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AN ANCIENT HISTORY
FOR BEGINNERS
f^y^
AN
ANCIENT HISTORY
FOR BEGINNERS
BY
GEORGE WILLIS BOTSFORD, Ph.D.
PROFESSOR OF HISTORY, COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY; AUTHOR OF "THE
DEVELOPMENT OF THE ATHENIAN CONSTITUTION," "A HISTORY
OF GREECE," "A HISTORY OF THE ORIENT AND
GREECE," AND "A HISTORY OF ROME**
WITH MAPS AND NUMEROUS ILLUSTRATIONS
THE MACMILLAN COMPANY
LONDON: MACMILLAN & CO., Ltd.
1917
All rights reserved
Ah
COPTRIOHT, 1901,
By the MACMILLAN COMPANY.
Set up and electrotyped September, igo-z. Reprinted NovembCT}
«9oa; April, November, 1903; May, 1904; January, 1905 I Jaaaary.
1906 ; January, 1908 ; January, 1909 : July, October, 1910 ; July,
September, 1911. September, 19 12; January, Dece^xlier. iot.^
July, December, 1914. August, 1916. February, December, 1917,
D
\°i I 5
PREFACE
The Committee of Seven, in their Report to the American
Historical Association on the study of history in the schools
(1899), recommended that a year be given to "Ancient His-
tory, with special reference to Greek and Roman history, but
including also a short introductory study of the more ancient
nations. This period should also embrace the early Middle
Ages, and should close with the establishment of the Holy
Roman Empire (800)," or some neighboring event.
Following the recommendation of the Committee, this book
aims to present Ancient History as a unit, comprising
three closely related parts, — the Orient, Greece, and Rome.
It is adapted to beginning classes in the high school, and
furnishes material for a year's work. This volume is not to
take the place of the " Orient and Greece " and " Rome " ;
it is for those who need a briefer and more elementary treat-
ment of ancient times.
As it is intended for pupils who have never studied history
before, the story is told simply, all unfamiHar terms are
explained, and proper names are syllabified and accented on
their first occurrence. The larger topics are printed in bold
type and their subdivisions are in italics.
Myth, the foundation of ancient thought and an important
element of modern literature, receives due attention. Al-
though especial prominence is given to the narrative, the
effects of geographical conditions and the causal relation of
events are explained in an elementary way.
vi Preface
The manuscript has had the advantage of revision by Miss
Lula Bartlit Southmayd of the Detroit High School, who
used it as a text in her first-year class. The book has been
greatly benefited by her ability and her practical experience
with young pupils. Mr. Charles Lane Hanson of the Me-
chanic Arts High School, Boston, has carefully revised the
manuscript and the proofs. Other improvements are due to
Dr. Arthur Lyon Cross of the University of Michigan and
to Mr. P. O. Robinson of the Commercial High School of
New York City, — formerly of the St. Louis High School, ■ —
both of whom have read the proofs. Mr. W. J. S. Bryan,
principal of the St. Louis High School, has also taken a
helpful interest in the work of revision. Miss Emily F.
Paine of Miss Spence's School, New York City, has aided
me in obtaining several new illustrations, and has prepared
the topics for reading in Roman art. My wife has made the.
new reference map of Greece. While I am sincerely grateful
to all these helpers, I feel that it would be unjust to hold any
of them responsible for faults which may still remain in the
book. Lastly, I wish to thank the many teachers who have
used my histories of Greece and Rome, and who have given
me the benefit of their suggestions as well as their kind
appreciation.
GEORGE WILLIS BOTSFORD.
.Cfav York City,
bcptember i, 190a.
CONTENTS
PART I
THE ORIENT
CHAPTER I
The Beginning of Civilizatior - Egypt I
PAGE
CHAPTER n
The Asiatic Nations 15
PART II
GREECE
CHAPTER I
The Country and the People « . 41
CHAPTER H
The Prehistoric Age — Rehgion and Myth 49
CHAPTER HI
Two Periods of Colonial Expansion 65
CHAPTER IV
National Institutions . . . - 73
CHAPTER V
The Development of Athens from Kingship to Democracy , , 79
vii
viii Contents
CHAPTER VI
PAGB
Sparta and the Peloponnesian League 97
CHAPTER Vn
Conquest of Asiatic Greece by the Lydians and the Persians . .112
CHAPTER Vni
War with Persia and Carthage 120
CHAPTER IX
The Age of Cimon • . . 135
CHAPTER X
The Age of Pericles , 145
CHAPTER XI
The Peloponnesian War to the End of the Sicilian Expedition . 161
CHAPTER XII
The Closing Years of the War 179
CHAPTER XIII
The End of Freedom in Sicily and in Italy 191
CHAPTER XIV
The Supremacy of Sparta . 199
CHAPTER XV
Thebes attempts to gain the Supremacy 212
CHAPTER XVI
The Rise of Maccdon ,.....,., 219
Contents ix
CHAPTER XVII
PAGE
Alexander's Empire and the Kingdoms formed from it . « . 233
CHAPTER XVIII
Private and Social Life 248
PART III
ROME
CHAPTER I
The People and the Country . . . . , . . , 254
CHAPTER II
The Beginnings of Rome — The Prehistoric Age .... 265
CHAPTER III
Rome becomes Supreme in Italy 280
CHAPTER IV
The Plebeians win their Rights . . . , . , . 297
CHAPTER V
The Expansion of the Roman Power 315
CHAPTER VI
The Growth of Plutocracy 336
CHAPTER VII
The Revolution — (I) The Gracchi, Marius, and Sulla . . . 349
X Contents •
CHAPTER VIII
PAGE
The Revolution — (II) Pompey, Caesar, and Octavius • » . 362
CHAPTER IX
The Julian Emperors » .381
CHAPTER X
The Claudian and the Flavian Emperors 392
CHAPTER XI
The Five Good Emperors , , . 400
CHAPTER XII
From Commodus to Aurelian 413
CHAPTER XlU
From Diocletian to Constantine 420
CHAPTER XIV
The Invasion of the Barbarians and the Fall of the Empire in the
West 428
CHAPTER XV
The New German States and the Empire of Charlemagne . e 445
CHAPTER XVI
Private and Social Life 463
Chief Events IN Ancient History .- . . , , . 470
Index 476
MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS
FULL-PAGE AND DOUBLE-PAGE MAPS
PAGE
The Orient before 3
Greece for Reference " 41
Physical Greece " 47
Southern Italy and Sicily " 66
The Greek World . " 72
Greece at the Dawn of History "76
The Persian Empire and Greece . . . , . " 116
Greece at the Time of the War with Persia ... "125
The Athenian Empire at its Height ..... " 147
Greece at the Beginning of the Peloponnesian War . . " 163
Greece after the Battle of Mantineia . . . . " 217
The Empire of Alexander the Great .... " 237
Italy before the Punic Wars ...... "255
The Vicinity of Rome "283
The Expansion of the Roman Power to the Time of the Gracchi " 315
The Expansion of the Roman Power from the Gracchi to the Death
of Augustus before 349
The Roman Empire from Augustus to Diocletian . . " 393
The Roman Empire under Diocletian and Constantine . " 421
Charlemagne's Empire (From Adams, European History) " 459
MAPS IN THE TEXT
The Peloponnesian League 103
Thermopylae 127
Salamis 130
Athens and Peiraeus . . . . • . • • . 145
BayofPylos . . , . >, '. . ... . 166
Syracuse 174
xi
xii Maps and Illustrations
PAGE
The Hellespont 184
Kingdom of Dionysius .194
The Theban Tactics in the Battle of Leuctra 210
The Tribes of Italy and Sicily 257
Early Rome 278
Colonies and Military Roads of Italy 295
• The Sacred Way 386
Imperial Rome 388
Europe about 525 a.d. (From Adams, European History) , . 446
FULL-PAGE ILLUSTRATIONS
A Part of the Roman Forum (restored) . . . Frontispiece
Vale of Tempe facing 43
Gate of the Lions . " 63
Olympia " 78
The Olympieium . " 91
Aegina " 119
The Acropolis of Athens " 135
The Temple of Victory and the Propylaea . . . ** 151
The Parthenon « 155
The Modern Town of Sparta " 205
The Battle of Issus(?) "235
The Fall of the Anio "259
Mount Ercte ** 319
A Roman Fleet in Harbor (From Rheinhard, Album) . " 375
Capri ** 390
The Hall of the Emperors "411
Church of San Apollinare Nuovo ** 447
A Scene near Baiae ** 468
ILLUSTRATIONS IN THE TEXT
Second and Third Pyramids of Gizeh I
Egyptian Hieroglyphic Writing (From Erman, Ancient Egypt) . 4
The Sphinx of Gizeh ......... 6
Hall of Columns in the Temple of Ammon 8
Coffin and Mummy of a King of the Eighteenth Dynasty . » .II
Maps and Illustrations xiii
PAGE
A Cuneiform Inscription (From Sweet, i7/i-/<?ry ^ Zrt:«^drg'<?) . . i8
A Chaldean Temple (restored ; Chipiez, after Strabo) ... 20
Sargon's Palace (restored ; from Perrot and Chipiez) ... 22
A Winged Bull (From Perrot and Chipiez) 23
Tomb of Cyrus (Pasargadae ; from Fergusson) • • • • 33
Valley of the Styx in Arcadia 41
Gallery in the Wall of Tiryns 46
So-called Treasury of Atreus 48
Royal Tombs at Mycenae 49
Perseus cutting off Medusa's Head 53
Engraved Gems from Mycenae 54
"Theseus" 57
Ideal Statue of Homer 60
Vessels and Idols from Mycenae 64
Temple of Poseidon in Posidonia, Italy 65
P^ountain of Arethusa at Syracuse 68
A Greek Vase 72
Delphi with Modern Village 75
The Wrestlers "]-]
The Areopagus 80
"Solon" 86
Athenian Lady at Time of Pisistratus 90
A Spartan Tombstone 97
A Winner in the Girls' Foot Races in Elis 100
Sappho ............ 107
An Ionic Column (From a restoration of the Erechtheium) . . 108
Corinthian Capital . no
« Themistocles " 118
Marathon 120
" The Warrior of Marathon " (a half-century earlier than the battle) 121
Bay of Sal amis 128
A Persian Archer 132
A Greek Athlete 134
A Remnant of the Wall of Athens 136
A Trireme 139
Discobolus 144
Athenian Knights 146
Pericles ... o 148
Athena Parthenos . 154
xiv Maps and Illustrations
FAGS
"Theseium" . •• . . 155
Lapith and Centaur • . .156
Plan of Athens . . . . . • • • . . 160
Victory 162
Temple of Concordia at Acragas 170
Zeus and Hera 171
Stone Quarries at Syracuse 176
Poseidon, Dionysus (?), and Demeter(?) 178
A Sepulchral Ornament of Marble 185
Erechtheium 186
Euripides 187
Socrates 189
Temple Ruins at Selinus 192
Fort Euryelus 193
Spartan Vase <, 199
Citadel of Corinth 203
Spartan Mosaic ■ 211
Mount Ithome and City Wall of Messene . . • • . . 213
The Plain of Mantineia 216
Battle between the Greeks and the Amazons 218
A Scene in Macedonia . . . . . , . . . 219
Demosthenes 223
Battle-field of Chaeroneia 226
Theatre at Epidaurus 229
The Hermes of Praxiteles 231
Alexander in Battle 237
Apollo Belvedere 246
A School 248
A Marriage Procession 250
A Banquet 251
An Athenian Gravestone 252
Artemis 253
Temple of Vesta and of the Sibyl 254
An Etruscan War God J • . • . 259
An Etruscan Tomb 260
A Doric Temple . .261
A Vestal Virgin . , , . 266
Grotto of the Sibyl . . 269
Cinerary Urns representing Primitive Roman Huts . . . . 270
Maps and lUustranons xv
PACK
Minerva . 274
Cloaca Maxima 275
The Wall of Servius 279
Lucius Junius Brutus 281
An Etruscan Vase 283
Roman Soldiers marching 291
Curule Chair and Fasces 297
An As 303
Household Gods 305
An Old Shepherdess . . 308
A Denarius 512
Aesculapius 312
"Hannibal" 321
^'Marcellus" 326
Storming a City 333
A Street in Pompeii 336
A Proconsul 337
Ceres 339
Aedile 342
'^ Publius Cornelius Scipio Africanus " . . . ... . 344
Sacrificing a Pig 346
A Bacchante 347
Italian Oxen 349
Youth reading at a Bookcase 350
An Old Fisherman 352
"Sulla" 360
Pompey the Great 363
Cicero 366
Gains Julius Caesar 371
Cleopatra • . 375
Apollo with a Lyre y]l
Tomb of Cecilia Metella 379
Julia, Daughter of Augustus, and her Sons Gaius and Lucius . . 380
Augustus • . 382
The Temple of Mars the Avenger 384
The Pantheon • • . 385
Vergil 387
Venus . . . • • • * '39^
Claudius 392
xvi Maps and Illustrations
PAoe
Agrippina 394
The Colosseum or Flavian Amphitheatre 396
A Body found in Pompeii 397
Nerva in his Consular Robe 400
The Column of Trajan 401
Plotina, Wife of Trajan 402
The Tomb of Hadrian 404
Marcus Aurelius in his Triumphal Car 406
A Roman Bridge . . . 41 1
The Triumphal Arch of Septimius Severus 413
Septimius Severus 415
Sarcophagus of Alexander Severus 416
The Wall of Aurelian 418
A Capital from One of the Temples in Palmyra . . . .419
The Triumphal Arch of Constantino 421
The Basilica of Constantine 426
The Roman Forum 428
A German Village 432
The Baptism of Christ 433
The Tomb of Galla Placidia, Ravenna ...... 439
The Good Shepherd 442
Cathedral of St. Sophia, Constantinople . . . . . . 45c
The Iron Crown of Lombardy 459
Persian Warriors 461
Peristyle of a House in Pompeii 463
A Roman Meal (From Rheinhard, Albuni) 465
House Furniture (From Rheinhard, Album) 466
Cinerary Urn 467
AWeU-curb 469
AN ANCIENT HISTORY
FOR BEGINNERS
Second and Third Pyramids of Gizeh
(View from the East)
ANCIENT HISTORY
PART I
THE ORIENT
CHAPTER I
THE BEGINNING OF CIVILIZATION — EGYPT
1. The Three Ages. — In the far distant past men lived in caves
or in rude huts, dressed in skins, and used tools of bone, horn, and
stone. This first stage of human progress is called the Stone Age.
Some have continued in this barbarous condition to the present day ;
others in course of time advanced beyond it, and learned the use of
bronze — a metal composed of copper and tin. With bronze tools
men cut large trees and hewed stones for building; with weapons
3 The Beginning of Civilization — Egypt
of the same metal they conquered and held in subjection their less
intelligent neighbors. In the Bronze Age, therefore, men built
substantial houses and cities, and founded kingdoms, — in other
words, they began to be civilized. While some nations remained
contented with this stage of progress, others learned the use of iron.
With this hard but pliable metal men could do work of many more
kinds and of a much better quality than had hitherto been possible.
Hence the Iron Age marks a great advance beyond that of bronze.
Through these ages the world has been progressing in civilization.
Those nations are most civilized which have the best homes, society,
laws, and government, the most advanced science and art, the
purest religion, the soundest morals, and the brightest minds. As
some have advanced more rapidly than others, while many have
remained in the lowest stage of savagery, we find among men of the
present as well as of the past every variety and degree of civilization.
2. Races of Men. — Those grand divisions, or races, of mankind
which from the beginning have made little or no improvement in
their mode of Hfe are the red race of the Americas, the black race
of Africa and Australia, and the brown race of the Pacific islands.
The Tu-ra'ni-an or Mon-goli-an or yellow race of Asia, to which
belong the Chinese, in ancient times advanced to a remarkable
degree of civilization, and then came to a standstill. The Cau-
cas'i-an or white race, whose early home was the region about the
Mediterranean Sea, has made most progress in the past, and at
present some branches of it are still more rapidly advancing.^
* Principal divisions of the white race : —
I. Hamites | E-gyp'ti-ans
I Lib'y-ans
Ar'abs
n. Semites
Chal-de'ans (largely mixed with foreigners)
As-syr'i-ans
{Ar-a-mae'ans
Phoe-ni'ci-ans
Hebrews
r
V
The Nile River 3
There are three divisions of the white race : (i) the Ham'ites of
northern Africa; (2) the Sem'ites of southwestern Asia; (3) the
Ar'y-ans or Indo-Europeans, whose original home was probably the
country north of the Black and Caspian seas in Europe and Asia.
But in tracing the history of the nations we are to bear in mind that
none of them remained pure in race ; for migrations, conquests,
and commercial or social intercourse have mingled their blood as
well as their manners, customs, and ideas. This blending of races
has been in fact a great cause of progress.^
3. Egypt. — Much improvement in mankind, however, is due to
country and surroundings. And of all the region round the Mediter-
ranean none is so favored by nature as the valley of the Nile River
in northeastern Africa. Egypt, the lower part of this valley, extends
from the First Cataract to the sea. It is seven hundred miles long,
and varies in width from one or two to twelve miles. A hundred
miles before the river reaches the sea, it divides into several channels,
and the valley broadens into the Delta. Every summer, swollen by
the rains and melting snows of the country in which it rises, the Nile
overflows the valley ; and when in December the water returns to
the channel, it leaves the land fertilized with a rich coat of earth.
r Medes
r Asiatic branch \ "y^"^"^"*^! Persians
III. Aryans ^
European branch
Hin'doos
Greeks
Italians
Celts
Teu'tons (or Germans)
Slavs
This grouping of races, though convenient for the study of political geography
and history, is not strictly scientific.
^ With vhe help of San'skrit, the classic language of India, scholars have
discovered that the Hindoos, the Persians, and the various nations of Europe
speak closely related languages, doubtless derived from a common parent tongue.
