and high officers, each wishing to secure 
the state for her own son. His attendants utterly neglected the 
Marquis in his sickness, forged a notice that he wished to be left 
alone, and allowed him to perish in his palace of hunger. One of 
bis sons was raised by them to the marquisate, the others ragingi^ 
it is said, like so many young tigers. Amid the confusion, the corpse 
of the mighty president lay for months unburied, only to be entombed 
at last, according to barbarous practice, with a multitude of women 
and others, buried alive with him, to be his servants in another world. 
So passed away the glory of Duke Huan. His sons continued at 
variance, and four of them came to the marquisate, each one as 
it were over the dead body of a brother. The presidency of Ts'i 
among the states was overthrown. We have to go down the stream 
of Chinese history for nearly three hundred years before we find it 
again in the strength to which Huan had raised it, though his name 
survived and still survives ' to point a moral, or adorn a tale.' 

*• I must hurry to and through my other subject, — Duke Won 
of Tsin.' The presidency of Ts'i, I have said, perished with Huan 
and his minister Kuan-tzi. The idea of such an institution, how- 
ever, had now become familiar throughout the kingdom, and one 
prince and another endeavored to assert it for themselves and their 
states, but in vain. It was upon the Marquis of Tsin that at last 
Huan's mantle fell.' 

* Throughout incorrectly spelled Ts'in in the China Review. 

' It should be no tod that Dr. Legge's account here skipfl the second 
of the "Five Leaders/' Duke Slang of Sung. Huan and W5n. se- 
lected as the ''two heroes'' of his lecture, may, however, be said to 
be typical characters of the period. 


''To find him we must go frcHn the east to the west of the then 
C3iina; from Shaintmig to Shan-d. There a cadet of the C3i6a 
family had been [in 1107 B.C.] invested with the State of Tsin, in 
the present department of T'ai-yuan, soon after the rise of the 
djnoasty. It was at first smaU, and long continued so, but its posi- 
tion afforded it great opportunities for enbirging its territory and 
increasing its population by reducing and absorbing the wild tribes 
Ijring to the north and east of it, as soon as it became consolidated 
in itself. Soon after Huan became Marquis in Tsl, a certain Kui- 
chu, known in history as Duke Hi^n, obtained the same dignity 
in Tsin and held it for twenty-six years [676-651 B.C.]. He was a 
worthless man, but his rule was not devoid of vigor, and he added 
to his state by subjugating several smaller ones in its nei^borhood, 
and was recognized by the more civilised states on the east as an 
important member of the feudal kingdom. He had three sons by 
different ladies, all grown up, and the eldest of them, recognized as 
heir to the state, the second of them, with whom we have now to do, 
being named Ch'ung-ir. In the year 671 [672] he had subjugated 
a wild tribe called the Li-jung, and brought back with them the 
daughter of the chief, a young lady of wonderful personal attractions. 
Having taken her and a cousin of hers into his harem, he became 
infatuated by their fascinations, and each of them soon presented 
him with a son. The usual consequences followed. His regards 
were soon away from his older sons, and it was determined that 
these young children should supersede them in the state. They 
were sent away from the court, and placed in charge of different 
cities at a distance. But this did not satisfy the new mistress of 
the seraglio; she wrought until the eldest son, after-time heir 
apparent, was driven to commit suicide, and an armed force was 
S(uit to ea(!h of the cities held by his two brothers to deal with them, 
and bring their dead bodies to the capital. 

" (^h'ung-ir had been placed in charge of P'u, the people of which 
Imd become attached to him, and proposed that he should lead them 
against the assailants. 'That would be,' said he, 'to strive with 
my father, and a great crime. I will rather fly.' And fly he did, 
making a very narrow escape from the eunuch who led the force 
against him. The latter was close upon him, and caught hold of his 
sleeve, as he was leaping over a wall to get out of the city. A 


sword blow mined the prince, but cut off half the sleeve, which 
remained in the hand of his pursuer. 

" From P'u Ch'ung-ir fled to a northern tribe of the Ti, where he 
continued with about a dozen of his relations and partisans, who 
had escaped with him, for twelve years, — the chief being fond of 
him, and having given him as a wife a beautiful captive whom he 
had taken in a war with a neighboring tribe. In the meantime his 
father died in 649 [650], leaving the state to his young child by the 
chief tainess of the Li-jung. There was great confusion in the 
state, and there came in the interference of the Earl of Ts'in, the 
large and growing state on the west in the present Shen-si. He 
was married to a sister of the two fugitive princes, and he sent to 
them in their different exiles, proposing to each on certain condi- 
tions to establish him in Tsin. Ch'ung-ir declined the offer in a 
sentence, which has become celebrated : 'A fugitive as I am, it is 
not the getting of the state which is precious in my sight, but the 
maintenance of my benevolence and my filial piety.' His younger 
brother eagerly accepted the offers of Ts'in, and was accordingly, 
on terms disgraceful to himself and ruinous to the state, made Mar- 
quis of Tsin. He is known as Duke Hui. He held the state for 
fifteen years, — years of trouble and disaster ; and one of his earliest 
measures was an attempt to take the life of his brother among the 
Ti [645 B.C.]. This it was which determined Ch'ung-ir to flee to a 
more distant and safer refuge. Calling to him hb Ti wife, he said 
to her : * Wait for me five and twenty years, and if I have not come 
back then, you can take another husband.' 'I am now twenty- 
five,' said the lady, 'and if I am to be married again after other 
twenty-five, it shall be to my coffin. I will wait for you.' 

"The asylum which he proposed for himself was Ts'i, where he 
would be under the wing of the great Duke Huan. Passing with 
his followers through the State of Wei on his way to Ts'i, he was 
treated discourteously by its Marquis, and reduced to such straits 
that he had one day to beg food from a countryman. The man was 
churlish, and offered him a clod of earth. Indignant, he was about 
to scourge the fellow with his whip, when one of his followers 
mterfered, saying: 'It is heaven's gift; a gift of the soil, a happy 
omen.' Ch'ung, who bowed to the speaker, let the man go, and 
took the clod with him in his carriage. 


"Duke Huan received him kindly in Ts'i, gave him as a wife a 
relative of his own, and nobly entertained both him and his fol- 
lowers. The prince abandoned himself for years to the enjojnnent 
of his position, much to the dissatisfaction of his followers. They 
had always been confident in his fortunes, and in their own as 
associated with him. They were determined that he should yet 
be Marquis of Tsin ; and one day, going with him a little distance out 
of the capital, they halted under the shade of a large mulberry tree, 
and insisted on his leaving Ts'i. It so happened that a girl from 
his harem was in the tree, gathering mulberry leaves for silkworms, 
and overheard all that was said. Returning to the city, after they 
had broken up their conference, she reported all to the Lady Kiang, 
his wife. That lady rewarded her by causing her to be put to death, 
that the thing might not get talked about ; and at night talked the 
matter over with the prince. He denied the design of departiu^e, 
and said he wished no greater happiness than to continue to live 
with her. 'And shall 1/ said she, 'by keeping you in the lap of 
pleasure, contribute to ruin your fame ? ' She communicated with 
his followers, made him dead drunk, and had him carried off by 
them. When he came to himself, they were many miles from the 
capital of Ts'i; and though he stormed against them for their 
deed, he consented at last to go with them. 

"After various adventures, and passing through the States of 
Ts'au, Sung, and Chong, he found himself in Ch'u, at the court of 
the king who was the sole rival of Duke Huan. There he was 
honorably treated as he had been in Ts'i. There appears to have 
been something fascinating about his appearance and manners. 
He had double pupils in his eyes, and his ribs presented the appear- 
ance of being one piece of solid bone. The King of Ch'u auspiced a 
great future for him, and after feasting him one day in his palace, 
said to him : ' If you return to Tsin, and become its Marquis, how 
will you recompense my kindness to you?' Ch'ung-ir replied: 
'Ladies, gems, and silks your Majesty has. Plumes, hair, ivory, 
and hides are all produced in your country ; those of them that come 
to Tsin are but your superabundance. What then should I have 
wherewith to recompense your kindness?' 'Nevertheless,' urged 
the other, 'how would you recompense me?' 'If,' said Ch'ung-ir, 
'by your Majesty's powerful influence I shall recover the state of 


Tirin, should Tedn and Ch'u go to war, and meet in the plain of the 
Middle Land, I will withdraw before you three stages of ten miles 
each. If then I do not receive your commands to stop from hos- 
tilities, with my whip and my bow in my left hand, and with my 
quiver on my right, I will manoeuvre with your Majesty.' 

" Many of the King of Ch'u's officers would have had their king 
take the opportunity to make away with the prince and his followers 
as dangerous to the fortunes of their country ; but the king was of 
too noble a nature to listen to them. ^The Prince,' said he, 'is a 
grand character, and yet distinguished by moderation, highly 
accomplished and courteous. His followers are severely grave and 
3ret generous, loyal and of untiring ability. Tsin will yet be his. 
When Heaven intends to prosper a man, who can stop him 7 He 
that opposes Heaven must incur great guilt.' 

** He then sent Ch'ung-ir away with an escort to Tsin, where the 
way was soon opened for his return to Tsin, his native state. His 
unworthy brother, Duke Hui [650-638 b.c], was by this time dead ; 
and his son, who had been a hostage in Tsin, and received to wife 
a daughter of the Elarl, had broken his parole, left his wife, and 
stolen away to Tsin. The Earl was indignant, insisted on the 
lady's taking Ch'ung-!r as a husband in room of his runaway nephew, 
and prepared to lead an expedition to establish the prince in Tsin. 
The lady declaimed, but was obliged to submit, and in 635 B.C. 
[636], after an exile of nineteen years, Ch'ung-ir once more entered 
Tsin. He encountered no serious opposition. His nephew was 
put to death, and with the general satisfaction of the people, he 
was hailed as Marquis. 

** But he was now getting old. Only eight years of life remained ; 
but during that short time he accomplished much for Tsin and for 
China. His long experience of adversity had been of use to him, 
and made him fruitful in expedients, and gave him much self-com- 
mand. He nobly rewarded those who had faithfully adhered to 
him through so long a period of trial and difficulty, and towards 
the partisans of his brother and nephew he manifested a generous 
forbearance. His wives from the Ti, from Ts'i and from Tsin all 
came to him ; and there was a most edifying contest among them 
as to which should be Marchioness and mistress of the harem, and 
he decided at last in favor of the lady Kiang of Tsl. 


"The year after his return an opportunity occurred to do good 
service to the king, the same for whom Duke Huan secured the 
throne. The king was now a fugitive in Chong, driven from the 
capital by the rebellion of a younger brother. Duke Won raised his 
forces, and went to his relief. The rebel was defeated and slain, 
and the king restored to his place. 

"Three years after, in 631 [632], the thing occurred which 
Won had prognosticated in Ch'u, the king of the country and 
he meeting in arms in the plain of the Middle Land. All the mili- 
tary forces of Tsin were collected in the field. Ch'u had with it 
the levies of Chong and Ch'on, and on the side of Tsin were aux- 
iliaries from Sung, from Ts'i and from Ts'in. Nearly a thousand 
chariots of war on either side shook the ground. Mindful of what 
he had said in Ch'u, Duke Won on three successive da3rs retreated 
before the forces of that State, a distance altogether of thirty miles, 
taking post at last at a place called Ch'ong-p'u, in the present dis- 
trict of Ts'au, Dept. of T8'au-ch6u, Shan-tung. There the battle 
was fought, — if not one of the great battles of the world, yet one 
of the great battles of China; a battle of civilization against bar- 
barism. Ch'u was entirely defeated. What Huan of Ts'i had 
failed in doing was now accomplished by Won of Tsin. Immedi- 
ately on hearing of the result, the king sent commissioners to the 
camp of Tsin to hail the Marquis as President of the States, and 
confer on him all the insignia of that appointment. In the winter 
of that year, he presided over a great meeting of the princes or 
representatives of ten States, at which he required the presence 
even of the king himself, in the present district of Won, Depart- 
ment Huai-k'ing, Ho-nan. Confucius condemns him for requiring 
the presence of the king, and in his own account of the meeting 
has tried to conceal the fact. Won's glory was at its height. He 
was unchallengeably the foremost man in the kingdom, and re- 
turned to Tsin to pursue fresh measures to increase the military 
strength of the State. Some writers think that he had it now in 
mind to displace the dynasty of Ch6u, and establish himself as King 
of China. If he had been a younger man, I think he would have 
done so. But his battle of life was nearly over; and, four years 
after the great victory of Ch'ong-p'u, he breathed his last in his 
chief city, leaving to the son whom he had declared his successor 


quiet poa ocfl rion of Tsin, and to that State a presidency in the king- 
dom, which waa maintained for nearly two hundred years." ^ 

TWs graphic account of two Chinese "heroes," as Legge 
calls them, will indicate what we might expect should we 
enter more deeply into the history of this period. It will 
be seen that the ups and downs in the life of the more power- 
ful federal states were greatly dependent on the personal 
qualities of their leaders. Yet it may be said that the hero 
who initiated the period of the "Five Leaders" was Duke 
Huan of Ts'i, who rose to the high position he held among 
the confederation of dukes and princes by following the 
advice of his great minister Kuan-tzL This advice led 
him, on the one hand, to adopt such measures as would in 
reality unite the greatest power in his government ; on the 
other, to be absolutely loyal to his emperor, the traditional 
head of the confederation. Without this loyalty he could 
have scarcely succeeded in maintaining his position ; and 
with all the troubles that in subsequent periods created 
discord among the contending states and opposition from 
one side or another to imperial authority, it was that spirit 
of loyalty, the respect due to the heir of ancient thrones in 
the person of the emperor, whose main duty and privilege 
it was to bring sacrifice to the spirits of his ancestors, which 
held together the shaky framework of the Ch6u dynasty. 
This loyalty, based in its main effect on what may be called 
the religious feeling of the nation, in which the most con- 

' In reproducing this account of Dr. Legge' s lecture, taken from 
the China Review, I have been obliged to correct quite a number 
of misprints. I have also changed the spelling of Chinese names 
00 as to conform with that adopted in the present work. It should 
be understood that Lrgge's dates have to be advanced one year 
throughout, in order to correspond with the chronology of Western 


flicting interests xrnited, ancestor worship, would ever and 
ever again remind the disloyally inclined that they had to 
do what their ancestors in remote antiquity had done in 
looking upon the Son of Heaven, whether wielding his 
power or not, as the ruler of the world by the grace of God. 
With all its misfortimes the Ch6u d)masty was upheld by 
this loyalty, feeble though it may have been among the 
powerful chiefs; and nothing short of the destruction of 
every memory of what had been sacred to their forefathers, 
in many generations could, as we shall see later on, succeed 
in temporarily disconnecting the nation from its ancestors. 

§ 42. Hi-WANG (681-677 B.C.) 

Hi-wang, Chuang-wang^s son, reigned only five years, 
during which time, as we have seen, Huan, Duke of Tsl, 
was the mainstay of power in the empire. He was followed 
by his son Hui-wang. 

§ 43. Hui-wang (676-652 b.c.) 

There was some trouble in the succession, one of his 
imcles posing as a pretender. During his reign Duke Huan 
of Ts'i, who had favored the king's succession, continued 
to be as powerful as he was loyal to the imperial house. 
Hui-wang was followed by his son Siang-wang. 

§ 44. Siang-wang (651-619 b.c.) 

During the first year of this king's reign Duke Huan of 
Ts'i presided at the covenant of princes described in Dr. 
Legge's lecture. Duke Huan died in 643 B.C., leaving five 
sons fighting each other in Ts4, of whom Duke Hiau was 


finaUy established as his successor under the assistance ot 
a nei^boring prince, Duke Siang of Sung. Sung was a 
central state comprising parts of the present Ho-nan and 
Kiang-su, and its Duke Siang henceforth became the suc- 
cessor of Duke Huan as second of the "Five Leaders." 
Hb great opponent was the king of Ch'u who ruled over 
the south as Ch'ong-wang (671-626 B.C.). The contest for 
power ended with the defeat of Siang, who was wounded 
in a battle against Ch'u. He died in 637 B.C., leaving be- 
hind him a name not nearly as popular as that of his great 
colleagues Huan and Won. The latter had just entered 
his native state and become the ruler of Tsin, in which ca- 
pacity he had an opportunity to be of great service to the 
king in fighting the Jimg-ti and in reinstating him in his 
capital, from which he had been obliged to flee. He 
earned the gratitude of the king, who invested him with 
large tracts of land and, by appointing him president of the 
covenant of the feudal princes, raised him to the leadership 
as third .among the Wu-pa. The state of Ch'u, as we have 
seen, continued to make trouble until Duke Won fought 
the great battle of Ch'ong-p'u in 632 B.C. Duke Won of 
Tsin died in 628 B.C. His son, Duke Siang, was not able 
to hold his own in a feud against Duke Mu of Ts'in (reigned 
659-621 B.C.), who by his victory became the fourth among 
the great leaders, which dignity he held only for a few years 
down to his death in 621 B.C. Siang-wang, the emperor, 
was followed at his death by his son K4ng-wang. 

ft 45. K'iNO-WANG (618-813 B.C.) 

Under K'ing-wang the imperial prestige had become so 
low that even the king's treasury was found insufficient to 


pay the deceased emperor's burial expenses, and a loan had 
to be raised from the prosperous state of Lu. K'ing-wang 
was succeeded by his son K'uang-wang. 

i 46. K'UANO-WANG (612-607 B.C.) 

The state of Tsin, which took the lead with its duke, 
Won, had under his successors become the victim of a crazy 
ruler, Duke Ling (620--607 b.c), a cruel tyrant who shot 
his subjects like game and would not listen to the serious 
remonstrances of his excellent minister Chau Tun, whom 
he unsuccessfully tried to do away with. Chau Tun was 
the son of Chau Ts'ui, the friend and faithful companion 
of Duke Won during his voluntary banishment and his 
Tartar wife. Chau Ts'ui had been rewarded with the post 
of prime minister under Duke Won, and Chau Tun had 
become his successor in this office. The persecution of his 
mad master caused him to take to flight, but he was recalled 
and reinstated after one of his relatives had slain the 
duke. The court historian laid the blame of this crime 
upon Chau Tun, whose influence did not suffice to prevent 
it, the historians holding that as minister he ought to have 
punished the perpetrator of a duke's murder. K'uang- 
wang was followed by his brother Ting-wang. 

§ 47. Ting-wang (606-586 b.c.) 

Under this reign an event took place which, better than 
anything else, characterizes the situation during this period. 
The sacredness of the imperial throne was, as we have seen, 
in a large measure connected with the king's duties in 
bringing sacrifice to the spirits of his great ancestors. 


From them the Ch6u family had inherited the celebrated 
tripods, said to have been cast by the Emperor Yii, upon 
which maps and records of the nine divisions of his empire 
were engraved. These Nine Tripods (kiu-ting) had ever 
since passed from dynasty to dynasty as emblems of the 
imperial power, as it were. We have seen that Wu-wang 
on his ascension to the throne (1122 B.C.) took particular 
care to transfer the Nine Tripods, which he had found in the 
imperial treasury of the Shang, to his new capital, and the 
Ch6u emperors had ever since regarded them as emblems 
of their dignity. In 606 b.c. Viscount Chuang of Ch'u, 
"King of Ch'u/' according to the self-assumed title of 
several generations, had successfully made war on some 
Hunnic tribes in the northwest. On his return he had to 
touch the territory of the imperial domain. Ting-wang 
sent an officer to him with congratulations and presents, 
when it occurred to the powerful vassal to make fim of 
the emperor's weakness by asking about the size and 
wei^t of his tripods. The ambassador promptly replied 
that the strength of the kingdom depends on the sovereign's 
virtue. He added : — 

"Anciently when Hia was distinguished for its virtue, the 
distant regions sent pictures of the remarkable objects in them. 
The nine pastors [i.e. governors] sent in the metal of their 
provinces, and the tripods were cast, with representations on 
them of these objects. All the objects were represented, and in- 
structions were given for the preparations to be made in reference 
to them, so that the people might know the sprites and evil things. 
Thus the people, when they went among the rivers, marshes, hills, 
and forests, did not meet with the injurious things, and the hill- 
sprites, monstrous things, and water-sprites, did not meet with 
them to do them injury. Hereby a harmony was secured between 
the high and the low, and all enjoyed the blessing of Heaven. 


When the virtue of Ki^, the last emperor of the Hia d3niasty, 
was obscured, the tripods were transferred to Shang for 600 
years. Ch6u-sin of Shang proved cruel and oppressive, and they 
were transferred to Ch6u. When the virtue is commendable and 
brilliant, the tripods, though they were small, would be heavy; 
when it gives place to its reverse, to darkness and disorder, though 
they were large, they would be light. Heaven blesses intelligent 
virtue ; on that its favor rests. Ch'ong-wang fixed the tripods in 
Kia-ju and divined that the dynasty should extend through thirty 
reigns, over 700 years. Though the virtue of Ch6u is decayed, 
the decree of Heaven is not yet changed. The weight of the tri- 
pods may not yet be inquired about." ^ 

The gentle rebuflf involved in this reply seems to show 
that imperial authority was not yet at its lowest ebb ; for 
we do not read that Chuang-wang took the matter amiss. 
The manner in which the anecdote, however, is told speaks 
in favor of the genuineness of the Tso-chuan. The thirty 
reigns which Ch'ong-wang gave to the owners of the 
tripods were in reality thirty-three, and the 700 years 
proved in reality to be 866, or, by the chronology of the 
Bamboo Book annals, 805. Had this passage, like so 
many other texts ascribed to theCh6u period, been tampered 
with by Han editors, they would have inserted figures 
nearer those stated in the acknowledged history of the 
period and have given the modern critic an opportunity 
to look upon Ch^ong-wang's divination as a vaticinium ex 

Chuang-wang, the "king'' of the state of Ch'u, was now 
by far the most powerful among the confederates; and, 
loyal as he was to the imperial house, he became the fifth 
among the great leaders. Ch'u in the south was separated 
from the great rival state Tsin partly by the imperial 

^ From the Tso-chuarif translated by Legge, Ch^un-Wiu, p. 293. 


domain on the west and partly by the state of Chong 
adjoinmg this in the east. Chuang-wang's leadership was 
greatly concerned in his authority over that state ot C3idng, 
disputed by its northern nei^bor, the state of Tsin. The 
latter had considerably declined in power since Duke Won's 
demise. The combined forces of Tsin and Chong were 
beaten by the Ch'u army, when Chong was placed under 
the supremacy of Ch'u. Chuang-wang died in 591 B.C. 



i 48. KiBN-WANG (586-572 B.C.) 

UNDEIR Ei6n-wang, Ting-Wang's son, the rivalship 
between the states of Ch'u and Tsin concemmg the 
supremacy in the central state of Chong continued, 
and now Tsin was again victorious and obtained the su- 
premacy in Chong. Ki^n-wang was followed by his son 

{ 49. LiNO-WANG (671-646 B.C.) 

Under this ruler the jealousies among the contending 
states continued. The number of these states was now 
increased by two, destined to a certain rdle even in a cursory 
review of China's history, the states of Wu and Yu6. Wu 
adjoined C!h'u on the east ; it occupied the country on both 
sides near the mouth of the Yang-tzi River in the present 
province of Kiang-su. Yii^ adjoined it in the south and 
at first approximately corresponded to the present province 
of di'o-kiang. Later on it extended farther and farther 
south, when two lands of Yii^ were distinguished, occupy- 
ing the entire southern coast provinces of China, of which 
the Nan-yu6, "Southern Yu6," comprising Kuang-tung, 
Kuang-si, Tung-king and adjoining parts, became the 
lorn of the southern Man barbarians. 



The chief event of Ling-wang's reign was the birth in 
551 B.C. of the great sage Confucius. This name is the 
Latinized form of the Chinese designation K*ung Fu-tzl, 
the " Philosopher K'ung." Confucius sprang from a family 
that had served in various states as officials for several 
generations. K'xmg Kia, his great-great-great-grand- 
father, who lived at the end of the eighth century, was an 
equerry to the Duke of Sxmg and perhaps one of the oldest 
known members of the family, although the time-honored 
custom of inventing pedigrees for distinguished personages 
has not spared the peaceful house of the sage, whose an- 
cestry has by some of his admirers been traced to the times 
of Wu-wang, the head of the Ch6u dynasty, and even back 
to those of the Emperor Huang-ti. Some of the genealogists 
of his family trace its origin to some dukes of the state of 
Sung. WTiichever of the several accounts may be correct, 
this much is certain; namely, that the K'ungs of which 
Confucius was a member represent probably the oldest 
nobility of which any family in this world can boast, the 
dukes of K^ung, now living in K'ii-fou in the west of Shan- 
tung province, being able to trace their pedigree back by 
some seventy odd generations and possibly a good deal 
more, if the pre-Confucian part of the family tradition be 
correct. The present duke in Shan-tung is merely the 
head of a family, the male members of which some two 
hundred years ago already numbered eleven thousand 
individuals, — not merely dukes and princes, but the 
majority of them in the lower walks of life, such as field 
laborers and wheel-barrow men. The history of the K'ung 
family is full of romance. Legge says : * — 

* The Chinese Classics, vol. i, Prolegomena, p. 57 aeq. 


''K'ung Kia was an officer of well-known loyalty and probity. 
Unfortunately for himself, he had a wife of surpassing beauty, of 
whom the chief minister of the state, by name Hua Tu, happened 
on one occasion to get a glimpse. Determined to possess her, he 
conunenced a series of intrigues, which ended in 709 [710] B.C. in 
the murder of Kia and the reigning Duke Shang [of Sung]. At 
the same time, Tu secured the person of the lady, and hastened to 
his palace with the prise, but on the way she stran^^ herself 
with her girdle. 

"An enmity was thus commenced between the two families 
of K'ung and Hua which the lapse of time did not obliterate, and 
the latter being the more powerful of the two, Kia's great-grandson 
withdrew into the State of Lu to avoid their persecution. There 
he was appointed commandant of the city of Fang, and is known in 
history by the name of Fang-shu. Fangnshu gave birth to Fi-hia, 
and from him came Shu-liang Ho, the father of Confucius. Ho 
appears in the history of the times as a soldier of great prowess 
and daring bravery. In the year 562 [563] B.C., when serving at 
the siege of a place called Pi-yang, a party of the assailants made 
their way in at a gate which had purposely been left open, and no 
sooner were they inside than the portcullis was dropped. Ho was 
just entering, and catching the massive structure with both his 
hands, he gradually by dint of main strength raised it and held it 
up till his friends had made their escape." 

When Confucius was bom his father was seventy years 
of age. His legal first wife had nine dau^ters, but no son ; 
and since the only son bom to him by a concubine was a 
cripple, the old man married a second wife, whose maiden 
name was Yen. She gave birth to Confucius, whose exact 
birthday and even birth year are matters in dispute. At 
his birth he received the personal name /C'tu, and his 
literary name was Chung-ni. His exact birthplace, like 
that of Homer, is also in dispute. But the two places 
mentioned in connection with his nativity were in close 
proximity to each other, somewhere within the limits of 


the present prefecture of Yen-ch6u-fu in Shan-tung. 
Confucius lost his father at the age of three. Among the 
notices of his early life Legg^ mentions that as a boy he used 
to play at the arrangement of sacrificial vessels and at 
postures of ceremony. This is extremely characteristic, 
even if it be an invention. The daily life of the Chinese 
gentleman, which had for centuries, as we must conclude 
from that minute social and governmental code, the Chdu4if 
been forced into the strait-jacket of etiquette, was the 
main subject of Confucian philosophy. Every situation 
in life had its prescribed form; and the anecdote told of 
Confucius the boy seems to be in full harmony with what 
we know of the man. At the age of fifteen he began to 
study art. He married at the age of nineteen and had a 
son whom he called Li, i.e. " the Carp," and whom he after- 
ward styled Po-yUy i.e. "the First Fish," probably anticipat- 
ing that others would follow ; but in this hope he was dis- 
appointed, though he had a daughter. He called his boy 
"carp," because his monarch, Duke Chau of Lu, had pre- 
sented him with a couple of carp on the birth of his child, 
which shows that the rising scholar was well connected at 
that early age. Soon after he received his first appoint- 
ments in the public service, unimportant offices in Lu's 
administration. His official work was, however, far from 
taxing his talent. All he had to do was to make no mis- 
take in his calculations, and to see that the oxen and sheep 
on the public fields were fat and strong. When twenty 
years old he became a public teacher, professing to expound 
the doctrines of antiquity. It was in this pursuit that he 
laid the foundation of his wisdom. In his twenty-third 
year he lost his mother, and much has been written about 
the manner in which he buried her and mourned for her. 


During the succeeding years he devoted himself to teach- 
ing, and soon found himself surrounded by a number of 
disciples anxious to study the rules of propriety as handed 
down in the old historical records. 

In recapitulating the sage's early career, regarding which 
comparatively little reliable information is on record, we 
have run ahead of our chronological account of the Ch6u 
emperors; and, having arrived at the reign of Ling-wang, 
we have also left behind probably the most important per- 
sonage of the i)eriod, the philosopher Lau-tzi, this being 
among a number of other names the designation under 
which he is best known in China as well as abroad. We have 
to distinguish between the historical Lau-tzi and the 
legendary creation which sprang from him. As a man he 
is supposed to have been bom in 604 b.c, his real name 
being Li Ir. Lau-tzi, literally, "the Old Philosopher," 
which gives perfectly good sense and seems to render other 
explanations superfluous, is said by some of his commenti^ 
tors to have received his name from his old appearance at 
birth; and in this sense the name may be translated by 
" the old child." Another view is that in old age he looked 
like a boy. According to Ssi-ma Ts'i6n's very short ac- 
count of Lau-tzi's life, he was a native of the state of Ch'u, 
which makes it doubtful whether purely Chinese blood ran 
in his veins. We learn nothing about his early life, but 
the historian states that he lived in the capital of the Ch6u 
imperial dominion as keeper of the archives. If we take 
into account Confucius's main study, which was based on 
research in old historical records and which resulted in the 
compilation of the ' ' Spring and Autiunn Annals, " there were 
certain points of contact between the two great philosophers 
at least in their daily occupations; and yet one could not 


imagine any greater contrast than that which exists in the 
life-work of these two great men, who have become the 
representative types of the development of Chinese spiritual 
life. Lau-tzi must have been a very old man when Ckm- 
fuciuSy then a comparative junior, expressed the wish to 
one of his well-connected disciples to visit the imperial 
court in order to meet the aged philosopher and to learn 
his views on ceremonies and music. His ducal patron 
liberally placed a carriage and a pair of horses at (Tonf udus's 
disposal for the expedition. If Lau-tzi was really in charge 
of the Ch6u archives, it was possibly he who placed on 
record the court annals of Ling-wang and those (d his suc- 
cessor and son King-wang. 

§50. King" -WANG (544-620 B.C.) 

During the reign of this emperor the eastern nei^bor 
of the imperial domain, the state of Chong, which, owing 
to its central position, had to suffer a good deal from the 
jealousy of Tsin in the north and Ch'u in the south, had 
the good fortune to be governed by a prudent minister, 
Kung-sun Tzi-ch'an, a great friend of Confucius, who said 
of him that he had four of the characteristics of the superior 
man : in his conduct he was humble ; in serving his superiors 
he was respectful ; in nourishing the people he was kind ; 
and in ordering the people he was just. He added that he 
looked upon him as the foundation of the state. Tzi-ch'an's 
government was distinguished by its liberality and his 
personal kindness to the people. Mencius * relates that the 
minister would convey people in his own carriage across 
some shallow rivers from sheer kind-heartedness; but he 

* Legge, p. 193. 


blamed Tzi-ch'an for so doing, sa3ring that although the 
action was kind, it showed that he did not understand the 
practice of government. Having commented on the im- 
practicability of what Tzi-ch'an considered kindness shown 
to the people, Mencius added that if a governor should try 
to please everybody, he would find the days insufficient for 
his work. Tzi-ch'an introduced a penal code and brought 
order into his state in troubled times. His leading prin- 
ciple in government was generosity to the people, and con- 
sequently, severity to offenders, this being the best way to 
show his love for his subjects. " He stands out in history 
as one of the very few men in authority during those dark 
times who were able and pure, true to their chief and 
generous to their people." * Tzi-ch'an died 522 B.C. 

8 51. King* -WANG (519-476 B.C.) 

This was a son of the former King-wang, whose throne 
name (King) seems identical in its transliteration, but is 
really written with a different character and pronounced 
in a different tone. On his accession there was dissension 
among the brother princes, three of whom claimed the 
throne, and the emperor had to live for some time outside 
his capital until his brother Ch'au had fled to the state of 
Ch'u (519 B.C.). Under this reign a feud, lasting throu^ 
many years, arose between the two states of Wu and Yvl6. 
The ruler of the state of Wu had usurped the kingship under 
the title of Ho-lihwang. He reigned from 514 to 496 B.C., 
and removed his capital to the site of the present city of 
Soochow. Ho-lu died from a wound received in battle, 

* Waiters, A Guide to the TableU in a Temple <^ Canfueiue, ShAHf- 
hai, 1879, p. 36. 


and his son Fu-ch'ai, after several defeats, was successful 
against the state of Yu6, whose king, K6u-tsi^, had reigned 
from 496 to 466 B.C. King Ho-lu of Wu had in his service 
a famous general, Sun Wu, whose name has been perpetuated 
as Sun-tzi, i.e. the '' Philosopher Sun." Under this name 
a little work on military tactics is ascribed to his authorship; 
and since it is mentioned in the Shlrki, it is probably the 
oldest work of its kind. The philosophy of war is its sub- 
ject ; and among the qualifications for military leadership 
there is, according to the author, none more essential than 
the maintenance of the severest discipline. According to 
an oft-repeated legend. King Ho-lu had asked him to organ- 
ize a corps of one himdred and ei^ty Amazons selected from 
the royal harem, but at their first roll-call the yoimg women 
made light of the idea and burst out laughing. The corps, 
however, became desperately serious and actually grew into 
a useful body after Sun-tzi had decapitated two of the 
king's favorites for insubordination. 

TTie wars that had arisen between the two states of 
Wu and Yu6 lasted throughout the reign of King*-wang 
and only terminated on the absorption of the state of Wu 
by that of Yu6 (473 B.C.). A special work, the Wti-yui- 
cKun-tsHu ("Spring and Autumn Annals of the States 
of Wu and Yu6"), in ten books, originating from the 
Han dynasty, is devoted to the history of these states. 
Another work, dating from the later Han dynasty (since 
the year 52 is mentioned in the body of the book), 
the Yu6-tsu6'ShUy deals with the antiquities of Yu6. It has 
probably been recast from a contemporaneous record, since 
the work is primarily ascribed to Tzi-kimg, one of the 
favorite disciples of Confucius. From an account contwned 
in chapter xi of this work it appears that the period of 


King K6u-tsi£n of Yu6 coincided with that in which the 
superiority of iron swords over the time-honored bronze 
arms was seriously discussed. We have seen that the^ 
philosopher Kuan-tzi had advised the Duke of Ts'i to 
introduce a tax upon the iron industry, which henceforth 
became one of the chief sources of wealth and power to 
Huan-kung. Kuan-tzi, in his discourse, mentions agri- 
cultural and domestic implements and ''women's knives 
and needles" as being made of iron; in spite of his anxiety 
to quote high figures for the consumption of iron, he docs not 
say a word about arms. It appears from this that in his time 
(seventh century) iron was used for the implements of peace, 
but not for weapons of war, which would require sharper 
edges and finer points than could be produced during th^ 
early stage of iron manufacture. Three hundred years later 
we find King K6u-tsi£n in the possession of certain magic 
swords, with which feats of wonder could be performed. 
It is distinctly stated that these were cast from tin and 
copper. But it is stated that the production of iron swords, 
alleged to possess magic qualities, excited the curiosity 
of the king of Ch'u, who consulted an expert named 
Fong-hu-tzi about them. It seemed an entirely new thing 
then that iron, in the form of swords, possessed virtues 
hitherto ascribed to bronze alone; and this may possibly 
be due to some improvement in the manufacture, such as 
the chilling of iron into steel, which may not have been 
tried until after the lapse of generations following the intro- 
duction of the ruder implements (ploughshares, hatchets, 
and other articles of merely domestic use). When the king 
asked, '' How is it possible that swords made of nothing but 
iron can be of such magic subtleness?" F5ng-hu-tsl 
answered in terms which seem to suggest that he was fully 


conscious of the extent and sequence of cultural periods 
in high antiquity, knowledge of which, as the result of 
scientific reasoning, is a comparatively recent acquisition 
with Westerners. F6ng-hu-tzi places his "Stone age "in 
the time of the primeval emperors Hi6n-yuan (about 
3000 B.C.), Shon-nung (2737-2705 B.C.), and Ho-su (an 
emperor supposed to have lived before the first-named). 
In this period weapons (ping) were made of stone and were 
used for splitting wooden blocks for the construction of 
dwellings. The dead were buried by dragons. This first 
period is followed by a second age, extending from Huang-ti 
(about 2700 b.c.) down to Yii (about 2200, or say, 2000 b.c, 
by the annals of the Bamboo Books), in which jade was 
used for similar purposes. This may be compared to our 
neolithic period, when hatchets and arrow-heads were 
made of polished stone, either jade or flint. The next 
period, the Bronze age, extends from Yii down to the time 
when the above-mentioned conversation of the king of 
Ch'u with his sword expert took place, i.e. from the twenty- 
second or twentieth century down to about 500 b.c, when 
the Iron age, as far as arms (swords) are concerned, began. 
Such a cultural change, as the replacement of bronze by 
iron or steel, in the manufacture of arms could not, of course, 
have taken place all at once. But the year 500 b.c. seems 
a reasonable date to assign to it, if we allow for the sporadic 
occurrence of iron swords, recorded as having been pre- 
sented as tribute from abroad, and if it be borne in mind 
that in certain parts of China iron ore was produced, whereas 
in others it remained unknown for centuries. Those few 
words placed on record in the Yui-tsuishUf in which an 
expert on swords places his views before the inquiring mind 
of the king of Ch'u, the head of the southern barbarians, 


seem to give us a more correct idea, limited though it be, 
of the real development of Chinese history than the gush- 
ing accounts of Confucian literature^ in which many of the 
results of a much more recent cultural development have 
been simply transferred to periods we are wont to call pr©- 
historical. If we are told by the Chinese that Huang-ti, 
who ought to have lived about the end of the Stone age, 
caused the first sacrificial bronze vases to be cast, and that 
Yii, whom F6ng-hu-tzi places at the head of the Bronze 
age, received iron and steel as tribute from one of his 
provinces/ this would be an anachronism according to our 
philosopher and seems to support the skeptical point of 
view which forces us to read the entire early history of the 
Chinese with great caution.' 

We have now to return to the most important two per- 
sonages of the previous two generations, the philosophers 
Lau-tzi and Confucius. These are the names representing 
the two reaUy indigenous religions of China — if " religion" 
be not a gross misnomer, which should perhaps be replaced 
by some such term as doctrine. The philosophies of 
Lau-tzi and of Confucius — if again "philosophy" be not 
a misnomer — have, however, though often misapplied and 
misunderstood, become the starting-point for those cultural 
phases which may be called religion, inasmuch as they are 
connected with worship and are represented by temples 
and priests. Since Buddhism was added to Lau-tzi's doc- 
trine of the Tau, i,e, "the Right Way," and Confucius's 
teachings on the duties of the Superior Man, the Chinese 
speak of san-kiau, i.e. "the Three Teachings," or "Reli- 
gions," if we admit the parallel by which Christianity was 

> Sk^iMng, ed. Legge, p. 121. * Cf. Hirth, CAtiMtiidU AntidUm 
iib$r Bnmattrammdn, p. 18 $^qq. 


called king-kiau, the ''Luminous Reli^on/' when first 
brought to China by the Nestorians (636 a.d.) or fiin-ckU' 
kiau, "the Religion of the Lord of Heaven/' the modem 
term for Roman Catholicism, or Yi'SVrkiau, " the Religion 
of Jesus," under which designation the Protestant denomi- 
nations used to be comprised.^ One of these so-called 
religions is Tauism, supposed to be based in the last in- 
stance on a text called the Tavrto-king, "The Canon, or 
Classic, of the Way and of Virtue," the authorship of which 
is usually ascribed to Lau-tzi. It seems, however, very 
doubtful whether the work in its present shape is really 
identical with that written by the philosopher himself, if 
indeed he wrote a work at all and if he did not play a r61e 
similar to that of Socrates, whose teachings were placed on 
record by others. Some of its critics, however, among them 
Legge, look upon it as the more or less genuine record of the 
great philosopher's views. Others, guided by Professor 
H. A. Giles ^ take an entirely skeptical view, and regard 
the TaU'to-king as a forgery. Confucius and his adherents, 
the oldest sources for what we know about the history of 
the Ch6u dynasty, have nothing to say about either Lau- 
tzi or his work ; but this is possibly the result of a certain 
antagonism between the two schools. For, as I have already 
remarked, no greater contrast can be imagined than that 
between the teachings of Confucius and those of Lau-tzi. 
The latter would be unknown but for the fragments handed 
down in the works of his later adherents where he is often 
quoted as "Lau-tzi says," and from the Tau-to-king, which 
may be entirely spurious, or, on the other hand, may con- 
tain remnants of his actual sayings. With the material 

* Since the last few years changed to K%-tu-kiau,t.e, "Christ's Reli- 
gion." * The Remains of Lao-izH, in China Review , vol. xiv. 


now before us it is difficult, if not impossible, to reconstruct 
what Lau-tzi really said. His philosophy, if in the face of 
such insufficiency in its tradition we can use this term, 
impresses one as transcendental, when compared with 
Confucius's applied moral philosophy. Like Johann Jacob 
Engel, the instructor of King Frederick William III of 
Prussia, Confucius was a "philosopher for the world'' — 
the world in a much narrower sense than that of Lau-tzi, 
the Chinese world as it had grown out of its own history. 
The kunrtzi, the "superior man," or the "true gentleman 
in all positions of life,'' as we may call him, is one of the 
chief objects of Confucius's teachings, which are devoted 
to practical life and its requirements; whereas Lau-tzi's 
work, as we may conclude from the disconnected fragments 
in which it is presented to us, must have been full of mystic 
abstractions. These, I feel bound to confess, I do not 
understand ; but for this I do not blame Lau-tzi. If in- 
sufficient training in philosophical thought must be accepted 
as an excuse for not understanding the works of so many 
of our own contemporaries, written in our own language, 
what shall we say about the Tavrid-king and the fragments 
of Lau-tsi's sayings preserved in later mystics, the ele- 
mentary terms of which, such as txiu ("The Way," or 
"The Word," possibly with a dotible-erUendre like the 
Greek Xiytt^) or wihw&i ("non-action"), have been trans- 
lated by as many diflferent terms as there were commen- 

Unfortunately the translation of a Chinese philosophical 
work, even if handed down to posterity without adultera- 
tion of any kind, is fraught with difficulties fully as great 
as the rendering of Chinese poetry. The latter requires a 
man to be not only an exact philologist, but also a poet; 


and these two will quarrel on every concession they have 
to make to each other. The translation of a work like 
Lau-tzi's Tavrid-king suffers under a similar difficulty. 
The philosopher should not think he understands unless he 
has heard what the philologist has to say ; and the philolo- 
gist should neither condemn nor indorse without entering 
heart and soul into the subject. Extensive though the 
literature, both native and foreign, on Lau-tzi and his 
philosophy is, as well from the skeptical as from the re- 
ceptive point of view, it seems too early to arrive at a final 
conclusion as to the authenticity of any or all of his sayings 
now on record. Further, assuming the genuineness of the 
fragments that have come down to us, it would be difficult 
to reconstruct from them the sage^s philosophical system. 
The story of Conf ucius's visit to Lau-tzi, as told by Ssi-ma 
Ts*i^n, may be merely hen trovato; but it seems quite 
characteristic of the two men, of whom Lau-tzi must have 
been the more genuine sage. True to the principle of non- 
action, he had discarded all ambition in life when he found 
himself interviewed by the rising young philosopher anxious 
to search the records of past generations, from which 
he wished to derive the principles by which to reform 
the life of his nation. Lau-tzi is said to have given Con- 
fucius the following reply: '^The men of the times you 
refer to have rotted in their graves and live only in their 
words. The superior man must fall in with his time in 
order to make his way; otherwise he will be surrounded 
by difficulties. I have heard that a prudent merchant 
will keep his valuables concealed in the depths of his store- 
houses as though he had none to show ; similarly the supe- 
rior man may be full of merit and yet his appearance may 
be plain and simple. Discard withal haughtiness and 


those many desires, with outward appearances and licen- 
tious schemes. These are all of no advantage to you. 
That is all I can tell you/' The rebuff involved in these 
few words seems to speak volumes as to the character of 
the two sages. 