Our word " father," for instance, is in Sanskrit pitdr, in ancient Persian pitar,
in Greek waT-fip (pater), in Latin pater, in German vater, and similarly through
the other kindred tongues. These words for father have descended from a
The Beginning oj Civilization — Egypt
In fact the entire soil is composed of mud deposited in this manner.
The land therefore is wonderfully fertile. With little labor a man
can raise each year three crops of grain, grasses, flax, and vegetables.
Grape-vines flourish on the hillsides, and wheat yields a hundred
fold. The mountains produce an abundance of building stones and
various kinds of metals. Commerce, too, is easy. Not only does
the Nile form a natural waterway for domestic trade, but the country
lies at the meeting of three continents and borders on two navigable
seas. The warm climate makes little clothing necessary ; the rain-
less sky preserves the works of men from decay ; and the mountain
■chains and deserts on both sides protect the people from invading
armies. With her natural resources and her situation, it is no wonder
that Egypt became the birthplace of civilization.
4. Early Civilization; Sources. — The people who lived in this
country were Hamites. We may sup-
pose that they had once been barba-
rians, but as early as 4000 B.C. they were
already acquainted with many of the arts.
They had invented, too, a kind of writing
in which objects were represented by pic-
tures. A disk O stood for the sun, and
a crescent D for the moon. From pic-
tures they passed to symbols ; the disk
of the sun O suggested day, and an axe
7 god. In course of time there grew up
a phonetic alphabet,^ which they mingled
m
9 D
Q
0
"J
^
^
n
u
U
m.
L
'/%•
Egyptian Hieroglyphic
Writing
■single word in the parent speech. All these nations whose languages are so
nearly connected we call Aryan or Indo-European. Kindred speech, however,
does not prove kinship in blood; for often men adopt a foreign tongue and
hand it down to their children. But as language is a great treasury of ideas,
we inherit perhaps as much from our parent speech as from our blood. From
this point of view those who speak a common language may conveniently be
regarded as belonging to the same race.
^ That is, an alphabet in which each letter represents a single sound.
The Old Empire 5
with their pictures and symbols. As the priests always used these
early, difficult characters for religious purposes, they are called hiero-
glyphs— sacred inscriptions. A running style, however, known in
its later form as common or de-mot'ic, came into use in literature
and business.
The Pha'raohs, or kings, of the country took great pains to have
their deeds recorded. They reckoned time by the years of their
reigns and by ruling families, or dynasties. Man'e-tho, an Egyptian
priest who lived in the third century B.C., wrote a history of his
country. Though the book disappeared, long extracts from it made
by later writers are still our chief source of information for dates.
Some time after Manetho all knowledge of the Egyptian alphabets
was lost to the world till in 1822 Cham-pol'li-on (pron. Sham-), a
French scholar, deciphered them. In Napoleon's invasion of Egypt
there had come to hght a stone containing the inscription of a decree
in hieroglyphic and demotic characters with a Greek translation.
From the place where it was found the slab is called the Rosetta
Stone. By comparing the corresponding letters of the proper names
in this inscription, ChampoUion learned a sufficient number of letters
to serve as a key for determining the whole alphabet.
5. The Old Empire (about 4800-3000 B.C.). — At first the Egyp-
tians lived in small states, each under a petty king. In course of
time, however, the kings of Memphis became so strong that they
acquired the rule over all Egypt. As their country was made up of
many states, it may be called an empire. Through the period of the
Old Empire Memphis remained the capital.
The first Pharaoh was Me'nes, whom the Egyptians regarded as
the founder of Memphis. The next famous dynasty after that of
Men as was the fourth in the list. The Pharaohs of this family built
the three pyramids at Gizeh (pron. Gee'zeh), in the cemetery of
ancient Memphis. Khu'fu, the most illustrious of his dynasty, made
the largest pyramid. For thirty years his subjects labored on it a
hundred thousand at a time, relieving one another every three
The Beginning of Civilization — Egypt
months. The building covers thirteen acres, and originally stood
about four hundred and eighty feet high. We cannot understand by
what means the workmen could lift and place the stones, — some of
which weigh fifty tons
or more, — or by what
mechanical skill the
architects could pre-
vent the great mass
from falling in upon
the chambers and cor-
ridors. Khufu in-
tended it for his tomb.
Evidently he thought
that if his body could
rest quietly in a sepul-
chre made for eternity,
it would be well with
his soul. The second
pyramid is not so
large as the first, and
the third is far smaller
but costlier, as it was
cased in brilliant red granite. Near this group is the famous sphinx,
a gigantic, human-headed lion, carved from a hard, fine rock.
6. The Middle Empire (3000-2000 B.C.). — The fourth dynasty
was followed by a long period of confusion and strife throughout
Egypt. The trouble was owing chiefly to the character of the kings,
who were too weak to hold the states or provinces of the empire
together. Meanwhile Memphis declined in importance, and finally
Thebes became the capital. The Pharaohs of the eleventh dynasty
were Theban. They began the period of the Middle Empire, which
lasted from 3000 to 2000 B.C.
The Pharaohs of the twelfth dynasty cono^^xt^ Ethiopia, carried
The Sphinx of Gizeh
The New Empire 7
on an extensive trade with Syria, and built splendid temples in the
cities of their realm. Among the distinguished kings of the family
was A-men'em-hat' III, noted chiefly for his improvement of Fay-um',
an oasis in the desert near the lower Nile. By digging a canal from
the Nile to Fayum he made it possible to flood this low region so as
greatly to increase its productivity. A lake in the oasis served as a
reservoir from which he could irrigate not only the district itself, but
the entire western half of the valley from Fayum to the sea.
7. The Hyksos (about 2000-1500 B.C.). — In the decline A^hich
followed this great dynasty a horde of barbarians known as the Hyk'-
*sos — " shepherd kings " — came in from Asia. They plundered the
country as far as Fayum, burned rx^ies, and slew the inhabitants with-
out mercy. They brought Egypt again to a low condition of civilization.
During the five hundred years of their rule, however, they gradually
adopted the customs and ideas of their subjects. Finally A-ma'sis,
prince of Thebes, defeated them and drove out their king and army.
8. The New Empire (about 1500-525 B.C. ). The eighteenth
dynasty was the first of the New Empire, which extended from the
expulsion of the Hyksos to the conquest of the country by the
Greeks.^ The kings of this dynasty first attended to the restoration
of their country. They rebuilt ruined shrines, enlarged the temple
of Ammon at Thebes, — founded long before, — put down all poHti-
cal opposition in their own land, and reconquered Ethiopia. Mean-
time they began the conquest of Syria — a work completed by
Thoth'mes III. His empire reached from the southern border of
Ethiopia to the Euphrates River.
But his country found a powerful enemy in the Hit'tites, a warlike
people who lived on both sides of Mount Tau'rus. With their allies
from Asia Minor they soon wrested from Egypt all northern Syria.
SetH /, an able Pharaoh of the nineteenth dynasty, warred againsi
them in vain ; his son Ra-me^ses II in sixteen years of hard fighting
stayed their conquest. He then divided Syria with them by treaty.
* § 194.
The Beginning of Civilization — Egypt
Father and son were among Egypt's most famous builders. The
grandest of Seti's works was the pillared hall which formed the main
entrance to the great temple of Ammon at Thebes. Modern travel-
lers have won-
dered at the long
rows of gigantic
columns which
once supported
the lofty roof.
Undoubtedly this
hall is "the most
splendid single
chamber that has
ever been built by
any architect, and
even in its ruins
one of the grand-
est sights that the
world contains."^
Recently the col-
umns have suffered
great injury from
digging beneath
them. As a
builder Rameses
II is even more
famous than his
father. Through-
out Egypt he re-
paired old temples and erected new ones. The proud monarch had
his 'sculptors make many enormous statues of himself that all might
duly appreciate his great majesty. Following the Egyptian custom
* Rawlinson, Story of Egypt, p. 245. '
Hall of Columns in the Temple of Ammon
(Thebes, now Karnak)
Oriental Civilization ^
of covering walls and columns with pictures and writing, he took es-
pecial pleasure in representing his personal combats with the Hittites.
As he employed many foreigners on his works, some believe that he
was the Pharaoh who oppressed the Hebrews then in Egypt, and
that his weak son Me-neph'tha was the one in whose reign they set
out for the promised land.
Soon after Rameses the country divided into small states, which in
time fell under the rule of Assyria. Then with the help of Greek
mercenaries Psam-metH-chus, governor of one of these states, re-
united Egypt and freed it from Assyria. As he treated the Greeks
hberally, many settled in the Delta, and many came to see the
wonders of the country and to learn its wisdom. After his dynasty
had ruled nearly a hundred and fifty years, however, Egypt became
a part of the Persian empire (525 b.c.).^
9. Oriental Civilization. — The civilization of the Orient — com-
prising Egypt and Asia — contrasts strikingly with that of Europe.
The Easterner has a vivid imagination, but his reasoning power has
never been so strong or so well trained as that of the European. He
does not think consistently or follow his reason, but is naturally obe-
dient, ready to yield to authority. As a result of this character reli-
gion exercises great influence over all his actions; and he holds the
priests in especial reverence. In political matters he has no thought
of independence, but obeys the king as a child obeys his parent.
Government in the Orient, therefore, is always monarchical; the
kings are absolute masters of their subjects. This power enables
them to build on a grand scale. Hence we find throughout the
Orient vast ruins of palaces, temples, statues, and other works.
Though in the main all Eastern nations are alike, they show some
minor differences of character and customs. We shall now notice
the civilization of Egypt.
10. Classes of People. — Throughout their history most of the
people were poor. They lived in mud huts ; they dressed in a single
1 §§ 26, lOI.
Id The Beginning of Civilization — Egypt
cotton garment ; their children went unclad to the age of twelve or
fourteen. While the mother carried water, ground meal between two
stones, baked bread in the ashes, sewed, spun, and wove, the father
worked from morning till night in the field or at his trade. Whether
as peasant, swineherd, cowherd, boatman, shopkeeper, or artisan —
in any case he toiled under a master who beat him for the slightest
mistake or inattention to duty. Nevertheless he was happy; he
laughed heartily at everything, and on pay-day indulged too freely in
beer.
Though children of every class usually followed the occupation of
the parents, some of the ambitious poor sent their boys to school,
where they learned to read and write. With this opportunity an in-
telligent youth might become a scribe. With industry, skill, and intel-
ligence he might rise through the various grades of this profession to
a high office or a priesthood. He could then have a fine brick man-
sion, a beautiful garden, land, and slaves.
The priests were a numerous and wealthy class, for the gods owned
a third of the land of Egypt, and each required the service of many
priests or priestesses. At the head of this class stood Pharaoh, him-
self a god with supreme control of the state religion. Reserving for
his kinsmen the chief priesthoods of the great national divinities, he
permitted the governors of provinces to hold the highest offices in
their several districts. Thus it often happened that a man was at
once priest and magistrate.
The priests dressed in linen, bathed twice each day and twice in
the night, and shaved their heads, faces, and entire bodies, to keep
themselves as clean as possible. " They enjoy good things not a few,
for they do not consume or spend any of their own substance, but
have sacred bread baked for them, and they have each a great quan-
tity of beef and geese coming in to them every day, and also wine of
grapes is given them." ^ They lived in the sacred buildings, drew
salaries from the temple revenues, and with the sacred scribes,
^ Herodotus ii. 37.
The Military Class
II
attendants, and artisans, they were free from taxes and military service.
There is no wonder then that every one longed to be a priest.
Far less favored was the military class. Those who belonged to it
received from the king seven-acre lots free from taxes. This class,
accordingly, occupied another third of the land. The army was made
up of spearmen, archers, and men in chariots. As the military class
did not suffice, each province sent a company of common men, and
many foreigners served the king for pay. The Egyptian disliked
Coffin and Mummy of a King of the Eighteenth Dynasty
(Amenophis I)
military duties, and fought without spirit. " Come, now, whilst I tell
you about his march into Syria, his journeys to distant lands. His
provisions and water are upon his shoulders like the burden of an ass,
and weigh upon his neck like that of an ass, till the joints of his spine
are displaced. He drinks foul water — still perpetually mounting
guard. When he reaches the enemy? — he is only a trembling bird.
If he returns to Egypt? — he is no -better than old, worm-eaten
wood." ^
1 Cf. Maspero, Life in Ancient Egypt and Assyria, p. 90.
12 The Beginning of Civilization — Egypt
11. Religion. — Men preferred to die at home that their kinsmen
might provide for their happiness in the spirit world. As they be-
lieved that the soul, or double, perished with the body, they took
great pains to have the corpse embalmed so as to preserve it forever.
They placed with it in the tomb furniture, tools, and ornaments for
the use of the double. The dwellings 'of the wealthy dead were real
palaces, even more sumptuously furnished and adorned than the
homes of the living. In popular belief the double lived content in
his tomb, coming forth to disturb those kinsmen only who failed to
bring him food; and when all offerings ceased, he partook of the sac-
rifices painted or carved on the walls of his dwelling, for to him
these pictures were real. Some, however, imagined that the doubles
travelled a difficult road westward to a large lake, whence they could
see the Blessed Isles in the distance. An ibis carried them across,
or they embarked in a boat rowed by a divine ferryman. When
they had come to the other shore, 0-si'ris with forty-two assistants
judged them for the deeds done in the body. If innocent, they
dwelt henceforth in fertile fields, holding eternal holiday.^
An extremely religious people, the Egyptians believed in a multi-
tude of gods^ who had the forms of men and women, of monsters, or
of animals, as birds, fish, crocodiles, cats, dogs, and cattle. The high-
est of all is Ra, the sun-god. Born every morning, he guides his bark
over the heaven, descending at night to the river beneath the earth.
He fights with the serpent who brings night and eclipse ; he tri-
umphs over his enemy, and is born anew at the dawn. The Pharaohs
imitate his majesty and erect obelisks ^ to represent his rays. Horus
is the sky ; his eyes are the sun and moon. Sometimes his worship-
pers think of him, too, as a hero traversing each day the heaven in
1 The monuments and literature of the Egyptians afford no evidence of a belief
in the transmigration of souls.
2 An obelisk is a tall, four-sided pillar gradually taper ng upward. The shaft is
a single stone. The Pharaohs erected many obelisks, one of which now stands
in Central Park, New York City.
Industries and Science 13
glory and at night contending with his dark brother Set, the spirit of
the earth.
Of the many gods of the river the chief is O-sVriSj giver of joy
and life. Slain by his wicked brother, he rose from the dead and
sits in judgment on souls. Vsis, his wife, is the spirit of the fertile
soil, from which all derive their sustenance. Each city and province
has a supreme deity. The least noble feature of their religion is the
worship of animals. The people of Memphis, for instance, have a
temple to A'pis, the bull in whom dwells the soul of Ptah. During
the life of the animal they keep him in extravagant luxury, and when
he dies they embalm him at enormous expense, and mourn him till
the priests find another bull into which the deity has entered.
To preserve their ceremonies they committed them to writing.
Among these works the Book of the Dead gives the soul minute
directions for his journey from the death-bed to the Isles of the Blest.
Many of their hymns to the gods, proverbs, faoles, stories of adven-
ture, and even some of their novels have come down to us. We
have, too, a great mass of their letters and documents, besides abun-
dant inscriptions on temples, tombs, statues, and obelisks.
12. Industries and Science. — They made an excellent paper from
the pa-py'rus, an abundant marsh reed. They excelled in many indus-
trial arts. The fine linen of Egypt was renowned the world over.
After the conquest of Syria had brought the country vast riches, the
goldsmiths showed rare skill in making rings, bracelets, and other
jewellery. At the same time the wealthy began to display on their
tables a great variety of beautiful plate. The bronze smiths made
delicate enamel work and graceful statuettes. Glass-workers blew
their material in artistic forms, or cut and colored it in imitation of
gems.
They made equal progress in the useful sciences. For the purpose
of surveying their land, they sought out the essentials of arithmetic
and geometry. In their cloudless sky they followed the wanderings
of the planets and observed the risings and settings of the stars.
14 The Beginning of Civilization — Egypt
Astronomy aided them in determining the solar year of three hundred
and sixty-five and a fourth days. Their medical writings show an
accurate knowledge of anatomy, but superstitiously prescribe charms
for the cure of diseases.
A conservative people, the Egyptians from the beginning insisted
on preserving the customs of the ancestors. Gradually this respect
for the wisdom of past generations grew on them till they absolutely
refused to learn anything new. By the end of the Hyksos period
all progress had ceased. The priests had reduced the minutest
details of worship to fixed forms, from which no one dared depart.
As the books now prescribed what they, the king, and the high magis-
trates should do at every hour in the day, the upper class became
the slaves of ceremc»ny. In the same way they regulated the arts
and sciences, so that future artists merely imitated existing models,
and physicians were strictly held to the written word. Meantime
the wealth of the people had gone to the gods, superstition had
robbed their sound moral precepts of all meaning, their intellectual
life had come to a standstill — Egypt was a mummy.
Topics for Reading
I. Brief History. —-Erman, Life in Ancient Egypt^ ch. iii; Mariette, Out-
lines of Ancient Egyptian History ; Rawlinson, Story of Egypt, to p. 380.
II. Life. — Erman, ch. viii; Rawlinson, pp. 60-64; Maspero, Life in Anciefii
Egypt and Assyria, chs. i -x.
III. Temples. — Ma.-pero, Egyptian Archaeology, ch. ii. § 2.
IV. Tombs. — M.zs^tio, Egyptian Archaeology, (^.\\\.
V. Useful Arts. — Erman, chs, xviii, xix; Maspero, Egyptian Archaeology^
ch. V.
VI. Beliefs and Customs. — Herodotus ii. 37-97.
CHAPTER II
THE ASIATIC NATIONS
13. The Geography and People of Western Asia. — East of Egypt,
across the Red Sea and the Arabian Gulf, is the sandy desert of
Arabia. The map of the Orient, facing page 3, shows the great
area of this country. It forms the central part of a broad triangle,
the east side of which is the Za'gros range and the west side is the
Mediterranean Sea and the Taurus range. Throughout the country
there is Httle rain ; and the districts not watered by springs or rivers
are therefore very dry. Most of the people of this triangle were
Semites/ and their parent stock was probably the wandering race
of Arabs. In addition to Arabia, the triangle contains two regions,
— the basin of the Ti'gris and Eu-phra'tes rivers on the east and
Syria on the west, — separated by the Arabian and Syrian deserts.
Syria is a land of hills and mountains; the river region is a plain
consisting of an undulating upland, named As-syr'i-a, in the north
and a flat lowland, called Chaldea (pron. Kal-de'a), in the south.
The peoples of the river basin and of Syria were one in race, in
speech, and in civilization. Their history, too, is closely connected.
It begins nearly as far back in the past as that of Egypt; and for
more than three thousand years (3800-550 b.c.) they were the
chief nations of Asia.
Finally when this triangular area ceased to be the centre of
Asiatic history, the mountainous highland east of the Zagros
range came into prominence. It was occupied at that time (about
550 B.C.) by the Medes and the Persians, two nations of Aryan
15
1 6 The Asiatic Nations
speech and closely related to each other. From their time to ours
men of Aryan speech have ruled the civilized world.
Extending westward from the continent of Asia and nearly surrounded
by seas and straits is the broad peninsula called Asia Minor, The
interior is a dry table-land ; along the coasts are low fertile plains.
In ancient times many nations occupied this country. The most
important were the Greeks who came as colonists to the western
coasts, and the Lyd'i-ans in the interior near the Greeks.^ There
was commerce between Asia and Europe, not only by sea but also
overland through Asia Minor. This peninsula, therefore, did a good
service to civilization by helping bring the Asiatics and the Europeans
together.
I. The People about the Tigris and Euphrates Rivers
14. The Supremacy of Chaldea (3800-1250 B.C.). — Chaldea, the
flat country on the lower Euphrates, was nearly as fertile as Egypt.
It was watered, however, not by overflows, but by autumn rains and
by canals from the river. The earliest inhabitants whom we know
were the Su-me'ri-ans or Ac-ca'di-ans, who were probably of Turanian**
blood. In early time, however, great numbers of Semites had set-
tled in the country with the older inhabitants ; and while the earlier
language continued in use for official and religious purposes, the
Semitic tongue prevailed in everyday life. These two races gradually
formed the Chaldean people, renowned as the beginners of civiliza-
tion in Asia.
The chief cities were Ur, Ac'cad, and Bab'y-lon. At the beginning
of their written history, about 2400 B.C., Ur was the capital of nearly
all the country. It did not hold this position long, for a century
later the king of E'lam conquered all Chaldea, and his successors
continued to govern it for two hundred years. The Elamites readily
adopted the religion and the superior civilization of their subjects.
Not content with this small country, they marched farther west, and
1 See map of Greece, between pp. 40, 41. * § 2.
Assyria 1 7
subdued Syria. Through this conquest, as well as through earlier
trade, the Syrians received many ideas and useful arts from Chaldea.^
Years after the fall of the Elamite empire, Babylon became the
capital of Chaldea. Though in 1250 B.C. it was compelled to sub-
mit to the king of Assyria, it remained long afterward the wealthiest
and most refined city of Asia.
15. The Supremacy of Assyria (1250-606 B.C.). — In the upland
about the Tigris River was the younger but more famous Semitic
state of Assyria. When we first become acquainted with the Assyr-
ians, we find them struggUng with surrounding nations and gradually
extending their kingdom by conquests. About 1250 B.C. they sub-
dued Babylon, which they continued to rule for six centuries. Mean-
time they gradually extended their empire northeastward to the
Caspian Sea and in the opposite direction to Egypt.
The kings of earher states had been content with receiving gifts
from conquered peoples ; but the Assyrian monarchs introduced the
custom of organizing subject countries in provinces. Each province
was under a governor appointed by the king ; each had taxes to pay
and other duties to perform. This system marks a great advance in
the art of government.
In course of time, however, as the kings became less warlike and
able, their power declined. Taking advantage of the weakness of
Assyria, the king of Media and the viceroy of Babylon together led
their forces against Nin'e-veh, the capital. After a two years' siege
they took the city and sacked it. When they had finished their work,
her splendid temples and palaces were ruins. At the same time the
empire fell (606 B.C.).
Persons and Events in Assyrian History
B.C
1 125. Tig'lath-Pi-le'ser I, first notable Assyrian conqueror.
860-783. First great age of Assyria.
745-727. Tiglath-Pileser II, a great organizer as well as conqueror.
^§22.
C
I8
The Asiatic Nations
722-705.
705-680.
680-668.
668-626.
606.
Sar'gon, a great organizer and statesman; Assyria at the height of
her glory,
Seu-nach'e-rib wages war with Egypt and Israel, and destroys
Babylon.
E'sar-had'don rebuilds Babylon and conquers Egypt.
As'shur-ban'i-pal, the last magnificent king.
Egypt and Media become independent.
The Scyth'i-ans invade the empire.
The destruction of Nineveh.
16. The Supremacy of Babylon (606-538 B.C.). In destroying
Nineveh the viceroy of Babylon made his city independent. His
son, Neb-u-chad-nez'zar, in an able reign of forty-four years, built
up an empire which reached westward to the Mediterranean. A
great part of his energy he devoted to the improvement of his
urn
-TH[WTT^^Hf^^^r^:s j^S-^T
Tf^mj=A5^^M^^S:]Trifmv
BTTl^
A Cuneiform Inscription
country and to its defence against the Median empire, which ex-
tended along his northern border. He fortified this frontier with
a brick wall a hundred feet high, and surrounded his city with mas-
sive defences. While he maintained peace with Media, he was thus
preparing to resist an attack. The Medians troubled him little, but
some years after his death his city fell into the hands of the Per-
sians (538 B.C.).^
17. Civilization of Chaldea and Assyria; Literature. — The Chal-
dean alphabet was far different from that of Egypt. Each letter
was a group of wedge-shaped marks, whence the writing is termed
cuneiform — from cuhie-iis, a wedge. Some letters represented words,
others syllables. Instead of paper they lised bricks and clay tablets.
The Assyrians adopted this alphabet, and even used the old Sume-
rian language for religious purposes. Hence it has come about that
modern scholars, after deciphering the Assyrian writing with the
^§26.
Religion 19
greatest difficulty, have been able to proceed from this starting-point
to the vastly older literature of Ur and Accad. In addition to
grammars, dictionaries, religious books and hymns, they have left us
business accounts, pubhc documents, and laws, which throw light
upon their private and social life. They had two national epics, —
one the story of creation closely related to that given in our Bible,
and the other a tale of the hero Iz-du-bar'. The latter story tells how
strangers oppressed the holy city E'rech till mighty Izdubar killed
the cruel king and set his country free. The hero's combats with
monsters remind us of the labors of the Greek Her'a-cles,^ whereas
the story of the flood, which forms part of the epic, resembles the
one we have read in our Bible.
The Assyrians inherited all this literature and added greatly to
the store. The kings were careful to keep minute records of their
reigns, and especially the later rulers took pleasure in making collec-
tions of books. The library found in the palace of King Asshur-
bani-pal at Nineveh is a treasure to modern scholars.
18. Religion. — The two nations of the river basin possessed the
same religion as well as the same literature. The dense population
about the lower Euphrates had to contend against many evils, —
the desert wind, swarms of devouring locusts, fever, and plague.
The spirits of these destroying forces were demons, whom art repre-
sented as horrible monsters. Chief of the higher deities were An'u,
king of heaven and father of the gods ; Bel, lord of earth ; and the
wise E'a, master of destiny, whose dwelling was in the waters.
These three formed the supreme triad. The second triad was com-
posed of Sin, the moon ; Sha'mash, the sun ; and Ram'man, who
from his home in the air governed the rains and the storms. These
six gods, together with their wives, formed a grand council, below
which came the deities of the five planets, — Ju'pi-ter, Venus, Sat'-
urn. Mars, and Mercury, — then several other orders of celestial and
terrestrial spirits. The chief goddess was Ish'tar (or As-tar'te), the
^§45.
20
The Asiatic Nations
A Chaldean Temple
(Restored ; Chipiez, after Strabo)
-evening and morning star, queen of life and nature, sometimes
thought of as pure, sometimes as grossly immoral. In addition to
Art 2\
these Chaldean gods the Assyrians worshipped As'shur, who gave-
his name to the country and the people. He was the great lord,
the peerless chief of all the gods, the protector of the king.
The Chaldeans and Assyrians worshipped idols of stone and clay.
They brought their offerings to the priest, who presented these
sacrifices to the gods. As the priests alone were acquainted with
religious ceremonies, they occupied a place of great honor and
influence. The king as the chief of the class appointed festivals,
in which magistrates and priests marched in solemn procession and
offered costly sacrifices. As conquests brought wealth, the higher
classes lived in luxury and became immoral.
19. Art. — As the Chaldeans had Httle wood or stone, they used
for their buildings bricks made of clay mixed with straw. With
this material they erected high terraced towers as foundations for
iemples, and surrounded their cities with huge walls. Such works
iiad neither the art nor the durability of Egyptian buildings. In
place of grand ruins scattered over their plains we therefore find
mere heaps of rubbish.
Lacking originality, the Assyrians adopted the art as well as the
literature and the religion of Chaldea. Although their country
abounded in stone, they made their buildings almost wholly of brick,
and preferred artificial mounds to hills as sites for temples and
palaces. In Chaldea the temple was the all-important building; the
Assyrian king, on the other hand, devoted his wealth and the labor
of his subjects to the erection of an enormous palace. As a foun-
dation he raised a huge rectangular platform of sun-dried bricks, or
sometimes of earth, held in on all sides by stone walls. On one end
were flights of steps for people on foot, and on an adjoining side
an inclined road for animals and carriages. On this mound the
king built his oblong dwelling, which contained great open courts,
several long narrow halls of state, and a multitude of smaller rooms.
It was probably but one story high, and the roofs of the various parts
rested on wooden rafters. In one quarter, however, rose a terraced
22
The Asiatic Nations
I \ Iff -^i ^m^m
"a
IS
< 1
s g.
O S
ei S
<; •*-
72 ..
ftj
Public Works
33
tower of the Chaldean pattern, on the top of which stood the chapel.
The palace was vast ; that of Sennacherib at Nineveh covered more
than twenty acres. Works of such material decayed so rapidly that
a king usually preferred the glory of building a new palace to the
expensive task of repairing that of his father.
A Winged Bull
(Assyrian art; from Perrot and Chipiez)
At the gates stood pairs of colossal lions or bulls with wings and
human heads; and the alabaster slabs which faced the lower part
of the walls within the courts and halls were decorated with bas-
reliefs representing scenes from the life of the king. Although his
sculptors did not succeed in making the human form graceful, they
excellea in the lifelike representation of animals.
^4 The Asiatic Nations
Under the Babylonian supremacy public works were carried out
'On the grandest scale. Nebuchadnezzar rebuilt Babylon with great
magnificence. It lay on both banks of the Euphrates in the form
of a square about fifty miles in circuit. The king surrounded it
with a wall eighty -seven feet in thickness and three hundred and
fifty feet high. He built, too, a wall along each bank of the river
within the city.
The number of laborers at his command we may judge from his
statement that but fifteen days were required to build his great
palace. To please his Median queen, who was accustomed to moun-
tain scenery, he constructed the famous " hanging gardens " — an
artificial hill rising in terraces, supported by arches and covered
with trees, shrubbery, and flowers. These gardens as well as the
walls were among the wonders of the world. The king erected, too^
the great terraced temple of Bel, eight stories high, with an in-
clined road winding about it from base to summit. The rich built
their houses along the broad straight avenues which the king had
laid out. In his time Babylon was the largest, the richest, and
probably the most attractive city in the world.
20. Science and Industry. — In science as well as in literature
.and religion the Semites of the Tigris and Euphrates basin aimed at
the useful. They excelled in agriculture, and made equal progresy
with the Egyptians in arithmetic and geometry. But their greatest
advance was in astronomy. From immemorial time the Chaldean
priests in their lofty temples watched the sky and recorded daily
the movements of the stars.^ They gave the world weights, meas-
ures, the sun-dial, the water-clock, the division of the month into
four weeks and of the day into hours and minutes. All their
knowledge they committed to books, whose pages were clay tablets,
carefully placed in order in the library of the king's palace or of the
•chief temple for the use of scribes, priests, and officials.
^ We are told by an ancient writer that the record of astronomical observation
4>egan in 2234. B.C.
TJie Syrians 25
Skilied industry, beginning in the earliest Chaldean times, reached
a high degree of excellence under Nebuchadnezzar. The Babyloni-
ans of his age manufactured articles of metal, glass, and clay ; but
their most famous wares were tapestries, muslin, and hnen. Their
merchandise they had long been sending abroad over the whole
civilized world, till many nations had learned their ideas, their
science, and their useful arts. The civilization of Babylon prevailed
throughout western Asia ; it deeply influenced Asia Minor, and
reached even to Europe.
21. Government and War. — The Chaldeans were inventors in
art, science, and skilled industry ; the Assyrians in political and
mihtary organization. The latter introduced provinces and tributes,
35 we have already noticed,^ and they governed more skilfully
than had the Egyptians and the Chaldeans. Their armies moved
with a fierce energy which terrified enemies ; and those who dared
resist or rebel the king punished with the utmost cruelty. A king
thus boasts of a conquest, — " I built a pillar at the gate of the
city ; I then flayed the chief men, and covered the post with their
skins ; I hung the dead bodies from the same pillar, I impaled others
on top of the pillar, and I ranged others on stakes round the pillar."^
All the Asiatics, however, were cruel; and it would not be fair to
think of the Assyrians as much less humane than their fellows.
In taking leave of the Chaldeans and Assyrians, we may say that
they developed some of the arts and sciences, as well as political
and military organization, beyond the point reached by the Egyp-
tians, and that through commerce and conquest they gave their
ideas and inventions to many foreign nations. In this way they
greatly aided the progress of the world.
II. The Syrians
22. The Phoenicians. — In contrast with the plain of the Tigris
and Euphrates, Syria, as we have seen,^ is a mountainous country.
1 § 15. * Cf. Maspero, Struggle of the Nations, p. 638 f. * § 13-
26 The Asiatic Nations
The Semitic tribes who occupied most of it would not combine
in their own defence, and therefore had usually to submit to the
rule either of Egypt or of the great states about the Tigris and
Euphrates. Their location, however, between two seats of civiliza-
tion gave them an opportunity to profit by the ideas and inventions
of both, and to gain wealth by carrying merchandise from one to the
other. As early as 3000 B.C. they were adopting the customs and the
arts of Chaldea, and were carrying on a lively trade with Egypt.
The principal Semitic tribes or nations of Syria were the Aramaeans
in the north, the Phoenicians on the coast, and the Hebrews in
Ca'naan, a district in the south. The Phoenicians occupied the nar-
row strip of land between the sea and Mount Leb'an-on.
Careful tillers of the soil, they made this little country produce its
utmost. In the mountains they cut the famous " cedars of Lebanon '*
for palaces and temples in all the neighboring states, and from a
small shell-fish in the sea they made a rich purple dye for the use
of lords and kings. " They were skilful workers in metals, and pro-
duced exquisite cups, dishes, ewers, and ornaments of all sorts in gold,
silver, and bronze ; their glasswares were as famous as Bohemian and
Venetian glass is nowadays ; and their looms were not idle." ^
Sidon and Tyre were the chief cities. Sidon, reputed the elder,
grew from a fishing station to a great centre of commerce. In
course of time (about 1000 B.C.) it was surpassed by Tyre, built
partly on a rocky island near the coast.
As the commerce of the Phoenicians was already extensive in the
fifteenth century B.C., we may suppose that hundreds of years earlier
they began their voyages in the Mediterranean. Their chief object
was to search for the shell-fish, which they found in abundance along
the coast of Asia Minor and of Greece, and for the precious and use-
ful metals. In their trade with the natives, they bartered Oriental
goods for the raw products or the finished wares of every country to
which they came. On the shores arid islands of the Ae-ge'an Sea
' Ragozin, Story of Assyria^ p. 81.
The Hebrews 27
they found an especially active people. Here flourished a civilization
nearly as ancient as that of Chaldea. Modern scholars have gener-
ally believed that the Phoenicians brought these people the rudiments
of civihzation. In fact it is impossible to determine how early and
in what way the Easterners and Westerners came to know each other.
The Phoenician merchant continued to trade with the Aegean folk
long after they had learned to live in cities, to enjoy the refinements
of civihzation, and to show taste and skill in the manufacture of vari-
ous wares. He found a successful rival in the Cretans, a seafaring
people, who doubtless for centuries carried on much of the trade
between the Orient and Europe (about 1 600-1 100 B.C.). But when
the Cretan naval power decHned, the Phoenicians pushed westward.
Wherever convenient they founded trading stations, as in Cyprus, in
Rhodes, at Carthage in northern Africa, and at Ga'des (Cadiz) in
southern Spain. They obtained tin from Britain and amber from the
Baltic shores. Their trade by ship and caravan extended from the
British Isles to India. Not only were they the greatest commercial
people of the ancient world, but the carriers of civilization throughout
their journeys by land and sea. Their best achievement is the inven-
tion of a purely phonetic alphabet of twenty-two letters, from which
all other phonetic alphabets are supposed to have been derived.