Lau-tzi certainly appears as the real philosopher of the 
two, whose views of the world had ripened after a life spent 
in deep thought ; spemere mundum and spemere se spemi 
seem to have been the leading notes of his personal 
character. Confucius was the very reverse. He took the 
greatest interest in this world, its men (himself included) 
and their lives. To reform the social life of his native land, 
to lead his contemporaries to adopt a certain standard of 
morality as exhibited in their daily doings, was the main 
ambition of his work. This standard he endeavored to 
derive from the records of the past. What he taught the 
Chinese world of his time was not so much the creation of 
his own philosophical mind as the result of his historical 
studies. That characteristic of Chinese social life, the 
burying of man's individual life among a rigid mass of 
ceremonies, can be traced to the very beginnings of Chinese 
history. Confucius was merely the son of his time; and 
his time was bent on ceremonies and had been so for cen- 
turies, as the early history of the Ch6u dynasty, with its 
great code of government and social life, the Chdu-li^ clearly 
shows. He merely placed on record what had existed for 
ages and gave it his own interpretation, both by his teach- 
ings and his personal life. In this respect he has probably 
bad greater influence on the life of his nation than any 
philosopher of the Western world on that of his own race. 
In spite of many political changes during thousands of years 
there has always been a China from beginning to end, from 


the dawn of history to the present day. This much cannot 
be said of any of the other great empires of the world, since 
none of these has attained to any such longevity, not even 
excepting Egypt, which name covers a variety of races, 
each with a history of its own. This stability in the life 
of the nation is greatly due to the principles inherent in 
the nation itself, but codified, as it were, by the great sage. 
If we afiix to these principles the label '^ Confucianism," 
we should not forget that as regards their main character- 
istics their creator has merely voiced views held long before 
him, and that the life of the nation, as far back as history 
goes, may in a certain sense be looked upon as '' retrospective 
Confucianism." Certainly Confucius would not have been 
what he was without that preparatory period. This, how- 
ever, does not detract from his merits as a maker of his 
people, whose dependence on him has been well expressed 
by Von der Gabelentz in his excellent lecture on Confucius 
and his teachings.^ 
That writer says : — 

" Quite unique b the position occupied by him, who, as no other 
man, was a teacher of his people, who, I venture to say, has become 
and continued to be a ruler of his people, the Sage of the family 
K'ung in the State of Lu, whom we know by the name of Confucius. 
Unique is his position not only in the history of philosophy, but 
also in the history of mankind. For there is hardly any other man 
who, like Confucius, incorporated in his own person all the constit- 
uent elements of the Chinese type and all that is eternal in his 
people's being. If we are to measure the greatness of a historic 
personage, I can see only one standard applicable for the purpose : 
the effectiveness of that person's influence according to its dimen- 
sions, duration, and intensity. If this standard be applied, Con- 

' Confucius und seine Lehre, Leipzig (F. A. Brockhaus), p. 4 seq., 
and the English version in the China Review, vol. xvii, p. 63. 


fucius was one of the greatest of men. For even at the present 
day, after the lapse of more than two thousand years, the moral, 
social, and poUtical life of about one-third of mankind continues 
to be under the fuU influence of his mind." 

(Tonf ucius's visit to the capital of the Ch6u emperor and 
his interview with Lau-tzi made a deep impression upon 
him. He had seen the splendor of the imperial court and 
been impressed with reminiscences of the great history of 
the empire in the shape of wall paintings of the old rulers 
Yau and Shun, with their successors, but especially by a 
representation of the Duke of Ch6u, with his ward, the 
infant emperor Ch'ong, giving audience to the princes of 
the empire. A remark- attributed to him, according to 
which he refers to the Duke of Ch6u as the origin of imperial 
power under the Ch6u dynasty, shows in what veneration 
he held the supposed first author of the Chdurli. After a 
short stay in the capital Confucius returned to his native 
country, the state of Lu, and there his fame began to spread, 
the followers of his doctrines being counted by thou- 
sands. Lu soon became disorganized by political factions 
which made war on each other; and matters went so far 
as to cause the legitimate ruler, Duke Chau, in 517 B.C., 
to take refuge in the neighboring state of Ts'i, which a 
century and a half earlier had been brought into such a 
flourishing condition by its famous ruler, Duke Huan, and 
his prime minister, the philosopher Kuan-tzi. In order 
to avoid the troubles of Lu, Confucius followed his duke. 
The court of Duke King, the ruler erf Ts'i, was celebrated 
for its music. The impression of a certain piece which 
Confucius heard played on his arrival was so great that he 
refrained from meat for three months. Confucius's rela- 
tions with Duke King became pleasant, and led to an ex- 


change of opinions on political and social subjects, but they 
did not lead to the appointment of the sage to the position 
he probably desired, viz. adviser-in-chief to the duke, the 
latter having been warned by his minister against the con- 
ceited scholar who, in his opinion, held impracticable 
views, set such high value on funereal ceremonies, wasted 
property on burials, and had a thousand peculiarities con- 
nected with his rules of propriety. It appears from this 
that Conf ucius's social system was not received with open 
arms by some of the common-sense statesmen of the time. 
Duke King, accordin^y, made little of his visitor's services^ 
who, after a stay of about two years, returned disgusted 
to his native state of Lu. There he lived the life of a private 
scholar down to the year 501 B.C. 

At this time all was in disorder in Lu. While the duke 
was living as a refugee in Ts'i, his prominent relatives 
fought for supremacy in the government, and they con- 
tinued to do so till his death in 509 B.C., when he was suc- 
ceeded by one of his relatives imder the style of Duke 
Ting. Even then fighting did not cease among the power- 
ful grandees of the duchy. Confucius during all this time 
kept aloof from politics. After fifteen years spent in study 
and literary work, he was appointed magistrate in one of 
the cities of Lu, where he put his social theories to a prac- 
tical test. The people of Chung-tu, the district over which 
he had jurisdiction, had now to conform to his rules of 
propriety with all that pedantry which, even to this day, 
governs the life of educated Chinamen. His government 
was one of interference with all individual liberty. Every 
act of life had its prescribed ceremonial; ceremonial in 
every detail, such as we are wont to see only in the courts 
of rulers and the households of high dignitaries, became 


oUigatory on the people at large ; and all matters of daily 
life were subject to some rigid rule. Even the food which 
the different classes of people were allowed to eat was 
regulated ; males and females were kept apart from each 
other in the streets ; and even the thickness of coflSns and 
the shape and situation of graves were made the subjects 
of his regulations. The result of this system is said by the 
admirers of the sage to have been marvelous ; for the man- 
ners of the population were changed entirely, and they 
became patterns of good behavior. The princes of nei^- 
boring states wished to imitate his style of administration ; 
and Duke Ting was so much impressed by the good results 
of Confucius's system that he decided to bring him to the 
front and appoint him to some higher metropolitan oflSce. 
Thus we soon see him in the position of minister of justice, 
the effect of his appointment being that all crime dis- 
appeared in the state. In deciding cases he would take the 
opinions of several individuals and, after due consideration, 
decide in favor of one of them. Once he made light of a 
case in which a father had brou^t a serious charge against 
his son. When questioned how this judgment was com- 
patible with his views on filial piety, he threw the guilt on 
the accuser for not having tau^t his son to be filial. 

In this hi^ position Confucius was not without political 
influence, the chief object of which was the strengthening 
of the duke's position against that of his grandees. It is 
very likely that many of the stories of the sage's life are 
of a legendary character; still whatever truth may be at 
the bottom of them must be due to the greatness of his 
personal character. Even the most patient population 
in the world would have revolted against such t3rranny of 
interference as he imposed upon the people of Chung-tu, 


had he not unpressed his contemporaries as the embodi- 
ment of absolute morality in a world full of vice and mis- 

To Conf ucius's management of affairs in the state of Lu 
was ascribed such a rise in the ruling duke's political power 
that the latter's neighbors, especially the Duke ci Ts'i, 
became jealous of his successful govemmenti which threat- 
ened to raise Lu to a certain leadership among the con- 
federate states. An old trick was resorted to as a means 
to divert Duke Ting's interest from excellence in govern- 
ment to things of a more worldly nature. Ei^ty beautiful 
girls and one hundred and twenty fine horses were offered 
as a gift to the duke, who to the great disgust of the sage 
accepted them. From this time onward Confucius lost 
his influence over the duke; and gradually, thou^ with- 
out an open rupture, he again withdrew into private life. 
He could not now bear to live in his home, but wandered 
about for fourteen years a voluntary exile. 

He first went with some of his disciples to the state of 
Wei. ting, its reigning duke (534r-493 B.C.), was a dissi- 
pated character; yet, recognizing the great reputation 
enjoyed by the sage throughout China, he encouraged the 
latter's stay in the country by assigning him a revenue of 
60,000 measures of grain. Life at the court of Wei, how- 
ever, was apparently not congenial to his views, one of 
the chief characteristics of which was purity in morals. 
The duke, to whose court Confucius was attached as an 
ornament rather than as a propagandist of his views, was 
married to a lady of evil reputation, named Nan-tzi. Being 
summoned to an interview with her, Confucius unwillingly 
obeyed, and when one of his disciples remonstrated with 
him for having been seen in the company of a woman of 


such an unfavorable character, he swore emphatically that 
nothing improper had ocdured between them. Some 
time afterward, the duke, as an act of grace, invited Con- 
fucius to accompany him on a ride through the streets in 
a cort^ in which the duke and his wicked consort occupied 
a carriage followed by one containing the sage, when the 
people cried out, "Lol here is lust in front and virtue 
behind." The idea of being forced to associate with those 
who, thou^ of exalted rank, were not of equal virtue with 
his own, was incompatible with his principles ; and he, 
therefore, decided to leave the country. He visited several 
other states, but did not succeed in obtaining the position 
he desired, — a position of high trust in which he might 
have an opportunity to reform society and government 
according to hb principles. All he wanted was such a 
position. ''If any one would make use of me," he says,' 
** twelve months would suffice to score results in teaching, 
and in three years all would be completed." The desired 
invitaticm to join any of the minor rulers in the cares of 
government was not, however, forthcoming, and he con- 
tinued to wander from state to state. He seemed to have 
a chance to carry out his ideals when he visited the state 
of Ch'u, mostly inhabited by Man barbarians, whose king 
was inclined to endow him with some territory; but the 
monarch, being warned by his prime minister that a man 
like Confucius, surrounded by so many men of superior 
talent calling themselves his disciples, would soon rise to 
become a political power and a danger to his government^ 
abandoned the idea. When soon afterward the king died, 
Confucius left the south and returned to Wei. 

* Confucian AnaUcU, cd. Legge, p. 13L 


Great changes had in the meantune taken place in Wei. 
Duke Ling had died. The legitimate heir, his son, was 
forced to leave the country, owing to a quarrel with his 
mother, the notorious Nan-tzi ; and the government fell to 
Duke Ling's grandson, who reigned under the name of Ch'u. 
Ch'u invited Confucius to assist him in the government of 
his state, but the sage had his doubts as to the legitimacy 
of the succession and declined the honor. He continued 
to live in Wei for about five years in a private capacity. 

Through the influence of one of his disciples, who held 
office in the state of Lu, Confucius, now sixty-eight years 
old, was at last recalled to his native country. There he 
died five years after his return, in 479 B.C. After the 
many disappointments he had received, it seems that his 
ambition had lessened, and that he had become reconciled 
to the idea of living the quiet life of a scholar among his 
compatriots, highly honored indeed, and even consulted, 
by those in power, but not wielding the power himself. 
Several of the literary works ascribed to Confucius are said 
to have originated during this period of retirement. He 
also lost his son Li, "the Carp," to whom he was not half 
so much attached as to certain of his disciples. Some of 
the latter, also, he was destined to outlive, and among them 
none was more attached to him than his favorite Tzi-lu. 
Legge * says of him : — 

"He [Tzi-lu] stands out a sort of Peter in the Confucian school, 
a man of impulse, prompt to speak and prompt to act. He gets 
many a check from the master; but there is evidently a strong 
sjrmpathy between them. Tzi-lu uses a freedom with him on which 
none of the other disciples dares to venture, and there is not one 
among them all for whom, if I may speak from^my own feeling, 
the foreign student comes to form such a liking." 

* The Chinese Classics, vol. i, Prolegomena, p. 87. 


Tzi-lu, whose original name was Chung Yu, was of poor 
descent and was known for his filial piety. Another 
disciple, known as Tzi-yiian, whose name was Yen Hui, 
was remarkable not so much for his sayings as for his great 
devotion to, and his personal friendship with, Confucius. 
He was thirty years younger than the latter, and the his- 
torian relates of him that at the age of twenty-nine his 
hair turned white. Confucius had to mourn the death of 
this follower also. 

Another of the sage's pupils, who outlived him many 
years, was Tzi-yii, properly called Tsong Ts'an, well known 
throu^out China as a model of filial piety. In the legends 
current about him he is represented as a regular caricature 
in his exaggerations of this, the cardinal domestic virtue 
of the Chinaman. The idol he worshiped beyond any- 
thing else was his mother ; once he refused to enter a vUlage 
simply because its name, Shang-mu, meaning '' better than 
a mother," displeased him, and he divorced his wife because 
she had served his mother an unsavory dish. In other 
words, his virtue, notwithstanding the great admiration 
with which it is viewed by the Chinese, was, like that of 
Confucius himself, sometimes of a pettifogging and pedantic 
character and devoid of all humor. The well-known 
Hiaurking ("Canon of Filial Piety") is ascribed to Tzi-yii. 

One of the best-known followers of Confucius, and the 
one to whose life Ssi-ma Ts'i^n devotes particular attention 
in his chapter on "Confucian Disciples," was Tzi-kung, 
properly called Tuan-mu Tz'i, who, like Tzi-lu, is one of 
the chief interlocutors in the accounts of the sage's personal 
life, and of whose judgment Confucius himself had the 
hi^est opinion. The master was by no means so well 
satisfied with all his adherents, and he made no secret of 


his displeasure if he found fault with them. Such was the 
case with Tzi-o, properly called Tsai Yu, a man of talent 
who did not accept Confucius's moral standard, as may be 
shown from a celebrated passage in the "Confucian 
Analects'' : ''Tsai Yii being asleep during the dasTtime, the 
Master said, 'Rotten wood cannot be carved; a wall of 
dirty earth will not receive the trowel. This Yii — what is 
the use of my reproving him?'" Thus every one among 
the better-known disciples had his personal characteristics 
not only in his relation to the master, as shown in numerous 
anecdotes of this kind, but also in the views expressed by 
him in conversation. 

There can be no doubt that Confucius has had a greater 
influence on the development of the Chinese national 
character than many emperors taken together. He is, 
therefore, one of the essential figures to be considered in 
connection with any history of China. That he could in- 
ffluence his nation to such a degree was, it appears to me, 
due more to the peculiarity of the nation than to that of his 
own personality. Had he lived in any other part of the 
world, his name would perhaps be forgotten. As we have 
seen, he had formed his character and his personal views 
on man's life from a careful study of documents closely 
connected with the moral philosophy cultivated by former 
generations. What he preached to his contemporaries 
was, therefore, not all new to them ; but, having himself, 
in the study of old records, heard the dim voice of the sages 
of the past, he became, as it were, the megaphone phono- 
graph, through which were expressed to the nation those 
views which he had derived from the early development 
of the nation itself. His influence may be considered from 
a threefold point of view; for, the practical lessons he 


tau^t are to be found in what he wrote, in what he said, 
and in what he did. 

What Confucius wrote is probably confined to editorial 
work rather than contained in independent compositions. 
The so-called "Chinese Classics" consist of two series of 
books, the first of which, known as the Wu-king, " Five 
Canons/' are works of pre-Confucian origin and were 
partly edited or compiled by the sage himself, whereas the 
second, the St^hu, the so-called ''Four Books,'' consists 
of texts connected with Confucius's life and teachings, 
but not written or edited by him. The Wurking now com- 
prises the following works : — 

(1) The I'king, ''Canon of Change," about which we 
have had occasion to speak in connection with Won-wang, 
father of Wu-wang, the founder of the Ch6u dynasty. 
Confucius is said to have had a high opinion of this work, 
thou^ it seems he had no hand in the compUation of its 
text as known at the time. 

(2) The Shu-king f "Canon of History," as the title is 
sometimes translated, though its literal rendering indicates 
merely a canonical collection of writings or documents. 
We have had occasion, when discussing the history of the 
most ancient emperors, such as Yau, Shun, and Yii, to 
speak of this book, the detailed accounts of which contain 
so many excellent speeches, extolling the virtue of the great 
model rulers, in contrast with certain miserable tyrants, 
and yet do not inspire us with confidence in their historical 
accuracy. There may be an element of truth in some of 
them; but it would seem that the names of Yau, Shun, 
and Yii were merely borrowed for the purpose of expresring, 
as those of hi^ antiquity and therefore of great authority, 
views which in reality breathe the spirit of an age almost 


contemporaneous with Confucius himself. What the SJnh 
king places on record as Chinese history of the third millen- 
nium B.C. is much too interesting to deserve credit; and I 
am inclined to date the beginning of that period, the record 
of which we may accept with a certain amount of confidence 
when it becomes dry and monotonous imder the Shang 
dynasty, about the middle of the second millennitun B.C. 
It does not seem that Confucius himself was responsible 
for this fabrication) He may have merely copied or com- 
piled what he found of the old emperor lore existing 
before his own time; but if this work, which Professor 
Grube^ may be right in calling a "poetical production/' has 
been received as gospel by the Chinese down to the present 
day, Confucius must be considered as the one great au- 
thority that perpetuated the error. 

(3) The Shi'kingy " Canon of Odes/' that mine of informa- 
tion on the most ancient culture of the Chinese, containing 
over three hundred odes then current among the people, 
the dates of some of which may be determined from his- 
torical facts alluded to in them and many of which may 
have been sung by the people and its bards centuries before 
they were written down. The work was probably arranged 
and edited by Confucius himself. 

(4) The Li'kij "Canon of Rites/' a collection of rules 
describing, to the minutest detail, the ceremonial to be 
observed by the Chinese gentleman on all the occasions of 
daily life. These rules, which may be called the very soul 
of Chinese society, probably existed long before Confucius. 
The Li-ki corresponds in spirit to the Chdu-liy which to us 
is of much greater importance as a record of historical value, 
though it is not now included among the canonical books 

> Qeschichte der chinesUchen Litterahir, p. 41. 


of prime importance. TTie Lirki may be called the cere- 
monial code of the private man, whereas the Chdnrli is 
devoted to public life and the institutions of government. 

(5) The Ch'ttn-tsHu, ''Spring and Autumn/' annals of 
the state of Lu, first compiled by Confucius, and then 
largely extended by commentaries, which constitute its 
real value, chief among the latter being the Tso-chtum by 
Tbo K'iu-ming. 

TTiese five canons were probably the books with which 
Confucius occupied himself at various periods of his life. 
If I do not hold him, or any philosopher connected with 
his school, responsible for the contents of the Shu-king, it 
is chiefly on the ground that religious views are expressed 
in it which appear to be foreign to the Confucian school. 
That unmistakable monotheism cultivated by the ancient 
emperors must have been clearly discernible in those 
ancient records or traditions which the inventors of the 
old emperor lore, whoever they may have been, made the 
starting-point of their historical accounts. 

What Confucius said, his views on life and his practical 
I^osophy, has been deposited mainly in the works known 
as the S«l-sAw, "TTie Four Books." Althouf^ their con- 
tents are inseparable from the master's person and his doc- 
trines, Confucius had nothing to do with their compilation, 
which must be ascribed to the sage's disciples and adher- 
ent*. TTie Ssi-shu now comprise the following four works, 
which may be called the main text-books of Confucianism : 

(1) Lim-yu, " Discourses," m which the master's views 
are embodied in dialogues of a desultory kind between 
himself and his disciples. Legge's translation of this 
title by "Confucian Analects" is not, of course, literal; 
but it seems appropriate as being descriptive of the char- 


acter of the work, the twenty books of which are supposed 
to have originated from cerj^ memoranda, preserved by 
his disciples, of their conversations with Confucius and to 
have been collected after his death by the followers of his 
disciples. The key-note of these discourses is that virtue 
placed by the Chinese of all ages above every other, namely, 
filial piety. The love of one's parents has become almost 
a craze among the Chinese, the cultivation of which has 
led many of them to the most wonderful eccentricities. 
Filial love is the basis of all that is good and proper in 
family Ufe; and brotherly submission, the respect due to 
the senior by the junior, is closely connected with it. The 
state with its government is merely family life on a larger 
scale. The filial love of the people is shown in obedience 
to its parents, the ruler and his government. In one of 
his definitions of filial piety, Confucius simply explains it 
by "obedience." The obedience due to a father by his 
child is also due to the sovereign by his subjects. Man in 
his relation to the world is considered from five points of 
view : (1) sovereign and subject, (2) father and son, (3) hus- 
band and wife, (4) elder and younger brother, (5) friend 
and friend. In each of these relations man has his duties, 
the proper discharge of which by all will insure good gov- 
ernment and general peace and happiness. Similar ques- 
tions are treated in the Lun-yu, The considerations due 
to these relations determine the character of "man as he 
ought to be/' "the superior man," "the true gentleman," 
or whatever translation we may give to the Chinese term 
kun-tzly the proper creation of Confucius's mind. 

(2) TorhiOy "The Great Learning," a treatise on self- 
culture, based on knowledge as a means of reforming 


(3) Ckung-yung, ''The Doctrine of the Mean/' also tran&- 
hited by ''The Golden Medium." The superior man will 
in all his views and doings " stand erect in the middle with- 
out inclining to either side.'' It is the path of the philoso- 
pher which the sage advises him to pursue. He does the 
ri^t thing for its own sake, whether the world regards him 
or not. 

(4) Mdng^zlf "The Philosopher Mong," (whose proper 
name was Mong K'o), well known among foreigners under 
the Latinized name of Mencius, which stands for Mong-tzl, 
just as the term K'tmg-furtzi, the "Philosopher K'ung," 
has been Latinized into Confucius. Mencius lived several 
generations after Confucius, 372-289 B.C., but, after its 
founder, was the principal representative of the Confucian 
school. The above-mentioned work, bearing his name, is 
a record and compilation of his teachings. It is similar in 
style to the Lun-yu inasmuch as in it accounts of conversa- 
tions prevail. The doctrines embodied in it, which mainly 
concern government matters, will be referred to later on. 
Althou^ in this work Confucius himself is but occasionally 
introduced as having said certain things, the views ex- 
pressed by Mencius and his disciples form part of the Con- 
fucian doctrines. 

The great influence of Confucius's personality on national 
life in China was due not only to his writings and his 
teachings as recorded by others, but also to his doings. 
His personal character, as described by his disciples and in 
the accounts of later writers, some of which may be en- 
tirely legendary, has become the pattern for millions of 
those who are bent on imitating the outward manners of a 
great man. Tlie tenth book of the "Analects," describing 
the demeanor of Confucius in all the relations of life, — his 


x)i\w^ hi« food, his behavior in the company of friends, etc., 
--w^yrwwit« him as a man full of caprice, even from a 
KlMw'*!'^ |H>int of view. Whatever he did in public was 
^^iPi^t^l U> the minutest detail by ceremony. This was 
1^ ijtAVVtilkMi of his own, since ceremonial life had been 
i^iv«iMJt^^ m^tty centuries before Confucius; but his 
jiMi^^wrt^Y a^i example did much to perpetuate what he 
QOUciiiicivU d^?iarable social practices. Legge* quotes the 
following peculiarities from this memorable biographical 
r^oojxl: — 

'^ In public, whether in the village, the temple, or the court, he 
was the man of rule and ceremony, but at home he was not formal. 
Yet if not formal, he was particular. In bed even he did not for- 
get himself; * he did not lie like a corpse,' and * he did not speak.' 

* He required his sleeping dress to be half as long again as his body.' 

* If he happened to be sick, and the prince came to visit him, he 
had his face to the east, caused his court robes to be put over him, 
and drew his girdle across them.' 

"'lie was nice in his diet, not disHking to have his rice dressed 
fine, nor to have his minced meat cut small.' 'Anything at all 
gone he would not touch.' 'He must have his meat cut properly, 
and to every kind its proper sauce ; but he was not a great eater.' 
' It was only in wine that he laid down no limit to himself ; but he 
did not allow himself to be confused by it.' 'When the villagers 
were drinking together, on those who carried staves going out, he 
went out immediately after.' 'There must always be ginger at 
the table'; and 'when eating, he did not converse.' 'Although 
his food might be coarse rice and poor soup, he would offer a little 
of it in sacrifice, with a grave and respectful air.' 

" ' On occasion of a sudden clap of thunder, or a violent wind, he 
would change countenance. He would do the same, and rise up 
moreover, when he found himself a guest at a loaded board.' 'At 
the sight of a person in mourning he would also change countenance, 
and if he happened to be in his carriage, he would bend forward 

^ 7^ Chinese ClassicSf vol. i. Prolegomena, p. 89 seqq. 


with a leBpectivi salutation.' 'His general way in his carriage 
was not to turn his head round, nor talk hastily, nor point with 
his hands.' ' He was charitable.' ' When any of his friends died 
if there were no relations who could be depended on for the neces- 
sary offices he would say, ''I will bury him."'" 

We have to take into consideration that these accounts 
were written not by Confucius himself, but by an admiring 
set of juniors. Those many whims which, in the eyes of 
Europeans of the twentieth century, appear as weaknesses, 
may lessen our respect for the sage's genius ; but they will 
not diminish the esteem in which we must hold the spotless 
virtue of his life. 




§ 52. YiJAN-WANG (475-469 B.C.) 

WE left the reign of King^-wang (see above, p. 234) 
with the two southern states Wu and Yu6 at war 
with each other. During the reign of his successor 
Yuan-wang, K6u-tsi4n, the king of Yii^, who had at first been 
utterly routed by the forces of his enemy, the king of Wu, 
succeeded in a final campaign in making an end of the Wu 
dynasty, and annexed its state to his dominions. After 
his defeat by the king of Wu, K6u-tsi4n had been allowed, 
as an act of grace, a little strip of territory; and during 
the years that followed his defeat "he slept on firewood 
and tasted gall,'' ^ — a phrase which has since come into 
common use for the expression of resentment at great 
humiliation coupled with the determination to take revenge. 
And revenge K6u-tsi4n took when, a few years later, he 
rallied his forces and wiped out every trace of his old 
enemy. He was at first inclined to requite the generosity 

* This phraflc occurs in an edict of the Empreas Dowager (Octo- 
ber 2, 1901), where she refers to the period of trouble through which 
the imperial court had just passed after its exile to the western 
capital Si-an-fu. It is one of those historical allusions by which, 
through the mere insertion of a few words, a whole perspective of 
ideas is opened to the reader well versed in classical and historical 
literature, though seldom noticed by interpreters working with 
no better help than a native secretary, who may or may not call 
attention to them. 



previously shown to him; but his minister advised 
him, for political reasons, to desist from the exhibition 
of such good nature lest the king of Wu might agiun 
turn upon him. The king of Wu thereupon committed 
suicide, and K6u-tsi6n, now master of the two king- 
doms, became one of the most powerful supporters of 

The Ch'im-ts'iu period, so called from the historical classic 
of that name, the main text of which is ascribed to Con- 
fucius himself, must, of coiu*se, be considered as closed 
before the death of its author. The Tso-chuan commentary 
carries its accounts about seventeen years farther on, thus 
covering Yiian-wang^s reign. About this time commences, 
according to some authorities, that period of the Ch6u 
dynasty which precedes its downfall, and which is known 
by the name of Chan-ktiOj "the Contending States." The 
history of this period, which covers rather more than the 
last two centuries of the dynasty, is described in a work 
entitled Chan-kuo-ts^dj ''Documents relating to the Con- 
tending States,'^ unless ts^o here means as much as " strata- 
gems, '' or, as Grube suggests, "counsels." The Contend- 
ing States witnessed the most wretched times of Chinese 
history from a political point of view. Had there 
been a powerful neighbor on the Asiatic continent in 
those days, China would have been absorbed, as indeed 
she finally was, by one of her own princes. Public mo- 
rality was at its lowest ebb; and yet some of the 
country^s unforgotten patriots and some of its great 
philosophers flourished during this troublous period. The 
reign of Yiian-wang was still a comparatively easy one. 
Times began to be more serious under his son Chon-ting- 


§ 53. Chon-tinq-wang (468-441 b.c.) 

Under this ruler internal troubles disorganised several 
of the once powerful states. Six grandees of the state of 
Tsin wrangled about supremacy ; two of these were defeated 
and the remaining four divided their possessions. The 
duke himself had to take refuge in a nci^boring state. 
Tlie southern kingdom of Ch'u conquered two of the middle 
states. Tlie one satisfactory feature in Chon-ting-wang's 
reign was the partly successful warfare of the states of 
Ts'in and Tsin against the Jung barbarians, probably 
Huns, whO| with the exception of one tribe called I-k^u, 
ceased to make inroads into China. 

5 54. K'au-wang (44(M26 b.c.) 

K'au-wang, who was one of the younger sons of Chon- 
ting-wang, fou^t his way to the throne throu^ two 
palace revolutions, in which two of his elder brothers fell 
victims. The ri^tful heir to the throne was the eldest 
son, who reigned just three months under the name of 
Ai-wang, when he was killed by his next brother, who 
reigned five months under the name Ssl-wang, and who, in 
turn, was killed by K'au-wang, the third brother. In the 
state of Tsin the power of the reigning duke had dwindled 
to a mere nominal title, and the control of this important 
territory, which had been considerably increased in the 
eoiurse of generations by conquest among the nei^boring 
barbarians, now lay chiefly in Uie hands of the three families 
of Han, Chau, and Wei. 

§ 55. Ww-Li*-WANG (425-402 B.C.) 

Under this title K'au-wang's son reigned twenty-four 
years. Three powerful families in Tsin were recogniied 


by the emperor in 403 b.c. as the heads of so many feudal 
states. They are henceforth known in Chinese history as 
San-Tsin, "the Three Tsin States." Their chiefs had 
hitherto held the rank of marquis and were now officially 
confirmed as chvrh&u, "Princes of the Empire." The 
year 403 b.c. marks an epoch in Chinese history, as regards 
both the course of events and the sources from which we 
draw our information. The next following period of the 
Contending States, as described in the Chan-kuo^s^o, re- 
ceives much additional light from the works of the minor 
philosophers living at the end of the Ch6u djmasty and 
from those of some later authors, including, of course, 
the Shi-ki of Ssi-ma Ts'i^n. These are also the main 
sources for the sixty-one years preceding the elevation of 
the three Tsin usurpers. 

From this time, that is, from the year 403 B.C., — which is 
also the year from which some of the conflicting authori- 
ties date the period of the Contending States, — starts the 
account of the Tung-kUn-kang-mUy the work of the great 
historian Ssi-ma Kuang, who submitted it to his emperor 
in 1066 A.D. The original work, styled Tzi-chi't^ung'ki6n, 
literally, " Universal Mirror to benefit Government," was an 
enumeration of historical facts in chronological order some- 
what in the style of the CKun-tsHu. The philosopher Chu 
Hi suggested an extension of the work in the shape of a 
commentary somewhat like the Tso-chuan, and this plan 
was carried out by Chu Hi's disciples, who laid the com- 
pleted work before the throne in 1223. Later editions 
of this standard work were again considerably enlarged; 
and they now form the most complete, though not the most 
ancient, handbook of Chinese general history. Under 
Kublai Khan, in 1282, the work was translated into 


the Uigur language.* The Emperor K'ang-hi (1662-1723) 
ordered it to be translated into the Manchu language; 
and the celebrated French missionary Abb6 de Moyria de 
Maillac, known as Father de Mailla, undertook the gigantic 
work of translating its main substance into French. De 
Mailla died and was buried with imprecedented honors at 
Peking in 1748; but his manuscript had already been sent 
to Paris, and it was published by the Abb6 Grosier in thir- 
teen quarto volumes under the title '' Histoire G^n^rale de 
la Chine " (Paris, 1777-1785). De Mailla, who spent forty- 
five years of his life on Chinese soil, had surrounded him- 
self with all the literary aids of an extensive Chinese library 
and had acquired a deep knowledge of both the Chinese and 
Manchu languages. Speaking of the T'ting-kUn-kang-^mUj 
he says in his Preface (p. 6), "Telle est Thistoire que Tem- 
pereur Kang-hi a fait traduire en Tartare, et dont j'entre- 
prends de donner la traduction." It. would appear from 
this that he made use of the original and Manchu versions 
in preparing his translation, which is the most detailed 
work on the history of China hitherto published in any 
language. It should, of course, be read with caution, since 
the author, with the exception of a few quotations of the 
sources in the beginning of his work, hardly ever refers to the 
Chinese authorities responsible for the several historical 
statements. He simply reproduces the matters of fact he 
was able to gather from that huge collection of quotations 
derived from the entire Chinese literature contained in the 
Chinese or Manchu text without examining into their histor- 

* Bee Herbert A. Gilca, Note on Four Chinese Volumee tni/or Idenii- 
fieaium (Cambridge, October 7. 1901), from which the above datCB 
have been derived. 8oe also the elaborate essay in Wylie, NoUe on 
Chinete LUeraturej p. 20 ieqq. 


ical value. Sinological research has, moreover, made 
rapid strides since De Mailla's time, which causes us to 
look upon the subject from an entirely different point of 

Returning to the three states of Han, Wei, and Chau: 
Ssi-ma Kuang seems to have been dominated by an in- 
stinctive idea that the emperor's weakness in raising the 
illegitimate usurpers to the highest positions in their terri- 
tories marked a great epoch in the development of China. 
If the Son of Heaven had been reduced to a mere shadow 
for centuries up to this time, he had been at least the nomi- 
nal head of his vassals. Now all tradition was broken. 
The sacredness of the imperial will could not prevent the 
dukes of Tsin from losing their inherited rights, which they 
had held ever since their forefathers had been invested with 
their domain under Ch^ong-wang in 1106 B.C. The empire 
then consisted of fourteen states, the most powerful among 
which, Ts4n, Ch'u, Ts4, Yen, Han, Chau, and Wei, became 
subsequently known as ts'i-hiungy "the Seven Heroes." 
Among these the boundary states of Ts'in, Chau, and Ch'u 
enjoyed the advantage of unlimited capability of extension 
at the expense of the foreign tribes surroimding China, 
and the same influences which at the close of the Shang 
dynasty had brought the duchy of Ch6u, with Won-wang 
and Wu-wang, into prominence, may have then been at 
work infusing into them some of the energetic spirit of 
their uncivilized but warlike neighbors. 

Ts4n had long ago outgrown its original territories in the 
valley of the Wei River; native maps of the Contending 
States extend its boundaries far into territories formerly 
occupied by Jimg tribes, comprising the present Shen-si 
province, with the Ordus country and some regions of the 


Man barbarians down to the Yang-tzi River boundary 
of Ssi-ch'uan. 

Chau occupied an equally exposed territory in Shannsi, 
and its importance also was due to its geographical position. 
With its capital near the present Kuang-ping-fu in western 
Chi-li, it occupied the northern confines of China, including 
the present north Shan-si, the mountain defiles of which 
have so often served as thoroughfares for the irruptions of 
Huns, Turks, and Mongols coming from the great steppe. 

Ch'u, as we have seen, was the country of the Man bar- 
barians in the south. Its rulers and government officials 
may have been Chinese, and Chinese modes of life were 
probably cultivated at the court of its kings as much as in 
the other states; but it seems natural that in a country 
which for centuries had effected its growth by absorbing 
foreign elements, as must have been the case with the state 
of Ch'u in its extension toward the south, the character of 
the people could not be maintained in its original purity. 
As the barbarians became semi-civilized, their Chinese 
leaders were infected with barbarian qualities ; and the inter- 
marriages which took place here, as in the other boundary 
states, between Chinese and aboriginal families may have 
tended to infuse new blood into the veins of both, thus 
creating a population comparing well in energy and cour- 
age with the more effeminate though more refined inhabit- 
ants of the interior and eastern coast states. I, therefore, 
readily adopt a theory advanced by Chavannes, who* 
says: — 

"Tbln and Ch'u were not, in the proper sense of the word, to be 
eompriaed among the kingdoms of the Middle. Their populations, 
Ihouji^ civilised by the Chinese, were of different races. From 

' L$9 Miwufiru h%9tariqi»4$, vol. v, p. 1 Mff . 


the time when TbIh and TbI fell victims to internal diaBensions, 
Ts'ln and Ctk'n became the leading actors in that drama destined 
to end with the triumph of Ts'in and the establishment of the 
empire by Ts'in Shi-huang-ti in 221 B.C. We may thus say that 
the revolution which finally led to the establishment of imperial 
China can be traced to the year 403 B.C., and that this is the reason 
why Ssi-ma Kuang makes this year the starting point of his great 
history entitled Ti^-chU'ung4ciin." 

This, it appears to me, is the only theory which helps to 
explain quite a number of cultural problems encoimtered 
by the student of Chinese history a few centuries later in 
the shape of important changes that must have taken place 
in the popular views of the masses, in folk-lore, supersti- 
tions, and art. We possess the most plausible arguments 
for the introduction of foreign influences in Chinese culture 
at the time when relations with western Asia were opened 
imder the Emperor Wu-ti at the end of the second century 
B.C. ; but if we examine numerous facts still on record as 
referring to times immediately preceding the Wu-ti period, 
we are boimd to notice that changes of a different kind had 
come over the Chinese of this as compared with those of 
the Confucian and pre-Confucian periods. The growing 
influence of foreign elements from Ts'in in the west, Chau 
in the north, and Ch'u in the south may accoimt for this. 
Possibly much of what impresses us as new under the Ts'in 
dynasty and the early part of the western Han had existed 
for centuries before those times. For we must not forget 
that our main sources down to the end of the Ch'un-ts'iu 
period originate with writers of the Confucian school, who 
would not place on record facts and ideas at variance with 
their own views ; and it is quite possible that ancient China, 
as represented to us by Confucian writers, would appear 
quite different if other sources existed. The little we know 


of Lau-tsi as a personage and of the teachings which became 
the genn oi Tauism is an almost foreign element in CJon- 
fucian China, and this seems to confirm our theory; for 
Lau-tsi, as a native of the state of Ch'u, was bom, and 
probably brou^t up, among the southern barbarians. 

The Chau family, which now seems to have become the 
strongest among the three usurpers of Tsin, was of old 
standing in that state. Its pedigree is traced to a common 
origin with the Ts'in princes at the time of Ch6u-sin, the 
last monarch of the Shang dynasty, when two brothers be- 
came the respective ancestors of the two lines of Ts'in and 
Chau. The Emperor Mu of the Ch6u djmasty was accom- 
panied in one of his expeditions by a member of this family 
as his charioteer; and he rewarded him with the city of 
Chau in the present South Shannsi. The power of the 
family was further augmented by gifts of territory imder 
the dukes of Tsin. We have met the names of members of 
this remarkable family on former occasions. Chau Ts'ui 
had been the companion of Duke Won of Tsin during his 
voluntary exile among the Tartars, and after his return 
had become prime minister of Tsin. His son and successor 
in office, Chau Tun, was the son of a Tartar* wife. But 
Chau Tun was not the only bastard in the family. Chau 
Siang-tzi, who died after a reign of thirty-three years in 
425 B.C., and whose personal name was Wu-sii, was also 
the son of a Tartar wife, and he himself married a Tartar 
woman.' Need we be astonished, therefore, to find that in- 

* Qutvannes, op. eii., vol. v, p. 13. His son Chau Sho and hit 
posthumous child Chau Wu were the subject of the romantic drama 
of the Mongol period translated by St. Julien in his L'orpMin ds la 
Chine (^yaloxe nouvelU, etc., vol. ii, p. 309 9eqq.). 

* Gbavmonea, op, cU., pp. 32, 61. 


fluences quite foreign to Chinese tradition were even then at 
work in the introduction of hitherto unknown elements in 
the life of these quasi-Chinese princes ? Altogether, readers 
of the history of Chau, as represented in Ssi-ma Ts'i^n's 
account^ will receive the impression that it contains various 
prognostics of that important change in cultural life which 
became dominant in the age of Ts'in Shi-huang-ti ; namely, 
a Tartarized China, the traditional Confucian views of life 
having been supplanted by Tartar, Sc3rthian, Hiumic, or 
Turkish elements — elements that, whatever name we may 
give them, had grown out of the national life of central 
Asiatic foreigners and that now began to disturb the 
quiet development of the nation whose civil code was the 
Chdvrli and whose model gentleman had been Confucius. 
Chavannes ^ says in connection with the history of Chau : — 

" You will remark in this chapter the important part played by 
the Wonderful; dreams, predictions and visions of supernatural 
beings will be found in it in much greater numbers than in any other 
part of the Shi-ki," 

Liu An, who died 122 B.C., has preserved a characteristic 
anecdote of Chau Siang-tzi. The interests of the house of 
Tsin had, after its fall, been represented by a faithful ad- 
herent named Chi Po. In the struggle between the latter 
and the united forces of Chau, Han, and Wei, Chi Po was 
killed, and Chau Siang-tzi took possession of his skull, 
which he had made into a drinking vessel.' 