The Hebrews
23. Conquest of Canaan. — In the desert of Arabia, probably
the early home of the Semites,^ most of the tribes had no settled
abode but wandered about with their flocks in search of pasturCo
It often happened that a tribe abandoned the severe motherland
for some more pleasant country, where it either conquered the
earlier dwellers or settled peaceably among them. In this way the
Semites occupied Chaldea, Assyria, and Syria. The great states
often found it necessary to fight against the Arabs in order to confine
28 The Asiatic Nations
these rovers to their own country ; but when no one was able to attend
to this service, fresh hordes poured forth from the wilderness upon
the cultivated lands and the towns of the neighborhood.
Such an invading race were the Hebrews. Their writers tell us
that Abraham, their remote ancestor, left his home in Ur to wander
in Canaan, a land Jehovah had promised him and his descendants,
and that after many years his grandson Jacob, or Is'ra-el, went with
his family to Egypt to escape famine. From this country four centu-
ries later Moses led the Israelites, now a numerous host, into the
desert of Mount Si'nai, there to receive laws from Jehovah before
journeying onward to the promised land. After dwelling some time
about Mount Sinai, they invaded Canaan, seized the land, and killed
or enslaved the inhabitants. This conquest took place probably
about the middle of the twelfth century B.C.
In their new home the twelve tribes, who claimed descent from the
twelve sons of Israel, occupied each a distinct territory. For about
a century and a half the tribes had little poHtical connection with one
another (about 1150-1010 B.C.) ; accordingly \}[iQ judges, who gen-
erally ruled each a part of the nation, found it impossible to protect
the people from their neighbors. Under these circumstances most
of the Israelites became subject to the Phi-Hs 'tines, who lived west 61
them on the coast. About the year 10 10 B.C. Saul, a noble of the
tribe of Benjamin, defeated the Philistines and won thereby the title
of king of his tribe. He displayed remarkable energy in uniting the
Hebrews under his control and in freeing them from their oppressors.
But in the end these terrible enemies overthrew his army, and killed
both the king and his son Jon'a-than.
24. David (1000-962) and Solomon (962-930 B.C.). — David,
already anointed king of his tribe Judah, in time made Israel a single
state wholly independent of Philistia. By conquering various small
tribes of Syria he extended his kingdom northward to the Euphrates
and southward nearly to Egypt. Jerusalem, which to his time had
remained in the hands of the Canaanites, he made the capital and
Religion and Literature 29
religious centre of his realm. As the founder of the united kingdom
and of Jehovah's shrine at Jerusalem, he became "the national hero
of the IsraeUtes. Notwithstanding these great services his extensive
wars and heavy taxes oppressed the people, who were ready to follow
his son Ab'sa-lom in a revolt against the king. But the son fell, and
the father continued to rule.
When David died, Solomon, another son, succeeded to the throne.
His reign was in many ways glorious. Devoting himself to peace, he
built in Jerusalem a magnificent temple to Jehovah. His ships in
the Mediterranean and Red seas brought him the products of distant
lands. He surrounded his court with all the luxury and splendor of
an Oriental despot. His empire did not last long, however, for in
his own lifetime Da-mas'cus, regaining its freedom, became the seat
of a rival Aramaean power} After his death the Hebrews divided
into two states : Judah continued under the rule of his descendants,
but the other tribes revolted and established the kingdom of Israel,
whose capital soon came to be Samaria. Henceforth these three
states, in addition to some smaller tribes of Syria, were constantly at
war with one another, while both Israel and Judah suffered from civil
strife. In time they all became tributary to the Assyrians, who, to
punish Israel for frequent rebellion, carried the people into captivity.
Some time afterward Nebuchadnezzar, king ,of Babylon, treated
Judah in the same way, and destroyed Jerusalem (586 B.C.). Finally
the Jews — men of Judah — returned and rebuilt their city (§§ 15,
16, 26).
25. Religion and Literature. — Before the period of exile most of
the Hebrews were worshippers of the various Semitic gods. Some
of their reHgious customs and ideas they had brought with them from
the desert ; many others they adopted from the Canaanites. From
very early time, however, there were among them leaders and proph-
ets who saw in Jehovah the only God, and who strove to uproot
paganism wholly from the nation. The establishment of Jehovah's
M22.
30
The Asiatic Nations
shrine with a priesthood at Jerusalem — the work of David — was an
important step in 'this direction. Under Solomon the masses were
still idolatrous ; and the crafty king patronized the gods in order to
secure the good will of his Canaanitish subjects. The priests and
prophets of Jehovah, however, continued to insist on the command-
ment, " Thou shalt worship no other god : for the Lord, whose name
is Jealous, is a jealous God." To keep his worship pure they empha-
sized another commandment, " Thou shalt not make unto thee any
graven image, or any likeness of anything that is in heaven above, or
that is in the earth beneath, or that is in the water under the earth ;
thou shalt not bow down thyself to them, nor serve them." ^ Gradu-
ally the people learned that Jehovah was Lord of the whole world,
and that the so-called gods were unreal. They were helped to. this
belief by their long political bondage to Assyria, and especially by
their captivity in Chaldea. Restored Jerusalem knew no god but
Jehovah, who demanded of his worshippers moral as well as ceremo-
nial holiness.
Before the captivity the Hebrews lived chiefly by tilling the soil ;
but their long stay in Babylon, the centre of Oriental trade, made of
them a commercial people. From that time many of them travelled
over the world and settled in foreign lands in order to carry on busi-
ness. Wherever they went they built synagogues ; and it was in
these houses of worship that Christianity was first proclaimed. The
effects of the captivity were therefore far-reaching.
The Hebrews produced no science. Their religion discouraged
art, but fostered literature. Prominent among their writings are the
books of the Old Testa^nenf, a national library of tradition, history,
proverbs, songs, and prophecy, written to glorify Jehovah and to
show the plan of his dealings with men. The New Testatnetity com-
posed in Greek by Hebrew writers, tells the story of Christ and his
early followers and explains his teachings. Jo-se'phus, born 37 a.d.,
wtoit Jewish Antiquities ^ a history of his people from the creation of
' Excdas XX. 4 f.; xxiv. 14.
TJie Medes and the Persians 3 1
che world, and The Jewish War, including a detailed account of the
siege and destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans.^ Lastly, Jewish
rabbis composed the Talhnud, a collection of Hebrew laws and tra-
ditions with comments and explanations.
Greatest among the achievements of Syria, the Phoenicians brought
many of the ideas and arts of the Orient to Europe, and the Hebrews
gave the Europeans their religion.
ni. The Medes and the Persians
26. Political History. — The story of the Syrians, just told, is an
interruption of the political history of the Orient, for these people
accompHshed nothing remarkable in government. Let us again turn
our attention to the great states.
Long after Nebuchadnezzar,^ his city continued to be as it had been
for a thousand years before him, the centre of Asiatic civilization.
Its political power, on the other hand, soon declined. At his death
the Medes ruled an empire extending westward to the Ha'lys River,
and exercised lordship over the Persians, their near kinsmen on the
south. But their empire was short-lived. When Cyrus the Great
became king of Persia (553 B.C.) he threw off the Median yoke and
soon made himself master of the entire empire. How he next sub-
dued Lydia and- the Asiatic Greeks will be told- in a later chapter.^
As Babylon had joined Lydia in the war, he marched against the
city and took it by surprise, while Belshazzar, the king's son, was
feasting with "a thousand of his lords."* This easy conquest gave
Cyrus the whole Babylonian empire. He afterward added to his
realm territory on the north and east.
In military genius Cyrus excelled all the earlier kings of Asia. He
overcame his enemies by wise plans and rapid movements. A gracious
conqueror, he treated his new subjects kindly. He spared Babylon
and permitted the Jews to rebuild tbeir holy city.'' In him Asiatic
^§315- ^§16. 3 pt. IT. ch. vii. § 100. * 538 B.C.; Daniel V. I. * § 24.
92 The Asiatic Nations
history takes a new and higher character. The Hamites of Egypt
and the Semites of Chaldea and Babylonia had laid the foundations
of civilization, and their kings had achieved great conquests. The
Medes and Persians, however, were a branch of the more gifted
Aryans,^ who for the future were to control the destiny of the world.
Their rule over western Asia was due to Cyrus, who bequeathed his
generous principles to his successors, and whom after ages remem-
bered as a good and great king.
Cam-by 'ses, son and successor of Cyrus, conquered Egypt. He
was followed by Da-rVus (522-485 B.C.), a distant kinsman, who
gave the empire a thorough organization. He divided the whole
area, with the exception of Persia, into twenty provinces, or sa'tra-pies,
over which he appointed governors, termed satraps. Under the
satraps were native rulers of cities or tribes. In addition to fixed
gifts of produce for the support of the royal court and of the army,
each satrapy paid a definite annual tribute of silver or gold, to
which were added large indirect taxes and revenues from public
property. It was necessary also fo: the subjects to support their
native rulers as well as the satraps, and in time of war to perform
military service. Darius built excellent roads from his capital, Susa,
to the remotest satrapies, and introduced a postal system for carrying
official letters. The system of provinces was carried out more
thoroughly than had been the case under Assyria, and the governors
were held more strictly under control ; in these respects the Persian
government was an improvement on that of Assyria. Darius was not
only an organizer, but an able military leader. He was the first
Asiatic king who attempted to make conquests in Europe.^
27. Civilization; Architecture. — Like the kings of Babylon and
of Assyria, the Persian monarchs were builders, not of temples, for
their God required no dwelling, but of palaces and tombs. Though
in imitation of the Chaldeans they placed their buildings on high
platforms, they used stone rather than brick ; hence their works are
1 § 2. 2 xhe story of this undertaking will be told in Pt. II. ch. vii.
Persian A rch itecture
33
<:oinparatively well preserved. They did not slavishly copy existing
mcdels, but blended the art of Egypt, Babylon, Nineveh, and Greece.
An early example of their architecture is the tomb of the great Cyrus.
The bdild:ng is at Pa-sar'ga-dae, the seat of his clan. It is a simple
chamber '^ well preserved, but open and empty, on its base of seven
retreating jtagcs or high steps, all of solid blocks of white marble,
surrounded V fragments of what was evidently a colonnade."^
Tomb of Cyrus
(Pasargadae; from Fergusson)
Here the Persians laid the body of i\i£ir king, covered with wax,
for they thought it a sin to defile the hv^ly air or earth by cremating
or by burying the dead. Strange as it may seem, the priests,
ma^gi, preferred to have their own bodivis exposed, to be torn by
birds and wild beasts.
For the foundation of his palace at Pej-sep'o-lis, Darius erected
a terraced platform of stone, mounted by beautifully sculptured
stairways. On one part of the platform stood his dwelling, a large
hall with a porch in front and rooms on the rear and sides. Near
^ Ragozin, Story of Mediae p. 300 1
34 Tke Asiatic Nations
by is the Hall of the Hundred Columns, for state and festive occa-
sions. On the same platform other buildings of later kings repeat
the plans of the two just mentioned. The walls of the palaces have
disappeared ; the pillared halls probably had none. The charac-
teristic feature of all these buildings is the column, which in contrast
with that of Egypt is slender and graceful, doubtless from Greek
influence. Among the reliefs are lions, bulls, and monsters like
those of Assyria, though better proportioned. Whereas earlier
Persian art shows the king fighting with lions, later reliefs represent
courtly and religious formalities. Through these changes we may
trace the decay of the Persian dynasty under the corrupting influence
of Oriental power. In science, and in all the arts, with the exception
of architecture, sculpture, and the cutting of gems, the Persians
accomplished nothing great. They were not workers, but warriors
and rulers.
28. Religion. — The Persians worshipped one God, A-huWa~
Maz^da, lord of light, revealed through his prophet, Zor-o-asUer,
"A great God is Ahura- Mazda; he has created the earth, he has
created yonder heaven, he has created man, and all pleasant things
for man, he has made Darius king, the only king of many." ^ He
is wise and holy ; he alone has majesty and power. At his bidding
are many angels, including Health, ImmortaHty, and Piety. His
eternal enemy is Ah!ri-man, the spirit of darkness, leader of a host
of demons. Though the evil one dares contend against Ahura-
Mazda, he has neither wisdom nor strength, he is all impure and
false. Those who, in opposition to the prince of demons, worship
and obey the good God, gain immortality and the reward their
character deserves, whereas the wicked fall into the pit of the
demons. "Images and temples and altars they do not account
it lawful to erect, nay, they even charge with folly those who do these
things ; and this, as it seems to me, because they do not account the
gods to be in the likeness of men, as do the Hellenes.^ But it is
1 From an inscription. a /^^ the Greeks; § 33.
India 35
their wont to sacrifice to Zeus (Ahura-Mazda) going up to the loftiest
mountains, and the whole circle of the heaven they call Zeus ; and
they sacrifice to the Sun and the Moon and the Earth and to Fire
and to the Winds." ^ Their holy book A-vesUa, ascribed to Zoroaster,
contains laws, rituals, prayers, and hymns. A considerable part of
the work is still extant.
29. Morals. — The moral nature as well as the religion of the
race was admirable. Especially among Oriental nations the enjoy-
ment of power and wealth in easy, luxurious living weakens both
body and mind, and corrupts the character. At first brave and
hardy, a conquering race soon degenerates and falls a prey to warlike
neighbors. This principle goes far toward explaining the rise and fall
of Asiatic empires. The Persians, for instance, — strong, brave moun-
taineers, with simple habits and sound character, — easily overcame
the decayed Babylonians and Assyrians. For a long time the con-
querors retained their early virtues. They continued to educate
their children " in three things only, — in riding, in shooting, and in
speaking the truth." ^ Finally, however, they so declined that they
were in turn subdued by a small army of invaders from Europe
(333-330 B.C.). 3
The greatest achievement of the Persians was to improve upon the
political organization and the government of Assyria, and to bring
Asia and Europe into close political relations.
IV. The Far East — India and China
30. India. — The Asiatic nations which we have thus far noticed
lived near one another, and were closely connected in history. India
and China, too, formed a group by themselves. Remote from the
nations of the West, they influenced each other, but had little to do
with the rest of the civilized world. The natives of India are of
Aryan speech, whose ancestors came to their historical home in
1 Herodotus i. 131. 2 Herodotus i. 136. ^ §§ 192-196.
36 The Asiatic Nations
2000 B.C., or earlier, and gradually conquered and settled the whole
of the country which they now occupy. The Hindoos, as this nation
is called, are imaginative and intelligent. Early in their history they
composed the thousand songs of the Rig Ve^da, which show their life
to have been in many respects admirable. Later they produced
epics, and still later laws, science, and philosophy. Their classic lan-
guage, the Sanskrit, is studied by scholars for the sake of the litera-
ture as well as for the light it throws upon the kindred tongues of
Europe.^
When they first came to India, they worshipped the powers of
nature, as did all primitive Aryans. Their gods were nearly identi-
cal with those, for instance, of early Greece.^ In time their behefs
and ceremonies became complex and philosophical. One of the
most striking of their doctrines is tHe transmigration of souls. They
believe that at the death of the body the soul always enters some
other human being or animal that instant born. Thus passing from
one body to another, the soul after complete growth and purification
returns to the Universal Spirit, from which it originally came.
While the religious system was developing, the priests were be-
coming an hereditary class, who refused to admit laymen to their
sacred order. Such an exclusive circle of persons we term a caste.
Soon the kings, magistrates, and warriors made of themselves a sec-
ond caste. The third caste was composed of common Aryans,
whereas the natives, who were held in subjection, formed a fourth
caste.®
Although the Hindoos created a brilliant civilization, they, like the
Egyptians, became the slaves of ceremony, which controlled every
action of their lives. The caste system, too, weighed heavily upon
the masses, especially upon the Sudras, who in some regions formed
the great majority of people, and yet were excluded from all social
> p. 3» n. I. 2 § 41 f.
« The names of the castes in their order are (i) Brah'mans, (2) Ksha-tri'ya^
;3) Vai»'yas, (4) Su'dras.
China 37
and religious benefits. The aim of Buddha ^ born about 557 B.C.,
was to remedy this evil condition ; *' and the truth which he discov-
ered and preached to humanity was that the salvation of man lay, not
in sacrifices and ceremonials, nor in penances, but in moral culture
and holy life, in charity, forgiveness, and love." ^ He could not
abolish the caste system, yet he did much to help the lower classes.
Apostles preached his rehgion in China, Japan, and other Eastern
countries. Buddhism died out in the land of its birth, but it is still
the religion of a third of the human race.
31. China; Ancient Civilization (to 225 B.C.). — The civiliza-
tion of China is probably as old as that of the Hindoos. More than
two thousand years before Christ a tribe of Turanian, or yellow, peo-
ple invaded the country from the west, perhaps from the neighbor-
hood of Babylon. In the course of centuries they conquered the
natives, founded an empire, and became the nation whom we know
as Chinese. From the earliest times they tilled the soil, raised flax,.
and made silk from the cocoon of the worms which feed on mulberry
kaves. The simple picture-alphabet which they probably brought
with them into the country gradually developed into a complex sys-
tem of writing with a letter for every word or idea. Their ancient
literature, comprising philosophy, history, annals, poetry, and ceremo-
nies, fills nine books of classics, a knowledge of which still constitutes
a liberal education. In the beginning they, like the Aryans, wor-
shipped the powers of nature ; and their empire was a loose group of
states with divisions and subdivisions, ruled by lords of various ranks.
But under the Chow dynasty (1122-256 b.c.) religion, morals, and
the empire declined. " The world had fallen into decay, and right
principles had disappeared. Perverse discourses and oppressive
deeds waxed rife. Ministers murdered their rulers, and sons their
fathers." ^ Con-fu^d-us, who lived in this age of anarchy, attempted
to remedy the evil by leading the people back to the good customs
^ Dutt, Civilization of India, p. 38.
* From Mencius, a Chinese philosopher.