This procedure, which I am inclined to regard as a ritual 
act rather than as a whim of the perpetrator, seems to 
speak volumes in favor of Hunnic influences, since we have 
a perfect parallel in the history of the Huns, or Hiimg-nu, 

* Loc. cit.ip.8, 'A slightly later author makes it "a drinking ves- 
sel varnished or lacquered." 


under their Great Khan Lau-shang, who reigned 175 to 
160 B.C., and who, having defeated the Yii^-chi, or Indo- 
Scythians, decapitated their king and made his skull into 
a drinking vessel. Chinese arehseologists have quibbled a 
good deal about the sense of the word translated '' drinking 
vessel/' some holding that it was a cup used in wine feasts, 
others giving it a still more cynical interpretation ; but the 
truth is, probably, that such trophies served a ritual pur* 
pose, since we learn from later accounts that the skull of 
the defeated king had been preserved by the Hiimg-nu for 
generations, and that it was reserved for a solemn state 
act, the drinking of the blood of a white horse in taking an 
oath to sanctify the conclusion of a treaty of peace. Cha- 
vannes ^ refers to an interesting parallel furnished by Livy,' 
who, describing a disaster suffered by the Romans under 
their consul Lucius Posthumius in 216 B.C. at the hands 
of Gaulic hordes, sa3rs : — 

''The Boii, having cut off his head, carried it and the spoils they 
stripped off his body in triumph into the most sacred temple they 
had. Afterwards they cleansed the head according to their custom, 
and, having covered tlie skull with chased gold, used it as a cup for 
libations in their solemn festivals, and as a drinking-cup for their 
hi^ priests and other ministers of the temple." ' 

The Boians, who then occupied certain territories in the 
north of Italy, were a nation of very doubtful origin. 
Zeuss^ s]3eaks of them in connection with Celtic tribes, 
but, in view of the conflicting notices of classical authors, 
thinks they may have come across the Danube from the 
north ; and he quotes a passage from Strabo to show that 

*Qiavannes, op. eit., p. 50. *xxiii, eh. 24, || 11-12, ed. Wds- 
aenbom. * Transl. by Spilian and Edmonds, vol. ii, p. 180. * DU 
DmUMchen und die Nachbartidmwu, Munich, 1837, p. 244. 


at one time they occupied the Hercynian forest suirounding 
Bohemia. The skull story related by Livy might involve 
a hint as to Scythian origin; but it will be difficult to prove 
that Sc3rthians in those days had extended their wander- 
ings as far west as that, thou^ they are sud to have been 
settled near the lower course of the Danube. 

Another instance of the gradual Tartarization, if we may 
so call it, of Chinese culture was chronicled a few generar 
tions later, when the king of CShau, who reigned under the 
name of Wu-ling (329-299 B.C.), resolved for political 
reasons to exchange the traditional Chinese court dress for 
that of a Tartar ruler. He did this in spite of the re- 
monstrances of several members of his family, who pleaded 
in vain for the retention of the traditional Chinese eti- 
quette. The manners and customs of antiquity, he thought, 
were good enough for the ancients, but the modern man 
had to conform to the requirements of his time; this is 
the leading idea of the replies made to remonstrances of his 
friends, as recorded by Ssi-ma Ts'ife.* 

A still more thorough change made by Wu-ling in this 
process of Tartarization was the introduction of cavalry 
in the army. During the early part of the Ch6u dynasty 

* Chavannes, op, cU., pp. 70-84. Whatever innovations were 
implied in the adoption of Tartar dress, were attributed to king Wu- 
ling of Chau, who is supposed to have been the first to break 
through the traditional lines in regard to dress, though Tartar cus- 
toms were again cultivated on a larger scale at various later periods. 
It appears that the mode of dress now adopted was better suited to 
the quick movement of the body. Those cumbrous big sleeves of 
the old Chinese court robe were abandoned for narrower shapes; 
and the sandals and shoes of straw or hemp were replaced by short 
boots, varying in style down to the present dynasty. Indeed King 
Wu-ling is credited with having introduced the boot into the Chinese 
gentleman's attire. It was in those days made of yellow leath^. 


the horse had been used nuunly in harness. The heroes 
of Chinese warfare fou^t on chariots, standing up and not 
dtting, accompanied, of course, by a retinue of pedestrians; 
and to at astride on horseback was originally not a Chinese, 
but a Hunnic custom, which possibly took its rise from 
King Wu-ling's adoption ol cavalry fighting. I find it 
stated in a later commentary on the Tso-ekuan that riding 
on hOTseback did not become customary before the time 
of the "Six States," i.e. the third century b.c. The king- 
dom of Chau had absorbed too much of the Tartar clement ; 
and the purely Chinese subjects of King Wu-ling seem to 
have been in too great a minority to maintain the traditional 
conservative ^irit of an original Chinese dynasty. 

i 56. An-wano (401-376 b.c.) 

Under this emperor a great change took place in the 
state oi Ts'i. During the time of Duke Huan aod his 
minister Kuan-txt, a prince of Ch'on had taken refuge in 
Ts'i, whose descendants had grown into a powerful clan. 
For some reason or other they changed their name to T'i^n. 
In 481 B.C. a member of this family named T'i^n Ch'ang 
had managed to drive Duke Ki^n of Ts'i from the throne, 
have him murdered and replaced by the duke's younger 
brother, who made him hia minister. His grandson T'i^n 
Ho in 410 B.C. actually deposed the then reigning duke, 
usurped the throne for himself, and was finally confirmed 
by An-wang as Duke of Ts'i. In this he had obtained the 
good offices of the Marquis of Wei, one of the San-tain. 
Another state of Wei (so pronounced at present, but the 
Bouod of the name was different in ancient times) had given 
iMTth to one of the typical characters of the time, which, 


owing to the eaGoness with which men of talent were allowed 
to wander about from state to state, produced quite a num- 
ber of political adventurers. Wu E'i had studied with 
Tsong Ts'an, that hjrperfilial disciple of Confucius (505- 
437 B.C.), but did not agree with him. He emigrated to 
Lu, where he studied the art of warfare. Uncontrollable 
ambition led him to hope to be made oonunander of the 
army of Lu during a war between that state and its northern 
nei^bor Ts'i. Tlie Duke of Lu appreciated his talent, but 
would not appoint him becaiise his wife was a Ts'i woman. 
Wu K'i then simply killed her as being in his way, and the 
duke, regarding this as an act of loyalty, gave him the 
desired appointment, in which it is recorded he justified 
his strategical reputation. After this he took service under 
the state of Wei, but in 387 B.C. got into trouble with the 
government and fled to Ch'u in the south, where King Tau 
made him his chancellor. In this capacity he did excellent 
work and, by his great energy and severity as a military 
chief, maintained rigid discipline among the troops. He, 
however, also made enemies among the grandees of the 
state, who, after the death of the king, conspired against 
and killed him. Under the name Wurtzl, i.e. " the Philoso- 
pher Wu," there still exists a little book on military art 
said to have been written by him. 

§ 57. LiE-WANG (375-369 B.C.) 

Dxiring this reign the state of Han made war on Chong, 
one of the old feudal states near the present K'ai-fong-fu, 
and conquered its territory. Otherwise, the most notable 
event during this period was the birth (372 B.C.) of the great 
philosopher Mencius in the state of Lu, where Confucius 


and some of his disciples were also bom. Hiere the usurper. 
Tito Ho'a successor, bad in the meantime aasumed the 
title "King ot Ts'i"; but the Son ci Heaven having pre- 
viously confirmed his family in their usurpation, he remained 
loyal to him, and when in 370 b.c. an assembly (A the feudal 
princes was summoned to the imperial court, he was the 
only one who did homage to the emperor. Li6-wang was 
succeeded by his younger brother Hito-wang. 

I 68. HiEN-WANO (36S--321 B.C.) 

During hie reign, covering nearly half a century, Hifo- 
wang was nothing better than a silent on-looker, without 
the sli^test power to interfere in the eodlefls struggles 
between his nominal vassals. Ssi-ma l^'ito's accotmt of 
it ' is merely a list (rf ceremonial courtesies shown to the 
dukes cS Ts'in, who with his imperial sanction claimed 
b^i;emony among the Contending States — a position fore- 
casting the shadows of future events. Ts'in had, as Ssi-ma 
I^'i^n says,* kept aloof from the remaining states, not even 
sending ambassadors to their peaceful meetings; and the 
purely Chinese states regarded it as a barbarian country. 

f 59. Tbb Philosophebs Yakq Chit and Mo Ti 

Fluting all round was now the order (rf the day, fitting 
alike with arms and words; for the several philosophic 
schools that had been reared on the foundations laid by 
Lau-tsi and Confucius rose against each other in a contest 
for leadership in the world of intellect, fitting as vigor- 

■ ChftVBonM, op. eO., vol. I, pp. 303-804. ■Chftvanncs, op. df., 
vol. U, p. 83. 


ously as the several confederate states in their endeavon 
to annihilate each other by force of arms. The philoso- 
phers of the age show a tendency to apply their doctrines 
to practical state life. That unsteadiness^ characteristic 
of political life in the fourth century B.C., which knew <rf 
no equilibrium among the contesting powers and which 
caused even conservative minds to become accustomed to 
the most imexpected changes in politics, was coupled with 
a hitherto unprecedented freedom of thought in the ranks 
of thinkers and writers. The most heretical views on state 
and private life were advanced and gained public adherence. 
Certain philosophers became the fashion, temporarily over- 
shadowing the sages of old ; and in the energy with which 
they tried to vindicate the creations of their minds, they 
parallel the political leaders of the Contending States. No 
greater contrast could be imagined than the two philoso- 
phers Yang Chu and Mo Ti, who probably flourished about 
this time, though no exact dates are ascertainable. We may 
be allowed, however, to draw conclusions from the terms 
in which they are spoken of by Mencius, who disap- 
proves of both, and whose antagonism to the two philoso- 
phers seems to show that they must have occupied the 
public mind not very long before he wrote. 

Yang Chu impresses us as one of the most original think- 
ers China has produced. He did not study old books like 
Confucius, but, having bestowed much thought on the 
world and on human nature, gave utterance to his views 
with a freedom bordering on cynicism. The main part of 
his doctrines is contained in the work known as Li^-tzi, 
"The Philosopher Li6,'' according to Giles * a fictitious title, 
covering the compilation of some other scholar; but some 

* Biographical Dictionary^ p. 432, no. 1251. 


of his sajringis are also referred to in the works of Chuang- 
tzi and notably in that of Mencius, his great adversary.^ 
Yang Chu was essentially a pessimist. Is life actually 
worth living 7 We may conclude that it is not, if we follow 
his calculation, according to which so great a part of it is 
spent either in a state of indifference during infancy and 
extreme old age, or in sleep and during many hours in the 
da3rtime, not counting the hours spent in pain and sickness, 
sorrow and bitterness. In a hundred years a man may 
live there may remain ten years actually worth counting, 

* Besides the abstracts from the chapter on Yang Chu in Lii-Ul, 
communicated by Legge in the Prolegomena to his edition of Meneiu$, 
I wish to refer to Dr. A. Forke's excellent paper Yang-ehu the EpicU' 
reofi in hU Relation to Lieh-tse the Pantheist in the Journal of the 
Peking Oriental Society, vol. iii, no. 3, pp. 203-258. Yang Chu holds 
that the best use one can make of wealth is to procure by its means 
all sorts of personal pleasure and distribute the residue among one's 
fellow-creatures. The following extract is from Forke, p. 239: — 

" Tuan-mu Shu of Wei was a descendant of TzI-kung. His patrimony 
pfx>cured him a treasure of ten thousand gold pieces. Indifferent 
to the devices of life, he followed his inclinations. What people liked 
to do and the heart delights in, he would do and delight in. As tor 
walls and buildings, pavilions and verandahs, gardens and parks, 
ponds and lakes, wine and food, carriages and dresses, women and 
attendants, he could emulate the princes of Ts'i and Ch'u in luxury. 
Whenever his heart desired something, his ear wished to hear some- 
thing, his eye to see or his mouth to taste, he would procure it at all 
costs, though the thing might only be had in a foreign land and a 
far-off country and not in the kingdom of Ts'i, Just as if he had it 
within his four walls. When on a Journey, mountains and rivers 
might be ever so difficult and dangerous to pass and the roads ever 
so long, he would still proceed. Just as other men walk a few stepa 
A hundred guests were entertained daily in his palace. In his kitch- 
ens there were fire and smoke uninterruptedly, and the vaults of 
his hall and the peristyle incessanUy resounded with songs and musie. 
The remains from his table he first divided amongst his clansmen, 
what they left was then divided amongst hia fellow-citixons, and what 
these did not eat was distributed throughout the whole kingdom." 


but "not even in them will be found an hour of smiling 
self-abandonment without the shadow of solicitude"; 
for post equitem sedet atra cura. Death awaits us all alike, 
whether we die at the age of ten or of a hundred; and 
once man's bones are rotten it does not matter whether 
he was a great character like Yau and Shun, or a mean 
creature like the tjo-ants Ki6 and Ch6u-sin. We, therefore, 
have every reason to make the best of life while it lasts. 
To Yang Chu, nothing can come after death. Fame is 
nothing. The great men of the past, " celebrate them — 
they do not know it ; reward them — they do not know 
it; their fame is no more to them than to the trunk of a 
tree or a clod of earth." 

To the old emperors Yau, Shun, and Yii, to Wu-wang 
and Ch6u-kung, who spent their lives in toil and worry, he 
compares those contemptible last monarchs of the Hia and 
Shang dynasties respectively, Ki6 and Ch6u-sin, who were 
pleasure-hunters all their lives and " never made themselves 
bitter by the thought of propriety and righteousness, and 
died like all of us." Yet theirs was a happy life in spite of 
the evil fame that followed their death. For the reality 
of enjoyment is what no fame can give. Legge,^ to whose 
abstract from Yang Chu's sayings I would refer, adds : — 

"It would be doing injustice to Epicurus to compare Yang with 
him, for, though the Grecian philosopher made happiness the chief 
end of human pursuit, he taught also that ' we cannot live pleasur- 
ably without living virtuously and justly.' The Epicurean system 
is, indeed, unequal to the capacity, and far below the highest com- 
placencies of human nature; but it is widely different from the 
reckless contempt of all which is esteemed good and great that 
defiles the pages where Yang is made to tell his views." 

* Mencius, Prolegomena, pp. 95-102. 


, Yang Chu's pessimism is also of a different kind from 
that of Schopenhauer, which abuts in altruistic ethics based 
on compassion.^ We also find in his sayings traces of that 
atheistic fatalism which would seem to absolve man from 
all responsibility for his doings by denying the freedom 
of will. For "intelligence and stupidity, honorableness 
and meanness, are not in one's power, neither is that con- 
dition of putridity, decay, and utter disappearance. A 
man's life is not in his own hands, nor is his death ; his in- 
telligence is not his own, nor his honorableness, nor his 

It stands to the credit of the Chinese nation that a man 
of Yang Chu's t3rpe was not placed on a level with their 
other great philosophers, and that views quite different 
from his became dominant among later generations. Yet, 
if we take into consideration his philosophy of private life 
and the forcible manner with which he seems to state his 
argtanentum ad hominem, we may look upon him as an 
important link in that process of decay which brou^t about 
the fall of the Ch6u dynasty and the ultimate victory oi 
principles which culminated in the burning of the old 
sacred books under a decree of the Emperor Ts'in Shi- 
huang-ti. For what we observe now is quite analogous 
to the logic of Confucius and his school, which made the 
life of the individual the basis of views on government 
and public life. Yang Chu's ''egotism," first applied to 
individual man as a member of society, finally reigned su- 
preme among the authorities responsible for the welfare 
of the Contending States, each of whom fought for the 
principle ''first we and then the world," or "aprte nous le 

^ Grube, t>p. eit., p. 127. 


Confucianism had to undergo a severe trial in those days ; 
and the example set by Chinese princes, who could follow 
the barbaric custom of makmg a lacquered bowl out of a 
dead enemy's skull or don the uncanonical dress of north- 
em foreigners, quite corresponded to the spirit of the age, 
which was characterized by ruthless contempt of the 
sacredness of tradition. To stick to tradition, to derive 
every blessing in life from one's ancestors, is the original 
Chinese principle ; and the frequency of examples betraying 
disregard of this principle that we now meet in political as 
well as in literary life may be* looked upon as a symptom of 
elements originally not Chinese havmg temporarily gamed 
the upper hand. This may be shown by the example even 
of Mo Ti, whose teachings were diametrically opposed to 
those of Yang Chu. What stamps him as a son of his time 
is an almost revolutionary independence of old Chinese 
tradition. Yang Chu and Mo Ti ''stood at the opposite 
poles of human thought and sentiment'' (Legge). The 
views of the latter were as altruistic as those of the former 
were frivolous. If Mencius treats Mo Ti as an adversary, 
it is because antiquity was not so sacred to him as it de- 
served to be in the eyes of orthodox Confucianists. 

Here I have to say a word about the name Mo Ti^ the 
several variants in the spelling of which may mislead readers 
of Mo Ti literature. The sound of the sage's family 
name, which means "ink" in Chinese, as heard in most of 
the mandarin dialects in China, is Mo; in Canton it is 
pronounced Maky which may be said to have been the 
sound corresponding to the ancient pronunciation; the 
final consonant has left its traces in some of the mandarin 
dialects in the shape of the abrupt termination of the vowel, 
which some transcribers express by a final A, for which 



reason Williams^ spells Moh. Morrison, in the old-fash- 
ioned English spelling, gives it as MtA, and Legge follows 
him. From this spelling in connection with the designation 
tzl (Mih-td, i.e. ''Mih or Mo, the philosopher'') has arisen 
the Latinized name Micius, invented by Faber, who also 
calls LiMzi Licius in analogy with the Latinized names 
Confucius and Menciua. 

Mo Ti is keenly aware of the rottenness of Chinese state 
life. In trying to ascertain its prime cause he comes to 
the conclusion that all evils arise from want of mutual love ; 
that this mutual love is wanting not only between individu- 
als and families, but between states also. If all were per- 
vaded by this spirit of love, thieves and robbers would dis- 
appear, the great officers would cease to throw one another's 
families into confusion, and princes would cease to attack 
one another's dominions. It is only throu^ that universal 
and mutual love that the empire will thrive. He sum- 
marizes the evils of his time thus : — i 

"The mutual attacks of state on state ; the mutual usurpatioiiB ^, 
of family on family; the mutual robberies of man on man; the 
want of kindness on the part of the sovereign and of loyalty on the 
part of the minister ; the want of tenderness and filial duty between 
father and son — these, and such as these, are the thin^ injurious 
to the empire. All this has arisen from want of mutual love. If 
but that one virtue could be made universal, the princes loving one 
another would have no battle-fields; the chiefs of families would 
attempt no usurpations; men would commit no robberies; rulers 
and ministers would be gracious and loyal ; fathers and sons would 
be kind and filial ; brothers would be harmonious and easily recon- 
ciled. Men in general loving one another, the strong would not 
make prey of the weak ; the many would not plunder the few ; the 
rich would not insult the poor; the noble would not be insolent 
to the mean ; and the deceitful would not impose upon the simple.** 

> SyUabie Dictionary, p. 004. 



To bring about reform in this direction^ the princes and 
governments should start with a good example, when society 
at large will follow ; and he goes on to prove from ancient 
history the fact, which holds good for China even at the 
present day, that the people will readily fall in with the 
wishes of their rulers, and that, in other words, the rulers 
have it in their hands to promote the imiversal love among 
the people if they choose to set the example.* 

Mo Ti's almost Christian altruism was much superior to 
Confucianism, and might have been able to save the em- 
pire had it been quite so easy as the philosopher dreamed 
to apply his theories to practical life. Not only did the 
states continue fighting, usurping, and robbing one another, 
but his very colleagues in moral philosophy tried to belittle 
the value of his unique doctrine, chief among them being the 
great Confucianist, Mencius. 

§ 60. Mencius 

Comparatively little is known of the personal life of 
Mencius (Mong K^o), He was born in 372 B.C., in the little 
state of Ts6u, not far from Confucius's own birthplace, and, 
having lost his father in early childhood, was educated 
entirely by his mother, who, from the many anecdotes 
circulating about her educational methods, has earned in 
China the reputation of a model mother. "Mong-mu,'* 
"Mother Mong,'' or ''Mother of Mencius,''. is as familiar 

* For further extracts and translations of Mo Ti's work, supposed 
to have been compiled by his disciples under the name Mo-tzi in fif- 
teen books, see Legge, MenciitSj Prolegomena, p. 104 seqq.; cf. also 
Faber, Die Grundgedanken des alien chinesischen SocidHsmus^ oder die 
Lehre dee Philosophen Micius (Elberfeld, 1877); G von der Gabelentz, 
Udiet den chinesischen Philosophen Mek Tik, in Ber. d. kgL Sdchs, 
Gee, d, Wissensch, (1888); and W. Grube, op, cU,f p. 129 aeqq. 


a figure to the Chinese as the " Mother cf the Gracchi " was 
to the people of Rome. She changed her home several times 
because she did not like certain associations which seemed 
to affect the education of her little son. Thus she moved 
away from the neighborhood of a cemetery because the 
boy would mimic the mourners who came to wail at the 
tombs. Then she left a house near the market because he 
would mimic the ways of shopkeepers. Finally she settled 
near a school ; and here the boy's imitative talent was at 
last in its proper element.* With all the authority exer- 
cised by her as a mother and despite the great veneration 
in which her memory has at all times been held by the 
Chinese nation, it is she who is credited with the strongest 
opposition to all female emancipation. Once Mencius 
planned to leave the state of Ts'i because its prince declined 
to listen to his gratuitous advice; he hesitated, however, 
on account of his old mother staying with him, and when 
he spoke to her about this, she gave him the following 
reply : — 

"It is a woman's duty to be skilful in the preparation of food 
and careful in the preservation of household articles ; to look after 
the comfort of her parents-b-law, and to sew and weave. To these 
things her sphere of activity is limited. It is her province to main- 
tain order withm the house ; but her thoughts ought not to wander 
beyond the boundaries of her home. In the * Book of Changes ' it 
is said : ' Let her attend to the preparation of food within the 
rooms allotted to her, and take nothing else on herself.' And in 
the * Book of Poetry ' it is said : ' It is theirs neither to do wrong 
nor to shine by prominent good actions ; let them limit their thoughts 
to the wine and the food.' This means that it does not belong to 
a woman to determine anything of herself, but she is subject to the 

> Arendt, TAe Mother of Af enctiM, in China Review, vol. zii, p. 314 


rule of the three obediences. Therefore, when young, she has to 
obey her parents; when married, she has to obey her husband; 
when a widow, she has to obey her son. This is her duty. At 
present, you are a man in your full maturity, and I am old. Do 
you act as your conviction of righteousness teUs you you ou^t to 
do, and I will act according to the rule which belongs to me.'' 

Altogether she must have been a very superior woman; 
and it is quite probable that the excellent education she 
gave Mencius in his early youth contributed greatly to his 
subsequent distinction. After his boyhood nothing is 
known of his life until he comes forward as a teacher, or a 
"professor of morals and learning," as Legge puts it, some- 
thing like his great prototype Confucius. He was now 
about forty years of age and surrounded by a number of 

Mencius's teachings, as laid down in the book bearing his 
name, are mainly of a political kind. During the 150 years 
which lay between the times when Confucius and Mencius 
taught that process of decay of imperial power, which 
had set in long before the Ch'un-ts'iu period, had become a 
continuous threat foreboding general collapse. Four or 
five generations earlier the princes of the empire cultivated 
at least some sort of nominal loyalty toward the Son of 
Heaven. This feeling as regards the legitimacy of the 
emperor's position, which Confucius had tried to foster as 
best he could, had now given way to utter disregard of 
imperial rights. Had the house of Ch6u produced men of 
action able to assert themselves in this turmoil of mutual 
jealousies among the feudal states, there would have been 
room for a hero of history to perform great feats; but no 
such man arose. The emperor was now a mere shadow, and 
things took their own course before his eyes. There was 


constant warfare among the princes, who would form leagues 
against one another, changing the equilibrium of power 
from generation to generation. All these political troubles 
were greatly augmented by the philosophers' custom of 
traveling about from court to court to tender advice. It 
had become the ambition of the learned classes to be con- 
nected somehow or other with political life ; and the free- 
dom with which it was possible to leave one's home in 
order to settle down in another state, that Freuugigkeil 
which in the United States and in modern Germany ap- 
pears as a concession made by local legislation to federal 
power, probably had an important share in the general 
decay which followed this period. In those days the fate 
of China lay much more in the hands of irresponsible ad- 
venturers than with the real heads of the several states, 
who allowed themselves to be persuaded by the clever 
tongues of ambitious strangers to plunge into adventures 
most dangerous to themselves and to the common welfare. 
These advisers had sometimes risen from the very lowest 
ranks of the people; becoming adherents of one of the 
several philosophic schools dominant at the time, they made 
use of a certain superiority in dialectics thus acquired in 
gratifying their ambition to rise to political influence. 

Still it must be admitted that among these amateur dip- 
lomats were men of real importance, whose talents would 
have shone had they served a better purpose than that 
of internal wars. Such are the lives of Chang I (died 310 
B.C.) and Su Ts'in (died 317 B.C.), who from being servants 
in a school picked up the most necessary education in this 
connection, then studied the sophistical art of persuading 
any one to an3rthing under the Tauist philosopher Kui-ku- 
tsi, who prepared them for the adventurous career of an 


itinerant volunteering diplomat. Many of these men were 
devoid of all local patriotism, perhaps because the rising 
man is so often treated with contempt by his own people. 
Thus Chang I, being a native of the state of Wei, became 
minister in Ts'in, when through the chief work of his life 
he did his own country every possible harm, thou^, hav- 
ing to leave Ts'in after the death of his patron, he accepted 
the post of prime minister in Wei again. He was one of 
those men of whom one of Mencius's interlocutors says, 
" Once they are angry, the princes of the empire will be 
afraid ; and when they live quietly, the world will see its 
troubles quelled/' Altogether Mencius tried to oppose the 
current of the times, in which Confucian tradition was en- 
tirely neglected, with the full weight of his authority, though 
in vain. He spent a portion of his life, some time between 
333 and 324 b.c, in the state of Ts'i as a counselor of the 
prince's, for which services he declined to receive any salary. 
In the conversations which he held with the sovereign and 
the government officers of this, as of other states, he has 
placed on record his views on state management. These 
views represent merely an extension of the Confucian 
philosophy to the state life in that troubled period of the 
Contending States. 

Mencius was a man of great pride; like Mahomet, he 
expected the mountain to come to him if he wanted it; 
and he never secured a footing of cordiality with the king 
of Ts'i, which, together with the freedom he was wont to 
use in his conversations, led to his withdrawal from his 
otherwise great admirer. In doing so, he was led to hope 
that the king would recall him for the benefit of the people 
of Ts'i, nay, for the happiness of the whole empire ; but the 
mountain would not come to him, and Mencius was no 


Mahomet. He then embraced the life of a wandering 
philosopher. In 319 B.C. he visited King Hui of Liang 
in the present K'ai-fong-fu, to his conversation with whom 
on matters of government the first of the seven books of his 
work is devoted. The sage's conversations with sovereigns 
and statesmen are characterized by that spirit of expostu- 
lation peculiar to philosophical quibblers; but, being a 
sworn Confucianist, he commands respect for defending 
his views against such an overwhelming opposition under 
the conflicting interests of political and literary authorities. 
After the death of Hui in 320 B.C. Mencius returned to Ts'i, 
where he held a court appointment and occasionally gave 
offense by his overbearing pride. When his aged mother 
died, he buried her with great pomp, possibly to spite his 
adversary Mo Tl, who had advocated simplicity in funeral 

Political troubles connected with the conquest by Ts'i 
of the northern state of Yen, in which Mencius was involved, 
led to his adoption of a wandering Hfe again (312 B.C.); 
and after a stay of two years in the state of Sung he re- 
turned to his native country, Lu (310 B.C.), where one of 
his disciples had been appointed prime minister. Thb 
disciple, named Yo Chong, had arranged for an interview 
between him and the reigning duke ; but one of the courtiers 
had thought it improper for the latter to pay the first visit 
to a mere scholar, and Mencius, anxious though he had been 
all his life to present his theories on government to those in 
power, would not again approach the sovereign voluntarily. 
He consoled himself with the thought that, though certain 
men mi^t seem to be instrumental in fostering or hinder- 
ing good work, they could not really interfere with its 
progress, and that the failure of the Duke of Lu to meet 


him was Heaven's decree. After this disappointment, 
which was clearly the result of his unbending "Manner- 
stolz," he refrained from interviewing sovereigns for the 
rest of his life, the last twenty years of which he spent in 
retirement, devoted to the company of his disciples and to 
literary work. He died in 289 B.C. 

The distinctive merit of Mencius's philosophy, as com- 
pared with the teachings of Confucius himself, is its applica- 
tion to state life, starting, of course, in true Confucian spirit 
from family relations and filial duty ; but his feelings in this 
respect are essentially democratic, the prosperity of the 
people being his first care, and loyalty to the sovereign, as 
taught by Confucius, being of secondary importance. It 
was not sufficient for governments to provide for the physical 
welfare of the masses; it was also their duty to educate 
the people. He despises power and external grandeur if 
not backed by justice and righteousness; but he is an 
idealist and expects the world to be better than it can ever 
be. He docs not respect history, and books do not inspire 
him as infallible. For *'it would be better to have no 
books at all than to believe everything they relate"; 
and of the records describing Wu-wang^s achievements he 
selected only two or three as trustworthy.* If by these 
''books" the Shu-king is meant, it is remarkable that such 
confessions should come from a Confucianist of Mencius's 
standing, who, moreover, was a firm believer in Yau and 
Shun, the model emperors. But it would seem that his 
antagonism was directed mainly against warfare, about 
which the "books" had so much to say and which he 
condemned in the strongest terms, and that he was not so 
much opposed to the '* Book of History" as to its contents, 

* Leggc, MenduSf p. 355. 


which did not condescend to prove his theories. Man 
should and need not fi^t ; he ought, according to Mencius, 
to be benevolent, for "the benevolent man has no enemy" 
— that is what a sovereign should be. Those who boast 
of their skill in making war are to him great criminals; 
and all the wars described in the Ch'un-tsHu were unjust. 
To King Hui of Liang he advises the benevolent administra- 
tion of government, by lenient punishments, light taxa- 
tion, etc.; thus he would soon be backed by a people 
who could dispense with warfare, being strong enough to 
oppose the ''strong mail and sharp weapons" of his en- 
emies, the troops of Ts'in and Ch*u, " vrilh mere sticks in 
their haruis.** * 

Mencius was a great leader in questions of political 
economy, which have at all periods played an important 
part in Chinese political life. If his ideas were not carried 
out at once, they were certainly of great influence in later 
centuries. In that mutual warfare of opinions, when ad- 
vice on public matters was so freely tendered, would-be 
reformers were to be found everywhere, who tried to surpass 
each other in the originality of their schemes. Mencius, 
with all his idealism, at least kept aloof from eccentricities. 
Not only did he steer a middle course between the two 
great antipodes, Yang Chu and Mo Ti, but he rebuked 
absurdities of every kind, such as the hyper-asceticism of 
Ch'on Chung, who thought he could purify his heart by 
starvation and an almost total neglect of the decencies of 

* Legge, Mencius f p. 11. Modem China will not be able to adopt 
this advice, and Kuang-sQ in hiM celebrated edict of June 11, 1898, 
aftlu his nation: "Shall we be able to hold our own, fighting with 
fiticka against mailed armor and sharp weapons, if we continue to 
neglect the drilling of our troops, the education of our people and the 
development of national resources?" 


life, in which respect he could vie with many a Buddhist 

An eccentric of another kind was 'Hhe agriculturist" 
Hii Hing, who hailed from the semi-barbarian state of 
Ch'u. He was one of the many peripatetic philosophers 
who traveled from court to court hawking their theories of 
good government, and who had to pocket nimierous dis- 
appointments until they found the prince of some state, 
however small, who approved their ideas. Such a petty 
state was T'ong, whose ruler, Duke Won, had on a previous 
occasion consulted Mencius on that vexatious question, a 
solution of which caused all the little states considerable 
anxiety ; namely, which of their big neighbors it was most 
desirable to side with in order to avoid being swallowed up 
themselves. It is not known at how many doors Hii Hing 
had knocked in vain, when he came to Duke Won's gate, 
saying : " A man of a distant region, I have heard that you, 
Prince, are practising a benevolent government, and I wish 
to obtain a site for a house, and to become one of your 
people ** ; and the duke gave him a dwelling-place. His dis- 
ciples, numbering some dozens, wore clothes of hair-cloth 
and made sandals of hemp and wove mats for a living. 

Hii King's theory was that the cultivation of the soil was 
the only source of the true welfare of the people. In this 
he clashed with the views of Mencius, who proved in detail 
that Hii Hing's were fallacious. Hii Hing had expected 
sovereigns to cultivate the ground and eat of the fruit of 
their labor like ordinary peasants. " They should prepare 
their own meals morning and evening, while at the same 
time carrying on their government." The granaries, 
treasuries, and arsenals kept by princes were merely a 
burden on the people. To these arguments Mencius re- 


plied: ''I suppose that Hu Hing sows grain and eats the 
produce. Does he also weave cloth ? " "No; for he wears 
hair-cloth." " And his cap ? " "He gets it in exchange for 
grain." "And the food-boilers and earthenware pans re- 
quired for cooking his food, and the iron share used for 
ploughing?" "He gets them all in exchange for grain." 
It was by such questions that Mencius, like most of the old 
Chinese philosophers, tried to prove his point, — the 
erotetic method by which Socrates used to demonstrate 
his reduclio ad absitrdum. Having thus elicited from the 
defender of Hu Hing's theories all their absurdities, he 
developed his oWn system of political economy, which went 
to show that husbandry cannot be the only basis of good 
government and that industry claims its rights ; also, that 
some men labor with their minds, while others labor with 
their bodily strength; mind laborers being the govern- 
ment class, and physical laborers those that are governed 
by others. Dr. W. E. Macklin, in an interesting paper on 
Mencius,^ remarks in connection with this anecdote : — 

"Tolstoi edited a book written by a leveler like HQ Hing, who 
tauf^t that every one should raiiie his own grain. I forget the jaw- 
breaking Russian name of the writer. If Tolstoi had not already 
been converted from the error of his wa3r8, Mencius could turn him. 
We see from this that Mencius is no crank with a wheel or twist in 

Among the many philosophers who from the days of 
Confucius down to the end of the Ch6u dynasty helped to 
raise decadent China to such a high intellectual standard 
Mencius impresses us as the clearest in judgment. He is 
certainly not a mjrstic ; and in common-sense argumenta- 

* Jl/«fictii« and Same Other Reformer $ of China, in Journal qf the 
Branch qf the Royal AHaiie Society, vol. zxxiii. 


tion, by which he tries to sift his problems to the bottom, 
his work contrasts favorably with the Tavrto-king. Chinese 
philosophers do not present their teachings in the shape of 
regular "systems"; but how a system can be constructed 
out of a work which at first sight appears as an incoherent ac- 
count of anecdotes and a series of dialogues reproducing the 
sage's remarks on all possible details of individual, family, 
and official life, has been well shown in Dr. Ernst Faber's 
German book on Mencius.* It is perhaps characteristic, 
and a testimony to his common sense, that Mencius does 
not share with his great master Confucius the esteem in 
which the latter held the I-kingj or "Book of Changes," 
if we may draw conclusions from the fact that he never 
referred to it. A glance at Faber^s digest shows that his 
"Mencius" covers a wide range of philosophic thought, but 
that man in all his relations is its chief concern. In this 
respect he goes much more into detail even than Confucius, 
and when compared with him, his detail is characterized 
by a certain moderation in accepting the observance of 
outer formalities. 

All the important phases of Chinese social and official life 
are discussed in the book, which, moreover, appeals to the 
sympathy of all those among us whose principle of life 
is that never ending self-education of character. In 
this respect Mencius may be considered a model. We 
have, it is true, to make allowance for his being a Chinese 
and for the remoteness of the period in which he lived, but 
not nearly to the same extent as in the case of Confucius. 

* ** Eine Staatslehre auf ethischer Grundlage, oder Lehrbegriff des 
chinesischen Philosophen Mencius J* Elberfeld, 1877. The author 
does not in all his translations and interpretations agree with Legge, 
whose volume on Mencius (The Chinese Classics , vol. ii) appeared in 


Further, considerably more of the disciple's thou^t than 
of that of the master himself seems to have retained its 
eternal value. Benevolence and justice are the great vir- 
tues which should govern man's actions in all his relations; 
of these relations the most important is that between 
sovereign and people ; and sovereigns should cultivate these 
virtues in the first instance. Many of the sage's sayings 
may, therefore, be said to come under that chapter, so much 
cultivated by Oriental philosophers, of "Mirror of Princes." 
But that in which all are concerned, the great lesson he 
gives to humanity at large, is the education of one's per- 
sonal character. Character is more important than clever- 
ness. Man's life ought to be a constant strife in subduing 
one's passions, in order to attain to perfection by the 
dominancy of ethical principles and the suppression of 
sensual instincts ; and all this striving for perfection should 
not be undertaken for the sake of external rewards, but for 
the pleasure one takes in perfection itself. It does Dr. 
Faber, the missionary, as much credit as it does the ancient 
sage that, far from condemning these views as pagan, he 
regards them as an incentive to Christians to vie with 
heathen characters in the exercise of virtue. The Chinese, 
he thinks, are now as far away from these ideals as they 
were in the time of Mencius, whose teachings represent, 
as it were, the conscience of the Chinese, — the knowledge 
of what is normal in goodness, by which the deviations of 
individual life may be judged. 

In his political views Mencius was decidedly loyal to the 
traditional position of the Ch6u emperor ; and he denounced 
the decadence of his age as being the result of the ne^ect 
of loyalty. The "Five Leaders" (xvu-pa, seventh century 
B.C.) ofifended in loyalty against the "Three Kings" («m- 


wang, i.e. the founders of the three dynasties Hia, Shang, 
and Ch6u). This means they were the first to disavow 
openly imperial authority. Then he says: "The princes 
of the present day ofifend in loyalty against the Five Lead- 
ers, and the great officers of the present day ofifend in loyalty 
against the princes." He laments the position of the em- 
peror, who formerly visited the princes on tours of inspec- 
tion and received at his court visits from the princes who 
reported to him on their official acts. It used to be a 
custom in the spring to examine the ploughing and to supply 
any deficiency of seed ; in autumn, to examine the reaping 
and to assist where there was a deficiency in the crop. 
When the emperor entered the boundaries of a state, if 
new ground was being reclaimed and the old fields were 
well cultivated, if the aged were nourished and the worthy 
honored, and if men of distinguished talents were placed in 
office, the prince was rewarded by the emperor with an 
addition to his territory. On the other hand, if the em- 
peror found that the ground was left wild or overrun with 
weeds, if the old were neglected and the worthy unhonored, 
and if the offices were filled with hard tax-gatherers, the 
prince was reprimanded by the emperor. Non-attendance 
at court was visited by degradation of rank, loss of terri- 
tory, and, if persisted in, by removal from government. 
The emperor merely used his authority in commanding 
such punishments, the execution of which rested with the 
other princes. It was only through the rule of the Five 
Leaders that the time-honored imperial privilege passed 
out of the hands of the Son of Heaven into those of the 
Leaders. This was, according to Mencius, an offense in 
loyalty against the Three Kings. The period of the Five 
Leaders thus marks, according to him, the first stage of 


that decay of imperial power which had ruled supreme for 
a thousand years and more. 

The most powerful of the Five Leaders, Duke Huan of 
Ts'i, as we have already seen, called a covenant of the 
princes of the empire in which five articles were agreed 
upon for the guidance of the several sovereigns. The 
fifth article says: ''Make no promotions without first 
announcing them to the king, or emperor." This involves 
at least a certain amount of loyalty to the central power, if 
merely a nominal one; but, as Mencius continues, the 
princes of his time all violated the prohibitions contained 
in these five articles, for which reason he held them to 
ofifend in loyalty against the Five Leaders. Mencius 
contrasts the disloyalty of a man who merely foUows his 
sovereign in a wicked enterprise with that of the man who 
instigates him to wickedness. This was, indeed, the great 
crime of the hi^ officers of his own time, who ofifended in 
disloyalty to their sovereigns.^ Altogether we could not 
find any better exponent of the gradual coUapse of that 
once ^orious Ch6u dynasty than the philosopher Mencius. 

The history of the state of Ts'i has dxavm how in ancient 
China the application of scholarship to the affairs of govern- 
ment bore practical fruit, and there has probably been no 
second example on record in which the results of phUo- 
sophic thou^t were so immediately and successfully con- 
nected with state management as that of the philosopher 
Kuan-tzi. After him Confucius strove in vain to gain 
personal influence in matters of government. If he did 
not succeed, some of his disciples did, besides hundreds of 
influential men who in later generations educated them- 
fldves by the study of his teachings. Something similar 

* Lesge, op. cii., pp. 311-314. 



was eminently the case with the great Ck)nf ucianist Mencius 
who devoted a good deal of thought to questions of political 
economy and to politics generally. He advocated tutelage 
over the people, though on liberal principles. One of his 
pet theories was the division of fields among the population. 
According to him, the expenses of government ought to be 
raised by levying the tenth part of all land cultivated by 
the people on government account. For this purpose he 

recommended the tsing, or "weU," sys- 
tem of tithing, by which all land was 
to be divided into equal squares of so 
many acres, each square being separated 
from its neighbor by boundary lines re- 
sembling the shape of the Chinese char- 

acter tsing 

("weir*) so as to yield nine square lots. 

Of these the eight outer ones were to be held by private 
owners among the people, who by their joint labor were 
to cultivate the central lot for the government. This was, 
of course, a utopianism but little better than Hii Hingis 
agricultural eccentricities; and it is difficult to imagine 
how in the long run it could work successfully in practice. 
Still the tsing system has again and again been considered 
in the course of history as having been favored by such 
a deep thinker as Mencius and, with its claim of certain 
lands for government use, may have actually influenced 
the laying out of city plans and field- marks. 