38 Thg Asiatic Nations
and beliefs of the ancestors. "Walk in the trodden paths'^ is the
sum of his teachings. Although in his lifetime he met with little
respect or success, reverence for him afterward increased ; Con-
fucianism became a religion, whose author all Chinese now regard as
the wisest and best of men.
In his time grew up another religion or philosophy, termed
Ta'o-ism, which taught compassion, economy, and humihty.
Buddhism, introduced in the first century of our era, is the reli-
gion of the masses, whereas scholars prefer the two native systems.
All three forms of religion, however, are now overgrown with
superstitions.
32. Modem Civilization (since 225 B.C.). — In spite of Con-
fucius, the empire continued to decline till in 225 B.C. Chi Hwang-ti,
a man of remarkable genius, became emperor. He abolished the
loose system of states and established a strongly centralized gov-
ernment. On his northern frontier he built the Great Wall, sixteen
hundred miles in length, to protect the empire from barbarians. In
order to compel his people, especially the scholars, to break with
traditions and adapt themselves to his new ideas, he decreed that
all books, excepting those on medicine and agriculture, should be
burned. Copies, however, were saved by stealth, and eventually
the government and learning came to work in harmony. Provinces,
divided into departments and districts, took the place of the states.
At the head of each territorial division stood a magistrate assisted
by officials of various grades. About the beginning of our era all
these offices, constituting the civil service, were thrown open to
those who passed competitive examinations in the nine classics.
The higher the offices, the severer were the tests. As this system
is still in force, young boys begin the study of the classics to pre-
pare themselves for public service, and some continue their studies
to old age. Women, on the other hand, have little intellectual
education.
The Chinese have shown not only capacity for learning, but also
Summary 39
a high degree of originality. They invented the art of printing as
early as the sixth century a.d., and gunpowder still earlier. It is
believed that their sailors used the compass long before it was
known to Europeans. They excel, too, in carving ornamental and
useful articles of wood, ivory, and horn. With their natural gifts
it is unfortunate that they devote their minds almost exclusively to
a dead language and literature, and to a slavish imitation of the
past. This disposition prevents further scientific progress. Priding
themselves on inherited wisdom, they refuse to accept the ideas and
inventions of foreigners, and even dislike to have anything to do
with outsiders. In these respects China of to-day resembles the
Egypt of Rameses II.
V. Summary of Oriental History
The Hamites of Egypt produced the earliest civilization of the
world. The Semites, who lived in western Asia and were nearly
as ancient as the Hamites, made a great advance over the older
people in the sciences, in some of the useful arts, in government^
and political organization. By bringing Europe and Asia into com-
iHcrcial relations, they gave the younger continent its first lessons in
civilization. They are especially noted for their religious character;
it is a remarkable fact that they have produced three of the great
religions, — Ju'da-ism, Christianity, and Mo-ham'me-dan-ism. The
Persians, who were of Aryan speech, improved upon the Semites
in government, and brought Europe and Asia into close political
relations, which proved to be an invaluabVe service to the younger
continent ; for from that time to this the Europeans and their
colonies have controlled the civilized world.
The foremost nations of Europe in ancient times were the Greeks
and the Romans. Ancient history has to do (i) with the Orient,
(2) with Greece and Rome, and with the extension of their civiliz-
ing influence over the countries of the Mediterranean Sea.
40 The Asiatic Nations
Topics for Reading
I. Babylonia and Assyria, ( i ) Civilization. — Decoudray, History of Ancient
Civilization^ ch. iii (London, 1889) ; (2) Life. — Maspero, Life in Ancient Egypt
and Assyria, chs. xi-xx; Sayce, Babylonians and Assyrians, especially chs. ii,
iii, V (N.Y., 1899).
II. Media and Persia. — Bury, History of Greece, ch. vi.
III. The Hindoos. — Hxmierf Brief History of the Indian Peoples^ chs. ii, iii
(Oxford, 1892).
IV. Confucius. — Douglas, (7/^m«, pp. 11-14.
V. The Influence of the Orient on Greece. — Holm, History of Greece, i
ch. ix ; Bury, History of Greece, pp. 76-79.
E D I T E R R A N B A N
GREECE
FOR REFERENCE
SCALE OF MILES
Valley of the Styx in Arcadia
PART II
GREECE
CHAPTER I
THE COUNTRY AND THE PEOPLE
33. Mountains and Coasts. — While Egypt, Chaldea, Assyria, and
Babylonia in succession rose and fell, a little nation in Europe was
doing more for the improvement of the world than were all the
great empires of the East. These people were Greeks, or as they
called themselves, Hel-le'nes. In the beginning of their history,
Greece, or Hel'las, was the small peninsula which extends from
southeastern Europe into the Mediterranean Sea.^ In travelling
through Greece or in looking at a map of it we notice that the-
M57.
41
42 The Country and the People
country is mountainous. Ridges so high as to be almost impassable
divide the peninsula into narrow valleys, leaving here and there a
Jittle plain. Life among these mountains made the Greeks hardy,
vigorous, and brave, — ready to fight and die for home and freedom.
And the people of each valley or narrow plain, seeing little of their
neighbors, were content to live alone in the enjoyment of complete
independence. In other words, the mountains prevented the growth
of large states.
Another striking feature of the country is its great number of
gulfs and bays^ on which the Greeks could found commercial cities.
For this reason many of them began in the earliest times to build
ships and send out colonies or engage in trade with foreign lands.
The knowledge of the world which they gained in these occupations
made them intelligent and broad minded ; they were eager to adopt
the ideas and inventions of strangers and to improve their own homes,
their society, and their laws. Fortunately for the Greeks, far more
of their harbors were on the eastern than on the western coast ; it
was easy, therefore, for traders from the Orient to find on the nearest
shores places where they could land and display their useful wares
and arts. It was from these traders that the Greeks white mere bar-
barians received their first lessons in civilization (§ 22).
34. Northern Greece. — Looking more carefully at the map, we
find the peninsula divided by arms of the sea into three regions,
northern Greece, central Greece, and Pel-o-pon-nese'. Northern
Greece comprises two countries, — E-pei'rus and Thes'sa-ly, — sepa-
rated by the high Pindus range. Epeirus is largely a highland
crossed from north to south by mountain chains. The principal
town was Do do'na, where the Greeks believed Zeus, their supreme
god, revealed his thoughts to men in the rustHng of the oak leaves.
A shrine of this sort, at which inquirers may in any way learn the
will of a god, is called an oracle ; and the same word is used to
signify the god's utterance.
Unlike Epeirus, Thessaly is a plain, the largest in Greece, nearly
Central Greece 43
surrounded by mountains. On the north the Cam-bu'ni-an range
rises like a huge wall to defend Greece against the attack of
foreigners. This chain reaches its height in Mount 0-lym'pus,
near the sea, the loftiest peak on the peninsula. The Greeks im-
agined it the abode of Zeus and of the other great gods. Near
Olympus, in the range which extends along the east coast of
Thessaly, is Mount Os'sa. Homer, an early poet of Greece, tells
us that the two tallest men on earth once " threatened to raise
even against the mortals in Olympus the din of stormy war. They
strove to pile Ossa on Olympus, and on Ossa Pe'li-on, with the
trembling forest leaves, that there might be a pathway to the sky." ^
Between Olympus and Ossa is the beautiful Vale of Tem'pe, rich
in foliage, the main pass into Greece from the country on the
north. Through this valley flows the Pe-nei'us River, which drains
the great inland plain.
In ancient times the basin of the Peneius furnished excellent
pasturage ; the great lords of the country accordingly reared herds
of horses, that they might be able in war to lead hundreds of
mounted servants to battle. In southeastern Thessaly, nearly sur-
rounded by land, is the Pa-ga-sae'an Gulf, on which stood the ancient
trading city of I-ol'cos, famed in myth. In course of time greater
cities grew up in the plain ; but both E-pei'rots and Thessalians pre-
ferred country life ; they had little trade or skilled industry ; in
education and in the refinements of life they lagged behind the
commercial states of Greece.
35. Central Greece; the Less Civilized Countries. — South of
Thessaly and Epeirus is central Greece, a long narrow region extend-
ing east and west. It is more mountainous than northern Greece,
and is well supplied with harbors along the immense stretch of coast.
This district comprises seven or eight small countries. Ae-to'H-a
and LoUris are especially rugged lands whose ' inhabitants long
remained barbarous. After the commercial cities of eastern and
1 Otos and Ephialtes; Odyssey, xi. 307 ff.
44 The Country and the People
southern Greece had reached the height of their civilization, the
Aetolians and Locrians still carried weapons in their daily life, as now
do the American Indians; they fought continually among them-
selves, and robbed or murdered all whom they found weak or
defenceless. Some of them spoke a language strange to the
other Greeks and ate raw meat. They continued in this low con-
dition till civilized men visited them and gave them better ideas
of life. West of Aetolia is A-car-na^ni-a^ a land of lakes and har-
bors, but with high, steep shores. The colonists who came hither
in early time from the eastern coast taught the natives useful arts.
Hence this country made greater progress in civilization than did
Aetolia or Locris. PhoUis^ which divides Locris into two sections,
lies partly in the valley of the Ce-phis'sus River, and partly in the
rugged district about Mount Par-nas'sus. Below the mountain on
the south, in the city of Del'phi, was the celebrated oracle of Apollo.
The Phocians, too, were more civilized than the Aetolians or the
Locrians. In the valleys and plains were thrifty lords and busy
peasants ; on the mountain sides the shepherd pastured his flocks.
Others engaged in commerce. Cri'sa, not far from a gulf of the
same name, was a prosperous trading city till it was destroyed about
590 B.C.
36. The More Civilized Countries. — Boe-oUi-a, east of Phocis, has
two important streams, — the Ae-so'pus and the Cephissus. The
former empties into the sea ; the latter into Lake Co-pa'is, which
has no outlet. The land about the lake is flat and very productive ;
its moisture fills the air with fog. Some witty neighbors of the Boeo-
tians remarked that the dull sky and excessive beef-eating made
these people stupid; but in fact they were second in intelligence
and in enterprise among the states of central Greece. Long before
the dawn of history Or-chom'e-nus was a wealthy, thriving city ;
later Thebes became the capital of all Boeotia. Several oiher cities
are famous in history.
Mount Ci-thae'ron separates Boeotia from Afti-ca, a peninsula
Peloponnese 45
which forms the eastern end of central Greece. In the northeast
of Attica, overlooking the Plain of Mar'a-thon, is Mount Pen-tel'i-
cus, full of brilliant white marble ; and south of Pentehcus is the
range of Hy-miet'tus, still renowned for its honey-bees. The central
region is a plain about two small streams, — the Cephissus and the
I-lis'sus, which unite before reaching the sea. A third plain lies
round the city of E-leu'sis on the northwest coast. Attica is for the
most part r, rugged country, whose thin soil, fit only for grazing,
compelled her people to make the best of the little they had. But
the air is remarkably clear and the landscapes are beautiful, tempt-
ing the imagination. All the Greeks indeed were near the sea, but
Attica was especially favored by a long coast-line which invited to
commerce. These surroundings helped make the people enterpris-
ing and intelligent, refined their tastes, and awakened in them a love
for the beautiful. Athens, the capital, became in time the foremost
city of the world in civilization.
The traveller who journeys b> land from Athens to Peloponnese
passes through Meg^a-ris, a little country which lies in the broader
part of the Isthmus of Corinth. As the soil is even more barren than
that of Attica, the people supported themselves by rearing sheep
and by making coarse woollens and heavy pottery for exportation.
With a harbor on each side of the Isthmus they were well equipped
for commerce ; and their leading city, Megara, might have become a
great centre of trade, had she not been overshadowed by powerful
neighbors.
37. Peloponnese ; the Less Civilized Countries. — Peloponnese —
"Isle of Pe'lops," a mythical hero — is a massive peninsula with a.
grfat gulf on the east coast and two on the south. The central
region is Ar-ca!di-a, " the Switzerland of Greece," a plateau above
which tower lofty mountain ranges. Among the mountains are
fruitful plains and valleys, each of which was the domain of a tribe
or a city. The Arcadians lived in the simple, homely style of
mountaineers. Master and slaves ate their pork and barley cake
46
The Country and the People
together, and mixed their wine in a common bowl. Hardy and
warlike, the Arcadian freemen were equally ready to fight for their
homes and to serve foreign states for pay.
The northern slope of the plateau, with a narrow border of coast
plain, is A-chae'a. Divided among twelve independent cities, this
country remained unimportant till late in history.^ E'lis comprises the
western slope and the broad rich plain along the coast. Lj most
notable city is 0-lym'pi-a, where the Greeks celebrated the greatest
of their national festivals, and athletes from all Hellas contended in
the games. The site is now strewn with the ruins of temples (§ 69)
38. The More Civilized Countries. — Corinth, near the Isthmus,
was one of the greatest com-
mercial cities of Hellas. Her
lofty citadel commanded the
Isthmus, and by means of her
three harbors, two on the Sa-
ron'ic Gulf and one on the
Corinthian, she could trade
equally well with the East and
with the West. Though she
had a large navy, her narrow
territory prevented her from
becoming a great power.
Ar^go-lis is chiefly tne moun-
tainous peninsula on the east
of Peloponnese ; to it be-
longed also in early time a
strip of coast land extending
southward to Cape Ma'le-a.
The chief cities were along the valley which reaches northward from
the head of the Ar-gol'ic Gulf. Tir'yns, near the gulf, is the oldest
city, so far as we know, on the continent of Europe. My-ce'nae,
1 § 201.
Gallery in the Wall of Tiryns
Climate and Products 47
farther from the gulf, outgrew Tiryns and became the head of a great
state. Like the older city, it has been for ages in ruins. Even
before the dawn of history it had declined, and Argos had taken its
place as the head of Argolis.
The great rival of Argos was Sparta, chief city of La-co^ni-a. In
the beginning this country occupied the fertile basin of the Eu-ro'tas
River, between the ranges of Ta-yg'e-tus and Par'non ; later the
coast land east of Mount Parnon was added to it.^ The people
of the country were the first in the world to have a well-equipped
and well-discipHned army. In time of danger, therefore, all the
Hellenes looked to them for protection. Sparta,^ " low-lying among
the caverned hills," was but a group of villages. Unlike most
Greek cities, it was wholly without fortifications ; the ranks of
brave warriors were its walls.
West of Mount Taygetus is the hilly but fruitful country of Mes-
se'ni-a. Near the centre of this country is Mount I-tho'me, whose
summit furnished an excellent site for a fortress.
39. Climate and Products; Summary. — The greatest length of
^.he Greek peninsula is about two hundred and fifty miles, and its
greatest breadth is a hundred and eighty ; it is smaller than Scot-
land and about the size of the state of Maine. And yet within these
narrow limits the climate, ranging from temperate to semi-tropical,
fosters a great variety of products. In the forests of the north are
nearly all kinds of European trees; southern Thessaly produces
rice and cotton ; olives flourish in Attica ; and in Peloponnese
lemons, oranges, and date-palms thrive. Though wheat grows in
the few fertile lowlands, most of the ground is too stony and sterile
for anything but pasturage, or at best for the growth of barley. But
the poor soil compelled the Greeks to form moderate habits of life ;
the nrild climate and gentle changes of season rendered them
happy ; the bracing air stimulated thought ; and the bare, sharply
pointed mountains, while repelling the senses, — which call for richness
■^ § 93' ^ Sparta is the name of the city, Lacedaemon of the state.
48 The Country and the People
of grass and foliage, — awakened in the soul that love of intellectual
beauty which lifts the Greeks above all other people. Finally the
diversity of cUmate, soil, and products combined with other favoring
influences to create a nation famous for its men of genius in litera-
ture, science, art, and statesmanship.
Topic for Reading
The Influence of Geography on the Character of the Greeks. — Curtius,
History of Greece, Bk. i. ch. i; Holm, History of Greece, i. ch. i; Oman, History
of Greece^ ch. i.
So-called Treasury of Atreus
(Mycenae ; in reality the tomb of a prehistoric king of Mycenae)
RovAL Tombs at Mycenae
CHAPTER II
THE PREHISTORIC AGE (to 700 B.C.) — RELIGION AND MYTH
40. Future LMe. — When in the earHest times the Greeks began
to think about themselves, they tried to explain sleep and death.
While a man was resting in slumber they supposed his second self, a
shadowy form of the body, was attending to its routine duties or
perhaps experiencing strange adventures in dream Hfe. To them
death was an eternal sleep. The body decayed ; but the second
self, or soul, abiding in the grave, ate, drank, and used the tools or
enjoyed the luxuries which had been his in hfe. As he expected his
living kinsmen to supply him with food and drink, he severely pun-
ished those who neglected this duty, but protected and blessed all
his relatives who at proper times and with fitting ceremonies brought
him the customary offerings. For these reasons the Greeks contin-
E 49 .
50 The Prehistoric Age
ued to sacrifice to the dead even until the introduction of Christianity.
The kings of the early Greek cities, as Mycenae and Orchoraenus,
built for themselves magnificent tombs, some of which are still stand-
ing. Here they were buried with a vast quantity of jewels and golden
ornaments, with golden masks on their faces and diadems on their
heads, with swords, vases, and little idols. Some of their slaves
were buried with them to serve them in the world of the dead.
In course of time the Greeks began to imagine a place — the
realm of the god Ha'des — beneath the earth, whither all souls went
after leaving the body, there to pass a joyless, dreamlike eternity.
Cha'ron, the divine boatman, ferried the souls across the Styx
River to the home of the dead, where Cer'be-rus, a three-headed
dog, keeping watch at the gate, allowed all to enter but none to de-
part. Still later the idea of a judgment arose ; three judges of the
souls below distributed rewards and punishments according to the
deeds done in the body.