The question how to defray the expenses of government 
has, of course, occupied the sovereigns of China at all 
periods of its history, and when Mencius devoted his atten- 
tion to the subject, several systems of taxation had already 


been tried ; but, with that complexity which has at all times 
prevailed in the sources of revenue, it seems natiu^al that 
in ancient China, at a time when foreign trade was still 
inconsiderable and agriculture was by far the most im- 
portant basis of public wealth, the taxation of land (Ju) 
and personal services (t) should form the backbone of 
taxation. From the earliest existence of a government in 
China, land has been considered to be the property of the 
sovereign. There was no private ownership, but subjects 
were allowed to claim lots on payment of a tax, which con- 
sisted in the surrendering of a certain percentage of the 
harvest. This percentage has, of course, varied a good deal 
in the course of history. At first calculated on the mere 
area held by farmers, it is stated to have been levied accord- 
ing to the nature of the land as early as the Emperor Yau 
(2300 B.C.). The Emperor Yii (2200 b.c.) is supposed to 
have introduced the so-called tribute system (kung-fa), by 
which fifty tn&Uf or acres, were granted to each adult, the 
corresponding tribute being one-tenth of the produce of the 
land. Ch'ong-t'ang, founder of the Shang dynasty (1766 
B.C.), is supposed to have been the originator of a mutual 
aid system (isurfa), which the philosopher Chu Hi believes 
to have been the foundation of the Uing system remodeled 
by Mencius, and by which a tsing was divided into nine 
squares, each measuring 70 mdu. By this system the 
ground tax, would seem at first si^t to have been one- 
ninth of the produce ; but since the farmers had to live in 
houses occupying certain portions of their lots, it may be 
said that practically the government tax amounted to that 
prototype of all ancient taxation, the tithe. At the be^n- 
ning of the (7h6u dynasty (1122 b.c.) a combination of the 
two older systems was resorted to, householders in cities 


and towns pajring their tithe in kind on the land belonging 
to them, whereas the mutual aid fifystem remained in force 
in the rural districts. This arrangement was known as 
the "share system" (ch!d-fa) and prevailed during the 
greater part of the Ch6u dynasty. Under it a certain 
percentage of the land held by farmers was allowed for 
buildings, and of the remainder, as ground imder actual 
cultivation, the tenth portion of the crops, i.e. the tithe, was 
due to the government. 

AU through the Ch6u djmasty the principle by which land 
was held was that the sovereign, whoever he might be, was 
in all cases the real owner and that the tenant held it under 
conditions determined by the government. Man was held 
to be an adult at the age of twenty, and his portion of land 
was then allotted to him; at the age of sixty his fields 
reverted to the government ; and no sale or other disposal 
was permitted. This system was not changed under the 
feudal government by which so many kings, dukes, mar- 
quises, counts, and barons were sovereigns and consequently 
owners of all the soil within their respective dominions — 
under the more or less doubtful authority of the Son of 
Heaven. The laws of land-ownership experienced a 
thorough change on the establishment of the new empire 
under Shi-huang-ti, when, for the first time in the history 
of China, occupants hitherto treated as mere landholders 
became virtual proprietors and when important changes 
took place in the levy of the ground tax.* 

* I. M. Daae, The Landtax in China. A description of its origin 
and development together with the nature and incidences of the present 
levy. Collected from the most reliable Chinese sources. In Transactions 
of the VIII International Congress of Orientalists^ Stockholm, 1889, pt. 
iv, pp. 53-86. I differ from Mr. Daae in the translation of the term 
Mhi-i, lit., "ten and one," which here does not mean eleven parts, but 


(61. Cbuano-tsi 

Aa Mencius was the principal representative at the Con- 
fucian achool of philosophers, eo Chuang-tBi,his contempo- 
rary, was the chief representative of Tauist philosophy. 
Cbuang-tsi's views thus formed the greatest contrast at 
everything preached by the Coofucianists ; and this contrast 
may be shown even in his personal life. Whereas Confucius 
and Mencius constantly hankered after personal influence 
with princes and govemmenta, their great ambition being 
to be social reformers, Chuang-tii was the better philoso- 
pher inasmuch as he cared more for the absolute liberty 
<rf a scholar's life than for a grand position in the world. 
Twice he declined the honor of being prime minister to the 
king of Ch'u. He compared the man who held such a posi- 
tion and who could at any time fall into disgrace to " the 
sacrificial ox fattened for years in order to be led to the 
altar, decked with embroidered trappings, and killed." 
On another occasion, when the king had offered him that 
same hi^ position, be referred to " a sacred tortoise which 
bad been dead for some three thousand years, but was held 
in reverential memory on the altar of the king's ancestral 
temple." "Would not this tortoise," he asked the king, 
" rather than seeing its dead remains worshiped, prefer to 
be alive and wag its tail in the mud?" He philosopher 
preferred to "wag bis tail in the mud" rather than be a 
grand personage and be practically dead. If Hencius may 
be said to be a better exponent of Confucian teachings than 

"one out of ten," i.». the tithe. Cf. alao A. Fork«, Da* eAtiMfudb* 
Finan»- mmI SlM^ncttm, in UUOmluiigm dt S«mtiMr« /Br OrinXaf* 
itdu apndtm m Btrtin, Jihrgang Ui, 1900, pt. 1, p. 187 Mgg. 


Ck)nf ucius himself, owing to the simplicity and deameas of 
his language, something similar is the case with Chuang-tzi 
as an exponent of Lau-txi's Tauist wisdom, whose work (if 
it is his indeed), the Taurtd-king, is a good deal more in 
need of a commentary than the sajdngs of Confucius. We 
possess an excellent translation of Chuang-txi's writings by 
Professor Herbert A. Giles,^ whose skepticism concerning 
Lautzi's Taurtd-king seems to qualify him especially as 
a spokesman on Chuang-tzi. Mr. Giles says in his intro- 
duction : — 

"Lau-tzi was the great Prophet of his age. He tauf^t men to 
return good for evil, and to look forward to a higher life. He professed 
to have found the clue to all things human and divine. 

" He seems to have insisted that his system could not be reduced 
to words. At any rate, he declared that those who spoke did not 
know, while those who knew did not speak. 

"But to accommodate himself to conditions of mortality, he 
called this clue TAU, or THE WAY, explaining that the word was 
to be understood metaphorically, and not in a literal sense as the 
way or road upon which men walk. 

'"The following are sentences selected from the indisputably 
genuine remains of Lau-tzi, to be found scattered here and there 
in early Chinese literature: 

All the world knows that the goodness of doing good is not real ftoodnc 

When merit has been achieved, do not take it to yourself. On the other hand 
if you do not take it to yourself, it shall never be taken from you« 

By many words wit is exhausted. It is better to preserve a mean. 

Keep behind and you shall be put in front. Keep out and you shall be kept in. 

What the world reverences may not be treated with irreverence. 

Good words shall gain you honor in the market-place. Good deeds shall gain 
3rou friends among men. 

He who, conscious of being strong, is content to be weak, he shall be a csmosure 
of men. 

The empire is a divine trust, and may not be ruled. He who rules, ruina. He 
who holds by force, loses. 

Mighty is he who conquers himself. 

* Chuang-Ul, Mystic, Moralist and Social Reformer, trandaUd/ram 
the Chinese. London, 1880. 


Ha who y «iDt«it h>a lointi. 

To Um (Ood I wooM b* (ood. To tho not food I wonld *!■> bo good, ia onki 
M maka tfaas ftMXi- 

It th( lonraBMt i* lotanat, ih» pMipU will b* withoot ■uU*. If (bo gonn- 
BMit i« -vr""-« tbwa will bo oonMoal infrmstiOB ol Iho taw. 

"t ™ r— ~ injwr witb Mnilawi. 

"Of such were the pure uid simple teftcbings of L«u-UI. But 
it b upon the wondroua doctrine of Inactum that hia claim to im- 
mortality b founded : 

Do Bothinc uid kO (hinc* viO bo doooL 

I do DOthiag, fjid my pcopld boeoow gaod ol UhJt dwd aoBord. 

AbuKloD wudom mad dianonl koowladcii and Um poopta wlQ bo b»ifllKl u 

nom« Iho ■««»«. tb« m>l\ tmnoam tho hwd. AH Iho worid 

!«■ in tho world owTidathihvdtrt. ThKt wUob hu do nboUaea 

"Such doctrioM as these were, however, not likely to appeal 
with force (o the sympathies of a practical people. In the sixth 
century B.C., before I«u-tii'a death, another pr(q>het arose. H« 
tau^t his countrymen that duly la one's neighbor comprises the 
whole duty of man. ChBritableneBs of heart, jiutioe, sincerity, and 
fortitude, sum up the ethics of Confucius. He knew nothing of a 
God, of a soul, of an unseen world. And he declared that the un- 
knowable had better remain untouched. 

" Apinst these hard and worldly utterances, Chuang-til raised 
a powerful cry. The idealism of Lau-tii had seised upon his 
poetic soul, and he determined to stem the tide of materialism in 
which men were being fast rolled to perdition. 

" He failed, of course. It was, indeed, too great a task to per- 
suade the calculating Oiinese nation that by doing nothing all 
things would be done. But Chuang-tii bequeathed to posterity 
a work which, by reason of its marvelous literary beauty, has al- 
ways held a foremost place. It is also a work of much originality 
of thought. The writer, it is true, appears chiefly as a disciple 
insisting upon the principles of a master. But he has contrived to 
extend the field, and carry hia own q>eculations into regiims never 
t o( by Uu-UI." 


Chuang-tzi's works are full of acrimonious attacks on 
Confucius and his school. That antagonism between 
Confucianists and TauistS; which in later centuries divided 
the Chinese world of thought into two hostile camps, had 
begun to take positive shape among the philosophers of the 
Contending States. Confucius and his adherents were 
treated with ironical contempt. In those days he was not 
half so great a man among the Chinese as he became in later 
centuries after the apotheoses of such influential writers as 
Han Yii (768-824) and Chu Hi (1130-1200); and to ex- 
pose him to the ridicule of the masses all possible dia- 
lectic artifices were resorted to by his adversaries, not the 
least powerful among whom was Chuang-tzi. 

One of the best-known attacks on Confucius is that mas- 
terful literary caricature, forming the spurious twenty- 
ninth chapter of Chuang-tzi's work, containing the story of 
" Robber Chi/' Chi, a fictitious Bill Sykes, was at the head 
of a band of nine thousand ill-reputed characters and be- 
came a regular scourge to the empire. This was an eyesore 
to Confucius, who determined to use his eloquence in trying 
to persuade him that virtue is better than vice. When the 
robber was advised of the sage's visit, he flew into a rage 
and at first would not see him, calling him evil names ; but 
finally he admitted him into his presence. The conversa- 
tion which ensued forms a satire on the life and teachings of 
Confucius which, better than anything else, was apt to 
predispose the masses against him, the great robber scourg- 
ing him with the merciless lash of his irony. "You wear 
patched clothes and a narrow girdle," he tells Confucius; 
" you talk big and act falsely, in order to deceive the rulers 
of the land, while all the time you yourself are aiming at 
wealth and power ! You are the biggest thief I know ; and 


if the world calls me ' Robber Chi,' it most certainly ou^t 
to call you 'Robber' Confucius." And among other things 
he says : " You call yourself a man of talent and a sage, for- 
sooth 1 Twice you have been driven out of Lu. You were 
tabooed in Wei. You were a fulure in Ts'i. In fact, the 
empire won't have you anywhere. It was your teaching 
which brought Tsi-lu to his tragical end. You cannot take 
care, in the first place, of yourself, nor, m the second place, erf 
others. Of what value can your doctrine be?" 

Ihen he goes on to prove the fallacy erf a number of the 
moet cherished traditions of Chinese iustory. All the heroes 
of high antiquity, such as Huang-ti, Yau, Shun, Yii, Ch'ong- 
t'ang, Won-wang, and Wu-wang, had their flaws. Whatever 
their reputation among men may be, "fuller investigation 
shows that a desire for advantage disturbed their original 
purity and forced it into a contrary direction; hence the 
BhamelesanesB of their deeds." Having cmpha^sed some 
of the views known from other books to be those of the 
philosopher Yang Chu (one of the several anschronisma 
Btamping this entire chapter as spurious), he winds up by 
Baying : — 

"'Confucius! all your teachings are nothing to me. Begone I 
Go home I Say no more I Your doctrine is a random jargon, full 
of falsity and deceit. It can never preserve the original ptirity of 
man. Why discuss it further T ' 

"Confucius made two obeisances and hurriedly took his leave. 
On mounting his chariot, he throe times missed hold of the reins. 
His eyes were so dascd that he could see nothing. His face was 
ashy pale. With downcast head he grasped the bar of his chariot, 
unable to find vent for his feelings." ' 

ITie story of Robber Chi is one of thoee allegorical fictiona 
made use of by the contending philosophers of the Contend- 

' OOei, sp. eU., pp. 3S7-Vlt. 


ing States as the most impresave we^xm in that spiritual 
contest now raging between the adherents of Lau-tzi and 
Confucius. In one of the spurious chapters appearing 
in the works of Chuang-tzi/ Confudus is introduced in 
conversation with a mysterious sage i^proaching him in 
the disguise of a ample-minded old fisherman with beard 
and eyebrows snowy white. Among other unpalatable 
truths Confucius has to hear from his lips is the following 
parable, describing his vain attempts to gain a position 
in reforming the world, thus never conquering that philo- 
sophical calmness he might have enjoyed had he left others 
alone and cultivated his own physical and mental self in 
accordance with Lau-tzi's principle of inaction : — 

"There was once a man who was so afraid of his shadow and so 
disliked his own footsteps that he determined to run away from 
them. But the oftener he raised his feet the more footsteps he 
made, and though he ran very hard, his shadow never left him. 
From this he inferred that he went too slowly, and ran as hard as 
he could without resting, the consequence being that his strength 
broke down and he died. He was not aware that by going into the 
shade he would have got rid of his shadow, and that by keeping 
still he would have put an end to his footsteps. Fool that he was 1 " 

The old fisherman appears to hit the nail on the head by 
vituperating the Confucian mania for external ceremonies. 
"Real mourning grieves in silence." "Our emotions are 
dependent upon the original purity within, and it matters 
not what ceremonies may be employed." "Ceremonial is 
the invention of man. Our original purity is given to us 
from God." "The true sage should model himself upon 
God and hold his ori^nal purity in esteem ; he should be 
independent of human exigencies. Fools, however, reverse 

> Giles, op. cU,, pp. 413-422. 


this." Such a fool, we read between the lines, was Con- 
fucius, who in this fictitious tale is represented as almost 
a convert to Tauism, — a mere satire and a mild literary 
fraud which, like many others, has probably done a good 
deal to undermine that authority of Confucian teachings, 
which after all must be considered as the cement, so to 
speak, that had so far prevented the utter collapee of the 
Ch6u dynasty. 

{ 62. Minor Philobophbbs 

The age of Mencius and Chuang-tei and the generations 
following them down to the earlier Han dynasty produced 
quite a number of minor phUoeophers whose teachings 
have been handed down in texts not always beyond sus- 
picion as to genuineness and authorship. Theae texts were 
copied and recopied during the Middle Ages, and have been 
published in countless editions since the development of 
the book-printing industry; and they have all found their 
commentators, defenders, and adversaries. Apart from 
the Confucian classics, the recognition oi the several texts 
of which, as canonical books, has varied a good deal in the 
course of history, the Taurtd-king and the several minor 
philosophers have been reprinted in numerous series, the 
selection of texts varying according to the tastes of their 
publishers. Thus we have series reproducing the texts of 
5, 6, 10, 20, or 22 philosophers, and many (A these texts 
have been inserted here and there in collections of reprints 
Dot exclusively devoted to philosophical literature. 

During the Ming dynasty, about 1600 a.d., an edition of 
[^oflophical works appeared under the title Si^-ts'in- 
cAu-tel-Ao-ptM, which means "Complete Edition of the 


Philosophers that lived prior to the Ts'in Dynasty." This 
is the period interesting us at present. The minor philoso- 
phers — it is merely their texts that are included in the 
series — are there divided into Conf ucianists, Tauists, 
writers on government, Mihists (adherents of Mo 11, the 
philosopher of universal love), "criss-cross philosophers/' 
i.e. those who teach the dialectic art of defending opposite 
views in politics, and miscellaneous celebrities. This classi- 
fication has been adopted in imitation of the division of 
philosophical writers first applied to the imperial library 
of the Sui dynasty about 618 a.d. The classification varies 
a good deal, and some individual writers are placed in 
different classes in other editions. Thus Yii-tzi, or Yii 
Hiung, the venerable teacher of Won-wang (twelfth century 
B.C.), whose little work on government would be the oldest 
text extant in Chinese literature if it could be proved to be 
genuine, is classed among Tauists in the Ming collection 
referred to, and among Confucianists in another Ming col- 
lection published in 1577, while one of the latest large 
collections, published in the reign of T'ung-chi (1862- 
1875), the Tzl-shu-pai-chunQy "A Hundred Philosoph- 
ical Texts,'' more correctly places him among the miscel- 
laneous authors. This comprehensive series contains also 
special headings for military writers, some of whom, as 
living under the Ch6u dynasty, have already been men- 
tioned, and other classes containing writers of later periods. 
It cannot be said that the Confucianists are represented by 
any prominent writers, besides Mencius, toward the end of 
the Ch6u dynasty ; and the principal minor philosophers to 
be noted were Tauists. One among these is Won, perpetu- 
ated in the work entitled Won-tzif "The Philosopher Won." 
This may be a fictitious name, since we do not know whether 


such a personage ever existed ; but seeing that the principal 
theses of Lau-tzi's philosophy, of which the work purports 
to be an extension, are discussed in it in a manner purely 
philosophical and free from the charlatanic pretenses of 
later Tauists, we may be right in considering the work in its 
main substance as of Ch6u origin. Other philosophical 
works ascribed to this period must be held to be the fabri- 
cations of later compilers. To know this is of special im- 
portance to the historical student; on account of the many 
cultural anachronisms which may appear in texts credited 
with ancient origin, but amalgamated with matter con- 
temporaneous with later editors. Such a work is the Kuatir 
yifirtzij ascribed to a philosopher Kuan-yin, whom tradition 
represents as an official in charge of one of the mountain 
passes leading from China to the distant West, probably 
an entirely legendary personage, who is also supposed to 
have met Lau-tzi riding on a buffalo, on leaving China for- 
ever, and to have received from him then the manuscript of 
his Taurt&-king. 

Among the minor philosophers of the Contending States 
is that typical class, the Chinese designation of which, tstrng- 
hdng-kia, I have ventured to translate by "criss-cross 
philosophers"; the term tstmg-hdng being written with 
diflferent characters, a mode of writing implying that their 
teaching was both horizontal and vertical, meaning that 
they taught the art of persuading every one to anything. 
Another interpretation is that they were prepared to place 
their dialectics at the service of the two opposing political 
factions of the time, federation {tsung)^ or imperialism 
(hang). Tliey were the sophists among Chinese philoso- 
phers, and the chief professor of their art was Kui-ku-tzl. 
"Philosopher of the Devil Valley," so called after 1 i 


sanctuary in the hills, whose proper name was Wang Ha. 
The work left under the name of Kui-kurts!^ has been com- 
mentated and provided with a preface by T'au Hmig-ldng, 
the greatest scholar. of his time, who lived 451-536; 
but with all this it seems doubtful whether the work as- 
cribed to him, though it has an ancient ring about it, actu- 
ally originated with the man whose name it bears. Posably 
he was an entirely legendary personage. But if legendary, 
Kui-ku-tzi is likely to have existed as the type of a professcnr 
of dialectics, to whose school ambitious young men would 
flock to study the art of persuasion for future use in the 
service of the state. Certainly we have it on the authority 
of Ssi-ma Ts'i^n ^ that two of the greatest diplomats China 
has ever produced, who, by the mere use of their tongues, 
directed the march of events in state life and whose policy, 
moreover, stamped them to be antipodes to one another, 
were fellow-students under Kui-ku Si6n-sh6ng, " Teacher of 
the Devil Valley," who in a work of the second century of 
the present era is described as a isung-hong-kia,^ i.e. a 
"criss-cross philosopher." But for that the philosopher's 
teaching would involve no more than the good general 
education imparted by a little college to a couple of friends, 
who are ^terward found in opposite political camps. 

§ 63. Su Ts'iN AND Chang I 

Such were the two great diplomats Su Ts'in and Chang I, 
of whom I have already spoken. Soon after their college 
days in the "Devil Valley" these two yoimg men set out 
on the time-honored career of itinerant political adventurers. 
The two main political factions, the constitution of which 

* Shi'ki, ch. Ixix, p. 1; ch. Ixx, p. 1. 

' Giles, A Chinese Biographical Dictionary, p. 388, no. 1014. 


varied a good deal with the success or noD-succeas of their 
diplomatic leaders, may be described aa Ts'in and Anti- 
Ts'in. Ts'in, that semi-barbarous state on the vestera 
boundary destined to become the ruin of the Chdu dynasty, 
strove hard for h^emony among the Contending States and 
was well on the way to ascendency. Among the other 
states some, on the advice of Su Ts'in, entered into con- 
federation. Being an opportunist of the purest water, 
Su Ts'in had at first made up his mind to hang on to the 
power most likely to succeed ; but the schemes by which 
he tried to persuade the King of Ts'in to crush his rivals 
made do impresedon, and he left the court of Ts'in smarting 
under the mortification of a man who had been snubbed, 
thou^ he mi^t have done great service. Ill-rewarded, he 
returned to his home in the imperial dominion of Ch6u, 
where his own folk, including his brothers and wives, heap- 
ing insult upon injury, ridiculed him as the would-be great 
man who had come back penniless and a beggar. Handi- 
craft and trade, they said, would have been much better 
for him than cultivating his tongue.' Su Ts'in, however, 
now devoted himself again to his books in order to perfect 
himself in the field he had or^nally entered, which may 
be properly described as that of diplomacy; and thus pre- 
pared, he conceived the great plan of persuading the most 
powerful princes to enter into a confederation against Ts'in, 
thus counteracting the schemes he had originally defended 
with such ill-success. His wounded pricic must have helped 
him to develop that persistency of purpose which made him 
overcome all the difficulties besetting the path of a man, 
unknown and despised, but determined to gain the ear of 


80 many powerful princes. Having wori^ his way throogjh 
numerous back doors, he managed to obtain an interview 
with the Duke of Yen at his ci^ital, the present Peking, 
whom he succeeded in persuading that confederation and 
immediate action against Ts'in were the only means to 
prevent the minor states from being swallowed up. From 
this time he became one of the great men cS Qiina. The 
Duke of Yen made him his confidential ambassador and 
sent him in turn to the courts of Chau, Han, Wei, Ts'i, and 
Ch'u. Dr. W. A. P. Martin, in his most interesting paper 
" Diplomacy in Ancient China/' ^ says with regard to the 
unprecedented diplomatic success of all these several mis- 
sions, which had brought great honors on Su Ts'in's head 
from the several sovereigns concerned in the scheme : — 

''The achievement was one the difficulty and grandeur of which 
it is not easy to overestimate. The man who conceived the plan 
and, with steady purpose, carried it through, deserved all the honors 
that were heaped upon him. Like Prince Bismarck, who to the 
chancellorship of the empire adds that of the kingdom of Prussia, 
Su held a duplicate or rather multiple office. His chief dignity was 
that of president of the sextuple alliance, and in order that he might 
render it effective, each of the six powers conferred on him the seal 
of a separate chancellorship." 

From Su Ts'in's great scheme of confederation dates the 
term, well known in Chinese history, livrkuo, i.e. " the Six 

Ssi-ma Ts'i6n's chapter on Su Ts'in contains in terse 
language the several arguments he used in persuading the 
princes of these six kingdoms to his policy, each of whom 
he won over to his side by carefully allowing for local and 
personal idiosyncrasies. Su Ts'in's great success was, of 

' Journal of the Peking Oriental Society, vol. ii, 1889, pp. 241-262. 


eouree, based on the force of circumstances, thou^ it 
seems that in the general turmoil none of the Contending 
States had as yet thought of stirring. Ts'in had gained 
victory after victory over one or another of its neighbors ; 
and nothing seemed more natural than the conclusion of a 
defensive alliance like the one negotiated by Su Ts'in, in 
which it was stipulated that whenever any of the Six States 
were attacked by Ts'in the other five should come to the 
rescue, and that if any of the contracting states should re- 
fuse the call, the other states should punish it with their 
united forces. This was in 333 B.C. 

Su Ts'in was loaded with honors and made his head- 
quarters the court of Chau. There he was approached by 
his old fellow-student Chang I, almost his equal as a 
scheming statesman, though his first venture at the court 
of the southern state of Ch'u had proved a failure owing to 
the intrigues of a courtier, who had falsely accused him of 
theft and exposed him to the degrading punishment of the 
bastinado, after which he had fled to the north to seek 
refugQ with his powerful friend. Su Ts'in saw in Chang a 
rival rather than a comrade, and tried to shake him off by 
giving him money and servants to pave his way to the 
court of Ts'in, although certain crafty designs of a different 
kind have been assigned to this move.' If Su Ts'in thought 
he had laid a trap for his rival by causing him to accept 
the most tempting gifts from an unknown benefactor who 
would afterward reveal himself as the arch-enemy of the 
Ts'in court, he was mistaken. Chang I proved his equal 
as a diplomat by disowning his connection with his former 
friend. Not in vain had he trusted to the power of his 

* Ch« PitoD, Ths Six Oreat ChaneeUarM cf T^in, or the Conquut qf 
China 6y Urn Houm pf T^in, In China Review, vol. xiii, p. 132. 


tongue. When, after his flight from the court of Ch'u, he 
reached his home in the kingdom of Wei, his wife reproached 
him upon the entire failure of his life, but Chang I simply 
replied, "Just see whether my tongue is still in its place"; 
and on her remarking that it was, he said quietly, "Tliat 
will do." With this same tongue he made a deep impression 
on Hui-won, Duke of Ts'in, to whom he had submitted his 
anti-confederate schemes and who straightway appointed 
him an adviser ad hoc with the rank of a minister. In the 
sequel he did excellent service both as an administrator by 
developing the resources of the country and as a military 

His great task, as a diplomat, was to counteract the work 
of his former friend Su Ts'in, whose superior he apparently 
was in the craftiness of his schemes. After a successful 
war against the kingdom of Ch'u in 312 B.C., Ts'in was very 
anxious to negotiate about the acquisition of a certain 
boundary province belonging to the king of Ch'u, who 
offered its cession for no other consideration than the 
delivery of the p)erson of Chang I. That wily statesman, 
far from objecting, even volunteered to place himself into 
the hands of the southern king. He trusted to the power 
of his tongue and to certain personal connections at the 
court of Ch'u, whose king put him in prison to await exe- 
cution. Chang I, however, had not in vain counted on the 
help of a friend who happened to be the right hand of the 
king^s favorite wife. This friend excited her jealousy by 
telling her that the prince of Ts'in intended to ransom the 
prisoner by the gift of a beautiful woman. This had the 
desired effect. The king of Ch'u's wife used all her in- 
fluence in bringing about Chang I's release and return to 
the court of Ts'in before the much-dreaded ransom could 


be despatched. Su Ts'in's "Six State Confederation" had 
succeeded in delaying the designs of Ts'in for a number of 
years, it is true, but in the long run Chang I's policy got 
the better of his. In the meantime the shadow emperor 
Hi6n-wang was followed by his son Shon-tsing-wang. 

i 64. Shon-tsing-wang (320-315 B.C.) 

The history of this ruler, like that of his successors, 
scarcely deserves to be considered as representing China. 
The chief events of his reign were an unsuccessful attempt 
by five of the confederate states to attack Ts'in, ending in 
their defeat at the Han-ku Pass in Ho-nan, the place where 
Lau-tzi is supposed to have taken leave of the world, and 
the assassination of Su Ts'in in 317 B.C. Su Ts'in's lucky 
star had been on the wane for some time. We have seen 
that he had settled in the state of Chau as the strongest 
among the confederates, and his efforts in holding together 
the federation had indeed succeeded, as Ssi-ma Ts'i^n puts 
it, m keeping the armies of Ts'in out of the Han-ku Pass 
for fifteen years. But in the meantime Ts'in had secured 
the services of another great diplomat, like Chang I, a 
native of Wei, in the person of Kung-sun Yen, who was 
sent on a mission to the east to persuade the rulers of Ts'i 
and Wei into a joint attack on Chau with intent to break up 
the confederation. In this he perfectly succeeded, Chau 
was actually attacked by the two confederates (332 B.C.) ; 
and from this time onward Ts'in had become more and 
more successful in its policy of sowing discord among its 

Su Ts'in had, after the collapse of his scheme, fallen out 
with the prince of Chau and, under the pretext of a diplo- 
matic mission, had withdrawn to the state of Yen, where he 


accepted the post of minister. But there he was involved 
in a scandal with the mother of his prince, which forced 
him to take refuge again at the court of Ts'i. His intrigues 
in Ts'i, however, created dissatisfaction among the people 
and led to his assassination. Chang I, who had for a num- 
ber of years been chancellor of Wei, was called after the 
death of his opponent to Ts'in again, which by the policy 
of its great chancellor had greatly increased in territory, its 
latest conquest (316 B.C.) being that of the country of Shu, 
the present province of Ssi-ch'uan. One of the most power- 
ful rivals of the state of Ts'in was the southern kingdom of 
Ch'u, which had attained supremacy over the whole of the 
south of China by the conquest of the kingdom of Yu6 in 
334 B.C. Shon-tsing-wang was succeeded by his son Nan- 

§ 65. Nan-wang (314-256 B.C.) 

This monarch was the last Son of Heaven under the Ch6u 
dynasty. Like all his predecessors, he wore the modest 
title king (wang) ; but several of the more powerful states 
being nominally his vassals, had in the course of generations 
assumed the rank of kingdoms. The Ch6u empire now 
consisted of eleven states, all the heads of which, with the 
exception of two, had in the course of time enforced from 
the shadow emperor their recognition as kings ; and as such, 
every one of them was much more powerful than the king 
of Ch6u himself. A title is not, of course, an absolutely 
exact index of the power wielded; for the rulers of Ts4n 
had been among the strongest long before they assumed 
the title wang in 325 B.C. It seems characteristic that for 
centuries Ch'u, which owing to its great extension toward 
the south, and the non-Chinese character of its population, 


would naturally feel leas inclined to be loyal in its relations 
to the imperial court, claimed the royal crown as early as 
704 B.C. Ts'i followed next in378 b.c. ; Wei, m 370 B.C. ; Yen 
and Han, in 332 B.C. ; Chau, in 329 b.c. ; and Sung, following 
Ts'in, in 318 B.C. The prince of Lu had remained a duke as 
he was at the time of Confucius ; and the rulers of the little 
state of Wei (not to be confounded with the larger one of 
that name), who had been dukes for many centuries, had to 
submit to ''Irish promotion" by being reduced to the rank 
of marquises, and finally that of mere lords {kun). 

Two years after the ascension of Nan-wang, Ts'in gained 
that great victory against Ch'u following which Chang I 
volunteered to proceed to the southern court as a captive 
of the king. This proved to be a ruse of war, by which 
Ts'in gained as much as Ch'u lost. King Huai of Ch'u 
then had in his service a distant relative named K'ii Yiian, 
a man of character, who in spite of his youth had gained, 
by the wisdom of his advice, the king's entire confidence. 
K'u Yiian had in vain protested against the artful schemes 
of Chang I, as he had warned the king against that war 
which brought so much trouble on his country. His ad- 
vice had been disregarded; and the persistency of his 
warnings paved the way for the intrigues of a set of jealous 
courtiers, who managed to bring about his absolute dis- 
grace with the king. His melancholy outbursts of feeling 
over the unjustness of his fate formed the subject of a 
celebrated poem by him entitled Lirsau, ''Incurring Mis- 
fortune," or " Under a Cloud." Finally, the poet put an 
end to the persecutions of his enemies by drowning himself 
in a river. This sad event is commemorated throughout 
China on the anniversary of its occurrence, viz. the fifth of 
the fifth moon, by a kind of regatta, when well-to-do young 


men man boats and beat gong? and drums as thou^ they 
were searching for the body of the lamented poet who 
sacrificed life and happiness in doing his best to serve his 
king and his country. 

Next to the odes of the Shl-king K'ii Yiian's poetry is in 
point of age as well as of merit the most important produc- 
tion of Chinese literature of this class, which saw its best 
days centuries later under the glorious T'ang dynasty. 
The Lirsau poem is the principal contribution to the collec- 
tion known as Ch!vrtz\ " The Ch'u Elegies," which has an 
extensive literature of its own by way of commentary and 
supplement. K'ii Yilan's effusions are almost unequaled 
in popularity, because they appeal to the hearts of all who 
feel that world-weary melancholy which is the subject also 
of some of the odes of the Shl-king. 

The king of Ts'in's great diplomat, Chang I, tried very 
hard to win over the eastern states to Ts'in; but in the 
meantime King Hui-won, who had occupied the throne of 
Ts'in since 337 B.C., had died (311 B.C.); and King Wu, his 
successor (310-307 B.C.), does not seem to have fallen in 
so readily with Chang I's policy. After Chang I's attempts 
at a federation in favor of Ts'in had failed, he left again 
for Wei, where he resumed the post of minister and died 
soon after (310 B.C.). Wu-wang himself died after a sliort 
reign in Ts'in, during which a successful war with the state 
of Han ended with a further aggrandizement of his territory. 
It was at this time (308 B.C.) that Wu-ling, King of Chau, 
adopted Tartar dress and remodeled his army by intro- 
ducing the Tartar style of fighting on horseback — a 
cultural change supporting, as we have seen, that upheaval 
of time-honored institutions and views always favored by 
Ts'in, the semi-Tartar state. 


An important time was now in store for the state of 
T^'in under its king, ChauHsiang (306-251 b.c.)» during 
whose long reign great strides were made in bringing Ts'in 
to the front. Chau-siang was a minor when he ascended 
the throne, and his mother, who had assumed the regency 
as Siian t'ai-h6u, i.e. "Queen Dowager Suan/' appointed 
Wei Jan, a relative by marriage of the former king Hui- 
won, thou^ a native of Ch'u, commander-in-chief of the 
army and defender of the T^'in capital Hi6n-yang, the 
present Si-an-fu, which appointment had become necessary 
to secure the throne against internal family intrigues. 
Wei Jan's management proved a great success. The 
efficiency of his army, supported by all possible ruses both 
of war and diplomacy, succeeded in securing the upper 
hand over the other states. King Huai of Ch'u, who had 
already become the victim of Chang Ts cunning, fell into 
a trap laid by the wily Ts'in diplomat. Being invited, after 
a number of unsuccessful hostilities to an interview, under 
the pretext of concluding an alliance with Ts'in, he went, 
contrary to the advice of his faithful friend, the poet 
K'ii Yiian, to the appointed meeting-place, only to be 
made a prisoner (299 b.c.) and to die in captivity three 
years later. 

In the continuation of its wars with the southern state 
of Ch'u, Ts'in wrenched from it seventy-six cities, with large 
tracts of territory. In the meantime some of the eastern 
states had again rallied and had formed an alliance. King 
Chau-siang had also taken into his service Mong-ch'ang- 
kun, a member of the T'i^n family of Ts'i, who acted as 
diplomatic agent. Being suspected of secretly working in 
the interests of his native state, Ts'i, he had a narrow escape 
in saving his life by flight, took service in Ts'i, formed an 


alliance with Han and Wei, and actually did some damage 
to Ts'in, which had to surrender three of the cities previ- 
ously conquered by it on the east of the Yellow River 
(298 B.C.). Wei Jan now became chancellor in Ts'in and 
appointed the great strategist Po K'i commander-in-diief 
in his place. Po K4 entirely crushed the armies of Han 
and Wei in the famous battle of I-k'ii^ (south of the present 
city of Ho-nan-fu), where 240,000 combatants were killed 
and further territory was gained by Ts'in (293 B.C.). In his 
subsequent encounters with the allied armies, Po K4 was 
equally successful ; and the several annexations of neigh- 
boring territories increased King Chau-siang's power to 
such an extent that as early as 288 B.C. an attempt was 
made, on the advice of Wei Jan, to crown him as " Emperor 
of the West.'' The most powerful sovereign among the 
eastern states was now the king of Ts'i, which state had 
made rapid progress since the recognition of the T'i^n 
family as hereditary rulers ; and the services of a man like 
Mong-ch'ang-kiin, who must have been thoroughly familiar 
with all the schemes of the Ts'in court, may have tended to 
qualify it all the better for leadership in the east. For 
this reason King Chau-siang could not claim sufficient in- 
fluence to justify his assumption of the title of emperor 
of the whole of China, but he took that of "Western Em- 
peror" (Si-ti)j at the same time sending an embassy to 
King Min of Ts'i offering him a diploma as "Eastern 
Emperor'' {Tung-ti). King Min's adviser Su Tai, a brother 
of Su Ts'in, the creator of the anti-Ts'in confederation, was 
in favor of accepting the diploma without assuming the 
title ; such modesty, he thought, would win the favors of 
the other sovereigns. Ts'i adopted this plan, when Ts'in 
had no alternative but to follow the example, and the 


emperor question was shelved for the time being. In 
286 B.C. Ts'i was involved in war with the state of Sung, 
which was incorporated into its territories; and in the fol- 
lowing year (285 B.C.) King Min made an attempt to establish 
himself as emperor; but the king of Yen in 284 B.C., 
backed by the states of Ts'in, Ch'u, Chau, and Wei, sent 
against Ts'i his general Yo I, who took the capital, forced 
the king to flee, and conquered over seventy cities, annexing 
them to the possessions of Yen. King Min was killed by 
his own minister. The throne of Ts'i was then occupied 
by his son Siang-wang. The attacks of Yen on the leading 
state of Ts'i gave the king of Ts'in a free hand to pick a 
quarrel with the neighboring state of Chau, and in 280 B.C. 
Po K'i was able to report a victory which had cost 20,000 
of^the Chau soldiers their lives. Two years later (278 b.c), 
Ts'in turned again against its most powerful opponent, 
the state of Ch'u; General Fo K'i conquered Ying, its 
capital, the present King-ch6u-fu in Hu-pei, and destroyed 
I-ling, the burial-place of the kings of Ch'u, in its neigh- 
borhood. Ehmng the succeeding years Ts'in was success- 
ful in several wars against one or another of the eastern 
states. An attack on Chau was, however, repulsed in 
270 B.C., when the army of Ts'in was completely routed 
under the leadership of the Chau commander Chau Shd. 
In 266 B.C. an important crisis took place in the govern- 
ment of Ts'in. For about forty years Wei Jan had been 
the soul of Ts'in's political aggrandizement. As a relative 
and favorite of the queen dowager, it had been easy for 
him to grasp the reins of government with a firm hand, and 
while effectually serving the cause he had made his own, 
the absolute supremacy of Ts'in among the states of China, 
he had also numagcd to concentrate in his person an 



ij r:Z>T ELiT'IsT OF CHEN'A 

•.-■•-: _i-. - :f :r-7-r-7 iz>i r.;^-fr x-ii-jh in the long run 
>-"i*:i'- ji'- "L. in.:-^*^ ": i.:? fCT-frfuni. who ^^^ in ihe 
:. Li _..- r* "^1 ' " .ir ' >:■:. a -^z < in 266 B.C. 
:.j*: - Li -z."- " : "j.-^ r:C-ii '7 ir -i^ zi'irjier ajid to the ehancel- 
--^.: •: ""t^ TiZ- -^-ii-: irif lar'.-^iiei to his marquisate 
i::^ JL "■- Trvj-z.- tr :~iz.':e :c E>^.ir Wei Jan's di*- 
~_-.-'.:^ "r II -It ^ ' " - f^rvi-^e "vi; i».v.M:c:raiueiJ with all 
■_■. - 1 1 rf : jt^ ' : i^ tizjl iz*i zr \ Ti^:^:^'Aoll of his valu- 
i ■ ■■ -^---re : :t 1: ii :Liri.':cr!:5r:': oc Wei Jan's career 
"-•..i" ";. 1 !i-f T^i^ric- ~i5 ?^:ar:h-fi.i rn passing the eastern 
-ti .- ._Lr- .- ~-Lr _s-:-Trr: 'zsz z-r i^^zr^i r^ore jewels than 
■;.- a-.r.i: :•: 7? z. .i-r.L?«el:. W^:- Ji:i ii^i <<>^ii after his 
Mr„':_'.-r." :-I> t^j.'-' iz Tsl:: ■^^'is oooupie^i bv Fan 
.-■. :. : V. -.. .".- r.ij*.: ;:■.::: :ai^ '^' nvairj- Uei 
"-J. /.i^ i.- :;r ■ :: : ::r. . ':.:•/: s. y. .iz of :he court of 
7- ... ?' ...J i :.:^-.--: : '^' :. F:tr. T<".': ha.i. after an 
i..- ;." .: ..- i: : :; . : "i'!: :^!1 r-fsiblv rriva:ions and 

:. :: /. '- :j.\:.\z . ' i :1 "'Vvi .':i::"> ^•i^:anoe and. after 

i :-> :. -. !:.-:-.: -^^ -.;. K::.^ C':::i".:-si:i:i^:. had received 
ar. i: ::;.*:..:.■ :^ :!.: :v.:::>":v 27"' B.C. . It was he who 
hro.^':.' £i"r ■'. :• '':..\: ir. :Lv T-in covorimient which 
1^'d to ti.'^: r Al ' : ".'■;' .^ir. ar. : ::.r:-r' other ministers sup- 
porting.' ]i\r. ],h]\r-y: and h:jv:::t: by Lis advice and moral 
«.ijjiport hr-lj/d t},fr i:ii:rr to oo:u: v at last his rightful posi- 
tion, li'- /.;i;v ]iijiir(]f .-U'ld'-iily rais-:- 1 to Ix' the most power- 
ful man in rfiina. with tljo rank of a«iui>. Tlie manner 
in whirh \n- took nrv^-n^r- on some of his enemies in the east 
for ;ill llir- liiirniliations they ha'l forced him to undergo is 
full (jf dranifitic infi<ifnt>. 

Fan 'r.ij, of foursr', eonlinucvl the outward poHcy of his 
predfcessr^r in striving for the hegemony of Ts'in. In this 
he waH supported at first by the great general Po K'i, who 


in 260 B.C. won another leaf io his wreath of laurelfi by the 
celebrated siege of the city of Shang-tang,the present Lu- 
an-fu, in Sban-a. Sometime before this Ts'ta had got pos- 
aesfflon, by force of arms, of a portion of the state of Han ; 
but the people of Sbang-tang would not consent to its 
annexation and preferred to join the state of Chau.with that 
portion of its territory which contuned the dty. Hiis led 
to another war against Chau, whose anny was defeated and 
inclosed in the city of Shang-tang. Hiere it was be«eged 
by the Ts'in army for forty-six days, the population suffei^ 
ing the most terrible hardships culminating in cannibalism. 
With the city 40,000 men surrendered and were killed. 