But the dark realm of Hades did not long remain the only abode
of souls. A world of future happiness gradually dawned upon the
mind of the Greeks. This was E-lys'l-um, " at the end of the earth,
where life is easiest for men. No snow is there, nor yet great storm,
nor any rain ; but always ocean sendeth forth the breeze of the
shrill west to blow cool on men." ^ The early Greeks imagined that
a few heroes only, the especial favorites of the gods, came while still
living to this home of the blest, but in time the idea arose that it was
open to the souls of all the good.
41. The Gods. — In the childhood of their race the Greeks were
thinking not only about themselves, but about the world in which
they lived. They imagined that all moving and growing objects
were living persons with souls like their own. The spirits of those
objects which were great or strong enough to help or to injure them
they thought of as gods, whose favor they ought to win by prayer
and sacrifice. At first they thought of a few only of these deities as
1 Homer, Odyssey, iv. 563 ff. Compare the religion of the Egyptians, §11.
The Gods 51
possessing human form and human character. Such a god was sup-
posed to Kve in his appropriate object as a man hves in a house.
But in time they came to beheve that all deities were like men,
that they differed from human beings simply in th^ir greater stature
and strength and in their immortality. Homer sometimes represents
a god as wounded by a man in battle. In his belief heaven was
very near to earth. " Yea, and the gods in the likeness of strangers
from far countries put on all manner of shapes, and wander through
the cities, beholding the violence and the righteousness of men."^
As the gods were only magnified men, they had both good and evil
qualities ; and the influences of religion were both moral and immoral.
42. The Twelve Gods of Olympus. — The greatest deity was
Zeus, "father of gods and men." After dethroning his father Cron'os
and putting down all opposition, he reigned supreme over the whole
world. Bestowing the ocean as a kingdom upon his brother Po-sei'-
don, and the region beneath the earth upon Hades, another brother,
he retained the sky and earth for his own dominion. On the top of
snow-capped Olympus he dwelt with his brothers, sisters, and chil-
dren. Twelve with himself made up the great Olympic council.
It included —
Zeus, father of gods and men. He'ra, wife of Zeus, guardian of women
Poseidon, god of the sea. and of marriage,
A'res, god of war. " Pal'las A-the'na, who sprang full grown
A-pol'lo, the ideal of manly beauty, and clad in armor from the head of
god of light, of the bow and arrows, Zeus, patron of war, peace, and wis-
of music and medicine. dom, especially of skilled labor.
Her'mes, messenger of the gods and Aph-ro-di'te, goddess of love and
patron of commerce. beauty.
He-phaes'tus» god of fire and of the Ar'te-mis, goddess of the chase, a mod-
forge, est maiden, who protected girls.
Hes'ti-a, goddess of the family hearth
and dwelling.
De'-me'ter, patroness of agriculture and
of civilization.
1 Odyssey, xvii. 485 ff.
52 The Prehistoric Age
Many lesser gods attended upon these great divinities ; many, too,
inhabited the earth, sea, and air and had no access to Olympus.
43. The Men before the Flood. — For a time the gods alone
existed ; and when men came into being they lived a happy Hfe free
from all care and pain till curiosity prompted Pan-do'ra, a fair
woman, to uncover a box which contained sorrow, pain, diseases,
vice, and all manner of mischiefs. These evils flew abroad among
I men to plague them forever.
Gradually the human race became so wicked that Zeus resolved to
destroy it by z. flood. Accordingly he caused the rain to pour down
till the waters covered the whole earth excepting the peaks of the
highest mountains. One man alone, Deu-ca'li-on by name, warned
by his father Pro-me'theus, — "Forethought," — took refuge with
Pyr'rha, his wife, in an ark. After floating nine days over the water,
the ark rested on the summit of Mount Parnassus. Then, when the
flood had receded, Deucalion and Pyrrha stepped forth upon dry
land. In their lonehness they cried out to Zeus for companions ;
and the great god in pity sent Hermes to tell them they should cast
behind them the bones of their mother Rightly guessing the mean-
ing of this strange command, they threw stones behind them ; and
those which Deucalion threw became men, whereas women sprang
forth from those cast by his wife.
44. The Four Hellenic Races. — Deucalion and Pyrrha then went
to Thessaly, where they had two sons, Hellen and Am-phic'ty-on.
Hellen became the father of Ae'o-lus, Do'rus, and Xu'thus. To the
last named were born A-chae'us and I'on. Aeolus, Dorus, Achaeus,
and Ion became kings — doubtless in the earliest form of the myth,
fathers — of the four Hellenic races: Ae-o'H-ans, Dorians, Achaeans,
and lonians. From their home in '^hessaly and Boeotia the AeoHans
colonized Lesbos and the adjacent coast of Asia Minor. From
Attica, " the most ancient Ionian land," colonists occupied the cen-
tral Aegean islands, and that part of the coast of Asia Minor after-
ward named Ionia. The Dorians, after migrating from Thessaly to
Heroes of Argolis
53
Doris in central Greece, and thence to Peloponnese, there founded
three great states, — ArgoHs, Laconia, and Messenia. From Pelo-
ponnese some of them occupied the islands and east coast of the
Aegean Sea, south of the lonians. The Achaeans at first inhabited
a large part of Peloponnese, but were afterward crowded by the
Dorian invaders into the narrow strip of coast land known as Achaea.
Such was in fact the location of these four great races as early as
lOOO B.C.
45. The Heroes of Argolis. — The Greeks as easily invented myths
to explain the origin and early growth of their cities. They imag-
ined that, in time long past, heroes, the sons or near descendants
of the gods, lived on earth. Taller, stronger, and braver than men,
the heroes protected their communities from savage beasts and rob-
bers, and performed great deeds in war. Some of them founded
cities, or became the ancestors of tribes or nations. Though all the
races, tribes, cities, and villages
had their heroes, we shall no-
tice a few only of those that be-
came of national importance.
Ae-gyp'tus and Da'na-us
were brothers born in the Nile
Valley. The former had fifty
sons, the latter as many daugh-
ters. To avoid giving his
daughters in marriage to their
cousins, Danaus fled with his
dear ones across the sea to Ar-
gos. After becoming king of
the city he made the whole
country fruitful by irrigation.
Probably his daughters represent the springs of ArgoHs, and his own
close kinship with Aegyptus was invented to show how the Hellenes
got much of their civilization from Aegypt.
Perseus cutting off Medusa's Head
(A Metope from Selinus ; about 600 B.C.)
54
The Prehistoric Age
Froe'tus, great-grandson of Danaus, founded Tiryns; and Cy-
clo'pes, one-eyed giants from Lycia, surrounded it with huge walls.
This mighty king gained control of the
country as far as Corinth. Fer^seus,
another descendant of Danaus, was a
strong, brave hero. In his day lived
the Gor'gons, monstrous women whose
heads were covered with writhing
snakes instead of hair. Any one who
dared look a Gorgon in the face was
instantly changed to stone. Com-
manded to kill Me-du'sa, the most
frightful of these monsters, Perseus
found her after great toil and care-
ful searching, and cut off her head.
Though he met with many other dan-
gers, his strength and courage over-
came them all. Becoming king of
Tiryns, he founded Mycenae, a much
larger city, on a hill between two over-
hanging mountains. It remained the
chief city of Peloponnese till Argos
came to surpass it in power.
Alc-me'ne, a granddaughter of Per-
Engraved Gems from Mycenae
(i) Fight with a lion. (2) Combat
of four warriors. (3) Women
worshipping — the seated fig-
ure is probably a goddess.
seus, while she was in exile at Thebes
bore to Zeus a son named Her'a-cles,
who became the greatest of heroes.
Though Zeus had planned that this be-
loved son should rule over all his neighbors, jealous Hera compelled
him to pass a toilsome life in fighting monsters at the bidding of his
cowardly cousin Eu-rys'theus, king of Mycenae. Twelve great labors
this weak master commanded him to perform, all of them full of
danger and calling for the strength of a giant. In his search for the
Dorian Migration 55
monsters to be slain he had to wander over nearly the whole world
of the ancients ; he even descended to the home of the dead to
bring forth the watch-dog Cerberus. But when he had ended his
career of glorious toil, Zeus called him up to Olympus to dwell for-
ever in joy among the deathless gods. In this way virtue received
its reward.
46. The Return of the Heracleidae ; Lycurgus. — For three genera-
tions the Her-a-clei'dae — descendants of Heracles — remained in
exile, deprived of their inherited right to the throne of Argos. Then
it came about that the Dorians, who at that time dwelt in Doris, a
mountainous little country in central Greece, chose the hero's great-
grandsons, Tem'e-nus, Cres-phon'tes, and Ar-is-to-de'mus, to lead
them in an invasion of Peloponnese. In a single battle they con-
quered the whole peninsula. Elis they gave to their Aetolian guide ;
Temenus received Argos as his kingdom ; Cresphontes was given
fertile Messenia ; and as Aristodemus had died on the way, his twin
sons, Eu-rys'the-nes and Pro'cles, became the first kings of Laconia.
For this reason Laconia always had two kings, one from the family of
Eurysthenes, the other from that of Procles. Thus were founded in
Peloponnese three great Dorian states, each ruled by Heracleid
kings.
Argos gained in prosperity ; but Sparta, chief city of Laconia, was
full of confusion and lawlessness, till Ly-cur^gus, a member of one cf
the royal families, came to have charge of affairs. By estabhshing
good laws and a severe military training for all the Spartans, he not
only reduced the state to order but made it the most powerful in
Greece. Accordingly, when he died, his fellow- citizens built a
temple in which they continued to worship him as a god.
47. The Heroes of Thebes. — Among the mythical heroes of
Thebes, another great city of Greece, was Cad^mus, — by birth a
Phoenician, who wandered westward in search of his sister Eu-ro'pa,
whom Zeus had stolen away. At the command of Apollo he gave up
the search, and following a cow into Boeotia, he founded the city of
56 The Prehistoric Age
Thebes on an elevated spot where she lay down. First, however, he
sowed the ground with dragon's teeth, from which armed men
sprang forth. They fought and killed one another till but five were
left ; these became the heads of the five noble families of Thebes.
Some generations later a curse of the gods drove the descendants of
Cadmus to commit a fearful sin which well-nigh ruined the family.
Oed^i-pus unwittingly married his mother, queen Jo-cas'ta. When
she discovered who her husband was, the miserable queen hanged
herself; and king Oedipus, after tearing out both his eyes, was
forced into exile by his unfeeling subjects. In working out further
the purpose of the wrathful gods, his sons E-te'o-cles and Pol-y-nei'-
ces, remaining in the city, quarrelled violently. Polyneices, driven
into exile, took refuge with A-dras'tus, king of Argos, who called the
mightiest heroes of his country to aid in restoring the fugitive.
Seven chiefs with their followers appeared before Thebes, "seven
leaders against seven gates arrayed, equal against equal foes."^
From the citadel the inhabitants saw about the walls nothing but
gleaming shields and spears, nothing they heard but the shouts of
foes and the clanging of arms. Already the foremost assailant stood
on the walls ready to shout victory, when Zeus with a thunderbolt
dashed him down. The two brothers killed each other in single com-
bat. The wave of war rolled back, and Thebes was free to celebrate
her deliverance in dances and in thank-offerings to the gods. Ten
years afterward the sons of the Seven led another army against
Thebes, and after taking it, placed the son of Polyneices upon the
throne.
48. The Heroes of Athens. — Athens, too, had her heroes. Ce^ crops,
half man, half serpent, a monster born of the soil, was the founder
and first king of the city on the A-crop'o-lis. This was a high, steep
hill about four miles from the coast.^ He named the settlement
1 Sophocles, Antigone.
* An acropolis is a fortified hilltop. The most liamous acropolis in Greece is
that at Athens.
Theseus
57
C^cropia, after himself; and he built eleven other cities in Attica,
gathering the people within the walls to protect them from pirates
and from the hostile Boeotians. In his reign Athena and Poseidon
st'ove for the possession of Cecropia ; and as the goddess won the
contest, she called the city Athens and 'the people Athenians, after
her own name. Abiding henceforth on the Acropolis, she remained
the chief deity and guardian of the state.
These events took place before the flood. Afterward E-rech'theus
became king. He was a second Cecrops, wholly a serpent whom
th3 bounteous earth produced, and whom, when young, Athena cared
fo.' in her beautiful shrine. Thenceforth the Athenians worshipped
hi n along with Athena in the E-rech-thei'um, the most ancient of
their temples.
Many years afterward lived The^seus, a descendant of Erechtheus.
He was an athlete second only to Heracles in strength and valor.
In his youth he won fame by
killing robbers and monsters.
Up to his time the Athenians
had been paying a tribute of
human beings to King Mi'nos
of Crete, who wielded a great
naval power.^ Every nine years
they sent him seven youths and
seven maidens as a sacrifice to
Min'o-taur, a monstrous bull
kept in the Lab'y-rinth. The-
seus, however, accompanied
one of these gloomy embassies
to Cnos'sus in Crete ; and after
killing the monster, escaped from the intricate windings of the Laby-
rinth by following a thread given him by A-ri-ad'ne, daughter of
Minos. When, after his return to Athens, he became king of the
1§ 22.
" Theseus "
(From the east pediment of the Parthenon)
58 The Prehistoric Age
city, he planned the union of all the towns of Attica in one great
state. Going about the country, he persuaded the people to give up
the independence of their towns that all might become citizens of
Athens. They continued to live on their farms or in their towns and
villages, but all learned to look upon Athens as their only city, the
seat of their government.
49. The Voyage of the Argonauts. — Sometimes heroes from sev-
eral cities joined in national undertakings. Such an expedition was
the voyage of the Ar'go-nauts in search of the golden fleece. Ja'son,
heir to the throne of lolcos in Thessaly, grew up in exile in a cave
on Mount PeHon. There a wise Cen'taur ^ cared for him and taught
him medicine. But at the age of twenty he returned to lolcos to
demand his rights of the reigning king, Pelias, his father's step-
brother. The deceitful ruler promised everything, if Jason would
but bring from Col'chis the golden fleece of a ram which years
before had carried off two children of the royal household ; for with
the return of the fleece the gods, he thought, would allay a pestilence
then raging among the people. In answer to Jason's call heroes
from all Greece gathered to man the Argo for a voyage to Colchis.
Fifty Argonauts — sailors of the Argo — struck the water with their
oars, " and in their rapid hands the rowing sped untiringly." ^ Many
troubles they had with the natives of the coasts along which they
steered their way.
When the heroes reached Colchis, Ae-e'tes, king of the country,
promised them the golden fleece if Jason should plough a piece of
land with fire-breathing bulls and sow it with dragons' teeth. The
king's daughter Me-dei'a, a sorceress, showed the hero how to do
these deeds without harm to himself; and as the king failed to keep
his word, she helped the stranger steal the fleece from the cave
where it hung, and followed him aboard the ship to become his wife
On their way home the Argonauts wandered far and wide over the
1 A Centaur was an imaginary being with the head and arms of a man and the
body and feet of a horse. a pindar, Pythian Ode, iv.
The Trojan War 59
waters of the earth. This mythical voyage furnished the Greeks
with subjects for songs and dramas.^
50. The Trojan War. — The most famous of heroic undertakings
was the Trojan War. Helen, the wife of Men-e-la'iis, king of Lace^
daemon, was the fairest and most accomphshed woman in Hellas.
Most of the Grecian kings had sued for her hand ; but when Mene-
lalis won the prize, they bound themselves to uphold his right to her.
Now it chanced that Paris, son of Priam, king of Troy, paid a visit to
Menelaiis, and taking advantage of his host's confidence, he per-
suaded Helen to desert her husband and go with him to Troy. As
Priam refused to give her up, the kings of Hellas, true to their oaths,
joined Menelaiis in an attempt to recover her by force. In the har-
bor of Au'lis, on the Boeotian coast, gathered their ships — nearly
twelve hundred in number. Ag-a-mem'non, king of Argos or
Mycenae and brother of Menelaiis, was leader.
They landed near Troy, and nine years they besieged the city and
harried the country and villages. Then A-chil'les, the most vaHant
hero in the army, and most dreaded by the enemy, quarrelled with
Agamemnon over a captive maiden. The Greeks had assigned her
to Achilles in his share of the spoil from a captured town, but
Agamemnon had unjustly taken her from him. Withdrawing in
anger to his tent, the impetuous youth refused to engage further in
the war. Thereupon Zeus, as a favor to the mother of Achilles, gave
victory to the besieged and sent countless woes upon the Greeks
till Agamemnon was ready to acknowledge the wrong he had done
and make ample amends for it. It was no gift, however, which
induced Achilles to resume his part in the war, but the death of his
dear companion Patroclus at the hands of Hector, the greatest of
Trojan heroes. Eagerly Achilles put on the armor forged for him by
Hephaestus, and mounted his chariot drawn by fierce steeds. His
teeth gnashed in rage at the Trojans, his eyes blazed Hke fire, and
the gleam of his shield reached the sky. He drove the host of Troy
^ For instance, Pindar's Fourth Pythian Ode and Euripides' Medeia,
6o
The Prehistoric Age
before him like sheep, and many a renowned hero he slew with his
own hand. Three times round the city he pursued the noble Hector
as a dog chases a fawn. At last he killed the hero of Troy without
mercy ; the Greeks mutilated the body, and pitiless Achilles dragged
it at his chariot wheels.
Some time afterward Achilles was himself slain ; but crafty
O-dys'seus, king of Ith'a-ca, contrived a plan of taking Troy by
stratagem. He had the Greeks build a large wooden horse, in
which they concealed a hundred brave heroes. Then Sinon, desert-
ing to the Trojans, persuaded them to bring the horse into the city,
pretending that this offering to
Athena would give them domin-
ion over the Greeks. In the
night, after the horse had been
dragged within the walls, the
heroes left their hiding and
opened the city gates to their
friends outside. The Greeks
then burned and sacked the
city ; they killed the men and
took captive the women and
children.
51. The Return from Troy.
— The destruction of Troy did
not end the woes of the Greeks.