8 66. The "Fodb Nobles" 

The final struggle of the house of Ts'in agunst the other 
Contending States was delayed by the efforts of the so-called 
" Four Nobles " (sstrhau), prominent members of the princely 
houses of their respective states or of princely rank who 
had gained great influence coupled with political success 
in the management of the government of their sovereigns. 
One of these we have already met in the person of Hong- 
ch'ang-kiin, the minister of Ts'i, the once rejected employee 
of the Ts'in government. Hie three others were P'ing- 
yOan-kiin, a junior prince of Chau, who died in 250 b.c. ; 
Siu-ling-kiin, known also as Prince Wu-ki of Wei, who died 
in 244 B.C.; and Ch'uo-shdn-kun, the chief minister of 
Ch'u, whose proper name was Huang Hi^ and who was 
asaaaanated in 237 B.C. TTie "FourNoblea" were the chief 
antagonists of Fan Tsu's policy. 

Huang Hi6, the only one of the "Four Nobles" who was 
not of princely blood, had been made prime minister uid 
ennobled as prince by King K'au-li^ of Ch'ui and on his 


advice the Ch'u capital was removed from its former site 
at the present King-ch6u-fu to that of the present Soochow 
(248 B.C.). Huang Hi6 had been tutor to the king when 
crown prince, and since, previous to his succession to the 
throne, his master resided as a pledge in Ts'in, he must have 
been well familiar with Ts'in politics. In 258 b.c. Ts'in 
renewed its attacks on Chau and surrounded Han-tan, its 
capital. This time the famous general Po K'i, having 
fallen out with the chancellor Fan Tsii, had refused to place 
himself at the head of the Ts'in army, which led to his dis- 
grace and subsequent suicide.* 

Two of the '^Four Nobles," Ch'un-shon-kun of Ch'u and 
Sin-Iing-kiin of Wei, now came to. the rescue under the 
leadership of the latter, raised the siege, killed Wang Ho, 
the Ts^n general, and defeated his army. AH the troubles 
Ts'in had to undergo in connection with this defeat were 
due to mistakes made by the chancellor Fan Tsii, whose 
hostility to the best military leader the state had seen in 
many years had deprived King Chau-siang of one of his 
most useful subjects, to say nothing of the mortification 
it must have caused him to have committed such grave 
injustice. It was due to Fan Tsii's favoritism that incapa- 
ble generals had been sent against Chau. 

Fan Tsii, knowing his guilt, acted in truly Chinese spirit, 

* To save him the humiliation of an execution, the king had sent 
him a sword, with which he killed himself. It looks as if this is 
an early example of a custom prevailing in China centuries before it 
took the shape of harakiri in Japan. The diflference is that by the 
Japanese custom the victim had to cut his abdomen, while the dis- 
graced Ts'in general cut his throat. The essential feature of Po 
K'i's undeserved punishment is that a sword was sent to him, just 
as it used to be sent to the daimyOs and samurai of Japan, who were 
exempted from the indignity of public execution. 


when he asked Chau-siang to punish him for hia mistakes; 
but, far from doing this, Chau-siang only rewarded him with 
new honors. This was in 257 b.c. A most important 
event now took place. 

As a result of previous treaties it had become customary 
to send princes of the blood as pledges to the courts of con- 
tracting states, from whence they escaped when political 
reasons rendered such a breach of good faith advisable. 
We have seen that in 263 B.C. the crown prince of Chau 
Bed from the court of Ts'in, and we find now Prince I-jon, 
eoD of the crown prince of Ts'in, residing as a pledge at the 
court of Chau. I-jon was not a legitimate successor of his 
father, being one of the many sons bom to him by his 
concubines. Poor and not very sharp-witted, illiterate and 
inexperienced, be was the very man to become the victim 
of a clever intrigant. At the city of Han-tan, the capital 
of Chau, he had made the acquaintance of a merchant 
named Lii Pu-wel, who had come from one of the eastern 
states to settle there, and who was one of the most remark- 
able men of his time. Described as a wholesale merchant 
at the time when he fell in with the prince, he soon proved 
a scheming politician, who understood how to lay his plans 
and raise his own person to a position which made him 
almost the principal agent in securing for the house of Ts'in 
the final result, for which it had struggled so many genera- 
tions, in seating its head on the throne of China. ^Vhen he 
first met I-j6n, he is reported to have said, "This is rare 
merchandise indeed, and a good chancel" And he decided 
to make the most of it. His first scheme was based on the 
fact that the prince's father, the crown prince of Ts'in, had 
no children by his le^timate first wife, Hua-yang, in spite 
of his infatuation for her. Since I-jon's father did not make 


much of his children by his other wives, he persuaded the 
prince to make an effort to be recognized as heir to the 
throne. The yoimg man did not exert himself much in 
the matter ; his clever friend did it all for him. Lii Pu-wei 
invested his entire little f ortime in procuring an outfit for 
the needy prince and in buying royal gifts in order to bribe 
himself into favor with the childless queen. He thus man- 
aged to get his prot^g^ to be adopted in preference to his 
half-brothers and declared heir apparent to the crown prince. 
Having succeeded so far, Lii Pu-wei committed one of the 
boldest frauds recorded in history. He married a society 
girl of the city of Han-tan, described as a woman of irre- 
sistible charms and a clever dancer, subsequently known as 
the "Lady of Han-tan," whom history declares to have 
been pregnant by him, though the world never hears the 
truth about such family secrets, and the possibility of the 
prince having had connection with her at Han-tan as Lii 
Pu-wei's friend must be admitted. I-j6n fell in love with 
her; and Lii Pu-wei, with feigned reluctance, consented 
to let him have her, while persuading him that the boy to 
which she afterward gave birth had been begotten by the 
prince. It was not till after the birth of this boy, whose 
name was Chong, that I-j6n made the beautiful dancer his 
wife. According to Ssi-ma Ts'i6n, all this took place before 
the princess flight from Han-tan, which, according to the same 
author, was effected by Lii Pu-wei bribing the city guards. 
When, a few years later (251 B.C.), King Chau-siang died 
after a reign of fifty-six years, I-j6n's father followed him 
as king of Ts'in under the throne name Hiau-w6n-wang, 
and I-j6n became crown prince. It appears that it was 
not till then that the Lady of Han-tan with her son Chong 
made her entry at the court of Ts'in, the people of Chau 


having up to this time put difficulties in the way ol thdr 
departure from the country. I-jon'e son, Chong, the re- 
puted natural offepring of a ample merchant, waa no less 
a personage than the future Emperor Shi-huang-ti, "the 
Burner of the Books," as we shall see in the sequel. 

During the last few years of old King Chau-dang's gov- 
ernment, Ts'in had gained further victories over Han aod 
Chau (256 B.C.), resulting in great augmentations of its 
territory and enormous loss of life of the contending armies. 
"Die shadow emperor Nan-wang had made an unsuccessful 
attempt to assert himself by trying to form another alli- 
ance among tiie eastern states; but the result waa that 
Ts'in invaded bis territory and wrenched the western part 
of it from him. Soon after Nan-wang died (256 b.c), 
leaving the eastern part of his domioion to a relative, who 
reigned there under the style of Tung-Ch6u-lriin, " Prince of 
Eastern Ch6u," until the year 249 b.c, when Ts'in put an 
end to this last remnant of the once ^orious dynasty by 
making the regent a prisoner and annexing his territory. 
The Emperor Yu's nine sacred tripods had been in the hands 
of the Ch6u kings ever once Wu-wang conquered them 
from the vicious Emperor Chfiu-sin. A year after Nan- 
wang's defeat they were taken poesesuon of by the king 
(rf Ts'in. 

In 255 B.C. the philosopher Sun K'uang, the opponent of 
Hencius, inasmuch as he held that man's nature was bad 
from the outset and not good, as the Confucianists main- 
tain, was appointed to the hi^ office of governor in the 
state of Ch'u, where he exercised great influence under the 
patronage of Ch'un-shoD-kun. The death of that states- 
man brou^t about his dismissal, upon which he devoted 
bimaelf to the education of pupils, chief among them being 


the philosopher Han-Fei-tzi and the great anti-Confucian- 
ist Li Ssi* destined ere long to play a conspicuous part. 
Ch'u had in 255 B.C. made conquests in Lu (south Shan- 
tung); and in 254 B.C., after Ts'in had wrenched a city 
from Wei, the king of Han did homage at its court at the 
funeral ceremony of the late king, while the other states 
confined their courtesies to sending messages through some 

The court of Han had ever since the last one hundred and 
seventy years refrained from paying this tribute of acknowl- 
edgment to the Son of Heaven, and the orthodox Confucian 
writers of the Tung'H&n'kang-mu look upon this act of 
prudence as a grave sin, the punishment for which followed 
in due course ; for while Han was the first state to recog- 
nize the leadership of Ts'in, it was also the first to be swal- 
lowed up by Ts4n within less than a generation. 

§ 67. The Leadership of Ts'in (256-221 b.c.) 

After the death of Nan-wang there was actually no Son 
of Heaven in China. Tung-Chou-kiin, "the Lord of 
Eastern Ch6u/' was a scion of the Ch6u family, it is true, 
but he could not even claim the title of wang. With the 
loss of the sacred tripods he had forfeited the right to call 
himself "Son of Heaven^' ; and, to complete the ceremonial 
part of taking up the position as the representative of the 
Chinese nation, without actually assuming the title of 
emperor, King Chau-siang had in 253 B.C. offered sacri- 
fice to Shang-ti, the Supreme Ruler, the one god with 
whom, by the tradition dating from the very beginning of 
Chinese history, only the emperor is supposed to communi- 


The thirty-dx years following Nan-wang'a death are, 
therefore, a kind of iDterregnum, such as is found in the 
history of the German empire during the years 1254 to 
1273. It was the time of Ts'in's final and successful 
struggle with its rivals for supreme power. Of this period 
I have already recorded some introductory events. King 
Chau-Mang's son, I-jon's father, Hiau-won, reigned one 
year, or, not counting his term of mourning, only three 
days, when I-j6n succeeded him under the style of Chuang- 
siang-wang (249-247 B.C.). He and Lii Pu-wei were sworn 
friends; uid no sooner was the former exile seated on the 
throne than he appointed Lu Pu-wei prime minister with 
almost unlimited powers, at the same time raising him to 
the rank of marquis. It mi^t look like aD acknowledg- 
ment of the alleged historic scandal concerning the paternity 
of Chong, the crown prince, that this very son afterward 
added to these honors, as a special title, the designation 
Chung-fu, "Second Father"; but I am inclined to look 
upon this very act as a refutation of what may after all 
have been idle gossip, if not a deliberate falsehood invented 
by the Confucianists in order to place their greatest enemy, 
the destroyer of Confucian literature, under a cloud. If 
among the intimates of the court of Ts'in there had been 
the merest shadow of a doubt as to his paternity, the young 
king would certainly not have been imprudent enougji to 
invent for his prime minister just this title; nor would Lii 
Pu-wei have had any interest in inducing him to bestow it. 

Lii Pu-wei's chief merit in the advancement of the cause 
of Ts'in is the clever trick with which he succeeded in regu- 
lating the succession to the throne among about twenty 
clfumants. But for him internal troubles might have 
delayed, if not prevented, final success. One of his first 


political acts was the definite extinction of the last remnant 
of Ch6u independence by the capture of the eastern Ch6u 
capital, situated near the present Ho-nan-fu, and formally 
deposing its prince. In the same year he sent the general 
Mong Au against Han, thus ill requiting the loyalty pre- 
viously shown by its prince ; the same leader, who was the 
grandfather of the great Ts'in general Mong T'i^n, then was 
sent with varying success against Chau and Wei. Thou^ 
Ts'in was defeated in 247 B.C. by Sin-ling-kun, one of the 
"Four Nobles" who did so much to check Ts'in's final 
progress, the outcome of the several campaigns undertaken 
by Lii Pu-wei was further aggrandizement of Ts'in territory. 
Sin-ling-kiin, the valiant leader of the state of Wei, had 
placed himself at the head of the combined forces of the 
five states Wei, Han, Chau, Ts4, and Ch'u, which woul.d 
probably have been a perfect match against Ts'in had he 
succeeded in keeping them together. 

King Chuang-siang, alias I-j6n, died after a short reign 
of about three years, leaving his son Chong, then a boy 
of thirteen, to succeed him. Hu An-kuo (died 1138 a.d.), 
one of the commentators of the T^ung-ki&n'kang-mu, sug- 
gests that the premature death of the two kings Hiau-won 
and Chuang-siang may have been caused by Lii Pu-wei ; 
and though no positive statement to that effect is on record 
in the older historians, it must be admitted that these two 
lives were the only obstacles to his becoming practically 
supreme ruler in Ts^in. Hiau-won's death gave him a free 
hand with his old friend, whom he had raised to the throne, 
it is true, but whose memory he subsequently betrayed by 
scandalous intimacy with the queen-mother, his first wife, 
Chuang-siang's dowager. 




P'on-Jbu, the first ruler and originator of mankind. 

T'iHh^uang, "Heavenly Emperors." Thirteen brothers^ eadi 

reigning 18,000 years. 
Ti^uang, ''Terrestrial Emperors." Eleven brothers. 
J&n-^uang, " Human Emperors." Nine brothers. 
Wu4ung, ''Five Dragons," and other generations of rulers bearing 

fanciful names. 
Yin4i epoch. Thirteen families known as Ythch'aUf or "Nest 

Suirj&n, " Fire Producer." 


Fu-^i, the alleged first emperor 2852-2738* 

Shdn-nung, or Ym4i 2737-2705 

Huang4if the Yellow Emperor, or Hiin-yUan . 2704-2595 

;SAau-Aaii, son of Huang-ti 2594-2511 

Chuan-^Uf Huang-ti's grandson Kaurtfang . . 2510-2433 

Tt-I^'u,* <^ nepbew of Chuan-ha 2432-2363 

7i-cM, son of Tl-k'u 2362-2358 


Yon, Ti-chi's step-brother • 2357-2258 

8kun^ a self-made man of the people .... 2258-2206 

* Note Uutt thedatm here inaerted are thoee of the Chineee etandiird ehro- 
DokigyMMloptedbythefrrAterpartortlieiuUivehietoriAiie. There k, beMei» 
the chronology of the Bamboo Books, differing by fully 300 yean at the 
beginning. Readers will find them in ProfeMor Areodfto Syndmnuiia^it 
tUgenUnUibeUen, from which the data here c o mmunicated have been derived. 

' Ti meana emperor and ia praAxed to the namea of aeveral of the eariy 
rulers (Tl-ehf, Ti-kl, Ti-aiang, Tl-ch'u, etc.). the name being occ a ato n al ly 
quoted without the prefix. 


First eclipse of the sun mentioned in Chinese his- 
tory, possibly one of the several dates calcu- 
lated by European savants, viz. 


The Hia Dynasty, 2205-1766 b.c. b.c. 

YH, Ta-yu, the " Great Yti," or Hiorhdu . . . 2205-2198 

Ti-ib'i, or i^'i, Yu's son 2197-2189 

7"ai-ib'an^, Ti-k'i's son 2188-2160 

Chung-k'anQf T'ai-k'ang's younger brother . . 2159-2147 

f 2165, May 7 
2155, Oct. 22 
2154, Oct. 11 
2135, Oct. 21 
2127, Oct. 12 
L2006, Oct. 24 

Ti-8iang, Chung-k'ang's son 2146-2119 

HanrchOf the usurper 2119-2079 

Shavrk'ang, Ti-siang's son 2079-2058 

Ti-ch\ Shau-k'ang's son 2057-2041 

n-Ziiiai, Ti-ch'u's son 2040-2015 

Ti-mang, Ti-huai's son 2014-1997 

Ti-sii, Ti-mang's son 1996-1981 

Ti'pu-kiang, Ti-si6's son 1980-1922 

Ti-kiungj Ti-pu-kiang's younger brother . . . 1921-1901 

Ti-kin, Ti-kiung's son 1900-1880 

Ti'k^ung-kia, Ti-pu-kiang's son 1879-1849 

Ti-kau, Ti-k'ung-kia's son 1848-1838 

Ti-Zo, Ti-kau's son 1837-1819 

KU, also Kui, Ti-kui, and KU-kuiy Ti-fa's son . . 1818-1766 

III. THE SHANG, OR YIN, DYNASTY, 1766-1122 b.c. 

Ch'ong-Vang, Tang, or Shang-Vang .... 1766-1754 

Had reigned as prince of Shang since 1783 

Tai-kiay Ch'ong-t'ang's grandson .... 1753-1721 

TTu-^in^f, T'ai-kia's son 1720-1692 

Tai'kong, Wu-ting's younger brother . . . 1691-1667 

Siau-kiGj T'ai-kong's son 1666-1650 

Yung-kiy Siau-kia's younger brother .... 1649-1638 

T^ai-mdUj or Chung-tsungt another brother of Siau-kia's 1637-1563 

C/iungh^in^, T'ai-m6u's son 1562-1550 

Wai'joTif Chung-ting's younger brother . . . 1549-1535 

H94'<m-Jaa, another brother of ChuDg* 

Tiu-t, son of Ho-t'an-kia 

Tni-nn, Tsu-i'a son 

Wu-kia, younger brother of Tni-i 

Tau-ling, Tsu-ein's son 

Nan-kOng, Wu-kia's son 

Yang-kia, Tsu-tiag'a bod 

P'an^Sng, Yang-kia's younger brother 

Svau-nn, P'sn-kong's younger brother 

8iau-x, Siau-ein's younger brother 

Wu-tinff, or Kau4»ung, Siau-i's son 

Ttu-kSng, Wu-ting's eon 

Ttu-kia, Tsu-kong's younger brother 

Ltn-mn, Tsu-kia's son . 

K6nQ4ing, Lin-dn's younger brother 

ffw-t, Kong-ting's son . 

T'ai-itnjT, Wu-i's son 

ri-i, T'ai-ting's son . . . 

Ch6ti-nn, Sh6u, or 5Ai$u-ttR, ll-i's son 



T'an-fu, or Ku-kunn ("The Old Duke") at his new 

reaiclence aa Duke of ChAu 1327-1231 

Ki-li, T'an-fu's mn 1230-1185 

WOn-wmg, Ki-li's mm, also called Ck'ang and Si-po, or 

"Chief of the West" 1184-1136 

W**-viang, so called as first emperor of the Ch6u dynasty 

(personal name fo) 1134-1123 

V. THE IMPERIAL CH6u DYNASTY, 1122-249 b.c. 

IFu-tninj;, first king of ChAu 1122-1116 

CA'<)nj^u<antr, Wu-wang's son 1115-1079 

X'anjr-tMing, CTi'dng^wang'seon 1078-1053 

Chau-wang, K'ang-wang's son ..... 1052-1002 

J/u-worV, Chau-wang's son 1001-947 

Kvnu-voHg, Hu-wang's son Olft-fOS 



/ *'Wangf Kung-wang's son 

Htau-wanQf Kung-wang's younger brother 

/ ^-wangf I *-wang's son . 

LirwanQf son of I '-wang . - . 

The Kung-ho period of interregnum 

Suan-wang, Li-wang's son 

Yu-wangf Slian-wang's son 

PHng-wanQf Yu-wang's son 

Huan-wang^ P'ing-wang's grandson 

Chuang-wang, Huan-wang's son 

Hi-Wang^ Chuang-wang's son . 

Hui-wangf Hi-wang's son 

Siang-wanQf Hui-wang's son . 

KHng-wanQy Siang-wang's son . 

K*uang-wangj K'ing-vvang's son 

Ting-wang, K'uang-wang's younger brother 

Ki&n-wangy Ting-wang's son . 

Ling-Wang^ Ki^n-wang's son . 

King ^-wang^ Ling-wang's son . 

King ^-wang^ son of the former 

Ytian-wangf son of King-wang 

Chon-ting-wangj Yiian-wang's son 

K'au-wang, a younger son of Chon-ting-wang's 

Wei-li^-wangf K'au-wang's son 

An-wang, Wei-li6-vvang's son . 

Lii'Wangj An-wang's son 

Hien-wangy Li^wang's younger brother . 

Shdn-ising-wangy Hi6n-wang'8 son 

Nan-wangj Shon-tsing-wang's son 

Tung-chdnrkiin, the ''Prince of Eastern Ch6u" 


The state of Ts^in (to be distinguished from Tsin) had grown out 
of a small territory near the present city of Si-an-fu, given by the 
emperor Hiau-wang to a member of the Ts'in family by name of 
Fei-tzi as keeper of his herds of horses. From small beginnings 
Ts'in gradually grew to become the most powerful among the 
































feudal states during the (^Au dynasty, occupying the greater part 

of the present 8hen-ai province and indefinite tracts of tanitoiy 
to the west of it. 


Pa-U (lord of Ts'in) about S97-8S8 

Ta'tn-Atfu (i.e. marquis of Tsln) 857-848 

Kung-po 847-845 

Tt'itKhttng (since 827 minister at the imperial court) . 844-822 

Duke CAuofHT 821-778 

" 8vmg 777-766 

" Win 765-716 

" Wu,ormng 715-704 

" CVit, or CA'u-M 705-698 

" Wu 697-678 

" Ti 677-676 

" Saon 675-664 

" Ch'Ong 663-660 

" Wu, or Jen-hau . 659-621 

" K'ang,otYing 620-609 

" Rung 608-604 

" Huan 603-577 

" King 576-537 

" Ai 536-501 

'•Hut 600-492 

" Taa 491-477 

" Kuag, or lA-kung 476-i43 

" Taav 442-429 

" Huai 428-125 

" Ling 424-415 

" KiM 414-400 

"Bui 399-387 

" Hiin 384-362 

" Hiau 361-338 

King/fui-wtfn 337-311 

•• Wu 310-307 

" Chau-nang 306-201 



Elng ^TunMoAi 250 

" Ckuang-^iang, Ck% or I-i&n .... 249-247 

, '' Ch&ng (=r«'m Sh!irhwmg4Ci, as king of Tain 246-221 

80 emperor of CSuna 220-210 


Tlie state of Tmn (to be distiiiguidied from Tsln) had grown out 
of a fief given to a younger bod, of Wu-wang, the founder of the 
C3i6u dynasty, byname of YQ, and situated in the southern part of 
the present Shan-ei province, which filled the greater part of its 
later extent. It was conterminous with Tsln in the west and the 
Huns in the north. In 745 b.c. Marquis Chau had i^pointed his 
uncle lord of K'd-wu in South Shan-si, whose descendants usurped 
the throne and were confinned as dukes of Tein in 678 bx. 

Fa, or ShuryU (invested with the territory of T'ang) . 1107 

Marquis SiS, Yil's son 
" Wu 
" Ch'dng 
" Li 

" Tsing 858-841 

" Li, or Hi 840-823 

" Hi^ 822-812 

" Mu 811-785 

Shang^hu, usurper 784-781 

Marquis TTiJn 780-746 

" Chau 745-739 

" Hiau 738-724 

" Au 723-718 

"At 717-710 

" Sianrttl 709-705 

" Min ... 704-679 

Usurpers of the house of K*iirvm (678-376 B.C.) 

DukeTTu 678-677 

" Hiin 676-651 

" Hui 650-638 



Duke Hua» . 637 

" W&n, or Ch'ung4r 636-628 

" Siang . 627-621 

" Ling 620-607 

" Ch'dng 606-600 

" King 609-581 

" Lt 680-573 

'* Tau 572-558 

" P'ing 557-532 

" Chau 531-526 

" K'ing 525-512 

" Ting 511-474 

" Ch'u 473-457 

'* At 466-439 

'' Yu 438-420 

'* LU 419-393 

" Hiau 392-378 

" Tsing 377-376 

376 B.C. Duke Tsing was (lo{>osed, and his territory divided by 

the princes of Wei, Han, and Chau, 


Marquis W&n (confirmed 403 B.C.) 425-387 

*' Wu 386-371 

King^ui 370^335 

Siang 334^19 

Ai 318-296 

Chau 295-277 

An-ki 276-243 

King-min 242-228 

Kia 227-225 

IFd was annexed by Ts'in in 225 b.c. 


Marquis King (confirmed 403) 408-400 

'' LU 399-387 



Marquis TTdn 38&-377 

"At 376-371 

" / 370-359 

" Chau 35a-333 

EmgSHan-hui 332-312 

" Siang 311-296 

" Hi(Kiu) 295^273 

" Huan-hui 272-239 

"An 238-230 

Han was annexed by Ta'in in 230 B.C. 


Marquis LU (confirmed 403) 408-400 

DukeWt* 399-387 

Marquis King 386-375 

Ch'ong 374-350 

" 5u 349-326 

King Wu-ling 325-299 

" Hui-won 298-266 

'' Hiau-cWimg 265-245 

" Tau-siang 244-236 

" TsHen (Yu-mu) 235-228 

Chau was partly annexed by TsHn in 228 B.C., the annexation 
being completed in 222 B.C. 


Ch\ originally the country of the southern barbarians (nan- 
man) y occupied the entire south of the federal states, especially the 
country on both banks of the Yang-tzi in its middle course. Its 
first, probably legendary, prince was supposed to have been a 
great-grandson of Yv^hiungy the philosopher and teacher of Won- 
wang. This was Hiung /, supposed to have been invested as prince 
of Ch'u by Ch'ong-wang. The princes of Ch'u henceforth have 
the surname Hiung. 

Viscount Hiung I about 1100 

"At 1078-1053 


YiBCOuat Hiung T'an 1052-1002 

" Sk9ng 1001-fl47 

" Ymg 946- 

" K'fl, temporarily "King" about . . 887 
" Mu-k'ang (died prematurely) 

" Chl-hung 867-866 

"Yen 865-848 

" Yung 847-838 

'• Ym 837-828 

" Skuang 827-822 

••San 821-«00 

" ^u 799-791 

" I,oTjo-aii 790-764 

" Siau-au 763-758 

" Fdn-fMU 757-741 

Kingffu 740-690 

" Wan 689-677 

Ttt-OM 676-672 

magCh'Ong 671-626 

" Mu 625-614 

" Chiiang 613-591 

" Rung 690-500 

" K'ang 56»-M5 

Kuhou H4-641 

King Ling 540-529 

" P'ing 628-516 

" Chau 615-489 

" Hwi 488-432 

" Kiin 431-408 

" ShOng 407-402 

•• Tau 401-381 

" Su 380-370 

" Soon 369-340 

" Wa 33(^-320 

" Hvai 328-299 

" K'xng-aiang . . 298-263 

" K'a^ii 282-238 



EingFii 237-2 

"At 228 

" Fvrch'u 227-221 

Ch*u was annezad by Win in 223 B«a 


Ten was the northenunoflt among the eastern states and Ml 

together with the greater part of modem C3i!-li. One duke of 

Shau by name of Shi is mentioned as the first prince of Ten; his 
ninUi desoendanty ICarquis Htd, heads the line <rf those wiiose names 
and periods of goveroment have become known. 

Marquis Hui BMrW 

"Hi 825-791 

" KHng 790-767 

Duke At 766-765 

Marquis CA^ 764-729 

** Mu 728-711 

" Suan 710-698 

" Huan 697-691 

Djjike Chuang 690-658 

Siang 657-618 

Huan 617-602 

SHan 601-587 

Chau 586-n574 

Wu 673-555 

W6n 654-649 

/ 548-545 

Hui 544-536 

Tau 535-529 

Kung 52&n524 

P'ing 523-505 

Klin 504r^93 

Hiin 492-^465 

Hiau 464-450 

Ch'(hig 449-434 

Min 433-403 



Duke Hi 402-^73 

" Huan 372-362 

" W&n 361-333 

King/ 332-321 

" R'uai 320-314 

" Chau 311-279 

** Hut 278-272 

" Wvr€h'&ng 271-258 

" Hiau 257-256 

"Hi 255-222 

Yen was conquered by TaHn in 222 B.C. 


The state of Ts'i occupied the southeastern shore of the Yellow 
River and fell together with the northeast of the present Shan- 
tung province. The legitimate line of its princes is headed by 
T*airkung Shang^ said to have been invested with it by Wu-wang. 
In the fourth century a line of usurpers set m, who adopted the family 
name T'iin, the name of the legitimate line superseded by them, 
being La. 

a. Princss or thb Lu Family 

DukeTtn^ 1077-1052 

" / 1051-1001 

*' Kui 1000-035 

*' At 034-894 

" Hu 893-860 

" Hihi 859-851 

*' Wu 850-825 

"Li 824-816 

" W&n 815-804 

" Ch'&ng 803-795 

" Chuang 794-731 

** Hi 730-698 

" Siang 697-680 

" Huan 685-643 


Duke Hiau 642-633 

'' fChau 632-613 

"I 612-609 

*' Hui 608-509 

'' KHng 598-582 

'' Ling 581-554 

'' Chuang 553-^48 

'' King 547-489 

'* Taa 488-485 

'* Klin 484-481 

" P'ing 480-456 

'' auan 455-405 

" K'ang 404r379 

6. Princes op the T'risN Familt 

THin-ho (confirmed as duke of Ts'i, 386 B.C.) . . 410-385 

DukeHuan 384-379 

KingfTei 378-343 

" SUan 342-324 

" Min 323-284 

" Siang 283-265 

" KiSn 264-221 

T$'i was annexed by TaHn in 221 B.C. 


The state of Lu occupied the southern part of the present Shan- 
timg province on the south of T8*i. The chronology of the princes 
of Lu has been made the basis by Confucius of his historical work, 
the Ch'un-ts'iu, for which reason it claims special attention during 
the period concerned. The first prince of the state was Chdurkung, 
the brother of Wu-wang. The chronology down to Duke Ch6n is 

Duke Chdu (Ch&u-kung) 1122-1109 

" P<hkHn 1108-1063 

" K'au 1062-1059 

" Yang 1058-1053 

■aYu 1052-1039 

WA 1038- 989 

hi 988-952 

Hitn 951-.. . 

CAfti 865-826 

Wu 825-816 

/ 815-807 

Po-ya (iMurper) 806-796 

Htou 795-769 

Uui 768-723 

Yin 722-712 

Hvm 711-694 

Chvang 693-662 

Min 661-660 

Hi 659-627 

TTAi 626-609 

Sam 608-591 

Ch'6n9 690-573 

Siang bT2-M2 

Chau 641-410 

Ting 609-495 

Ai 494-468 

Tau 467-431 

" Yuan 430-410 

" Mu 409-377 

" A'wnjT 376-355 

" K'avg 354-346 

" King 345-315 

'■ P'ing 314-296 

" Win 295-273 

" K'ing 272-249 

Im was annexed by Ch'u in 240 B.C. 

XV. pniXCES OF 8UN0 

Sung WA8 one of the central states, with ita capital near the present 

Kui-td-fu in Ho-nan. Its line of prinnw is headed by Wd-tH, « 

prince of the Sbang dynasty and an opponent of the tyrant Sh6u-nn. 

WA^aKH iiia-ion 

W*ehiiig 107B-10M 

Duke X't of Song lOSa-lOOl 

" Ting 1000-«86 

" Min 9S5-9O0 

" YoKg 

" lA 

'• Bi 


" Ai 800 

" Tai 7W-76S 

" Wv 766-748 

" soon 747-7» 

" Afu 728-720 

" 8hang 719-710 

" Chuang 

" Min 

" Huan 681-651 

" Siang 650-637 

" Ch'Ong 636-620 

" Chau 619-611 

" WSn 610-689 

" Kvng 588-576 

" P'ing 575-532 

" Y^an 531-517 

" King 516-451 

" Chau 450-404 

" Tau . . . .' 403-396 

" Hiu 395-375 

"Pi 374r^70 

" T'i-ch'Ung 369-329 

King Yen (king since 318) 328-286 

Sung was annexed by Ta'i in 286 b.c. 


Ch'dn ma a smalt central state near the present E'at-f6ng^u, ad- 

joiniog the state of Sung in the south. Its line of princes is headed 

by a suppooed deaccndant trom the emperor Shun raised to rank 
by Wu-wang as Duke Hu. Ilia succcsflon were named SMn, 
Siaag, Hiau, and Shdn, who again waa followed by 


Duke Yu SS4-S32 

Hi 831-796 

Wu 78S-781 

/ 780-778 

P'ing 777-755 

Wdn 754-745 

Uuan 744-707 

lA 706-700 

Chwmg 690-093 

Suan 602-648 

Mu 647-633 

Rung 631-614 

Lint 613-590 



Huai 505-003 

Min 501-478 

Ck'dn waa annexed by Ch'u in 478 B.C. 


Tt'au waa a snail atate wrdp>d in hctwrcn Sun|[ and Lu in the 
•outheant of the preacnt .Shan-tunK {irovinrc. Ita line of prineea 
IB headed by Ch6n-to, a bmthrr of Wu-wan);. Ilia ■urcraaora were 
T'ai-po, Ckunf-kOn, and the eounta Kunf/ and lliati, followed by 

Count/ 854-835 

•' Tai 825-796 

" //«it 795-700 

Duke ,Wu 759-757 

" //WW 75«-7flS 



_ _ Ts-a 



. 670-662 


. 537-52J 




PC Po-yang 

u was ADDexcd by Sung in 487 B.C. 

. 505-502 
. 501-487 


Chdng was a centrally situated state adjoining the imperial terri- 
tory of Ch6u on the east, in the preaent Ho-nan province. It was 
created in 806 b.c. by Siian-wang as a fief for hia younger brother 
Yu, who thereby became 

Duke Hwm 806-771 

" Wu 770-744 

" Chiang 743-701 

■ " Za (usurper) 700-697 

" Chau 696-695 

Tel-wd 694 

r«-y»nff 693-680 

Duke Li 679-673 

WBn 672-628 

jtfu 627-606 

Ling 605 

Siang 604-587 

Tau 586-586 

Ch'Ung 584r-571 

Duke Hi 57»-Me 

Kiin 665-«30 

Tittg 629-514 

Hiin 813-501 

Skdng S00-4M 

At 463-456 

Rung 455-424 

yu 423-... 

K'ana 396-375 

Chdng WH uincxcd by Han in 375 b.c. 

Ts'tti wu & small state adjoining Chonx and Sung on the south 
and Ch'on on the west. Its first prince, Tu, was a younger brother 
of Wu-wang. 

Ta'dt-tAu Tm about 1 122, then banished 

Ti'aiChunff-hM 1107-1054 

Tt'ai~po 1053-94S 

Marquis Kung 947-m)4 

Hi. OT Li 893-845 

Wu 846-ATS 

/ 837-810 

Hi 809-762 

Rung 761-760 

Tai 759-750 

Suan 749-715 

Huan 714-695 

Ai 694-075 

Mu 674-646 

Chuanfl 646-4tl2 

W6n 611-592 

King 591-543 

Ling 542-531 

P'ing 529-522 

ran Ul-519 



Marquis C%ay BlS-m 

*' Ch'&ng 4S»A72 

" Sh&ng 471-457 

'' Yikm 45^-451 

" Trt 4fiQ-4l7 

T9*ai was annftind by CVu in 447 b.o. 


The small state of ITd on the banks of the TeDow Ri'w about 
the present Wd-hui-fu in Ho^ian should not be confounded with 
the bigg^ Wei state farther west, ccnnprising lower Shan-si and part 
of Ho-nan and being one of the three states into which Tsin was 
divided since 376 b.c. Its first prince was a jrounger brother of 
Wu-wangy Fongy prince of K'ang. 

K*ang (eleventh century) 

Count Jt'ang 1078-1053 

" K'au,oTHiau 1052-1017 

"551 1016- 935 

** TsiS 934r^910 

" 'Tsing 909-895 

" Chon 894-867 

Marquis i5:'in^ 866-855 

''Hi 854-«13 

DukelFu 812-758 

" Chuang 757-735 

" Huan 734-719 

" SHan 718-700 

"Hut f699-696 


X'i^rwndu (usurper) 696-688 

Duke/ 668-661 

" Tai 660 

" W(hi 659-635 

" Ch*(hig 634-600 

" Mu 599-689 

" Ting 688-677 




DukeHiin |576-659 


" Shang (intennediate) 558-547 

" Siang 549-535 

" iMg 534-403 

" Ch'u 1492-^1 

" Chiang (intennediate) 4SQ-478 

Lord #C'i (intennediate) 477 

Duke Tau 468-451 

" King 450-432 

" Chau 431-426 

" Hvai 425-415 

" Sk&n 414-373 

" SlUhig 372-362 

Marquis CV^ 361-333 

F'ing 332-325 

Lord 54 324-283 

*' Hwd 282-253 

'' Yikm 252-230 

*' Kio 229-209 

This state of Wt% was the only one that actually sunrived to the 

foundation of Tsln-shi-huang-ti's ascension to the throne of the 

empire. Lord Kio had been allowed his title, but was reduced to 

the position of a private citisen in 209 b.c. 


The legendary origin of the state of Wu, which occupied the ter- 
ritories on and near the shores of the Yang-td at its mouth, is 
referred to Tai-po, the eldest son of Tan-fu, Duke of Ch6u, and 
therefore Won-wang's uncle, who, being excluded from his legitimate 
right of succession to the ducal throne, became an exile in this 
distant region and the alleged ancestor of its line of princes. There 
are names mentioned down to the time when Wu became better 
known in Chinese history, but the entire genealogy with its chro- 
nofegy is uncertain till 585 b.c. 




Sk6u-m6ng 5S5-561 

Chu-lan 560-548 

Ya-ckai 547-544 

/-mrt 543-527 

Liaa 526-515 

Ho-lu 514-496 

Fu-ch'ai 495-473 

s annexed by YHi in 473 B.C. 


The kingdom of Y'&6, during the Ch6u period, occupied about 
the present province of Ch'6-kiang. Although YU6 ia mentioned 
as a state aa early as 601 b.c. in the Tso^kuan (Legge, Ch'un-ts'iu, 
p. 302), its history as known to us begins with its king K6ii-tnfn 
fully a century later. 

Kingi£cfiWn^ 496-465 

" Lit-ying 464r-459 

" Pu^hdu 458-449 

" Cliu-k6u 448-412 

" / and luB Bucceaaore 411-334 

Ym was umoxed by Ch'u in 334 SM, 

\ ^^ 


AfreemenU, itata : Me Contbactb. 

Agriculture: introduction of^ as- 
cribed to Shon-nung, 10; im- 
proved by Huang-ti, 13 ; during 
Ch6u dyiuMty according to 
the Ch&u4i, 110; in charge of 
Mandarin of Earth, 113; Huns 
have no regular, 168; HQ 
Hing's theory regarding, re- 
futed by Menciufl, 290 ; taxation 
of, 296-298; m« aUo Irriqa- 
noN or Soil; LAKOHOLOBaa; 
Land Tbnvke. 

Altrui«m : 9ee Mo Ti. 

Amaaone, corps of: under Ho-lu, 
King of Wu, 234. 

Ambaaaadom : from the YG^h'ang 
tribes, 127 ; SM aUo Diplomats. 

Amiot, Father : firat to point out 
identity of eclipse referred to 
in Shi-kifig, 174. 

Anceitors : merits of, become a bene- 
fit to descendants, 82; cause 
dearendants to be rewarded aa 
fief -holders, 99 ; Ch6u-kung prays 
to, and not to Ood, for the re- 
covery of Wu-wang, 102~103; 
have charge in Heaven of de- 
acendanta on earth, 103; Ch6u- 
ktmg's prayer to, reveals his 
loyalty, 105 : see aUo Sacrificb 
TO Ancestors; Spirits or 
THB Departed. 

Antiquity, monuments of: none 
comparable to those of Egypt, 

An-wang, the Emperor: 273-274, 

Arckueologists, Chinese : trustworthi- 
ness of, fiO, 71-73, 74. 

Archives, sUte : 125. 

AreiMit, C. : his chronologtcal tables. 

7, note 2, 52, note 2, 174, note 1, 
HA ; on the mother of Mencius, 
283, note 1, 329, note 1. 

Army : beginnings under Huang-ti, 
22; no standing, at beginning 
of Ch6u dynasty, 1 19 ; with all 
accoutrements marched 30 U 
(10 miles, or less) a day, 169, 
165 ; characteristics of, compiled 
from the Shl-king, 158-166; 
infantry composed of husband- 
men, 163; regimental divisions 
and "chariots," 163-164; train- 
ing before the battle, 165 ; cav- 
alry introduced by King Wu- 
ling of Chau, 272-273 ; see oiao 
Chariots ; Horses ; War ; 

Arrow-heads : aae Weapons. 

Art : works of, destroyed and con- 
cealed under 8hl-huang-ti, re- 
discovered in perioda of renaia- 
aance ; early collectors of, 71 ; 
during Shang dynasty chiefly 
symbolic, 84 ; Confucian age 
responsible for forgeries in, 90; 
autochthonous, during Bhang 
dynasty, 91 ; objects of, and 
handicraft described in Ck6%t4i, 
120; •M aUo Arcrjboukhsts ; 
Rronee Drxtms ; lisoNtEs ; 
Draoon and Phenix ; Hiero- 
OLTPHirs ; Jade ; Nine Tripods, 
the; Pa-rua; Pottery; T'au- 
T*ir.; Thunder Pattern ; Wrhw 
iNo, ART or. 

Artisans: rank fifth in population, 

Astrologers, duties of: 118. 

Antronomers, duties of: 118. 

Astronomv : practised by Huang-H, 
13, 21-22; progress in. 




Ghuaii-liil, 25; Hi and Ho, 
MtronomMi under Tau, 80; 
under CShung-k'ang Bl and Ho 
fail to predict eelipee otmm, 80- 
40 ; eelipee reoordad in tha 8h»' 
king, 40-41, 174; "a oonjuno- 
Uon of five plaaata/' M; "two 
auna H^peared together, ** 66; 
dutiee of oflioera Sk ehargb of, 
118-110; uee of gnomon, 110; 
eolipea of 770 B.O., foreboding 
diaaater, oonftrmad l^ Weitorn 
eavante, 172-176; adipae of 
004 B.C., 201. 

AttUa, King of tha Huna: hia an- 
oeetora among the aoyereigna 
of the ffiung-nu nation, 186- 
186, 100. 

Autunm, Mandarin of {t&Hu kwm) ; 
118, 128-126. 

AvalokitAi'vara: 1^. 

Bactiia: 148. 

Badge of jade (ibut) : 103. 

Baggage, army: watched by the 
feeble during battle, 164. 

Baghatur ("hero"), probable Turk- 
ish form of the name Mau-tun : 

Bak tribes : T. de Lacouperie's, 15. 

Bamboo Books, the : chief authority 
on Yii's successors, 41 ; and on 
the Shang dynasty, 50; dis- 
covery of, 50; their chronology 
differs from that of other 
sources, 51, 175-176, 329, note 
1 ; their account of the Shang dy- 
nasty dry as compared to the 
8hurking*8 model emperor chap- 
ters, 52; specimen from, on 
Ch6u-sin, 53-55 ; Chavannes, 
Legge, and Biot on, 51, note 1 ; 
throw light on Shang culture, 
76; on Mu-wang and 8i-wang- 
mu, 144-145, 148; mention 
visit of Si-wang-mu to Em- 
peror Shun, 150-151; on the 
Kimg-ho period, 157. 

Bamboo roots : as modem instru- 
ments of divination, 83. 

Bamboo tablets: see WRiriNa, abt 


Battlei, Ln port aafe ! Wo-wg d»> 
ieali CSidMfaL [at llii^ 65; 

anniaa moatly in North ShsMi 
and Ordoa imilUMy, 128; of 
TMii-m6u, 780 
ageinat the Huna 
wane, 827 B.O., I6S-161; 
aona and moda of 
164-166; moda of 4ghtii« 
among the Hua«y 108^ 180; fae- 
ekmm deaoribea btttOa of n4 
B.O., 187-188; ba t wa w Tal atnd 
Ca&'u, 208-aOO; balvMa tWn 
and Cbhi at CSi^Bat-pli, 816 ; ba* 
twaen Bang and Cai% 810; Wn 
and ChOog baatiB bgr Oh*^ 888; 
batwaen Wtt and TU, 889, 881^ 
861; ftva eoofedente ateitm 
baatiB l^ IWln at Uka Hnift4ai 
Pa«, 818; Fto Kl of Tiln 
eruehes Han and Wet at I-kfl4, 
818; Po K1 takee the oity of 
Hang-tang, 821; Teln de- 
feated at siege of Han^tan, 
322; Ts'in's victoriea in 256 
and 249 B.C., 325; Tsln de- 
feated in 247 B.C., ita final 
engagements againat federal 
states, 328. 

Beacon fires: lighted aa "gna^la q{ 
aUrm, 172, 176-177. 

Beasts: not hostile to man in pri- 
meval period, 4. 

Biblical names at the head of King 
Attila's genealogical table : 186, 

Biot, £klouard : on Yfi^i eng^eering 
exploits, 34, 36-^38; hia trans- 
lation of Bamboo Booka, 61, 
note 1 ; of the ChdvM, 108 ; oon^ 
aiders immutability of govern- 
ment based on that of individual 
life, 109 ; extracta from hia notea 
on the customs of the ancient 
Chinese collected from the ShU" 
king, 162-166. 

Boards, the Six (liurpu), of modem 

times: correspond to six oate- 

. gories of the Ch&urli, 111; 

basis of claaBJfication of official 

work, 118. 




BoiftiM, the : like the Hlung-nu, eon- 
▼erted ekiiUa into drinikiiig vee- 
■els, 271-272. 

Boots : when introduced, 272. 

Botany : research in, ascribed 
Shdn-nunc, 10-11. 

Bows and arrows : 9m Wkafons. 

Brstsehneider, £. : quoting 

on Shdn-nung^i botany, 11. 

Brigands: Mandarin of Autumn in 
eharge of, 123. 

Bronse age, the, in diina : 236. 

"Bronse drum nations" : 105 ; com- 
prise elements of different afl&ni- 
tiss, IM. 

Bronse drums: manufacture of, at 
Oanton, a family secret, 117; 
of the Man barbarians, 195-lM ; 
smhiems found among the or- 
naments of, IM. 

Broiises : copper mine discovered by 
Huang-ti supposed to have fur- 
nished oldest, 23, 00, 236; of 
the Shang and Ch6u dynssties 
destroyed, buried, and immured, 
under 8hl-huang-ti and later on 
rediscovered; difficulty of fix- 
ing age of, 71, 77; personal 
names in legends of Shang, 72; 
private coUeetions of, 73; sse- 
rificial, and bells the only wit- 
ne siBS of high antiquity, 77; 
have become models in ceramic 
and jade industries, 84, 01; 
alloys of, according to the Ckdu- 
K, 126 ; the tripod of 812 a.c, 
161 ; swords still in use about 
600 a.c., 236; tm aUo BaoNia 
DauMs ; Ninb TairoDa, thb. 

Boeklera: 164. 

Bumouf, £.: on SMrang-mu, 161, 
note 2. 

BusheU, 8. W.: on "The Stone 
Drums of the Ch6ii Dynasty," 

sv^ipossd to have been 
introduced by Fu-hi, 0, 14; 
developed by Huang-ti, 21, 22; 
by Qiuan-hQ, 26 ; by Wu-wang, 
9M aim CrcucAi. CsAa- 

Carriages, Osrs, and Garts: 9m 

Csssini, D. : on the Sku-4dng eclipse, 

Oattigara: the terminus of western 
navigation, 127. 

Oattle-breeding : see Flocks. 

"Censer," the term: wrongly ap- 
plied to bronses of the Shang 
and Ch6u dynasties, 84. 

Censors, public (yti-Mf) : officers 
performing duties similar to 
those of, 116. 

Censorship, public : evil effects of 
too much, 156. 

Census of population: 110. 

Ceremonial: love of, predominates 
long before Confucius, 83-84, 
230, 241 ; holds together Ch6u 
dynssty, 100; in emperor^ 
personal life, 115; in charge of 
Mandarin of Spring, 118; Con- 
fucius exaggerates funeral, 230, 
244; the people of Chung-tu 
educated by strict, 244-246; 
Confucius' personal life rvgu- 
lated by, 256-267; Chuang-tsi 
despises, 304. 

Ceremonies, Board of: 113, 117-110. 

Chalfant, F. H. : on eariy Chinese 
writing, 74, note 1. 

Chalmers, John : on the 8kt/hkin§ 
eclipse, 41 ; his year dates a.c. 
diff«r from those of astronomers, 

Ckan'-ktto: mit ComrsirDtKO SrATia, 

Chtmrkuo-U'6: 262,264. 

Chang H6ng, the astronomer: 120, 

Chang I, statesnum: pupil of Kui- 
ku-til, 285, 286, 308 ; his career. 
311-314; K*0 YOan warns king 
of Ch*u sgsinst, 316-316; dies 
as minister in Wcf, 316. 

Chang K'Mn, the general: 147, 148. 

Chang YQ-si: on Shdo-oungli boi- 
any, 11. 

Ch'ang-an : old capital, ssat of col- 
lectors of ancient bronses, 73. 

Ch'ang. Duke of Ch6u; set Wbif- 


OtlHg^u (Hn-Dw)! faukl pUee 

of Shdn-nnoK, 11. 
CbMW : aodal, befora F»U, 9, 14. 
ChuiotMn: 168. 
ChMioU lek'« or M): di*wn by 

for, oo( 

1Z7-180; nwo lo war a^MMmt 
tba Hum, Ue-IM), US, 373; 

1 In populatiam 
aUtlattea, 303; had pwts of 


Qiku: city in the premnt South 
Shan-gi, 269. 

Ch»u, Duke of Lu: 230, 243-244, 

C3wu, Hsrquis of Tain : appoints 
hia uncle lord ot K'Q-wu, 334. 

Ch«iU Sbo, commandeT in Chau ; 319. 

Chau Sho, son of Chau Tun : 269. 

Chsu-aang, king of Tsin: 317-325, 
333 ; under the regency of bis 
moUier with Wei Jan aa chan- 
cellor, 317-319; sole regent with 
Fan Teii as cbojicellor, 320-325; 
praoticaily "Son of Heaven," 
offers sacrifice to Shang-ti, 326. 

Chau Siang-tn : son of, and nuuriee 
Tartar woman, 260; usee akuU 
of enemy tor drinldng vessel, 

Chau, the Btat« of ; beginnings, 263 ; 
confirmed aa a feudal state, 264 ; 
one of the "Seven Heroes " 
■Ut«B, 286; thoroughfare tor 
northern tribes, 267 ; Hb priocce 
tavor Tartar customs, 269-273, 
816; common deecent with 
princes of Ts^, grow in power 
by gifts of territory, 269; its 
chief Cban 8iang-tii, son of, and 

married to, Tartar woman, 269; 
and changes enemy's skull into 
a drinking vessel, 270-272; its 
history full of supernatural 
accounts, 270; joins confed- 
eration against Ta 'in, 310 ; head- 
quarters of Su Ts'in, represent- 
ing the "Sii Statee," 311, 313; 
attacked by Ts^ and Wei, 313; 
kingdom since 329 B.C., 316 ; de- 
feated by, and repulses Ts'in, 
319; defeated by Ts'in at Shang- 
tang, 321 ; P'ing-yiian-kuu, 
a prince of, 321 ; Han-tan, 
capital of, beueged by Tain, 
322; Prince I-jon of Ts'in at 
the court of, 323-326 ; defeated 
by Ts'in, 325; annexed by 
Ts'in, 328, 336; princes of, 336. 

ChMi Tsui, companion of Duke Won 
Mkd prinu ministar of lUn: 

Oiau Tun, minioter in Tinu: 220, 

CliaU'wang, the Emperor : 148, 189, 

Chau Wu, son of Chau Sho ; subject 
of a hiatorical drama, 269. 

Ch'au, the Emperor King*-WBng'a 
brother: flees to Cb^i, 233. 

Ch'au^t-tt'itn-ttai; 132. 

Chavannee, £douard: on trust- 
worthinen of Chinese history 
previous to Ch6u-sin, S5-66; 
on dragons and ph«mixM, SS; 
on 8i-wang-mu, 161; on the 
"Stone Drums of the Ch6Q 
Dynasty," 171 ; on Ts^ and 
Ch'u as non-Qiineae states, 267- 
268; on the supernatural ele- 
ment in history of Chau state, 
270; on skulls changed into 
drinking vessds, 271 ; ms oin 
8hi-ki and Wc-cbi-bhaji-toubs. 

Chi: see Robber Chi**. 

Chi, the Emperor : get Ti-ohi. 

Chl-nan: term for the magntttjo 
needle, used metapborically, 129, 

Chi Po, official of Tsin ; opposes the 
iSan-7'ttn, 270. 

.Ch'i-yu: rebel under Hiiirn tl, 20. 


CbOn-to, brother of Wu-wuig : in- 
v(at«d with Ti'ftu, 343. 

Ch'An, the city of: ewplUl of the 
Emperor Fu-hi, 9, 

Ch^, the itate of: OD nde of Ch'u 
in mr with Taia, 31B ; deaeend- 
uita of ita bouae become lover- 
eiCna of Ti*), 273; prince* of, 

Ch-jtii CbuDC, Hcetie: 28^200. 

Oiftas, uit*-nuptial eon of Prince 
I->6d of Tain : 324-336 ; croWD- 
prince md KiD| of Ti'in, 327- 
328, 334 ; ■« <■:» Shi-Huaho^. 

CbOnt. the lUt* of: attacked by 
Juuf tribea, 187; travelen 
from Ti"! (o Ch'u paned, 314; 
the Emperor Sianc-waiis a 
furtive in, 319, 319; on Uic 
aide of Ch'u in war with Tain, 
310: under the iupremacy of 
Ch'u, 323; of Tain, 237; lU 
milliliter Td-ch'ao, 232; con- 
quered by Han, 274, 34& ; aQan- 
wani inveila hia brother Yu 
with, 344; princea of , 344-34S. 

Ch'tas-ki (Kan-au) : birthplace of 
the EmjicTor Fu-hi, 8. 

Ch'6ns-p'u ; city near the pmvnt 
Ta'au-cbAu In Shan- tunc 310, 

Ch'Anc-t'anc the Emperor: de- 
•eeodant of Tt-k'u, 36; orer- 
throwa the Ilia dynaaty under 
Kit, 44, 47; founder of the 
Bhanc dyaaaty. 47, 330; hia 
beoevolence toward animala, 47 ; 
hia iucreaaora, 47-67 ; referred 
to aa an anceitor by the Fjd- 
peror P'ao-k[>ii|[, 113; ayatem of 
taiatlon umler. 207. 

Cb'tac-wanjc. Uie Kmperor : 104- 
107, I3S-I38, 331 ; appoinia 
OiAu-aiD'a ilepbnilhpT, Wpi.tii, 
prince of the nnpin-. 10ft-in7. 
341 ; receivea amba— Jow from 
the YtW^rh'anc tribM, 13A-I3S; 
aoraa capital to I.o-vanM, 130: 
bia death, 138; loveata tUuat 1 

with territory of Jlfon barbari- 
ana, 190, 193, 330; flxea th« 
Nine Tripoda and proBncatl- 
eatea duration of djmaaty, 322; 
wall painting rcpreaenting, with 
hia pianiiao CbAu-lcims, 343; 
inveata younner brother with 
Trin, 300, 334; aai ataa Ca6o- 

CbAu : dulUB of, daacendanta ol 
Tl-k'u and hia poathumoua aotl 
BAu-tai, 3S, 30; evly liiatory 
el, S7-&8 ; eauaea tending to 
devriop influence of dural itata, 
09, 1S3; Wu-vans twelve yeara 
duke of, 97; ancaatora of, aaid 
to have adopted Uunnie lite, 
168, 109; chronohicy, 331 
T'an-tu, Duke of, aat Tah-to 
Ch'amo, Duke of, 8H n 
WANO : Kl-U, Duke of, aM Ki-u 
Fa, I>uke of. aM Wo-wano 
Tan, DukL of, aet Ca6v-KVMa 
diikea of, deacendanta of ChAu- 
kung : a mlnialer under Cha»- 
wang. 143 ; the co-rt«ent during 
the Kung-ho neriod and min- 
iatn to EMan-wang, 1ST; Hd- 
kitn, Duke of, under Cfauanf- 

ChOu d>-n^lyl 93-338, 3S1-S33. 

Ch^u-kuan: original title at the 
CMwJi. 110. 

Ct>6u-kung ; fourth eon of WOo- 
wang, 68; addrtaaw anceatora 
In prayer for Wu-vang*! bfe, 
81, 103-103; prafliand dirina- 
tion, 83 ; aoul uf Wu-waDg*! 
Bovemment, 79-103; beponxa 
fief -holder of K "U-IAu ( I.u) , 
99-10O, 340; thinka talc la 
dincted by Ood, o 
and oDndr, 101-103: 
of hia aUlity, 103; 
(li'5ng-wnng'i guardian, but 
to meet the intrigue* of hia 
brulliFn krepa away from court, 
writing eiten«on of l-ktnf, 10* ; 
an ode in ShI-kiitf aarribed to, 
hi* lovally r 
feat* hia n 
of CbAu K 



author of the Ch&ik4i, 107; 
presents ambaaaedori with eouth- 
pointing eheriota, 127| 128; hie 
death and eulogy, 137-188; a 
wall painting repreaenting, and 
Confuciua' veneration for, 243. 

Ch&u4i, the: authorahip aacribed 
to Ch6u-kung, 107, 138; Chu 
Hi on, 108 ; aerves aa a model of 
government and culture for 
later perioda, tranalated by 
l&douKtd. Kot, 106; traoea dF 
atatiatioal method, devdoped by 
Kuan-ttf, found in, 119, 202; 
a mine d information, 126 ; ita 
geography oompared to that 
of Ch'unrta'iu, 182; aa oom- 
pared to Lirki, 252-253; ita 
atatutea cramped by Tartar in- 
fluencea, 270. 

ChSurshu, 65. 

Ch6u-sin : last emperor of the Shang 
dynasty, 63-67, ;j31 ; his wicked- 
ness described in the Shf-ki, 66 ; 
Legfl^c's recapitulation of Shur- 
king commentaries on, 66-67; 
punishment of roasting is his 
invention, 67, note 1 ; obejrs his 
wife Ta-ki, 66, 66 ; his renewed 
crimes lead to his ruin, 63-66; 
his godlessness and incapacity 
emphasized by Wu-wang, 64; 
his death, 66; his minister 
Shang Jimg becomes Wu-wang 's 
assistant, 96; disposal of his 
treasures, 07; loses the Nine 
Tripods, 222 ; Yang Chu thinks 
Ch6u-sin's a happy life, 278. 

Chdu: term meaning "a province " 
in ancient times, 21. 

Ch6u, the imperial dominion : Su 
Ts'in native of, 309; see cUao 
Emperor, the. 

Christian principles in Mo Ti's 
philosophy: 282. 

Chronological Tables : 329-348. 

Chronology: discrepancies in early, 
7, note 2; of early sovereigns 
fixed by later generations, 49; 
the standard, and that of the 
Bamboo Books, 61, 176-176; 
uncertain previous to Ch6u 

dynaaty, €2; beyond diapute 
in eaae oi eelipee of 770 b.o., 175. 

C9iu ]^ the philoaopher: on the 
CMu-H, 106; <m the early em- 
perora of the Ch^ dynaaty, 
158-160; eauaaa commentary 
of the T'ung t n im k a n g-mu to 
be compiled, 264; on the oric^ 
of the tamg qratcm of taxation, 
297; defanda Omnfticianiam, 302. 

ChitrMu C'Frinoea of the £knpiie"). 
96, 99; Wel-td i^nKn^ted a, 
106; aubjeet to aame ceremonial 
aa the emperor, 115 ; the chidb 
of Han, Chau, and Wei ap- 
pointed, 264. 

Ckit^hu-H^*Un: aee Bamboo Booxb. 

Chu Tan: a leader in war againat 
Jung tribea, 188. 

Chu, the atate of : 188. 

Chu Yii (eleventh century aj>.): 
first author to refer to use of 
compass on shipboard, 133, 136. 

Ch'u, Duke of W«[ : 248, 347. 

Ch'u, the state of : Chau-wang's war 
against, 143; becomes powerful 
under P'ing-wang, 178; causes 
of its growth, 182, 189; caUed 
"the south" by Sm-ma TsTife; 
caUed " King " in the Ch'un- 
to'tu, 189; its sovereigns, 189- 
192; its old capitals Tan-yang 
and TTmg, 190; kings of, caU 
themselves "Man bsurbarians," 
191 ; its king Chuang one of 
the "Five Leaders," 206, 221, 
222 ; expedition of Tsl against, 
208-209; federal states in fear 
of, 208; Duke Won of Tain's 
good treatment in, 214 ; products 
of, 214; defeated by Tsin in 
battle of Ch'ong-p'u, 216, 219; 
defeats Ts'i, 219; successful 
war of, against Hunnic tribes; 
insults imperial dignity, 221 ; 
Lau-tn a native of, 231, 269; 
King^-wang 's brother Ch'au aeeka 
refuge in, 233; a king of, in- 
quirea about iron sworda, 235; 
Confucius' sojourn in, 247 ; con- 
quers middle states, 263; one 
of the "Seven Heroes " states. 



306; its population, 967; non- 
Chioeae eharacter of, 267-368; 
Wu Kl chaocellor in, 274; 
prineM of, known for luxury, 
277, noU 1; HQ Hinc, "the 
africulturist," a native of, 290; 
Chuang-til declines post of 
prime in, 200; joins 
confederation against Tsln, 310 ; 
Qiang I ill-treated by, 311, 312; 
Chang I^ successful court in- 
trigue in, 312, 316; since con- 
quest of YM possesses whole 
south of diina; chief rival of 
Tknn, 814; first to claim kingli 
crown among federal states, 
316; K'Q YQan, the poet of, 
316-316 ; Wei Jan, a naUve of, as 
dianceUor of Tsln does his 
country much harm, 317; d»- 
f^atedbyTsIn; its capital taken 
and kings' mausolea destroyed, 
310; Huang Hi«, chief minister 
of, 821-322, 826; capital of, 
removed to Wu (Soochow), 822 ; 
makes conquests in Lu, 326; 
and oonquera it, 841 ; annexed 
by Ts'in, 828, 838; Princes of, 
836-388; ssi oUo Man 

CK*w-4an, <<the C9i'u Elegies " : 816. 

ChuaD-hQ, the Emperor : 24, 26, 320 ; 
ancestor of YQ and Shun, 26; 
and of the Kingi of Ch'u, 180. 

Choang, King of Ch'u : fifth among 
the Five Leaders, 221, 222, 337. 

Chttang-siang, King of Tsln 
(•Prince I-Jdn), 328-828, 884; 
an exile in Chau, 823 ; becomes 
hsir apparent, marries L<Q Pu- 
wsfb wife, 824; as king of Ts la 
appoints LO Pu-wsl prime min- 
teier, 827; his death possibly 
caused by LO Pu-wci, 828. 

Ch'on-ehAo-kfin (Huang Hi^), one 
of the "Four NobU«," 821; 
al the siege of Han-tan, 822; 
patronises SQn K*uang, 826. 

Ch\m^*yiik: the "Spring and Au- 
tumn Annals," by Confucius, 
a chronological account of ths 
state of Lu, 722 to 481 a.c, 170, 

107, 263, 840; doubto as to 
authorship, 180; its geography, 
181-107; calls the Ch'u stata 
"King," 180; its extent, 107, 
262; records eclipse of the sun 
in 604 B.C., 201. 

Chuang-Ul (the book) : 200-306. 

Chuang-ttf, the philoeopher: on 
the Kung-ho period, 167 ; refers 
to Li6-ttf, 277; his character 
and work, 200-308; better ex- 
ponent of Tauism than Lau-trf 
himself, 300; extracts from 
Qilee' work on, 800-301; at- 
tacks Confucius and his school, 
802; the satires " Robber Chi" 
and "The Old Fisherman,'! 

Chuang-wang, the Emperor: 301* 
218, 832. 

CSiung, Eari of : 187. 

Chung-fu ("Second Father ") : bono- 
rific Utle rf LQ Pu-wsf, 827. 

C9iung-Ir : tm W6n, Dukb or Tstw . 

Chung-k'ang, the Emperor : 80. 3.10. 

Ckwfi-kuo: see Miodl*^ IIimoooii. 

Chung-ni, literary name of Confu- 
cius: 229. 

Chung^in^^i^S'kwBm sfcC; 74. 

Qiung-ting, the Emperor: 48, 830. 

Chung-tsun^, the Emperor: ssi 

C9iung-tu: Confucius magistrata of, 

CSiung-3ru: se« Ttl-LU. 

Ckung-y%ing ("The Doctrine of the 
Mean"): 26, note 1, 266. 

Ch*ung, Marquis of: denounces 
W6n-wang for lese-majesty, 60. 

Cinnabar: 131. 

Ovil Office, Board of : formeriy had 
precedence over other boards, 
111, 113. 

Classics, the Chinese : Leggeli edition 
of, 26, note 1 ; their connection 
with Oonfudus, 261 -266; recog- 
nition of, as classical books, 

Coal sacks : referred to in old legend, 

Compass : ser MAatxsas 

Concubines, imperial: 114. 



Confucian Clasmcs: «ee Clabsiob, 
THE Chinese. 

Confucianiam : main cause of stabil- 
ity of Chinese nation, 242; re- 
strained by Tartar influences, 
268-273 ; by rival philosophers, 

Confucianists : see Contuciub ; BfxN- 
cius; Tbonq Tb'an. 

Confucian Legends, the: 27-44. 

Confucius: his edition of the Shu- 
king, see Shu-kino; not posi- 
tive on belief in future life, 82; 
his authorship of CA'im-to'tu, 
see Ch'un-tb'iu; his greatness 
not based on his writings, 181 ; 
disapproves of Duke Won of 
Tsin's requiring emperor to 
attend meeting of princes, 216; 
his birth, name, and genealogy, 
228-229 ; his early histor>', 229- 
231 ; exaggerates burial cere- 
monies, 230 ; iniorviews Lau- 
tzi, 232, 240-241, 243; his view 
♦^f Tzi-ch'an, 232 ; liis pliilosophy 
a sort Cf indigenous religion, 
237 ; is silent on Lau-tzi, 238 ; 
the "superior man*' chi-^f object 
of his teachings, 239, 254 ; com- 
pared with Lau-tzi, 240-241 ; 
his life, 243-248 ; visits imperial 
capital, 243 ; his sojourn in 
Ts'i and love of music, 243 ; in 
Lu under Duke Ting, 244-246; 
in Wei under Duke Ling, 246- 
247 ; wanderings from state to 
state, 247; from Ch'u returns 
to Wei, 247-248; recalled to 
Lu, dies in 479 B.C., 248; his 
di.sciples, 248-250; his influence 
on Chinese nation, 250; his 
works, 251-253; his sayings, 
253-255; his personaUty, 255- 
257 ; his ethics according to 
Giles, 301 ; his fame greater 
during Middle Ages than under 
Ch6u dynasty, 302. 

Contending States, the: 259-328; 
sources of history of, 204-266. 

Contracts: how legalized, 124. 

Cooking : introduction of, 6, 14. 

Copper : $ee Bronzes. 

Copper-mine: eariiest, aDeged to 
have been discovered by Huang-ti, 

Cordier, Henri : his BiblioOieea Si- 
niea, cited, ix, 26, note 1. 

Corea: supposed to have formed 
part of Yu's empire, 38; Wu- 
kong, Ch6uHsin's son, king of, 
96, 104, 106, 183. 

Cosmogony: 3-7. 

Court management: in charge of 
Mandarin of Heaven, 114. 

Criminal law : aee Autumn, Manda- 
rin OF. 

"Criss-cross" philosophers : 306, 

Culture: periods of, represented by 
names of fabulous and legend- 
ary emperors, 6-7, 13-14; 
house, palace, and temple build- 
ing, towns, and provinces under 
Huang-ti, 21 ; dyeing materials 
under Huang-ti, 23; matri- 
archy replaced by matrimony, 
60 ; words represented by hiero- 
glyphics during Shang dynasty, 
75; hints as to Shang culture 
in the Shi-king, 76 ; the Ch6u-li, 
a mine of information on, of 
the Ch6u period, 126; stone, 
jade, bronze, and iron ages, 
234-237 ; foreign influences in 
early Chinese, 268-273 ; sec also, 
under the respective headings. 
Agriculture, Art, Astron- 
omy, etc. 

Cj'clical characters : invention of, 
referred to prehistoric period, 
5 ; used in the formation of 
personal names, 72 ; dates desig- 
nated by, 173, 174; ace also 

Cj'presses : 122. 

Daae, I. M. : on the landtax in 

China, 298, note 1. 
Deer, white : presented as tribute 

to Mu-wang, 169. 
Deguignes, J. [father and son] : 

Deluge under Yau and Shun : 31 ; 

supposed to have been over- 



come by the engineering workA 
of YQ, 33-38; apparent exag- 
geration in description of, 35, 

Dialectics, professors of : 307-308. 

Diplomats : according to Chdu4i, 
124-125; adherents of philo- 
sophical schools, traveling about, 
285; study of dialectics by in- 
tending, 307-308 ; Su Ts'in and 
Chang I, the, par excellence, 
308-313; itinerant, kept out 
of Ts'in court by Wi^ Jan, 

Diadplcs of Confucius : 24^-250. 

Divination : must not be repeated 
when fortunate, 83; good issue 
prayed for by Ch6u-kung before 
practising, 102, 103; means of, 
during the Ch6u dynasty, 118. 

Dogs : 121 ; sss aUo Mastiff, the 

Dragon and Phenix : on bronses 
previous to Han d3masty have 
not their later attributes, 88. 

Dragon Boat Regatta, the : in com- 
memoration of K'tt YQan's 
death, 315-310. 

Dragon, the Chinese: possibly the 
naifa of India, 88. 

Dreams : influence the selection of a 
elsver minister, 53 ; interpreted 
by scientisU, 118; in the history 
of Cbau state, 270; sss aUo 

Dress : skins used for, before Huang> 
ti, 23; invention of wea\'ing 
ascribed to Huang-ti's wife, 23; 
skin and felt coats worn by the 
Huns, 158; Tartar dms worn 
and boots introduced by King 
Wu-ling of Chau, 272 and note 
1 ; sss aUo Unifokms. 

Drums: sss Musio and Beonib 


Earth, the ICandarin of (H-ktutn) : 
lis, 115-117; levied soldiers, 

Eastern Ch6u : sm Tnco-cnou. 

Eclipses : set AsTKO>ro»rr. 

Edkiaa, J.: 181, 135-180. 

Egotism, Yang Chnls philoBophy of : 
§ee Yang Chu. 

Egret, the : an old emblem of Chinese 
skin drums and of bronie dmms, 

Egyptian scroll : sss Thttndeb pat- 

EStel, E. J. : on the 8ku4nng eclipM, 
40-41 ; on Si-uiang-mu, 149, 150. 

EHephants : occurred in Hu-nan up 
to seventh century a.d., 121 ; 
tusk brought from Tungking, 
127; see aUo Ivobt. 

Emperors : the Three and the Nine, 
5; the Five Rulers, 12. 

Emperor, the, or ''Son of Heax'en'*: 
responsible for natural phe- 
nomena, 36; high priest of the 
nation, reigns in the name of 
Ood, 79; represents nation in 
sacrificing and praying to Ood, 
certain minor deities and his 
ancestors, 80-83, 177. 220; his 
title rOn-iMf, sss "Son of 
Heaven"; the tiUe H ("em- 
peror'*) discarded and replaced 
by wang ("king'O, 96-97; re- 
sumed by Shi-huang-ti, 97 ; 
during the Ch6u d3masty held 
position similar to German Em- 
peror, 106; his functions. 109; 
Is the patriarch of the nation, 
his chief assistant Is the "Man- 
darin of Heaven," 111; re- 
garded as the ruler of the 
world, 112; his palace during 
the Ch6u dynasty, 114-115; 
personal life of, regulated by 
strict ceremonial, 1 15 ; his right 
of pardon in criminal cases. 123 ; 
trax'eled about for his informa- 
Uon, 124-125; staff of ollicerB 
reporting to, on occu r rences in 
his dominions, 124; on topo- 
graphical, historical, social, 
and economical questions, 125; 
warned bv Heaven on account 
of bad government, 143. 172- 
174 ; condescension and affa- 
bility of. weaken his position, 
154; terrorism creates spirit of 
indepeodeoos among 



IM; SQAii-waDg^ fidlure to per- 
form field labor tm » oeremo- 
nial act ends in diauter, 168; 
hia dominion small aa oom- 
parod with federal statee, 188, 
107; his power nominal in the 
Ch'un48Hu period, 107; loyally 
supported l^ Duke Huan of 
TbI, his most powerful thbmiIi 
207; his authority to ohange 
boundaries of federal states, 
207-208; great ofl&oers not put 
to death and promotiooa not 
made without his sanction, 210; 
required to attend meeting pre- 
sided over by Duke WAn of 
T6in, 210; laSm nominal power 
upheld solely l^ spirit of 
loyalty among feudal states, 
217-218; obliged to flee from 
his capital, 219; has to raise 
loan to defray predecessor's 
burial expenses, 220; slighted 
by vassal of Ch'u, 220-221; 
his summons disobeyed by 
vassal princes, 275; a mere 
shadow at the time of Mencius, 
284-285; Mencius on the po- 
sition of, 204; Ts'in and Ts'i 
plan the adoption of title, 318; 
his dominion annexed by Ts'in ; 
fall of the Ch6u dynasty, 325, 
327-328; tee also Intibrreg- 


Epicure compared to Yang Chu: 

Eunuchs, court: 114. 
EbLchange, means of : precious stones, 

gold, and copper, 22; skins, 

silks, dogs, horses, pearls, gems, 

68; cowries, 76. 

Fa, Duke and King of Ch6u : see 


Faber, E. : on Mo Ti (Micius), 282, 
note 1 ; on Mencius, 292, 293. 

Fame, according to Yang Chu : 278. 

Fan Tsu, chancellor in Ts'in : 320- 
323 ; his policy counteracted by 
"The Four Nobles," 321-322; 
his hostility against Po K'i, 

822; asks to be punJahed and is 

rewarded, 823. 
Fang-hQn: private name of Yan, 

Fatalism, Tang Chu^: 279. 
Fel-td, the first prince of Tsln: 163, 

Fief-holders: appointed to reward 

merit of distinguished ancestors, 


Fief names: ses YuC'tohave'O u^^ 
the several names following. 

FiHal piety: want of, according to 
Oonfuoius, parents fault, 245; 
Td-lu known for, Tidng Ts'tm 
model of, 249; key-note of 
Oonfuoiua' views on govern- 
ment, 264; basis of Hencius' 
philosophy, 288; Canon of, set 


Fire: discovery of method of pro- 
ducing, 6. 

Fire Producer : see Sui-jon. 

"Firewood, to sleep on," the phrase : 
261 and note 1. 

Fisherman, story of the old : 304. 

Fishing: introduction of, ascribed 
to Fu-hi, 9, 14; sportsmanlike 
treatment of, advocated by 
Ch'ong-t'ang, 47; Ts'ing-ch6u 
(Shan-tung) and Yu-€h6u (Chi-li) 
noted for their, 121, 122. 

"Five Canons," the : see Wu-king. 

Five Dragons (period) : 6, 320. 

Five Happinesses, the: see Happi- 
nesses, THE Five. 

Five Leaders, the : century of, 100- 
223; names of, 206; according 
to Mencius offended in loyalty 
against the old emperors, 293- 

Five relations, the, of man to man : 

Five Rulers, the (Fu-hi, Shon-nung, 
Huang-ti, Yau, and Shun) : 12. 

Flags and standards introduced by 
Huang-ti : 22 ; red the color of 
imperial, under Wu-wang, 99; 
adorned with blaaonry of birds, 
160; used in war according to 
Skinkingf 164; their emblems 
described, 166. 



VloelcSy keeping of: BAid to have 
been commenced by Fu-hi, 9, 

FBof [-ch'dng]: old capital of the 
dukes of Cb6u, south of the WeC 
River, 99, 169. 

Fteg-hu-td, expert on swords : 236. 

Fteg» Prince of K'ang, Wu-wang's 
brother: invested with Wd, 

Vbreign affairs: no special Board 
of, before 1901 a.d., Ill and 
note 1 ; in charge of subordi- 
nate of Mandarin of Autumn, 

Foreigners: superior civilisation of, 
compared by Chinese to their 
own, 19. 

Foreign influences before the time 
of Wu-ti : 26»-273. 

Foreign nations regarded as mere 
boundary tribes : 1 12. 

Forke, A. : on ICu-wang and the 
8i-wang-mu legend, 160-161 ; 
on Yang Chu, 277, note 1. 

" Four BoolJ," the : mw Ssi-sru. 

Four Nobles, the : 321-326, 328. 

Fowls: 121. 

Friret, N. : on the Shu-inng eclipse, 

Frogs : an emblem on ancient bronse 
drums, possibly a totem of Man 
Daroanans, ivo. 

Frontier posts: relieved annually, 
supplie<l from peasantry, 163. 

Fu-eh'ai, King of Wu: 234, 848; 
commits suici<ie, 262. 

Fu-hi : alleged first historical em- 
peror, 7, 329; appearance and 
IMctorial representations of , 7, 8 ; 
organises society, 9; Intro- 
duced hunting, fishing, otttle 
flocks, mufic, the pa-iua sym- 
bols, hieroglyphics, etc., 9: 
divides all things into male and 
female, 69-61 ; replaces matri- 
archy by matrimony, 60. 

Fu-nan: 127. 

Future life: ses ANCseToaa; 
Hbavbn; LirB Arraa dkatm; 
Sptarrs or tiik DKrAancD. 

Fu-yiM: minister under WiMing, 63. 

Qabelents, Q. von der : on Kuan-ttf , 
202 ; on Confucius, 242 ; on Mo 
Ti (Mek Tik), 282, note 1. 

Oardencrs hold second rank in popu- 
lation : 1 10. 

Gardner, C. T. : on the Tablet of YQ, 

QaubU, A. : 30, 41. 

Gem, the sacred (pi) : 102. 

Genealogy : of early emperors, 26 ; 
pedigrees of YQ, Shun, Chi, Yau, 
Ch'oiig-t'ang, and the Ch6u 
emperors derived from Ti-k'u, 
26-26; YQ a descendant of 
Huang-ti, 33; Confuciun', 228; 
tee aUo Chronological Tables. 

Generals in command : how styled, 

Geographical position of states closely 
connected with their develop- 
ment : 182, 188. 

Geography : of the Empire accord- 
ing to the CA<fu-/t, 119-123; 
resembles that of the Yi^4mmg, 
123, 182; legendary terms in 
Chinese, connected with we st ern 
boundary, 147; of the Ck'uf^ 
UHu period, 181-197. 

Geomanrers (fang-^na) : 132. 

Germany : China during the Ch6m 
dvnaiity resembles, 108, 181. 

Giles, U. A. : his chronology of Fu-hl, 
7, note 2; on 8i-wang-mu, 161, 
note 2; on Kuan-td^ work, 
202; on the Tou4^^4nng, 238; 
on the T*ung-kiin4ean^mut 264- 
266 ; on U^tsI, 276 ; on Lau-tsi 
and Chuang-til, 300-301. 

Gnomon : aee Astronomt. 

God (Shamff^ : prayers to, referreu 
to in accounts of oklmt emper- 
ors, 100, 263 ; never disavowed 
by the ancient Chinese, 101 ; 
Cli6u-kung^ views on, 102-103; 
sfe aUo Ukavkn ; SAcnincB to 

Goethe : interested in CMnssi stud- 
ies, V, vii. 

Qovemmi^t : strict neas and liber- 
ality of Huang-ti'S. 22; divicM 
into eight brauchra by Shun, 31 ; 
share of responsibility in, by 



ministers and advisers, 33; the 
sovereign responsible for natural 
catastrophes, 36, 79-80, 105, 
172-174; reorganized under Wu- 
wang, 98-99; democratic sys- 
tem in promotion of officers of, 
99; foundation of government 
due to Ch6u-k\mg, 107; immu- 
tabiUty of, based on that of 
individuals in public and pri- 
vate life, 109 ; patriarchal char- 
acter of, 110; six divisions of, 
prototype of modem "Six 
Boards," 111, 112-113; inter- 
ference with private life, 116- 
117; officers of, selected from 
among the people, 99, 117; not 
punished in pubUc, 123-124, 
322; "the five articles" fixing 
principles of, 210; Confucius* 
views of, based on filial piety, 
254 ; see also Ch6u-li ; Con- 
fucius ; KuAN-Tzi ; Mencius. 

Great Khan : see Shan-yu. 

Greek pattern : see Thunder pat- 

Groot, J. J. M. de : 196, note 2. 

Grosicr, Abb<5 : 265. 

Ground taxes : 296-298 ; see also 

Grube, W. : on the preponderance 
of speoc'hcs in ol(iost historical 
texts, 156 ; considers both Ch'un- 
ts'iu and Tso-chxian works of 
Confucius, 181 ; on Kuan-tzi, 
202, 205; on Yang Chu, 279. 

Gumpach, J. von : on the Shu-king 
echpse, 41. 

Haenisch, E. : on the Tablet of Yii, 
90, note 1. 

Han, the state of : beginnings, 263 ; 
recognized as a feudal state, 
264; one of the "Seven Heroes" 
states, 2G6 ; conquers Chong. 
274 ; joins confederation against 
Ts'in, 310; kingdom since 332 
B.C., 315; loses territory against 
Ts'in, 316; defeated by Ts'in in 
battle of I-k'ii^, 318; defeated 
by Ts'in, 325; does homage to 
Ts'in, neglecting the emperor, 

and is annexed by Ta^, 326, 
328, 336; princes of, 335-336. 

Han-cho, usurper: 42, 330. 

Han-fei, the philosopher: mentions 
"south-pointers," 128; pupil of 
Siin K\iang, the anti-Confu- 
cianist, 326. 

Han^fei-Ui (the book) : 128, note 2; 
see also Han-fei, th£ philos- 


Han-ku Pass: Lau-ta there takes 
leave of China, 307, 313 ; Tain's 
victory at the, 313. 

Han River : 143. 

Han-tan : capital of Chau, 322-324 ; 
the "Lady of Han-tan," mother 
of Shi-huang-ti, 324, 328. 

Han Yii, author: defends Confu- 
cianism, 302. 

Hangchow : 132. 

Happinesses, the Five : 82. 

Harakiri : traces of, in China, 322, 
note 1. 

Hatchets : see Weapons. 

Hau : city built by Wu-wang near 
the present Si-an-fu, 54, 99, 169. 

Heaven and Earth : as objects of 
worship, 79. 

Heav^euly emperors : 5, 329. 

Heaven, Mandarin of {Vi^-huan) : 
111, 112-115. 

Heaven : the term t'idn for, may 
mean the "other w^orld" and 
Allah, or God, 96 ; ancestors in, 
have charge of descendants, 103 ; 
gives warnings on account of 
bad government, 143, 172-174; 
see also Ancestors ; God. 

Heger, Franz : 196, note 2. 

Hei-ki6n, Duke of Ch6u : 201. 

Hell and purgatory : none referred to 
in the Ciiinese Claries, 82. 

Hehnets : worn by princes and war- 
riors, 164. 

Hemp: 121. 

Hereditary monopolies : 117. 

D'Hervey de Saint- Denys : 194, 
notes 1 and 2. 

Hi and Ho, the astronomers : fail to 
predict an eclipse under Yau, 
30; under Chung-k'ang, 39-41. 

Hi-wang, the Emperor : 218, 332. 

Ri> dynMty, the: 33-44, 330. 

Hi* Kui (Japwine Kakfi). uiirt : B9. 

Hi»-po, title or the EmpCTor YQ : Sa. 

Hi>u, Duke of Ta^ : 318-210. 340. 

Uiatfkmg ("Cknoa ol Fili»l nety") : 

HUu-waog, the Emperor: 153, 332. 

Iliau-woD, Kin« ot Tain: 334; 
(■ther ot Prinre I-j&n, dtcUml 
heir kpp*rent by LQ Pu-wti's 
intriffup, 323-324 ; r«4;Tuid but 
one yrar, 337; prematura death 
ot, poaibly due to LQ Pu-wd. 

Hidsa : ttt SlIKB. 

mta, Duke ot Tun : 212. 334. 

HUn-wuii, the Emppror : 2TS, 333. 

Uite-yuig : capital of Ti'in, the 
pre*rat Ri-«ii-tu, 317. 

Hite-yOan : pmonal name ot Huang- 
ti, 13; of a priioeval entpcror 
pr*i-i(Hi> to Fu-hi, 330. 

Hi«ii-yfin : tt Hirxa. 

IIlerDf[l>'phire : of 390 B.C. deciphered 
■ — ,ao; 


« In 281) A 

OD bronae vmaeki ot the 8hanic 
dynaaty. TI-TS; Chiiuae worki 
containing lanimile repmduc- 
Udiw ot, 73-74 : word* repre- 
■mlHi by. q( the Shang ilynaiity, 
75-70; tbf. for "thunder" uard 
(or omaineDlal purpoura ; lym- 
bolic Rwaning. M ; hleniglyphlra 
attributed to the Emperor YU 
probably forgeriea, 00; on the 
"Stone I>nuna ot the Ch6u Dy- 
BMaty." 170-171; awoboCnaL- 
r*NT, F. H. 