On their homeward way they
met with many hardships, some
even with death. Agamemnon
reached home in safety, to be
murdered by his queen Cly-tem-
nes'tra, aided by the husband she had taken in the absence of the
king. Odysseus, on the other hand, wandered far and wide, after he
had sacked the citadel of Troy. Driven hither and thither over the
Ideal Statue of Homer
(Vatican Museum, Rome)
The lonians 6 1
sea by angry Poseidon, he saw many interesting countries and peo-
ples, he underwent severe toils, and met with strange adventures.
Reaching home at last, he slew the company of nobles, who, while
suing for the hand of his faithful wife Pe-nel'o-pe, had long been
living at his house and wasting his property.
52. Homer. — Most of the story of the siege of Troy is told in the
IVi-ad^ — a long, narrative poem intended for recitation. Such a
poem is called an epic. The OiVys-sey, another epic, narrates the
wanderings and return of the hero Odysseus. These stories are sim-
ple, graceful, and interesting.'^ Myth declares the author to have
been Homer, a blind old poet, who wandered about from city to city
chanting his beautiful verses to eager listeners. So great was his rep-
utation that seven cities boasted of being his birthplace. Although
some still assert that the author was a person named Homer, the
best scholars now agree that the Iliad and the Odyssey are the work
of several Aeolian and Ionian poets who lived in the period from
looo to 700 B.C., and that the Iliad \^ the older by about a century.
These poems tell us much of the life and character of the lonians
of that age. Although " Homer's " stories are myths, the manners
and customs he describes are those of his own time and country.
53. Social Life of the lonians (1000-700 B.C.). — Among the
lonians of Homer's time, family and kin were sacred, and under the
care of "household" Zeus, whose altar was the hearth. Parent and
child, brothers and cousins, united by the twofold bond of blood and
religion, stood by one another in danger, for the state had not yet
begun to protect the lives of the citizens. Zeus commanded men to
be kind to wayfarers. A common form of welcome was — "Hail
stranger, with us thou shalt be kindly entertained, and thereafter,
when thou hast tasted meat, thou shalt tell us that whereof thou hast
need." ^ Hospitality, love of kindred, freedom of women, and the
^ Lang, Leaf, and Myers' Iliad^ Butcher an*d Lang's Odyssey, and Palmer's
Odyssey are simple translation into English prose.
' Homer, Odyssey^ i. 123 f.
62 The Prehistoric Age
gentle manners of home and of social life were the most admirable
features of an age whose darker side appears in time of war. For
then men sacked and burned cities, killed the warriors whom they
captured, and enslaved the women and children. Piracy was re-
spectable ; the weak and homeless had no protection.
54. Property and Labor. — In time ot peace the lords of the land
kept their servants busy in the country planting orchards and vine-
yards, raising barley, or tending the herds, from which they drew
most of their living. As there were few skilled workmen, they had
to make at home nearly everything they needed in their daily life.
Kings and queens worked along with their slaves. As there was yet
no money, they bartered their produce, and reckoned values in cattle
or in pounds of bronze, iron, or other metal. Although Phoenician
traders supplied the rich with costly wares from the East, the lonians
were themselves building ships and beginning a trade which was soon
to drive the vessels of Phoenicia from Greek waters (§ 22).
55. Government. — While the common people were working in the
fields or were building walls, houses, and ships, the nobles lived in
the city in the enjoyment of wealth and authority. The greater
lords met in a council to advise and assist the king in all public busi-
ness, and to provide for the interests of their class. The king, who
was merely the first among the nobles, was general, priest, and judge.
He led the army, prayed to the gods for the city's safety, and settled
cases of private law. He did not try, however, to keep the peace or
prevent murder, but allowed the families of his state to fight one
another as much as they pleased. His power was by no means abso-
lute, for not only did he respect the wishes of the council, but he
brought all his important plans before the gathering of freemen. This
assembly did not vote ; the people merely shouted assent or showed
disapproval by silence. They exercised far less influence on the
king than did his noble advisers. In fact the council could some-
times carry on the government without either the king or the assem-
bly, and it began to do so at Athens and in the other Ionian states
THE Gate of the Lions at Mycenae
Value of the Myths 63 ^
about the middle of the eighth century b.c. It did not aboHsh these
institutions, but it degraded the office of king to a mere priesthood,
and rarely called the assembly together. In this manner the govern-
ment ceased to be a monarchy, or rule of one, and became an
aristocracy, or rule of "the best," — that is, of the nobles.
56. Value of the Myths; the Prehistoric Age. — On the site of
ancient Troy explorers have unearthed nine settlements belonging to
as many different periods of history. The next to the oldest had
been destroyed by burning, — probably long before the Greeks visited
that region. But the Grecian colonists in Asia Minor must have waged
many wars with the natives ; and perhaps the memory of these con-
flicts, attaching itself to the burned city, gave rise to the story of the
Trojan War. Oth^r myths may have had a similar origin. Some of
these tales may be partly true ; but no one has yet found a satisfac-
tory method of separating the facts from the fiction.
Although the myths are therefore of little direct service to history,
they are valuable in showing how the Greeks regarded the distant
past, and they form the groundwork of religion, literature, and art.
This remote period, concerning which the Greeks possessed abun-
dant myths, but little or no real knowledge, we call prehistoric be-
cause the people of the time handed down no written history of
themselves. It is clear that when they first came into the peninsula
they were barbarous. From the fact that they were then grouped in
tribes but as yet knew nothing of cities, this stage of their progress is
called the tribal age. In course of time some of them, stimulated
by the Orient, built cities and became civilized. This second stage
is called the Mycenaean age, after Mycenae, the most famous city of
the time. Our knowledge of the civilization of this age comes
almost wholly from excavations. The epic age follows the Mycenaean,
and is represented by the poems of Homer. These three ages
make up the prehistoric period. From the works of their hands
which still exist at Cnossus, Mycenae, Athens, and other ancient cities,
as well as from the poetry of Homer composed in that far-ofif time,
64 The Prehistoric Age
we may learn how the Greeks lived, but of individual persons and
events of the age we know nothing. About the year 700 B.C. some
cities began to keep lists of magistrates, and soon afterward to record
Vessels and Idols from Mycenae
their laws. Though written material useful to the historian then be-
gan to accumulate, no one attempted to compose history till two
centuries later. Nevertheless we may feel justified in saying that
the historic age of Greece begins about 700 B.C.
Topics for Reading
I. The Worship of the Dead. — Fustel de Coulanges, Ancient City, chs. i, ii.
IL The Gods of Olympus. — Gladstone, Homer (primer), ch. vi; Seemann,
Mythology of Greece and Rome, pp. 27-86.
III. The Trojan War. — Seemann, pp. 276-297; Guerber, Myths of Greece
and Rome, ch. xxvii.
IV. Romulus ; Theseus. — Plutarch, Romulus, Theseus.
V. Homer. — Gladstone, /(^<?;«<fr (primer) ; Jebb, Greek Literature {Tpnmtx),
pp. 19-37; y^'^rx^.y. Ancient Greek Literature^ch. i; Mahaffy, Survey of Greek
Civilization, ch. ii.
VI. The Prehistoric Age. — Botsford, Greece, ch. i; Holm, History of Greece,
i. chs. iv, viii, xiii, xiv.
Temple of Poseidon in Posidonia, Italy
CHAPTER III
TWO PERIODS OF COLONIAL EXPANSION
[(«) Before looo B.C. ; {b') 750-550 B.C.]
57. Earlier Colonization (before 1000 B.C.). — The Greeks did not
long rest contented in the mother country. During the prehistoric age,
as we have seen, they were settling the islands and the east coast of the
Aegean Sea. They could pass without danger, without losing sight
of land, across its entire breadth. Indeed, from the mountains of
Euboea the Greeks could look quite across the sea to the hills of
Chi'os. Before 1000 B.C. the Aeolians, lonians, and Dorians had
formed the settlements mentioned in the preceding chapter,^ — the
Aeolians on the north, the lonians in the centre, and south of them
the Dorians. We are not to think of these colonists as leaving Greece
to settle in foreign lands, but rather as extending the boundaries of
1 § 44.
F 61;
66 Two Periods of Colonial Expansion
their own country. Greece, or Hellas, was the land of the Greeks,
or Hellenes, wherever that might be. Its boundaries varied with the
fortunes of the race.
Of all the early Greeks the lonians of Asia Minor were the most
active and intelligent. Their country was the best in Hellas ; it had
a rich soil, a delightful climate, and plenty of good harbors. From,
the Lydians, their near neighbors, they learned to weave fine woollens,
which they dyed purple and wore in long robes with abundant golden
ornaments. In their ships they carried their fine merchandise, not
only among the islands and along the coasts of Greece, but even to
Egypt and to Italy.
Believing that their ancestors had come as colonists from Attica,
twelve of their cities, joining in a league, prided themselves on their
purity of race. But in fact with the Attic immigrants had come
strangers from various parts of Hellas, so that even in the beginning
the population was mixed ; and further, " those of noblest descent
brought no women with them to their settlement, but took Carian
women, whose parents they slew ; and on account of this slaughter
these women laid down for themselves a rule, imposing oaths on one
another, and handed it on to their daughters, that they should never
eat with their husbands, nor call them by name, for this reason, be-
cause the lonians had slain their fathers, husbands, and children, and
then having done this had them to wife. This happened at Mi-
le'tus,"^ for centuries the most brilliant city in Greece. As a rule
migrations and settlements were made in this way.
58. Later Colonization (750-550 B.C.) ; Achaean and Locrian
Colonies. — About 1000 b.c. came a pause in. colonization. Two
hundred and fifty years afterward the Hellenes began to plant settle-
ments in Italy and Sicily. Italy is farther than Asia Minor from the
Greek peninsula, and the Ionian Sea is not, Hke the Aegean, filled
with islands ; yet the Greeks from the Epeirot coast could look in
clear weather across the narrowest part of the sea to the shore of
1 Herodotus i. 146.
11° Longitude 12° East from 13° Paris
CNGRAVED BY BORMAY It CO., N.r.
I
Ionic and Doric Colonies 67
Italy. There they found a far more fertile soil and a milder climate
than they had known in their old homes. So large, too, was the new
country that the early settlers called it " Great Greece." In southern
Italy the Achaeans planted a group of prosperous colonies, the chief
of which were Syb^a-ris, noted for her wealth and luxury, and Cro'ton,
the home of famous athletes and physicians. After these two cities
had shown the utmost good feehng toward each other for many years,
they engaged in deadly strife, in which Sybaris was blotted out of
existence. (510 b.c.)
South of the Achaeans the city oi Lo'cri, founded by Locrians, was
not only rich and prosperous but renowned for her excellent govern-
ment and laws.^
59. Ionic and Doric Colonies. — Chal'cis, an Ionic city of Eu-boe'a>
noted for her manufactures and commerce, also founded many
colonies in the West, some of which became great centres of traffic.
One of the most important in Italy was Cu^mae^ near the Bay of
Naples, a colony which we may style Rome's first schoolmistress, as
she taught the Romans the alphabet and other rudiments of culture.
Two notable colonies from Chalcis — Rhe'gi-um and Zan'cle, after-
ward named Mes-se'ne — were founded on opposite sides of the
Sicilian strait ; and there were many other Ionian settlements in
northern Sicily.
The Spartans, who were Dorians, founded one early colony in Italy,
at Ta-renUum, on the best harbor of the eastern coast. Because of its
situation this city became renowned for commerce, wealth, and refine-
ment ; so that it contrasted strikingly with frugal, old-fashioned Sparta.
Corinth, another Dorian city, founded Syracuse in Or-tyg'i-a, an
island off the eastern coast of Sicily. In time this colony outgrew
the island, and spread over the adjoining mainland till it became the
largest city in Greece ; its " Great Harbor " could shelter the navies
of the world. Next to Syracuse in importance among the Dorian
colonies of Sicily was Ac'ra-gas — Latin Ag-ri-gen'tum. Its founders
^Botsford, Greece, p. 32. 2 § 214.
68
Two Periods of Colonial Expansion
built their city on a hill two miles from the sea, and adorned it with
temples, colonnades, and beautiful dwellings, while all about it they
planted vineyards and olive orchards. On account of its brilliancy
and beauty Pindar, the poet, calls it '' the eye of Sicily."
60. Results of Colonization in the West. — Because of its wonder-
ful fertility, Sicily soon excelled the mother country in wealth. Its
%tm
•^ J
, .. . j|oyy»'*>awB«#fc-
i
1
iiX-^^" .
m^t'
W^k
Fountain of Arethusa at Syracuse
(Present appearance)
cities were mostly on the coast, and for this reason Pindar calls them
" a gorgeous crown of citadels," which nearly surrounded the island.
The Greeks were prevented from completing the circuit of colonies
by Phoenicians from Carthage,^ who occupied the west end of Sicily.
Whereas the lonians were for the most part in the north of the island,
the Dorians were in the south. On the whole the latter had the
better situation, and so were the more prosperous.
The colonization of the West began as early as 750 B.C. and con*
1 § 22.
Northern Colonies 69
tinued a century or more. The territory occupied by the Greeks in
Italy is called Mag'na Grae'ci-a (" Great Greece " ) ; while the term
" Western Greece " includes their settlements in both Italy and
Sicily. Western Greece was related to the mother country somewhat
as America now is to Europe. It remained politically distinct, but
always kept in the closest commercial and intellectual contact.
61. Northern Colonies. — Chalcis was the first city to send colonies
northward. On the northwest coast of the Aegean, explorers found a
broad peninsula with three arms reaching far into the sea. It is so
rugged and has so long a coast-line that the Greeks who went there
to live found it very homelike. Men swarmed to that region to work
the copper, silver, and gold mines, and to cut timber for shipbuilding ;
and as most of them came from Chalcis, they named their new home
Chal-cid'i-ce. Pot-i-dae'a, a Corinthian colony, however, became
the chief commercial city of the region (§ 136).
While some of the Greeks were working the mines of Chalcidice,
others were sailing into the Hel'les-pont to fish and to found settle-
ments along its shores. The people of Miletus established more
colonies there than did any of the other Greeks. They were the first
also to push on through the strait of Bos'po-rus and to explore and
settle the coasts of the Blark (Eux'ine) Sea. Its southern coast
yielded silver, copper, iron, and timber ; its northern coast, cattle and
grain ; the sea itself, fish. The country about this sea accordingly
supplied the populous districts of Greece with food and with raw
material for manufactures.
One of the most important of the colonizing cities of Greece was
Megara ; and her principal settlement was By-zanUi-um at the en-
trance to the Bosporus. It has remained a great city to the present
day ; but long ago its name was changed to Constantinople.
All the colonies on the shores of the Aegean Sea and in the coun-
try of the Hellespont, extending as far as Byzantium, entered at
once into the political and intellectual life of Greece. The circle of
the Aegean coasts and islands was in fact the heart of Hellas, in
70 Two Periods of Colonial Expansion
which her history centred. The outlying colonies, on the other hand,
as those in western Greece and about the Black Sea, were, so to
speak, her arms by which she came into contact with the world, to
supply herself with material and mental food, and to offer to the
world in return rich gifts from her store of wisdom and art.
62. The More Distant Colonies. — From the point of view just set
forth no settlements were more important than those made on the
farthest Mediterranean shores. As early as looo B.C. the Greeks
colonized Cyprus. After Psammetichus ^ with their help had united
Egypt under his rule and had freed it from Assyria, he permitted
them to settle in his country; and somewhat later they founded
Nau'cra-tis near one of the mouths of the Nile. In it all the great
commercial cities of Greece had their warehouses, chartered by the
Egyptian government. The kings of the land sent youths to Nau-
cratis to learn the Hellenic tongue, and began to form alliances with
the Greek states. Many Greeks who were eager for knowledge and
had the leisure and the means of travelHng visited Egypt to see the
strange old country and learn wisdom from its priests. They brought
home a few valuable facts about surveying, the movements of the
stars, and the recording of events, and with the help of this little
treasure of truths their own bright minds worked out the first real
science.
The Aegean sailor on his way to Egypt passed southward by Crete
to the nearest point of the Libyan shore, thence eastward to Naucra-
tis. Near the Libyan landing some Dorians founded Cy-re^ne. They
conquered the natives of the vicinity and planted other colonies.
The Cyrenaeans were able to defend themselves against Egyptian
armies; but Egypt on the east, Carthage on the west, and in the
interior the desert gave them little room for expansion.
In the opposite direction, the Phocaeans of Ionia rowed their
fifty-oared galleys to the southern coast of Gaul, where they founded
Mas-saHi-a on an excellent harbor. From this colony as a centre
U8.
Organization 7 1
they established trading stations in the interior as well as along the
coast ; by means of these settlements they extended their traffic over
the whole of Gaul and as far as Britain and the Baltic Sea. In Spain
the Greeks founded fewer settlements, owing to its distance as well as
to the opposition of the Phoenicians, who were already taking posses-
sion of this peninsula.
63. Organization of a Colony. — When a city planned to send out
a colony, it was customary first to ask the advice and consent of
Apollo at Delphi. Having obtained this, it appointed some noble as
" founder," who was to lead the enterprise, to distribute the lands
among the settlers, and to arrange the government. Generally the
mother city permitted any from neighboring communities to join the
expedition, and all did so who loved adventure, or wanted better
opportunities for trading or farming, or felt oppressed by the home
government. The founder assigned each man his place in the new
state, and established a government and rehgion like those of the
mother city. In this connection it is well to notice that every Greek
city had in its town hall a sacred hearth on which it always kept fire
burning. This hearth was the religious centre of the community, an
altar on which the divine founder and ancestor received his sacrifices.
It was customary for colonists to carry with them sacred fire from the
hearth of the mother city with which to kindle the public hearth of
the new settlement, that the religious life of the old community might
continue uninterrupted in the new, and that those who went forth
to found homes in a strange country might not for a moment be
deprived of divine protection. Although the colony usually looked
to the mother city with respect and love, — such as a child owes to
his parent, — it was politically independent.