Rin Jung : *M SRaH-irma. 

Hlaloriana ; not rritical m to b^ 
^nnlng of hiatorical period, 3; 
board of, aarribed to Iluang-tl, 
30. ISA; Ti'ang-kM. the flnrt 
■tate hiatortan, 30; lonie. ex- 
clude prriud of mourning from 
nvttrign*' rrign. 31 ; aarrihp 
grrat ilrriaiona to minlatna and 
ailvlam, 33, 31 ; extol virlim 
ot tounden and blacken rhar- 
aeter of laat nilera of dynantiea. 
43. 113 ; reaponiiible lor Irftendary 
character of parioda down to 

ChAu-on, U-M. 138; kerp 
emppior poated on local ble- 
loriea; diviaion of work among, 
during the Cb6u dynaaty, 13Si 
ought to enjoy liberty ol ipeeeh, 
l&A; method adopted in coo- 
■trucling moat ancient hiitory, 
ISe ; pvtiality of Confuaanirt, 

Hiatorical period : hfulnnlng o(, 
varioiMly dated, I7G. 

lUatory, the ancient, of China : bMt 
baaia tor knowledge of nation, 

Hlung I clan name ot the aoverei g na 
otCh'u. 100, S3«. 

Hiung I : anceator ot the kin|P ol 
CfaM, inrrated with thk terri- 
tory, 100, 193, 330. 

Hiung-Ir (Ho-nao): auppoaed bona 
of primeval cmper of . S. 

Blung K'O of Ch'u : iwurpe the till* 
■■King." 100, 337, 

Hiung-nu : tr Hi-kb. 

Uiung T'ung of Ch'u ; conSimed m 
King Wu, 100, 337. 

Ho : a mrred mountain, 133. 

Ho-lu, King of Wu : 333-334. 34S. 

Ho-aO, primeval nnpcror: 330. 

Ho-tan-kia, the Emperor: 40, 131. 

H6ng ; a lacred mountain, 131, 133. 

Horn : bowi made ot, 1(H. 

Honei : in hiero^yphica ot Bhang 
dynaety, 7S; with oxen, chief 
produce of Yuog-chAu (the 
Ord« territory), and Kl-ch6u 
(South 8hanii). 133; a dealer 
Id. elevated to rank ot Prirtce ol 
Tain, 1S3; four ataeda har^ 
neaaed to war ehariota In cam- 
paifn Bgainat the lluna. 109; 
long, (tout, and larga headed, 
ion : how yoked, hameawil. and 
adorned before war ehariola, 
Ie3-I04; guided by toot-aol- 
dirn in war, 104; with men 
and iheep. r«ar«d by the Hum, 
IW; cavalry, introduced by 
King Wu-lii^ of Chau, 373- 
373; ridit^t, not ueual beta* 
third century ».c., 373. 

a4u (-mar^uli): Og. 



H&u^umrOiu: 19. 

H6u-i minister and genenl-in- 
• chief, 89^42. 

H6u-t8i: poethumous son of the 
Emperor TI-kHi, 30. 

House-building : first introdueed l^ 
Huang-ti, 21. 

H& Hing, "the sgrioultarist" : re- 
futed byMendus, 200. 

Hu, a desoendsntof the Emperor 
Shun : invested with Gh'&i, 848. 

Hu An-kuo, historian: on U Po- 
we!, 828. 

Hu^nanrfang^ufu^^ki: 121. 

Hu-pe! provinee: supposed home 
of Shdn-nungy 11. 

Hua : a saored mountain, 121. 

Huarsfl: mother of the EoDiperor 
Fu-hi, 8. 

Hua Tu : nunister in Sung, 229. 

Husryang: principal wife of EBau- 
w5n, the King, as Prince of Ts^, 

Huai, King of Ch'u : 316, 317, 337. 

Huai-nan-ta : see Lin An. 

Huan, Duke of Ts'i: first of the 
"Five Leaders," 201, 206, 207- 
211, 217, 218, 339; given to 
evil courses in old age, 211 ; his 
end, 211, 218-219; his treat- 
ment of Duke Won of Tsin, 214 ; 
favors legitimate succession to 
imperial throne, 209, 218. 

Huan-wang, the Emperor : 197, 332. 

Huang-fu (= Nan-chung), general : 

Huang>fu: special term for the 
"Steppe Dependency," 169. 

Huang Hi^ : Bee Chtjn-shon-kun. 

Huang-ho : see Yellow River. 

Huang-ti: first emperor according 
to Ssi-ma Ts'i^n, 7, 329; his 
person and government, 12; 
makes war on the Huns, 13; 
inventions ascribed to, 13, 20- 
23; alleged connection with 
Babylonia, 14-18 ; further deeds 
of, 20-23; his death, 24; de- 
scendants of, appointed fief- 
holders under Wu-wang, 99; 
said by some to have invented 
south-pointing chariots, 129 ; 

feprssflDts tba prehistoric 
neolithic period, 280. 

Hnber, iSd., on St-waof-mu : 161, 
note 2. 

Hui, Dnke of TWn : 218, 216, 834. 

Hui, B3ng of liang, iA Wei: 835; 
IfcDcius' conversatioiis with, 

Hui-tsong, the Bsiperor: a patron 
of art, 71, 78, 181. 

Hui-waag, the Emperor: 218, 882. 

Hui-wSn, ffing of l^ln : 810, 338. 

Human e mp ero fs : 5, 829. 

Humlxddt, Von, on SMrans-mu: 
161, note 2. 

"Hundsfott** (Qermaa) : wrongly 
derived from "Humnisfuit,"68. 

Huns : known in CSiina as Huo-yil, 
HQn^yil, HiAn-yitai, KHian, and 
Hiung-nu, names connected 
with the root Hun or Kun, 13, 
67-09, 159, 168; driven away 
by Huang-ti, 13 ; as Wu-wang 's 
allies help to overturn the Shang 
dynasty, 64-05, 70, 169; con- 
clude treaty witii China in 47 
B.C. ; words from tiieir language 
preserved in Chinese literature 
prove to be Turkish, 66; levy 
tribute f rom T'ai-wang and Wdn- 
wang and attack T'ai-wang 's 
state, 68-69, 169; defeated by 
Won-wang (1138 B.C.), 70; en- 
croached on Chinese territory 
during Ch6u d3masty, 120; 
campaign against, described in 
the Shl'king, 159-161; at one 
time held territory as far as the 
River King and T'ai-yuan, 160, 
161 ; Chinese soldiers afraid of, 
163; expeditions against, in 
what season undertaken, 164; 
more successful on large pliuns 
than on hilly territory, 166; 
advantages on the Chinese side 
in war against, 166-167 ; Ssi-ma 
Ts'i6n's account of, 167-170; 
Shan-jimg, Hi^n-yun, and Hun- 
yu divisions of, before the time 
of Yau and Shun ; honor robust, 
and neglect old and weak men, 
168; attack and kill Yu-wang, 

lao, 177; the aUta o( Ttrio 
■od Titn fisht BS>iiMt Hun* to 
protect duns, 1S3; • political, 
not > nciMl imioo. 1B3-1S4; 
Buna of Europe and BiUDg-DU 
Identical and ot Turkkh extntc- 
tion ; the TOrk and Sir-TanliMh 
nation* and the lTl(UTa ofl- 
■boota of the Hiung-nu, 184, 
note 1 ; poaably relalcc) to 
Beythiana, IBS; thiir Una of 
kinci compared with Chineae 
fwordi. lSfr-lS7 ; Northen 
taof aend foot-aoldiera to fight 
the Chineae, 1ST-IS8; «viy 
coDt«ata brlwaeu, and titan bar- 
barlana aerording to old legvod, 
IM ; depend on the ooaat ol 
Tin for wit. 3M ; after war with 
Tiln and Tain ceaae to make 
fairoadi,a03; twe ekull ofeMmy 
lot rftual purpoaea like the 
BolaM, 370-373; mw aba I-k'u- 
$xma; Jcito amd Tt; K'oan- 

Bnn-yit and Rttn-jrH : a** Hmn. 

Bunting : introduetioo ot, aarribed 
to Fu-hi, 9, 14 ; fauntlng partita 
catMB of pnlitieal troublea, 30, 
43, 143; fportsnaniika tit«t- 
ment ot, by Ch'Af^t'ang, 47 
ChAu-ainli hunting partlea, 53, 
A4; loldipTv enliat#d for, 11*" 

Qiau-wang'i ] '-" for, 14 

Hu-wang'i hunting eipeilitioi 
144; hunting tbe image ot war, 
1113 ; birdi, rata, toxea, and 
harva shot by ciuidrea ; hunting 
and cattle-breeding meana of 
UvrUbood among Huoa, IM; 
SOan-wang'i hunting eipedl- 
tiooa d^ribed on Btona Dnuna, 

• Bhang 

1 : a aanea motmialn. 131. 

I {bartsriarta oT the eaat) : reterred 

to In Ti»«huan, ISO 
I CU: minkttr during 

/-Mv, or " Book of Changes " ; one 
of the oldaat producta of Chineae 
Uteraturc. W, 193; baaed on 
Fu-hi'i mystic trigrapha (ear 
Pi-xu<) ; awtribed to W4o- 
wang, SIMt3; recommaoded by 
Confuciua, 03; extended ^ 
ChAu-kung, 1D4; Oontudua' re- 
lation to, 361. 

I-Uu ; peraonal name of Plng-wang, 

I-k'O-iung (Hun^: witlMtand Tida 
andTiln, 303. 

l-ktU: city in tbe pCMent Ho-naa 
province, celebrated battl»«eld, 

CbM, 819. 

IMrang, tbe Emperor : IM, S33. 

I*-waog, the Emperor: ISS, 333. 

I-VU-IQ: a Hcml mountain, 133. 

I Yin : minlater under Ch 'Oog-t 'ang 
and hia auec ttmim. 47 ; conanB 
datia the pownr of tba 8hai^ 
dynariy. 47-48. 

Indian population in Eaatare Twka- 
•tan: 1«. 

Indutrlra described In the CAtfw«.- 

Inacriptlons, Uero^yphia : on tbe 
faronie veaela of the Bhang 
dynasty, 71-7S; oa slona and 
Jade attributed to the Emperor 
YD, 00 ; on the brooa* tripod o( 
aiver Island, I SI ; on tbe Slooa 
Drums, 170-171 ; aatolas BlBMO- 

Intarcalary month : tntroduetlon of, 
aarribed to Iluang-U, ti. 

Inlerprrtars, court : 120 ; a««m- 
pany siiilis^iliiis from Tung- 
king, 137. 

Interrognum : wb«i Ihcra was no 
mpm-or in tliina, 337; sm •!*• 
Kmo-Ko naioD. ma. 

Inundation: as* Ubldob; Ybllow 


Iniption of soil: under advlea of 

.hi'ir' [i^r*- in <^''.i:;:i ' <-rr»--j><»i;'i 
i.<-<>!:t ijic p. :,.„•, \ j.W'i. 

J.'i'io : ^;u'l f<> 1j;iv<' \n-(i\ kno\ 
lliiang-ti, 13 ; works of art 
of, 89-91 ; the word yu 
occurs in the oldest texts, 
aa coming from Khotan p 
ably sparingly<l before 
end century B.C., 91 ; article 
trade in Yung-ch6u south 
Ordos territory, 122. 
Jon-hau (or Mu), Duke of Ts*in : 3i 
Jon-huang: sec Human emperor 
Jon-tsung, the Em}x;ror : 131, 13i 
Jo-shui ("Weak Water") : 147, 14i 
Julien, Stani>«Ia8 : translates his 

torical drama, 209, note 1. 
Jung (Huns) : attack T'an-fu, 168 
driven away by Wu-wang and 
called Iluang-fu as a tributary 
state, 169; referred to in Tea- 
chtian, 185, 187, 188; emperor'i: 
war against, supported by Tsin, 
219; Tsin and Ts'in unite 
against, 263. 
Juries : see People's voice. 
Justice, Board of: 113, 123-125. 
Justice of the peace, Mandarin ol 
Earth acts as: 116. 

K'ai-fong-fu (Ho-nan) : vo»-:- 




KnC Duke of Til : 243-244, 340. 

King4Htaid king4%Jc ^ kingrak ("a 
Hibre") : oldest Turkish word 
on record, 66-67, 169. 

King4:iaUf the early Christian re- 
ligion : 238. 

Cof , River : Huns penatrata to 
south of, 160, 161. 

King*-wang, the Elmperor : 232, 332. 

King^wang, the Emperor : 233, 332. 

Klng-wang, the Emperor : 219-220, 

KlngsmiU, T. W. : 147. 

Kiu^Hng: see Nine Tripods, thb. 

Klu, personal name of Confucius: 

Knives : alloys of bronse, 126 ; made 
of iron in seventh century B.C., 

Knot-writing : 7, 9. 

K4h€kt-king^yQan : 131 . 

K6u-tsi«n, King of YM: 234-236, 
261-262. 348. 

KQ, the sUte of : 188. 

K*d-f6u (Shan-timg) : supposed resi- 
dence of Shdn-nung, 11 ; burial 
place of 8hau-hau, 24 ; the earl- 
dom of, given to Cb6u-kung, 
09-100; home of the KHmg 
(Confucius) family, 228. 

K'Q-wu, in South Shan-si : seat of a 
family usurping the throne of 
Tstn, 334. 

KHk YOan, the poet : 315-316, 317. 

Kikn^Ul : see Supcmoa Man, the. 

Kublai Khan: causes the T'ung- 
kUfi'^nf^-mu to be translated 
into Uigur. 264-266. 

Kt^-kin-chu: 129. 

Ku-kung : m« T'an-fu. 

Ku^iang Chi : his commentary on 
the Ch*un^*\u, 180. 

jrw-ya-l'«*-p'ii ; 89, 00. 

K'u, the Emperor : aee Ti-k'u. 

K'Oan-jung (Huns) : 68; Mu-wang'ii 
campaign against the. 144. 152. 
169; bring about the ruin of 
Yu-wang and his paramour 
Pau Ssl, 169. 172-177; they 
settle between the rivm King 
and Wri. 169-170; legend of 
of their chiefs being killed 

by P'an-hu, tha ancestor of 
the Man barbarians, 194. 

Kua : set Pa-kua. 

Kuan Chung : sss Kcan-tvu 

Kuan I-wu: sss Kuan-tiI. 

Kuan-tii, the philosopher : an early 
sUtistician, 119, 123, 203; aa 
minister of Tsl helps Duka 
Huan to leadership, 201, 207, 
217; opinions divided as to 
his work on govornmant metb- 
ods, 202, 205; his adminis- 
tration in Tsl a model to later 
generations, exemplified by his 
views on the taxation of salt 
and iron, 203-205; his expedi- 
tion against the Shan-jung, 207 ; 
his policy against the Qi*u 
sUte, 208; his death and last 
advice, 210. 

Kuan^tst: work of the philosopher 
so-called; set Kuan-tbi, tkb 


Kuan Yin : legend of his farewell to 
Lau-tii, 307. 

Kuan-yin, the "Holy Virgin": orig- 
inally a male deity, 149. 

iCMOi»-yiff»-ifff ; 307. 

K'uang-wang, tha Emparor: 220^ 

KQhneK, F. : 40. 

Kui : see Baooe of iadb. 

Kui-chu : sss Hibn, Duui of Tux. 

Kui-ki : a sacred mountain, 120. 

Kui4n^4Mt: 128,285,807-309. 

Kui, the Emperor: ssi Kitf. 

Kun barbarians (Huns): 68,70,169. 

Kun : minister of works uikder Yau 
and father of the Elmperor YQ, 
31 ; faib to sUy deluge, 31-36. 

K'un-lun. Mount : 144-151. 

Kumg (- duke) : 98. 

Kung-ho period : 157, 176, 832. 

Kung-kung: im ashes tha vault of 
heaven. 9. 

Kung Liu : an ancestor of tha Cb6u 
emperors, 168. 

Kungnmn Til-ch'an: ssi Tif-ca'Air. 

Kung-sun Yen, statesman, brsaks up 
confederation against Ts In, 3 1 3. 

Kung-wang, tha Empsror : 153-158, 



Kuxig-3rang Kau: his commentary 
on the Ch*unrU*iu, 180. 

K'lmg, dukes of: in K'u-f6u, de- 
scendants of Confucius, 228. 

K'ung-fu-ta and K^mg K'iu: tee 

K^mg Kia: an ancestor of Ck>n- 
fucius, 228; murdered, 220. 

K-uo-tzi : see Sons of the Empibe. 

KwHifH: 155. 

Lacouperie, T. de: on the Western 
origin of Chinese civilisation, 
14-18, 32; on the extent of 
Mu-wang's peregrinations, 149- 

Lacquer industry : that of Foochow 
a family secret, 117. 

Ladders, hooked: used in assault 
of a fortress, 165. 

Lances : see Weapons. 

Landholders : rank first in popula- 
tion, 110. 

Land tenure : 296-298 ; laws of, 
changed under Shi-huang-ti, 298. 

Lan-t'i6n (Shen-si) : birthplace of 
Hua-sii, the Emperor Fu-hi's 
mother, 8. 

Largeteau, M. : on the Shu-king 
eclipse, 41. 

Latinized names of sages (Confucius, 
Mencius, Micius, Licius) : 281. 

LauHshang, Great Khan of the Hiung- 
nu: 271. 

Lau-tzi : name and Ufe of, 231-232 ; 
possibly of foreign birth, 231, 
269 ; interviewed by Confucius, 
232, 240-241, 243; his doctrine 
as starting-point of an indigenous 
religion, 237 ; his Tau-to-king, 
238-240, 305; Lcgge's and 
Giles', the positive and sceptical 
views of, 238; difficulty of re- 
constructing system from his 
sayings, 239-240 ; compared 
with Confucius, 240-241; Giles 
on, 300; some undisputed sen- 
tences from his sayings, 300-301 ; 
bids farewell to Kuan Yin at 
the Han-ku Pass, 307, 313. 

Iiau-tzi and Confucius, the age of : 

Law: administration of, 123-124; 
forbidding states to cross each 
other's boundaries except by 
emperor's orders, 207; Con- 
fucius' method, 245. 

L^gge, James: his edition of the 
CSiinese classics, 26, note 1; 
on Yu's engineering exploits, 
34, 36-38; translation of the 
Bamboo Books, 51, note 1, 53- 
55, 56-57; on south-pointing 
chariots, 128; on Si-wang<4nu, 
151 ; on customs of the ancient 
Chinese, translated by, aft^ 
Biot, 162-167; his yean dates 
B.C. differ from those of astrono- 
mers, 174; on the eclipee of 
776 B.C., 175; on gap in Shu- 
king's accoimt of emperors, 
178; eulogises Tso-chtuin, 180; 
his lecture on Huan of Ts^ 
and Won of Tsin, 206-217 ; on 
Confucius* family, 229; on 
Tau-to-king, 238; on Ta-lu, 
248; on Confucius* personal 
life, 256-257 ; on Yang Chu and 
Mo Ti, 277, note 1, 278, 282, note 
1 ; 8ee also the several classics 
quoted from his edition under 
their respective titles. 

Legitimacy of throne rights : began 
to be recognized after Ti-k'i, 39 ; 
respected by Chung-k*ang, 39 ; 
based according to Shu-king on 
the authority of God, 79, 100; 
on the example set by the peo- 
ple's ancestors, 82, 100-101, 218 ; 
and individual merit, 101-102 ; 
Ch6u-kung main spokesman of 
absolute, 137; of emperor's 
position loyally support eil by 
Duke Huan of Ts*i, 207, 209, 
217 ; respect of, holds together 
Ch6u dynasty, 217-218; recog- 
nized by victorious dynasty by 
giving high appointments to 
members of ruined house, see 
Wu-k6no and Wei-tzi. 

LeT-tsu, the Empress : 22. 

Lei-wdn: see Thunder pattern. 

Li, son of Confucius : 230, 248. 

Li Ir : see Lau-tzi". 



U-Jong : a wUd tribe, 313, 313. 

U4n: 163, 253. 

lA Lung-mi^n, artist aod collecto r : 

hrlpe to illustrate aod bring out 

a work on ancient art, 78. 
Li-mu, the poem : 315-316. 
Li-shan : a hill famous for an attack 

by the Huns on Yu-wang, 169. 
Li 8si, anti-Confucianist : 326. 
U T'ang (Japanene RUo) artist: 89. 
li-wang, the Elmperor: 154, 332; 

driven away by the people, 157, 

Liang, Mount : eeparatee T'ai-wangli 

old and new residences, 69. 
Llau barbarians: wanderings of 

the, 193-194. 
lidus (- U4^tiO: 281. 
IjU-U^ (the book) : sti L»-nI, nu 

U^tsf , the philoeopher : on the 8i- 

wang-mu legend, 146 ; his work 

may be fictitious, 276; referred 

to by Chuang-td and Meooius, 

277 and note 1, 281. 
Li^wang, the Emperor: 274, 332. 
Life after death : reward for virtue, 

82 ; ef, Hbll and puboatost. 
Life, value of: Yang Chu on the, 

Lin4: 127. 
Ung, Duke of Wei: 246-247, 348, 

Ung, IXike of Tsin : 220,335. 
Ling-wang, the Emperor: 227, 332. 
Liu An, author : 270. 
Liu^k%»o: see "8ix STATBa,** trb. 
Uu-sha ("The Moving Sands '0: •« 


Livestock holders : how ranking in 

population, 110. 
Livy : describes custom the Boians 

had in common with the Hlung- 

nu, 271. 
Lo or Lo-3rang: imperial capital 

built by Ch'dng-wang, 136, 

169, 177; SM aUo Titno-tu. 
Loadstone: 128, 131, 132, 135. 
Lob-oor: 146, 147. 
Lojralty : example of, set by Ch6u- 

kung, 137; Duke Huan'ii, to 

the empsror, 2U7; offenses in, 

aeeording to Meoeliis, 393-295; 
S00 aUo Lbqitimact of thxonb 


LQ : family name of the original 
princes of Tsl, 339. 

LQ Pu-wei : prime minister of Tsln, 
career of, 323-328. 

Lu, the state of : treatment of pri^ 
oners of war in, 165 ; history of, 
described in Ch'un^'im and 
Tm>-diuan, 179, 197; Jung 
tribes make inroads on, 187; 
as an inland state could not 
extend its territory, 188; 0>n- 
fucius a native of, 229; Duke 
Chau of, patronises Confucius, 
230; Confucius' sojourn in, 
243, 244-246, 248 ; Duke Chau 
of, an exUe in Tsl, 243-244; 
Duke Ting of, 344-246; Con- 
fucius' influence on go\'emment 
of, 246 ; Wu Kl studies waHare 
and beoomes military leader in, 
274 ; Mencius a native of, 274 ; 
and ends his days in, 287-288; 
dukes of, never became king*, 
315; annexed by Ch\i, 836, 
341 ; princes of, 340-341. 

Lu-fu : Mf Wu-kAko. 

Lun^^ ( "Confucian Analects "0 : 36, 
note 1, 253-254, 255. 

Lung-m5n (in North China) : sup- 
posed home of primeval em- 
perors, 5* 

Luxury of rich men described by 
Yang Chu : 377, note 1. 

Maoklin, Dr. W. E.: on Msoeius, 

Macnetie needle: set MABurmBs' 

Mailed warriora: 163. 

Mailla, Father de: on Kung-wang, 
153; author of a voluminous 
"History of China," 365. 

Ma Kl (tenth century) on 8i-wang- 
mu: 151. 

Man barbarians : defeated near Lake 
Tung-ting by BQan-wang, 171 ; 
rulers of the Ch%i stale call 
th«mselves, 191 ; occupy the 
south of China and possibly 



territories south of it, 102-194; 
their wanderings from north to 
south, 193; bronze drums of 
the, 195-196; see also Ch'u, 


Man: personal name of Mu-wang, 

Manuscripts bxuied in tombs : 50. 

Maps and charts of the Empire : 119, 

Mariners' Ck>mpass: origin of, 126- 

Marriage: introduced by Fu-hi, 9; 
special officer in charge of, 115- 
116; between parties of same 
surname treated as incest, 152; 
among the Huns, 168; between 
Chinese and foreign tribes, 212, 
213, 269; with several wives 
apparently on equal terms, 215. 

Martin, W. A. P., on Su Ts'm : 310. 

Mastiff, the Tibetan : possibly the 
prototype of the T'au-t'i6 mon- 
ster, 87. 

Matriarchy : see MATRiMO>nr. 

Matrimony : introduced by Fu-hi, 
9, 14, 60 ; see also Marriage. 

Mau-tun, i.q. Baghatur, "hero," 
an early sovereign of the Hiung- 
nu (Huns) : 161, 185; probably 
one of King Attila's ancestors, 

Mayers, W. F. : chronological tables, 
7, note 2, 17; on Si-wang-mu, 

Ma Yiian (Japanese Bayen), artist : 

Mean, Doctrine of the : see Chuno- 


Medicine : early efforts in, ascribed 
to Shon-nung, 10-11. 

Meeting of princes : under Wu-wang, 
103 ; under P-wang, 154 ; em- 
peror's power to preside over, 
delegated to Duke Huan of Ts'i, 
207; Huan overrules emperor's 
decision by a, 209 ; and ex- 
presses his loyalty in another, 
209, 218; "the Five Articles" 
agreed upon in, 210; presided 
over by Duke Won of Tsin, 
when the emperor is required to 

attend, 216; under Ch'ong- 
wang represented on wall paint- 
ing, 243; under Li4-wang, 275. 

Megalomania, national : 112. 

Md[-hi : the Elmperor 1^6 's para- 
mour, 43. 

Mencius: on Wdn-wang, 68; on 
T'ai-wang's migration, 68-69 ; 
calls Yu, Confucius, and Ch6u- 
kung the " Three Sages, " 137 ; eu- 
logises Yii and Ch6u-kung, 138 ; 
on "the Five Articles" fixing 
principles of government, 210; 
criticises Ta-ch'an, 232-233 ; 
work bearing his name M(fng-tBlf 
255 ; a native of Lu, 274 ; refers 
to Li6-tz], 277; opposed to 
Yang Chu and Mo Ti, 276, 282 ; 
his life, his mother, 282-284; 
opposes anti-Confucian spirit 
of his time, serves and declines 
salary in Ts'i, 286 ; his relations 
to King Hui of Liang, sojourn 
in Ts'i, Sung and Lu, 287; his 
death, 288 ; his vnews on life, 
government, and political econ- 
omy, 288-289; his method of 
arguing, 290-292 ; an educator 
in morals, 292-293 ; his political 
views, 293-296 ; better expo- 
nent of Confucianism than the 
master himself, 299. 

Merchants : how ranking according 
to the Chdu-lif 110; Lau-tzi on, 

Meyer and Foy : 196, note 2. 

Mi : old family name of the sovereigns 
of Ch'u, 189. 

Mi, the Duke of : 152. 

Miau-tzi (aborigines of Southwest 
China) : derive their origin from 
the banished San-miau tribes, 
86, 196; from P'an-hu, 194. 

Micius : see Mo Ti. 

Middle Kingdom {chung-4cuo) : origin 
of the term, 137. 

Migration : of Chinese nation in 
prehistoric and legendary period, 
8; alleged, from Babylonia to 
China, 14-18; from Khotan, 
18-20 ; T'an-fu and his people's, 
from Pin to Ch6u, see T'an-fu; 

ot TkDCUUUM, 71b«tuia, and 
Mwii-ti( Irom CcDtral China 
to their Ular nXa, 8S; of Von 
bartsriuu, 1B3. 

MUlet: 123. 

Wn, KiDC of Tat : 31S-3I9, 340. 

Mmiiten and xlviaen : partiality of 
bialonau in aaeribing gn»l 
decinona to, 33, 34. 

Miniatcr. prime (lo-tMi) : 110-111. 

IQraclea: an ill-portendins roulbnT^ 
tr«e, 48 ; a imiiiaUr nlectttl trf 
Bmptror's dream, 53; aeveral, 
nwDtionHl in Bamboo Booka. 
ft3-A5 ; dteami, vinoiu, etc., in 
tuatory ot Chau atate, 370. 

Wmm, branv, mlloya of: IM. 

Modd emperor lore of Stiti-king: 
how orifinated. 33. 

MAng Au, Ta'in Ke&eral : 338. 

lltes.rb'ang-kOn : one of the " Four 
Nobln," dipIonuUo tfeai in 
Ta'iti, 317; tunu agaiiut Tiln. 
•ervinit hk native itate, Tal, 
31A. 321. 

JtfMf-iVpi-l'an; 133, note I. 

HAugK'o; •« HEHctim. 

Man(-tdn (the tord of M6nf } : SS; 

Uiftg-Ut: «* HaNnca. 

Hont-y : ae* KzcHANuB, HEANa or. 

Honopolin. nrigin of the aalt and 

iron : 303-30S. 
MoDotheian : *m Ood ; S^cwrtca 

TO Oon <Hhako^). 
Hoon, the : h an object o( worahip. 

Mo T! : the philosopher of mutual 

love. 380-2H3. 

Jtfo-itf .' ■« Un Ti. THE nuuwinna. 

llountaina, ^mi : ■■ objecta of 
wonhip, 79, 130-132. 

HaurainK : ppriod of Ihm ypan', nol 
founled ■■ officv by hiilorlana, 
81 : ipmt in pn>|iarlm for 
dutia ol KovinunpTit, 47 ; Cun- 
turiua' reapeet fnr iierwin* in, 
3M : Confuclua exB(|t«atM. 33(1 ; 

Hu, Duke of Tain: aecording to 
Chavanuea, identical with Uu- 
tlto-td ot the H-mu^Hnu 
legend. ISl ; fourth among the 
"Five Leaden," SOfl, 319, 333. 

Uulberry tree, an ill- portending ^ 48. 

Murder, political : attempted bj 
mean* ot unaafe boata. 143. 

Hu^ ; inatnimenta of wood and nlk 
thread oooatructed by Fu-hi, 9; 
the *A4nf. or reed organ, in- 
Tented by NQ-kua, 9; coDatmc- 
tion of inatrumenta of, leada lo 
aystcm ot wnghta and mraeurvaa 
^, 23 ; a drum hung before the 
EmpproT Bbun^ gate, 33; court 
muaiciana and aingen under the 
Ch6u dynaaty aelactad from tha 
blind, 125; dnuna in niUiUry 

approach of enemy, 178 ; Cott- 

tuciua impreaaed t^, 343; tt» 

o^ UaoNia DBUKa. 
Muairiuui. court : 135. 
Hu-t^^-tri ("Mu, the Son of 

Heaven"): 145. 
»u-l-i*n-M-ehyan : 145, 148-149. 
Hu-wang, the Emperor; 144-153, 

169, 369, 331. 
Mythologiral Period : 3-30, S3B. 

Nakhunte, Kudur, of the Baby- 
loniana: reftrred to Huaog-ti 
by De Laoouperie, 17-18. 

Namea. clana, and by-namea not 
known among the Huna ; 108. 

Nan ( = baron) : 96. 

Naa^hung: name ot two giatala 
referrad to tn the akt-kiitt, alio 
in Inacription of 813 B.C., 181. 

Nait-a'i-iltv : 130, not* 1. 

Nan-tri, the illfeput«] Ducbaaa ot 
Wd, 348-347, 348. 

Nan-wang. the Emperor: 114-431. 
33A, 328, 333 

Nan-yUf, Ihr aUlc of; 196, 337. 

Needlea : among n n faa ri w of life In 
aevenlh rwitury m.c, 304. 

Neat-bulldfn : 5, 0. 339. 

Nia*-tei-»M ("aeript oi Urda' toM- 
printa ") : am WBiTtNO. aar op. 

Nkna TTIpaik, tba (M»«v) = W*^ 



spond to nine provinces of YG, 
36, 90; taken possession of by 
Wu-wang, 98; as emblems of 
imperial dignity ridiculed by a 
vassal, 221 ; history and sym- 
bolic power of, described by 
Ting-wang, 221-222; seised by 
the King of Ts'in, 325 ; loss of, 
forfeits title of " Son of Heaven, " 
Nobles, the Four : tee Foub Nobles, 


Nobility, the five grades of: regu- 
lated by Wu-wang, 98 ; see cdeo 

Nomadic life: under Fu-hi, 9-14; 
under Huang-ti, 13; of the 
Huns, 168. 

Nii-kua, the Elmperor: Fu-hi's co- 
regent or successor, 9; repairs 
vault of heaven, 10. 

Oath : legalized by blood of animal, 
124, 271. 

Oppolzer, T. von : on the Shu-king 
eclipse, 41. 

Old-Turkish stone inscriptions : 184, 
note 1. 

Oracles : see Divination. 

Origin of Cliinese race : not known, 
3-4, 8; oldest names ascribed 
to prehistoric period belong to 
northwestern China, 4, 5 ; re- 
ferred to Babylonia, 14-18; to 
Khotan, 18-20. 

Ou-yang Siu : on the "Stone Drums 
of the Ch6u dynasty," 171. 

Ox : the Emperor Shon-nung repre- 
sented with head of, 10. 

Oxen : said to have been first used 
by Huang-ti for drawing carts, 
22 ; produced in Ordos territory 
and North Shan-si, 122; bag- 
gage-cars drawn by, in war, 164 ; 
with horses and sheep reared by 
the Huns, 168. 

Pa-kua, sjTnbols of oldest system of 
Chinese philosophy : invention 
of, ascribed to Fu-hi, 9; de- 
scription of, 59-61 ; as means of 
auguration, 118 ; see also I-kino. 

Pages : see Sons of thx Empibb. 

Pai, or po {"hundred"): as a nu- 
merical term denoting totality, 

Pairhvrt'ung : 60. 

Palace : first, built by Huang-ti, 21 ; 
emperor's, during thd Ch6u 
dynasty, 114-115. 

Pan Ku, historian : 60. 

P'an-hu: legendary ancestor of the 
Man barbarians, 194. 

P'an-k5ng, the Emperor : 53, 82, 83, 
100-101, 331. 

P'an-ku : first human being, 4, 329. 

Paravey, le Chevalier de: cited by 
M. Huber as identifjdng Si- 
wang-mu with the Queen of 
Sheba in 1853, 151, note 2. [I 
find that Paravey first wrote on 
the subject in 1839 ; see his " Dis- 
sertation sur les Amaxones," 
Paris, 1840, p. 16. F. H.] 

Pardon : the sovereign's right, 123. 

Parker, E. H. : 130. 

Parliamentary power, traces of : 124. 

Pau, the state of : 171. 

Pau-hi : see Fu-Hi. 

Pau-shi: an officer with censorial 
functions, 116. 

Pau Ssi : sultana of Yu-wang, 169, 
171-174, 176-177. 

Pear-tree, the sweet : symbol of 
people's love, 139. 

Pedigrees : extended to legendary 
emperors, 99, 191, 228. 

Pei-jung tribes : 187. 

Penal code : that of Ch6u d>Tiasty 
comparatively humane, 123. 

People's voice, the, in important 
decisions : 124. 

Pessimism : see Yang Chu. 

Pheasants : represented on oldest 
bronzes, 88; offered as tribute, 
127, 128. 

Phenix, the, on bronzes : see Dragon. 

Philosophers, minor : 264, 305-308. 

Philosophy ; Chinese natural, based 
on male and female principles, 
69-62; Yii-Zzf, "the Philosopher 
Yii," possibly oldest work on, 
69, note 1, 192; difficulty of 
translating works of, 239-240; 



flouriahiog at time of political 
troubles, 262; somo philoso- 
phrra' works throw light on, and 
reflect spirit of, Contending 
SUtes, 264, 276 ; sUtesmen and 
diplomats study, 285; applica- 
tion of, to affaire of |p>venunent, 
205-206; texU of, 305-307; 
claamfication of works of, 306; 
minor works of, compiled or 
added to by later writere, 307; 
sef aUo GoNruciANUTi ; Ch(5u- 
KrNo; Han-fkT; Kuan-tzj; 
Mo Ti ; 8uN Wu ; 80n K'uang ; 
T A CIS-re ; Won-wang ; Wu K'l ; 
Yang Chu ; Yd-muNO. 

Pi; see Gem, the aAcasD. 

Pi-kan : kiUed by Ch6u^n, 63. 

Pin : residence of the dukes of Ch6u 
before T'an-fuli migration, 68, 
68, 160. 

Pines: 122. 

Ping, Duke of Lu : 341 ; aad ICen- 
cius, 287. 

P'in9<h4hi4c*o-4*an : 133. 

Plng-wang, the Emperor : 177, 332. 

Plng-yOan-Mhi : one of the "Four 

Piton, Ch. : on 8u Tsin aad Chang I, 
311, note 1. 

Ploughs : of iron in aereoth ocotory 
B.C., 204. 

P&mrU'au-ytn^: 131. 

Poetry, Chinese : difficulty of trana- 
latioQ, 230-240; sm aUo 8Wh 

Po (scttri): 06. 

Po-fu: Yu-wang^ son by hit sul- 
tana Pau-«sl, 172. 

Po-i, ancestor of the prinees of Tsln : 

Po Kl, commander of Tsln: 318- 
323 ; besieges Shang-tang, 321 ; 
coRunits suicide, 322. 

P»-k%^'u4u: 73. 

P6-3rang: court aetrooomer under 
Yu-wang, 172. 

Po-3rO : set li, son of CoifFrciua. 

Police functions : 124. 

Population : nine ranks of, 1 10 ; cen- 
sus of, how taken, 110; has 
■hare in important decieioos in 

public matten, 124 ; transfer of, 
away from original homes, 124; 
mixed character in, of boundary 
states, 267-268. 

Porcelain : sm Pottsbt. 

Pottrry : in the East aad in Europe 
it has derived modds from 
Bhang and Ch6u sacrificial 
bronses, 84. 

Prayvr by substitute: 103. 

Prehistoric lore: 3-7, 235-237. 

Pride, Chinese national: origin of, 

"Princes of the Empire": sse 

Products of provinces : 120-122. 

Professions, the nine : 1 10. 

Provinces: empire divided into, 
under Huang-ti, 21 ; nine cre- 
ated under Chuan-hQ, 25; nine 
under YO, 36, 37; pictorially 
represented by Nine Tripods, 
00; according to the Ck4u4i, 

P*u : city in the state of Tsin, now 
province of Shan-ei, 212, 213. 

Quipu : sss Knot-wbitiko. 
Quivers: 164. 

Rain, praying for: 36. 

Red : declared the national eolor of 
the Ch6u dynasty, 08. 

Reed stalks : as inetrumeota of divi- 
nation, 83. 

Revenue, Board of: 113; est aUo 

Riee: produced in Yang-eh6tt, 120; 
in Ts1ng-eh5u, 121. 

Richthofen, Baron F. von : deri%*es 
origin of Chinese race fmro 
Khotan, 18-20; on Sku^mg, 
33; on the Emperor Y\k% en- 
gineering works, 34, 38; his 
view on the old model eroperom. 
33-34; on the Yl^-kumg; hi* 
authority in Chinese r esearch 
limited, 38. 

Ririumin : set Li Lmro-ui^M. 

Roasting, the punishment of : 53, 
57 and note 1. 

Robber Cbl, the story of : 303<^303. 



Roman Orient : inliabitants of, said 
by native author to be like 
Qiinese, 19. 

Rulers, the Five : 12. 

Rushes: 121. 

Sacks : used for provisions in war, 164. 

Sacrifice: leadkig feature in life of 
nation during Shang dynasty, 
83 ; viands and libations used as 
offerings, 84; sacrifice to Qod 
(Sfiang-tC), first introduced by 
Fu-hi, 9; regulated by Huang-ti, 
13, 21 ; neglected by Shau-hau, 
24; reorganized by Chuan-hu, 
25 ; during the Shang and Ch6u 
dynasties, 78-80, 118; claimed 
as the emperor's privilege by 
King of Ts'in, 326 ; sacrifice to 
minor deities, 80-81, 118; see 
also Mountains, backed; sac- 
rifice to ancestors, 81-83, 118, 
177 ; see also Ancestors. 

Sacrificial vessels : see Bronzes. 

Salt : produced in Yu-ch6u (Chi-li), 
122; monopoly created by 
Kuan-tzi, 203-205. 

San-kiau ("the Three Religions"): 

San-kuo-chi: 129, note 1. 

San-miau tribe : banished by Yau, 
identified by some with T'au-t'i6 
monster, 85-87 ; supposed ances- 
tors of Tangutans, Miau-tzi, and 
Tibetans, 86, 196. 

SanrTsin (=The Three Tsin States) : 
264, 335-336. 

San-wei : locality in western Kan-su, 
near the northern boundary of 
Tibet, 87, 145. 

School : established under Ti-k'u, 
25; the Duke of Ch6u (Won- 
wang) builds an imperial college, 
54 ; school at Wu-wang's capi- 
tal, 99 ; philosopliical school of 
Kui-ku-tzi, 285, 307. 

Scythians : possibly Hunnic tribes, 

Self-culture : the subject of the 
Ta-hio, 254; reconunended by 
Mencius, 292. 

Sericulture : see Silk. 

Servants : rank ^hth in population, 

Seven Heroes, the : see Ts'i-btcno. 

Sha-ch6u : eastern terminus of tract 
known as litp-sha, 147. 

Sha-k'iu : one of Ch6u-flin'8 resi- 
dences, in the present Chi-li, 

Shanrhai-king : 146. 

Shan-jung ( = " HiU " Jung) : a 
[Mongolic 7] branch of the Huns, 

168, 187; Duke Huan of Ts^'s 
expedition against, 207. 

Shan-yii : title of the Great Khan 
of the Huns, 66, 167; aee also 

Shang, Duke of Sung : 229, 342. 

Shang dynasty, the : 47-91 ; 330- 
331 ; its records consist chiefly 
of emperors' names, 49; its 
culture, 71-91 ; causes of its 
downfall, 69-70 ; destroyed with 
the assistance of Tartar tribes, 

169, 183; probably first his- 
torical period, 252. 

Shang Jung : former minister of 
Ch6u-sin, assists Wu-wang in 
government, 95. 

Shang-tang : city in the state of 
Chau, the present Lu-an-fu in 
Shan-si, 321. 

Shang-ti, "the Supreme Ruler": 
see God. 

Shau-hau, the Emperor : 24, 329. 

Shau-k'ang, the Emperor: 42, 330; 
his succeasors, 330. 

Shau-kung (= Duke of Shau) : 
(1) prime minister to K'ang- 
wang, 138 ; his popularity eulo- 
gized in the Shi-king, 139 ; min- 
ister to Chau-wang, 143 ; first 
prince of Yen, 338; (2) prime 
minister to Li-wang, advocates 
freedom of speech, 154—155 ; 
sliields Li-wang 's son, Siian- 
wang, against revolutionists and 
becomes his minister, 157. 

Shau-ti6n : supposed father of Shon- 
nung and Huang-ti, 12. 

Sheba, Queen of : identified with 
Si-wang-mu by Professor Forke, 
150-151 ; also by Paravey, 151. 

ftiMp: uMd •moDg the Hutn by 
childno in the practica of 
riding. leS. 

flbao-ri mkI K»»-«u : the cndle ol 

Chinese dviliiatiao, 4. 

8U, PrioM of: 101. 

8hl Hu, the Emperor : 130, 138. 

6tal-huang-ti : ceuMS work* of Utor*- 
ture to be coi»igii«l to obi' 
71; calb hinudf "The Firat 
^DpeTor, " VI : change* in 
tunl life under, prepTed 
tune* before him, 270; ehangei 
oooditioiia of Und tenure, 298; 
hia paternity and nicceHitHi tn 
the Tain throne, 324, 327-328, 
■w alao CrAmo. 

8id-tr-dti: aee Ctcucal CHisAcraaa. 

Bk%-^ean: eee Ctcucu. cii>a*CTiits. 

aU-ki, ari-ma Ta'itn'a hirtory of 
aeriy periods (tranalaled by 
£d. ChavaoiMii) : on Huaiig-tl, 
7, 13, 13; on eniperora' Set 
namee, 17; ite praiane of model 
onperon, 3S ; iU chronology 
beKiniU'W tmo 841 B.C., Al ; 
on ChAu-ain, SD; on culture 
o( Shaii)[ period, 70; on 8an- 
miau'a baoiahiiient, W; dates 
decline ot imperial power from 
Cbau-wang, 143; on the Duke 
ti Mi'* three wive*, 1S3; on the 
name Ti Vn-mAu ; lUent on 
SOaD-wang^ wan against the 
Huna, IM; on early hiatory 
aod life of the Huna, 1A7-170; 
cm Yu-wang and Pau ad. 172 ; 
Ipwrea rrlipae of 776 I.e., 170 ; 
on emperor** duty to aacrifire 
U> aoRwtora, 177 : dal^ deray 
of imperial authority from P'inn- 
wang, 178 ; on the genealogy of 
Huaaic aovmlKns, 180; on 
C3wu-wang'> death. 189; on 
the princw of Cb'u, II>1-1I>2; 
oo the deaeeadanta of Kuan- 
tri. 30S; on Lau-t«l, 231, 240: 
wentiola the 5un-(af. 234; ila 
chapter on CVuifucian Diariplra. 
34V; throwe light on hiitorv 
<■( TVt— -^-g (Halaa, 304 ; LU 
hl*tot7 of the Cbau alala, aOB- 

373 ; oa Hi«n-wang. 37S ; reten 
to Kui-ku-tii aa a teacher, 308; 
on 8u Tatn, 309, 310, 313; on 
Priaoe I-jte^ Bight from Haa- 
tan, 324. 

S)ar*ir<t. or " Book of Odes " : ballad 
referring to H6u-t*i, 20; con- 
taina do mention of Ysu and 
Bhun, 6S; portioua of, among 
the oldest producta of Chinese 
literature, 50 ; throws light on 
Shang culture. 74. 70; oldest 
ode in, referred to eighth century 
I.e., 70; allegorical poem aa- 
eribed to Ch0u-kung, lOA; the 
term " Itiddle Kingdom " occur* 
in. 137; ode on the "Sweet 
Pear Tree." 130; many of its 
aatirical poama refer to I*-waiig. 
1113; lU aecount of a battle 
against the Hum. 1S8-100; 
ode ref wring to WAn-wang'* 
wars against the Huns, 101 ; 
extract from Lagge'b tranala- 
tion of ^(louanl Biot^ anaiyri* 
of ode* throwing light on mode 
of warfare, 103-100; compared 
to Homeric epics as a source of 
history, lOS; rhymes ot. throw 
light on ancient sound* of th* 
language, 107 ; echpse men- 
tioned in, confirmed bjr W**lim 
MtroDomer*. 173-174 ; edited 
by ConfudiM, 3&3; higbaet in 
estimation amoog work* o( 
poetry. 310. 

Ships and boats: under Huang-ti, 
33; soulh-polnling. allusian la, 
during Tain dynasty, 130; boat 
usnl for political murdsr, 143. 

ShOo. yaniutaof: IflV, 172, 177. 

Sk6tt-%-lcinf : 80. 

8h«a-kua. *oeyrlop«di*( : 133, 130. 

ShAn-nung, the Empsrori 10, 33S; 
his appearance ; introduces field 
labor and botany. 10 ; descend- 
ants of, appointed flef-hokler* 
under Wu-wang, H; his time 
coinrldH with stone age, 330. 

.UAfi-nuiVP^B-K'aw^Hf.- 10-11. 

yb>^-i«ng-wang, the Emperv : 313, 



Shdng, the reed organ : inTeated by 
Na-kua, 9. 

Schopenhauer's pesrimiem compared 
with Yang Ghu's: 270. 

Sh6u-oh'un, an eastern capital of 
the state of Gh'u : m$ Map. 

Shu (=s Sel-ch'uan) : oonquered by 
Tliln, 314. 

8hu4nng ("the Book of History *'): 
its record of Yau and Shun a 
"BCirror of Princes/' 29; early 
knowledge of astronomy ben* 
trayed in, throws doubt on the 
tradition, 30; its account of 
Shun, 31 ; of Y<i, 82-38; oldest 
source of pre-Oonf udan history, 
83; its c(»npilation ascribed 
to Confuohis, 83, 251-252; its 
tradition differs from that of 
the Bamboo Books, 51; P'an- 
kong's views on government re- 
corded in, 52; suspicious for 
periods preceding Ch6u-«in, 55- 
56, 76-77; quotes names of 
foreign tribes assisting Wu- 
wang, 69-70; as a source for 
knowledge of cultural life before 
Ch6u dynasty, 76; contains 
traces of monotheism, 78-80; 
of cult of minor deities, 80; 
of ancestor worship, 81-83; of 
sacrificial service, 83; P'an- 
kong's argument why the nation 
should be loyal to him, 100-101 ; 
Ch6u-kung's ideas about God, 
one's ancestors, and one's own 
merit, 101-102 ; Ch6u-kung'8 
prayer for Wu-wang's recovery, 
102-103; Ch'ong-wang's speech 
appointing Wei-ta prince of 
Sung, 106-107; contains two 
chapters on the fundamental in> 
stitutions of government, 107 ; 
contains but scanty details on 
Mu-wang, 144 ; the name K'un- 
lun first cited in, 145; the Jo- 
shui, or "Weak Water," men- 
tioned in, 147 ; mainly a series 
of speeches embodying political 
wisdom, 156, 178; closes its 
accoimt of Ch6u emp>erors with 
P'ing-wang; gap in previous 

history^ 178; Ckmfiiciiai' con- 
nection with, 251-252; some 
religious views expressed in, 
foreign to Confucian school, 
253 ; Menciiu' faith in, 288. 
Shu^iang Ho, father of Ooofueius: 

9iu-yQ, CJhVing-waagVi brother: in- 
verted with Ttoin, 266, 834. 

8hvi4nng^dnt: 127. 

Shun, the Emperor: 31-32, 329; 
mippoeed descendant of Ghuan- 
hCk, 25; selected aa emperor 
from the masses, 31; his love 
of Justice, 32 ; banishes Kun and 
appoints Yft to regulate dduge, 
82; his title Yu-yA, 32; prac- 
tised divination, 83; banbhed 
certain tribes, or personages, 
85; visited by Si-wang-mu, 
151 ; Po I, minister under, sup- 
posed ancestor of princes of 
Ts'in, 153; wall painting of, 
243 ; as represented in Shu-king, 
251 ; a descendant of, invested 
with Ch'on by Wu-wang, 343; 
8ee also Yau ANn Shux. 

Shim-wei (Shun-3ru) : name, or title, 
of eitrliest chiefs of the Huns, 
possibly standing for Shan-yii, 

Si-<5h6u (the "Western Ch6u"): 
so-called before P'ing-wang, 179. 

Si-ling, the Lady of : 22. 

Si-po, "Chief of the West": see 


Si-wang-mu, legend of: 144-151. 

Siang, Duke of Sung : 219, 342. 

Siang, Duke of Tsin : 219, 335. 

Siang, King of Ts'i : 319, 340. 

Siang-wang, the Emperor : 218, 332. 

Siau-kia, the Emperor : 48, 330. 

Sxau'Uhi ("SmaU Historian") : 125. 

Si6-yen-t'o : Bee Sir-Tardush. 

Si^nr4aHnrchuA:A'ho-'pUn : a collec- 
tion of philosophical texts, 305- 

Silk: Fu-hi constructs musical in- 
struments of, 9; introduction 
of, by Lei-tsu, 22, 23; pro- 
duced under government super- 
vision during the Ch6u dynasty. 



110; brocades of, a trade 
monopoly during the lian dy- 
nasty, 117; produced in YU- 
ch6u, 121 ; textures of, produced 
in Ping-ch6u, 122 ; axle-trees of 
chariots and bows covered with, 
1(M ; torn in quantities to please 
a woman, 172. 

Island, the bronae tripod of: 

-k<in: one of the "Four 
Nobles," 821 ; raises siege of 
Han-tan, 822; unsuccessful in 
last attempt to break the power 
of Ts'in, 328. 

8in-po : minister under Chuang- 
wang, 201. 

Singers, court : 125. 

Sb^-Tardush : identical with the 8i4^ 
3ren-t'o tribes of Chinese his- 
torians, 184, note 1. 

"&Lx SUtM." the (Yen, Chau, Han, 
Wei, Tsl, and ai*u) : in aUi- 
ance against Ts'in, 310; ex- 
clude Tsln from Han-ku Pass, 
313; riding on horseback not 
customary before time of, 273. 

Bkins : produced in King-ch6u or 
Ch'u, 121, 214. 

Skull of enemy used as drinking 
vcHel: 270-272. 

Soldiers enlisted for hunting pur- 
poses : 119. 

Son of Heaven : the emperor's title 
from high antiquity, W^-96. 

Sons of the Empire (Inio-tef) : 110, 

Sophistn, Chinese : 307-308. 

Sounds, ancient, of Chinese syllables : 
7, 107. 

South-pointing: charioU, 127, 135; 
shi|is, 130, 135; needle, see 
Maainkks' Compass. 

Spades : of iron in seventh century 
B.C., 2f>4. 

Speeches in historical texts : 155- 

Speech, liberty of : advocated, 155. 

Spelling of C?hinese words : method 
a<lopted in present work, xv-xx, 
217. note 1. 

Spirits: of tha departed supposed 

to affect lives of descendants, 
81-82, 100-102; of good sov- 
ereigns and ministers live in 
heaven, 82 ; sm aUo ANCKarou ; 

Spring, Mandarin of (ch'uhrkuan) : 
113, 117-119, 124. 

Ssl-ch'uan province : supposed home 
of the Emperor YQ, 33; con- 
quered by Ts'in, 314. 

8H-hau: see Foum NoBLia, tbb. 

8H-kUn ( = public remonstratora) : 

SH-Jk'u-ls'ao f i- sAi i- f so-yon4syng-ww; 
see TsuNG-MC. 

8tf-ma Kuang, historian : 204, 200, 

8sl-ma Tsl^n : ses BmUki. 

8H-*hl (= court instructors): 110. 

SH^u (" Four Books ") : 251, 358- 

Stars, the : as objects of worship, 79. 

Statistics: early traces of n»ethod 
in, 119-123, 203-206; ses aUo 

Steppe, northern: Ping-chOu and 
Yung-ch6u, nearest tcrritorisi 
to, 122. 

Stone age, the, in China : 230. 

Stone I>rums, the, of the ChOo 
dynasty : 170. 

Suoceasion, order of: Huang-ti be- 
comes emperor by his ability, 
12 ; the eldest bom dkregarded, 
24; election from another fam- 
ily, 25, 34 ; e mp e ru c deposed by 
the people, 20; Yau elected to 
s\icceed his deposed step-brother, 
20 ; throne offered to a minister, 
and then to Shun, a man of tlie 
people, 31 ; Ytl selected on ac- 
count of his ability, 34 ; reluc- 
tantly appoints his son, 38-39; 
succession regulated by Ood, 
79-80; by the king's ancestors, 
81-82; profile's share in decid- 
ing succession to heirUiMi thrones, 
124; rightful heir excluded 
fmm throne by uncle as usurper, 
153. 218; legitimate, insisted 
on by miniitter against e mp et m *» 
will, 201; crowll-princ•^^ so* 

[orced ngainst nnperor'n wish 
under preaaure of powerful 
VBBBikl, 209; five wna of five 
wiv« disputing over throoe of 
Tb'i, 211; Duke Won of Tain 
induoed by ruse of his followers 
to accept, S14; diHput«d by 
younger brothers, 333, 263. 

Bttn KViaug, philosopher: governor 
in Ch'u. 326; teachar of Han- 
(el-tn lutd Li asi, 320. 

BQHi, Qiieea Dowager and Regent of 
Tala : 317. 319. 

BDWQ, KidgofTs'i: 340; hiarelationfl 
to Mencius, 386. 

SBn-wnng, the Emperor: 187-171, 

OU uhiui in Kbd-su : supposed sent 
of K-wftug-mu, 150. 

Bu-chAu (K&n-au) : 160. 

Bu Ts^, stateanuui: pupil of Eui- 
ku-td, 285; hia career. 308-3 U. 

Sui dynasty : claesiSoation of im* 
pciial library of, imitatwl by 
Chinese writers, 300, 

aui-i5n: the Prometheua of the 
Chinese, 6, 329; preduceeeor of 
Fu-lii, 8. 

Sununer, Mandarin of (hia-kuan) : 
113, 119-123. 

3un-M .- see Sun Wti. 

Sun Wu, military leader and philoso- 
pher : 234. 

SUD, the : as an objeet of wanihip, 79. 

Svng-thl: 131. 

Sung-thu: 139, 130. 

Superior Han, the : according to 
Confucius, 239, 251, 2fi6; ac- 
cording to Lau-tii, 240. 

Torkio ("The Great Learning"): 
26, note 1, 254. 

Ta-ld ; tho Emperor ChOu-ein 'a con- 
sort, brought away as a captive, 
fi4; her licentiouBDBaa and cru- 
elty, 56~S7; did not invent 
punishment of roasting, G7. 
note 1 ; ruled her huaboad, S6, 
6S; her death, efi. 

To-Uot (= prime minister) ; 110-111. 

Ta-tB'in (Syria) : 19, 148. 

TMya : let YB. 

t known among 

Taboo of names : n 
the Huns, 168. 
T 'u-hau : (M Fu-Bi. [ 

T'ai-kia, the Emperor: 47, 330. 
T'ai-k'ang, the Emperor: 39, 330. 
T'ai-kong, the Emperor: 48, 330. 
T'ai-kuug Sl:»ng : invested with 
Wu-wang, 339. 

of princes 

T'fti-m6u, the E 

T'ai-po : legendary ai 
of Wu. 347. 

T 'aj-sban : sacred mountain in Shan- 
tung, 9. 122, 

T'ai-wang: «« T'ak-*t). 

T 'ai-yfiau : Huns driven bank M 
far B8, under SOaD-waog, 160, 
161; part of the state of TMn, 

Tan, Duke of Ch6u : ere Caov-smta. 

Tan-yang : old capital of Ous state 
of Ch'u, 190. 

T'aa-fu (T-ai-wang. or Ku-kung) : 
W6n-wang 's grandfather. 57-58, 
331 ; as a vassal of the Huns 
is caused by their oppresaiona 
to emigrate." 67-58, 68'«9, 169; 
as cliief ancealor of the Ch6u 
emperors is addressed by Ch6u- 
kung ID prayer, 103 ; his eldest 
aon, T'ai'po, supposed ancestor 
of sovereigns of Wu, 347. 

T'ang, "the Completer." or "the 
Successful": »ee Cn'oNO-r'ANa. 

r'ang-ihv: 96. 

Tangutans (K 'iang) : derive their 
origin from the San^niau tribe, 
originally in central China, 80, 
196; win battle agunst S&an- 
wang, 158. 

Tartarizatiun of Chinese culture : 

Tau. King of Ch'u : 274, 337. 

rou ("the word"): in the Taitti- 
king, 239; Professor Gilee on, 

Tau-te-king: sop Lau-tii. 

TBuisrD : an indigenous retigioo, 338 ; 
SM aUa TacIhis, 

Tauists : cultivate Si-wang-mu leg- 
eoda, 146 ; Confuoianisla Bnd, 
how difTcrint;, 299 ; ■« aim 
CHnifio-Tzi; KtJAN Yin; Km- 

su-nt, L&tt>TtI; Lrf-ni; W6n- 

T'au Hung-king, KhoUr : 308, 

T'au-t^4, the mooater : a native 
InvRition, H-87 ; held to be 
ideotical with San-miau tribe, 
8S; poMbly the Tibetan maatiff, 

Taxes; amount of, fixed by Han- 
dariD of Heaves, 114; coUecled 
by Mandarin of Earth, 110; on 
nit and iron, 203-205; on aipi- 
cultun, 390 ; a3nt«ins ot railing, 

Tea Stem*: let CrnJCAi. chamao- 

Testurea of cott«n (vegetable fiber) 
aodrilk; 133. 

nuoder pattern (M-wAi) ; doiwd 
from hieroglyphic tor " thunder," 
88.89; u»d a* an oroaoieat f or 
filling-in purpoaea ; lymbolio 
meaning, 89. 

TburAci, John ot: hie Uat ol King 
Atlila'a anoeetora, 185, 190. 

Tl (northfrn barbarian*, Huna) ; 108 ; 
nfemd to in Tto-dHtait, IftS, 
188; Duka WOn of Til among 
the. 313. 

Ti-chI, the Emperor: 35, 36, 830. 

r^^Hanf; aM TutKcatauL em- 

"n-k-i, the ^peror: 89. 330. 
Tt-kSi. the Bmperor; 35, 839; 

father of Yau, aneeirtor of Shang 

and Cb4u emperor*. 30. 
Il-kal, the Emperor : ■■• Kia. 
Tl-^ang, the Emperor: 41, S90. 
Ttau-chKChaldea) : 148. 
Hbetane : auppoeed deacendanta of 

the San-miau tribe. 80. 
7*140. the. family : uaurpen in Tt\ 

273, 33D, 340. 
TVo Cli'ang, miniatrr in Tat : 373. 
TVn Ho, uaurper In Tal : 373. 340. 
T'Utt-ehu-ltiini (- Roman CatboU- 

rSAt-ivaa ,- aM Ubavbn, MaHMMM 

EX 377 

T'Uit-M: MO 8o)t or Bbavbt. 

Tin ; produced in YangrcbOu prov- 
ince, lao. 

Ting, Duke of Lu : 344-340, 841. 

Ting-wang, the Emperor : 330, 333. 

Tithe, levied on harvnt* : 397-398. 

Tonjukuk, inacription of: 184, note 

T'Oug, the alata of : 200. 

Tortoiae abelh : aa inatnunenta of 
divination, 83. 103, 103. 118. 

l^affic, land and water : regulated 
under Uuaog-ti, 23. 

Tranelation of poetry and philo- 
aophieal teiU : 330-340. 

Traveler, the Oreat and t^ Bmall : 

Traveliuii philoaopheia : 385. 

Tribute (htnir) : 113. 

Tripod*, U>e Nino; aw T 

T*ai Ya ; •** Td-o. 

Ta'al, the BtBt« of : Duka Huan of 
Ti^'a expedition against, 308; 
ila fir*t prince a bnttber of Wu- 
wang; prinrea of, 846-340; 
annexed by Ch 'u, 840. 
jig-kil^, atata historian : reputed 
Inventor of the art of vritiag, 

u, the atata of : on route from 
T**! to ChM. 314 ; Wu-waim in- 
vBtle hi* brother Chdn-to with, 
343; princea of, S43-444; an- 
nexwlbySung, S44. 

Tal, the slate of : beeomM powerful 
under PIng-wang, 178; as an 
Inland state could not eitecul, 
188 ; rise of, to great power ; Ita 
Duk* Huan. flrst of the " Hva 
Leader*," and hia minialer Kuan- 
td, aOI-311, 317-318, 395; lU 
lalt and iron biduatries. 304- 
205 ; Ihika Wte of Tain as an 
exile In. 313-314; on sida of 
Tain In war with ChHi. 317; 
under Duke Huan^ auceeasors, 
318-310; Duke Chau of Lu an 
exile In, with ConfurliM, 343- 
344; its court had good muaie. 
343; ita )raluu>y of CDoturltM* 
good govwaiDsdt tn Lu, 340; 




Of til0 "^ 

states, 266; ohsage of dynasty, 
the T16n Ismily, 2178; sssiimes 
tiUe of "Kng,'' but ramains 
loyal to ^emperoTi 276» 816; 
prinoes d, known for huciiry, 
277, note 1; Menoiiis in, 2^, 
287; i^ans oonquest of Ten, 
287; i^DS oonf adoration against 
Tiln, 810; attacka Caiau^ 818; 
8u Titn aswasrinated in, 814; 
IfAni^ltfig-kOtty natiye of, 
takes servSoe in Ta'Uk and ra- 
turns to, 817; the title of 
''Emperor" proposed for Sng 
IGn of, 818-819; oonquen 
Sung, 810; snffeis defeat by 
Yen and its allies, 810; annexed 
by Tsln, 828» 840; prinees of, 

T9'i4Uung: the sewi powerful ooo- 
tending states, 266. 

Ta'Un-han^ahu : 66. 

Ts^4n-m6u: battle-field, near the 
present Liau-ch6u, Shan-si, 158. 

Tsin, the state of : becomes powerful 
under P'ing-wang, 178; causes 
of its growth, 182, 188, 212 ; its 
atuation, 183; its Duke Won 
one of the "Five Leaders," 206, 
211-217, 219; a son of Wu- 
wang's invested with, 212, 266, 
334; its Duke Hi^n, 212; de- 
feats Ch'u in the battle of 
Ch'ong-p'u, 216; Chau Ts'ui 
and Chau Tun ministers in, 
220, 269; defeated by Ch'u, 
223 ; six grandees of, wrangling 
for supremacy, 263; the fami- 
lies of Han, Chau, and We! 
become powerful in, 263 ; break- 
ing up of, into three states, 264 ; 
its former territory finally an- 
nexed by Ts'in, 328, 335-386; 
princes of, 334-335. 

Ts'in, the state of : Duke Mu of, held 
to be the Mu-wang of the Si- 
wang-mu legend, 151 ; Fei-ta[, 
a dealer in horses, elevated to 
rank of prince of, 153 ; becomes 
powerful under P'ing-wang, 178 ; 
causes of its growth, 182, 188; 

Iti flitiiatio&« 188; its Duke Mu 
one of tbe ''Fiye Leaders," 206, 
210; interferes with au ece s si on 
in Trin, 218, 216; on side of 
IMn in war with CSiHi, 216; one 
ol tbe ''Seven Heroes" states, 
260; its boundaries eonatantly 
eacteDdin8» 260-287; non^ail- 
nese diameter of, 207-268, 276; 
eommon deeoent of its prinoes 
irith those of Chau, 200; daims 
faesemony among Contending 
Bttttes; TCssrded as baritiarian 
oountiy by Chinese, 275 ; Chang 
I ndnister in, 280, 812; TWIn 
and Antt-Tslia, tbe nudn poUli- 
oal teotions in fourth oe n tury 
B.O., 800; sends Ghang I on a 
aneeessful miselon to Ch'u, 812, 
816; oonfedsration against, bro- 
ksn up by Kung-sun Yen, 818; 
Chang I recalled to; conquers 
Shu (Ssl-ch'uan), 314 ; strongest 
state long before being styled 
kingdom in 325 B.C., 314; 
Kings Hui-w5n and Wu of, 316 ; 
Chang I leaves, for want of ap- 
preciation ; war with Han, 316 ; 
Kmg Chau-siang, 317-325; 
regency of Queen Dowager, 
317-320; WeS. Jan, commander 
in, 317; and chancellor, 318- 
320; reverses in war with Ts^ 
Han, and Wdi, 317-318 ; Po K% 
commander in, 318-322; wins 
great battle at I-k'ii^; title of 
" £^peror " proposed for king of, 
318; defeats Chau and Ch'u, 
conquers city of Ying and de- 
stroys I-ling; Wd[ Jan's rule in, 
overthrown, 319; King Chau- 
siang sole regent with Fan Tsu 
as chancellor, 320-323; de- 
feats Chau at Shang-tang, 321 ; 
the ** Four Nobles " work against, 
321-326 ; besieges Han-tan and 
is defeated, 322 ; loses its great^- 
est general by Fan Tsil's jeal- 
ousy, 322-323; Prince I-j6n of, 
and Lu Pu-w^, 323-328; an- 
nexes imperial dominion and 
sacred tripods, 325; annexes 



Han; King ChAU-si&ng offers 
■Acrifice to 8hang-ti in lieu of 
emperor, 326; ita final struggle 
for 8upr«ne power with Lil 
Pu-wei •• prime minister, 327- 
328; deposes last prince of the 
Ch6u dynasty and annexcss 
federal states ; Cbong ( -> Shi- 
huang-ti), king of, 328; princes 
of, 332-334. 
Tsing, Duke of Tsin: loses his 
throne to the princes of Wei, 
Han, and Chau, 335. 

Tsing : personal name of SQan-wang, 
157, 150. 

Tting (" well "), the : system of taxa- 
Uon. 206-297. 

Ts'ing-ch6u province : 121. 

Tsoug Ts'an, disciple of Confucius : 
author of f/iau-JInny, 240 ; teacher 
of Wu K% 274. 

Tmy-€huan, commentary on the 
Ch*uip4M*xu: contains an expla- 
nation of the name T'au-fi^, 85 ; 
principal source for the Ch'un- 
U'iu period, 17^181, 182, 107, 
253; on foreign tribes (Jung, 
Ti. etc.), 185, 187; describes 
battle with foreign tribes, 187- 
188; contains history of the 
"Five Leaders," 206; Cti'dng- 
wang*^ mistake as to duration 
of dynasty reproduced in, su|>- 
ports trustwortliiness of, 222; 
extends beyond Confticius 'death, 

TW-klu Ming: supposed author of 
the T§(xhuan, 170. 

Tsu4, the Emperor : 40, 331. 

Tmmi^Ang, the term : 307. 

Tsung4i-yan»en, the: 111. 

TtuHQ-^u: 133, note 1, 148-140. 

Tu, brother of Wu-wang: investe<l 
with Ts'at, 345. 

Tuao-mu Bhu : 277. 

Tuan-mu Tsl : set TtT>Kr?fa. 

Tung-ch6u, the "Eastern Ch6u": 
soK>alled since PIng-wang. 170. 

Tiiiig-ch6u-kiin : the last nominal 
regent of the Ch6u dominion, 
325, 326, 332. 

Tf mg kuofi^ *au-kumg^ : 125. 

Tung-tu: eastern capital of Ch6u 

emperors, 177. 
T*ung-ki^n4cang-^u: 264-266, 268, 

TOrk, the Turks of Central Asia: 

identical with the T*u-kQ« of the 

Chinese, 184, note 1. 
Turkestan, Eastern : 18-10, 01, 140- 

150, 151. 
Turkish : the language of the Hun^, 

66, 70, 184, note 1. 
Turkish word, the oldest, on record : 

aee King-lu. 
Twelve Branches: set Cyclical 


Ttf (-> viscount) : 08. 

Tii-ch'an, the prudent minister of 

Cliong: 232. 
rrf-«Af-l'un^-An>n: see T*uno-ukn- 


Ttf-kung : supposed author of the 

Yuf-tMii^-^thu, 234; disciple of 

Confucius, 240. 
Ti{-lu, Confucius' favorite disciple: 

Ti{-o, disciple of Confucius : 250. 
rtf-sAu-pai-cAuny, a collection of 

philcisophical texts : 306. 
Til-va : sf« TsoNo Tb'an. 
Til-yiian, disciple of Confucius: 


Uigurs (Kau-kO) : described by the 
(^unese as offshoots of the 
Iliung-nu, 184, note 1 ; the T*unif- 
kiin-kanf^mu translated intt) 
thcnr langtuige, 264-265. 

Uniforms : devised by Huang-ti, 23 ; 
embmitlered beaste and binU 
on, introduced by Hhau-hau. 24 , 
of the Hons of the Empire, 117 ; 
of soldiers in war, 165. 

Varnish: 121. 

Vegetarian diet in primeval times : 6. 

V^irtue rewarded in future life : 82. 

Wai-i<\n, the Emperor: 40, 830. 

Wai-shi ("Historian of foreign na- 
tions and ancient rulers") : 125. 

Wai-wu'pu, the lioard of Foreign 
Affairs, 111, note 1. 

Wall, the Great: a, comparati^y 
modem Blructure. 37, 77. 

Wung Fu, archtt-ologist : 73. 

Wang Ho, geaenl of Ts'ia : 332. 

Wang Hti : lee Kct-KIT-tiS. 

War : Board or, 113, 119-123 ; 
people's ahsre in deciaioo on 
defenaive, 124; meUiods and 
outfit of, 162-166; May and 
June the ugual season for, \&i- 
165; priaoaera of, punished as 
rebels by cutting off left ear, 
165, 16S ; Chinese and Hunnic 
methods of, compared, 166, 187 ; 
tee also Aruv ; BAm.GB ; CuAn- 
lOTS; HoBSEB ; UiTNa ; UuTtrraa ; 

Walters, T. : on T»I-*h'aii, 233. 

Weapons: bows, arrows, swords, 
and lances sBcribcd ta HuADg-ti, 
32; hieroglyphics for, occur on 
vessels of theShang dynaafy, 75 ; 
alloys of brouie weapons pre- 
Boribed according to the Chdv-li, 
126 ; same weapons used in war 
aa in hunting, 162, 164; practice 
of archery. 165; of the Huns, 
168 ; hatebeM made of iron in 
aeventh century B.C., 204 ; swords 
of bronie and iron, 235 ; during 
the stone, jade, bronze, and : 
ages, 236. 

Weaving : ace Dbess. 

We!, the River : 64. 122. 

Wei, the state of (Wei of Tun, also 
called Liang) : beginnings, 263; 
recognised as a feudal state, 204 ; 
one of the "Seven Heroes" 
states, 266 ; supporta the usurp- 
er T'i*Q Ho as Duke of Ta" 
273; Wu K'i takes service i 
274; Chang I, a native of, and 
miikister in, 28d; King Hu 
with MeniiuB 

I of I 


joins confederation against Ts'i 
310; Chang I returns to, 312; 
Kung-BunYcn, a native of, per- 
suades Ills king to attack Chau, 
313; Chang I chancellor of, 314 ; 
kiugdora since 370 B.C., 315; 
defeated by Ta'in in battle of 

I-k'ii^, 318; Fan TfH a d 

of, 320; Prince Wu-ki of, 321; 

at the head of five states tria 

to cheek, but dnatly is annexed J 

by, Is'in, 326, 335; princes of, \ 


W^, the state of [not to be coo- 
founded with Wei of l^in, 273]: 
bad treatment in, of Duke 
W6n of Tsin, 213; Duke 
Ling of, bis lascivious wife and 
C-ontuciua, 246-247; Confuciua' 
second eojoum In, 248; Wu K^, 
military leader, a native of, 
273-274 ; its princes reduced in 
rank, 315; Wu-wang"a brothei 
Fong invested with, 346; only 
state surviving creation of 81^ ' 
buong-ii 'b empire, 347 ; priocta I 
of, 34S-347. 1 

W(i, Viscount of ; see WeI-^tw. ^ 

Wei Jan, commander and chancel- 
lor in Ts'in: 317-320; plana 
coronation of King of Ts'in aa 
emperor, 318; fears itinerant 
politicians and excludes them 
from Ta'm, 320 ; hLi fall, 319-320. 

Wei-li6-wang, the Emperor : 263- 
273, 332. 

Wd-tzi (Ki) : joins Wu-wang^ 
forces, 63; appointed prince of 
Sung, 106, 341-342. 

Weights and meaaureH ; system of, 
derived from efforts in 


deal ii 

._t«, 22, : 

Western Ch6u ; 

WinUr, Mandarin of (tunj;.ituan) : 
113, 126-126. 

Wives : rank eeventli in population, 

Wizards, cotut : duties include the 
denunciation of subjeels heard 
speaking disreapectfully of sov- 
ereign, 155. 

Wolves, wliitp : presented as tribute 
to Mu-wang, 169. 

Woman's position and dutiee ac- 
cording to the mother of Men- 

WSn, Uijte of T'ong : 300. 
Won, Duke of TsLn ( - Ch ■ung-ir) : 
third of the "FivB Leaders,': 



206, 211-217, 335; aasista em- 
peror in fighting the Jung tmr- 
bariAns, 210; Chau Tsui, one 
of his p*rtiMtns, shared hia exile, 
213, 220, 269. 

WdnUH ("the Philosopher W6ii ") : 

Wdn-wang, Duke of Ch6u : inei- 
dents of his life quoted from 
Hamboo Books, 63-65; his 
career as Duke of Ch6u, 57-62, 
331 ; his sons, 58 ; remonstrates 
against Ch6u-ain's cruelty; his 
imprisonment, and authorship of 
the i-king, 59 ; his rehabilitation 
and death, 62; serves the Kun 
barbarians, 68; defeats them, 
70, 160 ; builds his capital Fdng, 
00; Ch6u-kung's prayer ad- 
dressed to, 103 ; offered a white 
pheasant by foreign tribe, 128; 
greatly admired by Mu-wang, 

Woodmen (foresters) : how ranking 
in population, 110. 

Works, Board of: 113, 125-126. 

World, the (riM-Aia) - China : 112. 

Writing, art of: knot-writing as- 
cribed to 8ui-j6n, 6; replaced 
by hieroglyphics under Fu-hi, 
0; Ts'ang-ki^ imiUtcs birds' 
footprints, 20-21 ; oldest ma- 
terials: bamboo boards, brush, 
and varnish, 20, 21, 50; com- 
plaints to emperor written on 
boards, 31 ; edicts on bamboo 
tablets, 163; no writing among 
Huns. 168. 

Wu, King of C'hHj : see Hnmo Txjfto. 

Wu, King of Tn'in : 316. 333. 

Wu (Hoochow) : eastern capital of 
the state of Ch'u, 322. 

Wu, the state of: situation, 227; 
its king, Ho-lu, removes capital 
to Soorhow, 233; annexed by 
YO^. 234, 261-262, 348 ; T'ai-po. 
son of T'an-fu, supposed an- 
cestor of sovereigns of, 347 ; 
Princes of, 347-348. 

Wu-chl-«han tombs : stone sculp- 
tures of, contain image of Fu-hi, 

Wu-chung tribes : 187. 

Wu-ki, Prince of Wei : ssi 8iK-LUfO- 

Wu Kl, philoeopher, military leader 
and minister : 274. 

Wu4nng ("Five Canons'^ : 251-258. 

Wu-k5ng, Ch6u-sin'b son : appointed 
King of Corea, 06; intrigues 
against Ch6u-kung, 104 ; sup- 
ports rebellion, but is made 
prisoner and killed, 104, 106. 

Wu-ling, King of Chau : 336; wears 
Tartar dress and introduces 
cavalry, 272, 316. 

Wu4ung: see FrvK DmAooNS. 

ITu-pa (- the " Five Leaders") : 206. 

Wu-sQ : 400 Chau Siano-tu. 

Wu-Uu-td. artist: 140. 

Wu-ti, the Han Emperor : 146. 

Wu-ti: see Five Ri7i.ks8, the. 

Wu-ting (Kau-tsung), the Emperor: 
53, 331. 

Wu-Ung, the Emperor: T'ai-kia'b 
son, 48, 330. 

Wu-Uf: see Wu K*l. 

Wu-jfQ^h*un-U'iu : 234. 

Wu-wang : Duke of Ch5u and first 
emperor of the Ch6u djmasty, 
second son of Wdn-wang, 58, 
331; liberates his father by a 
ruse, 62; assembles army to 
fight Ch6uHun, explaining his 
moti\*es in several speeches, 63- 
65; defeaU Ch6u-sin, 65, 160; 
as King of Ch6u, 05-103, 831 ; 
his title, 06-07 ; secures posses- 
sion of the Nine Tripods. 08, 
221 ; appoints descendants of 
old emperors and his brothers 
fief-holders, 00-100; his illness^ 
102-103; greatly admired by 
llu-wang. 144 ; the unequaled 
sovereign of the (l)6u dynssty, 
178; one of his sons Invested 
with Tsin. 212. 834; Invests 
T'ai-kung Bhang with Tsl. 330; 
Duke Hu with Ch'dn. 343; his 
brother (l)6n-to with TB*aa, 
343 ; his brother Tu first Prines 
of Ts'ai. 346. 

ITu-tfW ("non-action." ^'Inaetioo") : 
Lau-tsI on, 230, 301. 

W]4ie, A.: on devUtion of mag- 
netic needle, 131 ; on the Mu- 
fUn-lzI-rhuan, 116; on 
pliilDBapbet Yti, 193. not 
OD the T'wtf-kUn-ltanfOitt, 265, 

YBag-ch6u province : 120. 

Yaikg Chii, Uio philoaopher : placed in 
p-onlra^t vith Ch6u-kuiig by 
MeiicitiB, 138; his teachinfts 
bnaed on egotism, 27B-279 : 
BpurioUB chapter ia Chuang-ttI 
quoiea bis views. 303. 

YuiB-til OT Kiang River : its length, 
38-37; itn name, 120; Chau- 
yang crOBaiag the, 143, 139; 
state of King on the, ITi. 

Y»tl, the Emperor: son ot "H-kM. 
26, 329 ; his cliaracter described 
in the Shu-king. 29, 251 ; the 
deluge during his reign, 31, 3d; 
tJLXation under, 297. 

Yau and Shun : the most popular 
names in Chinese history. 26 ; 
held up an models of good rulers ; 
guided by the advice of their 
ministers, 33 ; legendary crea- 
tions, 56—56; ancestor worship 
ascribed to, 81 ; descendants of, 
appointed Gef-holders under Wu- 
wang, 90 ; wall-painting repre- 
senting, 213; as viewed by 
Yang Chu, 27S; Henciua a 
believer in, 288. 

Yau Hing, the Elmperor ; 130, 135. 

r<-m*-tidu(= Protestantism): 238. 

Yellow River ; overflow ot, see 
Deluqe ; its length, 3Q ; causes 
change of capitals. 49, 62; runs 
into Quit of Chi-li, 122; re- 
puted source of, in Karakorum 
range, IIG ; valley of, hunting 
ground of Chinese and indig- 
enous hordes, 162. 

Yen, Duke ot Sung : conGrmed as 
king, 315, 342. 

Yen, mother ot Confucius: 229. 

Yen, the stats ot: causes of its 
growth, 188; relieved by Duke 
Huan of Ts'i from attacks of 
Shan-jUDg, 207i ona ot tlie 

"Seven HeroM" atato, 30t; 
occupied by Ts'i, 2S7; its diika 
persuaded by 8u Tsln to join 
confederation against Tain, 
310; Su Ts^in minister in, 314; 
kingdom since 333 s.c, 3Ul; 
forms coalition against Tsl; 
victorious by its general Yo I, 
319; annexed liy Ta'in, 339; 
Princes ot, 338-339. 

Yen-/a: see Balt. 

Yen Hui : see TbT-tijan. 

Yen-ti : see Snas-nvtia. 

Yin and Yang : the female and nub 
principles in Chinese natutil 
pliilosophy, 60-61. 

Yin dynsflty ; *ea Shako dtnastt. 

Yin, Prince of ; gencraJisaimo undw 
Chung-k'ang, 39. 

Yin Ki-fu : general under SfioD-wang, 

Yin-li epoch : 5, 6, 329. 

Ying : from 704 to 24S B.C., capital 
of the state of Ch'u. the preeent 
King-ch<iu-fu, 100, 319. 

Yo : a sacred mountain, 1 23. 

Yo Chong, disciple of Mencius: 
prime minister in Lu, 287. 

Yo J, general of Yen ; defeats army 
of Tal, 319. 

Yii, the Finperor; 33-38, 330; sup- 
posed descendant of Huang- 
ti, 33 ; his engineering works 
exaggerated. 34-38; his suc- 
cessors, 3S-44, 330; atone io- 
BcriptioQ IcnowQ as "The Tablet 
of Yil," jade inscriptions and 
the Nino Tripods ot Yii, 90, 98, 
221, 325; the Huna caUing thou- 
princes descendants of. 167, 
191 ; his time considered the 
beginning of the bronze age 
in China, 336 ; iron and steel 
being mentioned among his 
tribute articles is an anacliro- 
nisra, 237; as represented In 
Shu-king, 261 ; taxation under, 

Yii'a successors: 38-41, 330. 

Yvl-ch6u province: 121. 

Yii-hiung: ancestor of the sover- 
dgna of Ok'u, 190, 336 ; initru^ 



lor to W6n-WAng; luppoecd 
author of the oldest book in 
Chineee literature, 69, note 1, 
102 306. 

YH-kung ("The Tribute of YQ"): 
34-38, 5&-57; iU geography 
resembles that of the CKdu-4i, 
122-123; China called "Ifiddle 
Regions" in, 137. 

Ya-itl: 50, note 1, 102, 306; see 


Yu ("to have"): used in forming 

fief names, 5, 17, 32. 
Kti-cA'au ("The Nest-buUdera") : 

6, 6, 329. 
Yu-hia : title of the Emperor YQ, 

Yu*hiung : title of the Emperor 

lluang-U, 17, 32. 
Yu-h6u: feudal lord under Ti-kl, 

Yu-k'iung : see H<^u-i. 
Yu-li : city near the present Chang- 

t6-fu, 54, 59. 

Yu-shI : father of the Emperor Ki^'b 

paramour, 43. 
Yu-wang, the Emperor: 169, 171- 

177, 332. 
Yu-yii : title of the Emperor Shun, 

Yung-ch6u province: 122. 
Yung-ki, the Emperor : 48, 330. 
YUan Yiian : statesman and arelus- 

ologist, 74. 
YOan-wang, the Emperor: 261-262, 

YQ4, the state of: situation, 227; 

annexes Wu, 234 ; works on its 

history and antiquities, 234; 

conquered by di'u, 314, 348; 

mentioned in TscKeAuan; Princes 

of, 348. 
YQ^h'ang: tribes in the south of 

Tungking, 127. 
YQ4H>hI, or Indoscythians : 271. 
YiiS-UaS-thu: 234. 

Zeuss, Kaspar: izt 271. 

8HI-:t«H MAI' OF 


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