64. Greece and the Greeks. — The later period of colonization,
which began about 750 B.C., came to an end two centuries afterward.
In this tir^^ the Greeks had spread over a large part of the known
ancient world, as the western Europeans have made their home in
every part of the modern world. The Greeks were then all that
72
Two Periods of Colonial Expansion
western Europeans now are, — representatives and teachers of the
highest existing civilization, carrying their culture everywhere, and
everywhere gaining the advantage over others by means of their
own superior vitality and intelligence. Greece, or Hellas, included
all their settlements on the shores of the Mediterranean and its
tributaries, from Egypt and Ci-li'ci-a to the "Pillars of Heracles," —
Strait of Gi-bral'tar, — and from south Russia to the Libyan desert.
They were not united under a single government, but were one in
blood, one in speech and manners, one in religion.
Topics for Reading
I. Causes and Effects of Colonization. — Abbott, History of Greece, i.
pp. 353-358; Bury, History of Greece, pp. 86-89.
n. Colonies in Italy and Sicily. — Bury, pp. 93-106; Abbott, i. pp. 342-
348; Holm, History of Greece, i. pp. 282-294.
III. Character of a Greek Colony. — Botsford, Greece, p. 39; Bury, p. 87 f.j
Abbott, i. p. 355 f
A Gkki-.k Vask
(Demeter, Persephone, and Triptoiemus)
CHAPTER IV
NATIONAL INSTITUTIONS
65. The City-state. — In every Greek community, whether a
colony or not, several kindred families were joined in a brotherhood
(phra'try) ; several of these brotherhoods in a tribe (phy'le) ; and
three or four tribes made up the city. This division of the com-
munity served political, military, and religious purposes. The space
within the walls was usually so small and contained so few people
that we should call it a village ; the whole domain of the community
occupied perhaps no more than the valley of some brook. The
Greek word /^/'z> ("city") applied to the whole domain, which
included a walled town and the fields about it. As the Greek state
was under the city government, and within the city limits, we call it
a city-state to distinguish it from the territorial states of modern
times. All the citizens of a Greek state regarded each other as
kinsmen, the children of a common ancestor. Thus in every Ionian
city they claimed descent from Ion through his four sons, the fathers
of the four tribes to which they all belonged.^ Though these remote
ancestors were mythical, the Greeks looked upon them as real
persons. Each state gave special honor to some one of the gods,
and each worshipped the common ancestor. The Ionian cities, for
instance, worshipped Apollo, the divine father of Ion ; and the
people of each town considered it impious to admit strangers to
their brotherhoods and to their religious festivals, for the god loved
only his fellow- citizens and looked upon all others as intruders.
66. Amphictyonies. — There were hundreds of these little city-
' § 71. n. 3.
73
74 National Institutions
stales in early Greece. It was difficult for them to unite in larger
states, because they were so exclusive in their religion and because
they were separated from one another by high mountain ranges.
But neighboring communities sometimes found it convenient to join
together for commerce or for social and religious purposes. A
league of this kind was called by the Greeks an am-phic'ty-on-y -^
a " union of neighbors." At fixed times the citizens gathered at the
shrine of the god to hold their fair and festival in his honor.
Deputies from the states of the league met in a council to deliberate
on the interests of the god and of his worship.
The most famous amphictyony was that of twelve tribes — not
cities — of Thessaly and central Greece for the protection of the
shrine of Apollo, the prophet-god of Delphi. Though the members
of the league continued to fight among themselves and would not
help one another when attacked by foreigners, they recognized
certain laws of war; for instance, they were not to destroy any
allied city or cut it off from running water in a siege, and any one
who wronged the god or injured his property they were to punish
with foot and hand and voice, and with overy means in their power.
This they did by declaring a "sacred war" against the offending
state.
67. The Oracle of Apollo at Delphi. — The great importance of
the league which centred in Delphi was due to the oracle of Apollo
in that city. High up in a ravine at the southern base of Mount
Parnassus, in the midst of magnificent scenery, stood the temple of
Apollo. Within was a fissure in the earth through which volcanic
vapor issued inspiring the Pyth'i-a, or prophetess of Apollo, who sat
over it on a tripod. In ecstasy from the vapor, she muttered some-
thing in reply to questions; a priest standing near wrote out her
utterance, and gave it to the questioner as the word of Zeus de-
livered to man through his son Apollo. The oracle extended its
influence beyond the Delphic Amphictyony till it became national.
Apollo then came to be recognized as the expounder of religious and
Delphi
75
moral law for all Hellas ; he often gave his sanction to political
measures ; he watched over the calendar, and was the guide and
patron of colonists. His advice was sought by individuals and by
states on both private and public matters. His fame extended
beyond Greece, and some foreign nations acknowledged him as
their highest religious authority. Those who sought his favor sent
him presents till his treasuries were full of wealth. The Delphic
Delphi with Modern Village
priests, who were the real authors of the oracles, kept themselves
acquainted with current events that they might give intelligent
advice ; but when necessary to preserve the credit of Apollo, they
offered double-meaning prophecies so as to be right in any event.
In moral questions their influence was usually wholesome, as they
preferred to advise just and moderate conduct. But sometimes the
oracle was bribed, sometimes it lent its aid to the schemes of
politicians, and in the war of independence which the Greeks fought
L
76 National Institutions
against Persia it lost favor by being unpatriotic. Notwithstanding
all its shortcomings, it was a bond of union among the Hellenes, for
in thinking of Apollo as their common prophet, they thought of one
another as members of the same great political society.
68. Political Leagues; Great States. — Some religious leagues
became political as well. This happened when one of the cities
grew strong enough to compel the others to acknowledge her as
leader in war. Such a leadership the Greeks called a he' ge-mo-ny.
For instance, among the cities of Boeotia which joined in a league
for the worship of Athena, the greatest were Orchomenus and
Thebes. Each aimed to make herself more powerful by conquering
her neighbors. In course of time Thebes outstripped Orchomenus
and became the head of the league. The victor then tried continu-
ally, but in vain, to subject the other aUied cities to herself, so as to
convert the league into a single great state. The whole 'history of
Boeotia turns on this strife.
Argolis also had a league of cities. First Tiryns was leader, then
Mycenae, and finally Argos, which at the beginning of the historic
age was the strongest power in Greece.^ Though Argos advanced
beyond Thebes in the work of changing her alliance to a single
great state, she did not in this attempt meet with perfect success.
What Thebes and Argos failed to accomplish Athens achieved
before the dawn of history. Partly by fighting, but in the main by
persuasion, she brought together the petty kingdoms of Attica
in one large state. In time all the Atticans became Athe-
nians, and the whole country was brought into the city-state of
Athens.
By subduing the free cities of Laconia, Sparta, too, built up a
great state. Unlike Athens, however, she kept the conquered cities
in subjection to herself. It is an important fact that at the dawn
of history (about 700 B.C.) Athens and Lacedaemon — the state
governed by Sparta — were the only two Greek states, as distin-
^§38.
Olympic Games
77
guished from leagues, which included a large area.^ Hence they
were to become in time the strongest powers in Greece.
69. The Great National Games. — Another institution which helped
unite the Greeks was the great national games. There were four of
these, held at Olympia, Ne'me-a, on the Isthmus of Corinth, and
at Delphi, each in
honor of the chief god
of the place.^ The
Olympian games were
the most splendid.
They began in the
earliest times as a
merely local festival ;
but gradually more
distant communities
joined in them, till all
the Hellenes took
part, and thus they
became national.
Once in four years a
vast number of Greeks
from all the shores
of the Mediterranean
gathered on the banks
of the Alpheius in Elis
to see the competitions. The month in which the games were
held was proclaimed a holy season, during which all Hellas
ought to be at peace with itself. The multitude encamped
1 Although they were large as compared with the other states of Greece, we
should compare them in area not with our states, but with our counties. Attica
contained no more than a thousand square miles. Determine from the map of
Greece whether Laconia M'as larger or smaller than Attica.
2 Apollo at Delphi, Poseidon on the Isthmus, and Zeus at Nemea and atf
Olympia.
The Wrestlers
yS National Institutions
about the sacred enclosure of Zeus, the great god of Olympia.
"Merchants set up their booths, and money-changers their tables,
all classes of artists tried to collect audiences and admirers, crowds
attended the exercises of the athletes who were in training, or
admired the practice of the horses and chariots which were entered
for the races. Heralds recited treaties, military or commercial,
recently formed between Greek cities, in order that they might be
more widely known." ^
The competitors in the games had to be Greeks of good character
and religious standing and of sufficient athletic training. The judges
of the games examined the qualifications of candidates, and at the
end bestowed the wreath of victory. There were contests in run-
ning, leaping, discus-throwing, spear-hurling, wrestling, boxing, and
racing of horses and chariots.
Such contests promoted art ; the Greek sculptor found his best
models among the athletes. These great national games also fostered
commerce, peace, and unity.
Topics for Reading
: I. The City-state. — Botsford, 6^r^^<:^, pp. 20-22; Cox, Greeks and Persians^
pp. 4-10; Fustel de Coulanges, y^««>«/ City, Bk. iii; Fowler, The City-State of
Ihe Greeks and Romans, chs. i-iii.
II. The Delphic Oracle. — Curtius, History of Greece, Bk. II. ch. iv. pp.
20-28 (N.Y. 1886); Holm, History of Greece, \. pp. 228-236; K^ahoXX, History
of Greece, ii. p. 30 f.
III. The Olympic Games. — Bury, History of Greece, pp. 140-144; Curtius,
Bk. II. ch. iv. pp. 31-35; Holm i. pp. 235-241.
^ P. Gardner, New Chapters in Greek History, p. 275 f.
CHAPTER V
THE DEVELOPMENT OF ATHENS FROM KINGSHIP TO DEMOCRACV
(753-508 B.C.)
70. The Kingship (to 753 B.C.). — The early society and govern-
ment of Athens were hke those of other Ionian states.^ Her last
royal family, the Me-don'ti-dae, claimed descent from King Co'drus
("The Glorious"). There is a myth that in his reign the Dorians
invaded Attica. Word came to him from Apollo at Delphi that the
army whose leader should be killed by the enemy would be victorious
in the war. Thereupon he dressed himself like a peasant, and going
into the Dorian camp, intentionally provoked a quarrel and was slain
without being known, thus bringing eternal glory to himself and
victory to his country. The Athenians from gratitude for his heroic
self-sacrifice decreed that his son Me'don should reign in his stead ;
and after Medon, his descendants, the Medontidae, were kings of
Athens for many generations. Although Codrus is mythical, no one
doubts the existence of the family.
The Athenian council of nobles — known as the Council of the
A-re-op'a-gus^ — desired to weaken the royal power. In 753 B.C. it
decreed accordingly that the king should reign for a period of only
ten years, whereas he had hitherto held office for life. While the
government remained for a time a kingship in name, this change
made it in fact an aristocracy.
71. The Aristocracy (753-594 B.C.). — One power after another
was taken from the king and bestowed upon new officers until (about
650 B.C.) there were nine principal magistrates called archons. They
' §§ 53-55- 2 § 73.
79
8o Development of Athens from Kingship to De^nocracy
were (i) the Archon/ who was the chief executive magistrate, (2)
the pol'em-arch, who commanded the army, (3) the king, now a
mere priest and judge, and (4) the six thes-mbth'e-tae (" legisla-
tors") who recorded the laws, had charge of pubHc documents, and
acted as .judges in cer-
tain civil cases. At first
these officers were se-
lected from the nobles
by the Council of the
Areopagus.
The Council of the
Areopagus, like the
council in other Ionic
cities,^ was originally
made up of great nobles,
the leaders of the tribes
or the phratries or the
powerful families*
{gentes, Gk. gene) of the
state. But after the
institution of the archons
at Athens, the same
council came to be com-
posed of all ex-arc; .ons
who had filled their
offices with credit. The
members of this body were therefore wealthy, and they held their
places for life. . They cared for the interests of the richer classes,
supervised the magistrates, and punished immoral as well as lawless
citizens. In this period they were the supreme power in the state.
^ In this book, when the word archon applies to the head of the board of " nine
archcns," it will be capitalized.
"§55- '§65.
^,^^*
The Arkopagus
(A group of excavators in the foreground)
Cylon 8 1
A Council of Four Hmidred and 0?ie, formed about 650 b.c, was
filled by lot in such a way as to represent the four tribes ^ and forty-
eight townships ^ of Attica. It prepared decrees for presentation to
the assembly and assisted the magistrates in their duties.
In the earlier part of the period, the common citizens had little to
do with the government; but about 650 b.c. the assembly, now con-
sisting of all who could equip themselves with full armor, began to
meet regularly. It elected magistrates, and accepted or rejected
decrees prepared for it by the Council of Four Hundred and One.
At the same time the wealthy, even though they might not be noble,
became eligible to the offices.
With a view to taxation and military service, the citizens were
divided into four classes according to the amount of produce which
each citizen derived from his land. These census classes, however,
did not become important till the following period.^
72. The Conspiracy of Cylon (628 B.C.). — While these changes
were taking place, the country was full of confusion and strife. The
poor, who were for the most part in slavery to the rich, threatened
to rebel against their lords ; the shepherds and peasants of the Hills
in north Attica hated the wealthier men of the Plain about Athens,
just as the highland and lowland Scots used to hate each other;
both Plain and Hills were hostile to the traders and fishermen of the
Shore; and the contention between these local factions was continu-
ally breaking out into civil war. In addition to these troubles, the
great families were actually fighting with each other for the possession
of the offices, and •as the son inherited the feuds of his father no one
could hope for an end of the turmoil. The state was in fact drifting
into anarchy.
There was at this time in Attica an ambitious young man named
Cylon, who belonged to one of the noblest and most powerful families
1 The Geleontes, Aegicoreis, Argadeis, and Hopletes. They are called the Ionic
tribes, as they are found in every Ionic state; cf. § 65.
* The naucraries. * § 78
G _
82 Development of Athens from Kingship to Democracy
of the state, and who had greatly distinguished himself by winning a
victory in the Olympic games. Taking advantage of the weakness
of his country he planned to usurp the government. His father-in-
law, The-ag'e-nes, despot of Megara, encouraged him in his scheme
and lent him a force of hired soldiers. With the help of these
mercenaries and of a band of friends from the nobility, he seized
the Acropolis. But the country people in great numbers put on
their armor and besieged him in the citadel. When their provisions
were exhausted, Cylon and his brother stole through the besieging
lines; their starving followers, forced to surrender, flocked for
protection about Athena's altar on the Acropolis. Hereupon the
chiefs of the townships promised these suppliants their lives if they
would submit to trial. They agreed ; yet not having full confidence
in the promise, they tied a thread to Athena's image, and holding
one end of it, went down to the tribunal. But when they came near
the shrine of the Furies,^ the thread by which the goddess gave them
her protection broke; and then the Archon Meg'a-cles and his
followers stoned and butchered them, permitting only a few to escape.
Probably a feud between the family of Cylon and that of Megacles
led to this impious massacre. The Alc-me-on'i-dae, to whom
Megacles belonged, were the mightiest family in Attica. The state
appears to have been powerless to bring them to trial either for
murder or for the mistreatment of suppliants, but the curse of impiety
rested upon the whole family for two centuries or more.^ There was
need of laws and courts for the suppression of such feuds.
73. Draco, the Lawgiver (621 B.C.). — By keeping the laws secret
the nobles had ruled thus far in their own interest ; the magistrates
decided cases in favor of those of their own r^nk or of those who
1 The work of the Furies, or angry goddesses, was to punish perjury, murder,
mistreatment of parents and suppliants, and a few other such offences. At that
time their shrine was probably a cave in the south side of the Areopagus.
2 A suppliant was one who took refuge at an altar or in a temple of some god.
Any one who mistreated a suppliant brought upon himself and his family the
curse of impiety.
Laws of Draco 83
could pay the highest fee. Men were growing rich through injustice ;
and though the great lords were often at strife with one another, they
agreed in insulting and oppressing the lower class. Naturally the
commons resisted this oppression and demanded to know the laws by
which they were judged. The nobles yielded, and in 621 B.C. the
citizens elected Draco " legislator " ^ with full power to write out a
code for the state.
His laws of homicide are of chief interest because the Athenians
retained them unchanged for many centuries. Before Draco a man
who killed another in self-defence, or for any other good reason, was
compelled, like the wilful murderer, to flee from the country or satisfy
the kinsmen of the slain by paying them a sum of money ; otherwise
they would kill him in revenge. According to Draco's code wilful
murder was to be tried by the council of nobles sitting on the
Areopagus, a hill within the city which was sacred to the Furies, and
the penalty in case of conviction was death with the confiscation of
the murderer's property. From this hill accordingly the aristocratic
council received its name, "Council of the Areopagus."^ Cases of
accidental and justifiable homicide were to be tried by other courts,
each in its appropriate place, and the punishments were graded
according to the degree of guilt.
Theft of vegetables was punishable with death ; and this fact has
given Draco a reputation for cruelty. But though the penalty for
stealing was too severe, the laws of homicide were a great improve-
ment. "Whoever made them originally, whether heroes or gods,
did not oppress the unfortunate, but alleviated humanely their mis-
eries so far as they could with right." ^ It is even probable that
apart from his laws of homicide he made little change in existing cus-
toms, so that he cannot be held wholly responsible for the harsh
features of his code.
74. Lords and Tenants. — His laws did nothing, however, to help
1 He was one of the six thesmothetae; § 71. ^ § ^q.
* Demosthenes xxiii. 70.
84 Development of Athens from Kingship to Democracy
the wretched poor. The cause of their misery we shall now con-
sider.
When a wandering tribe or a colony took possession of a tract of
land on which to found a city, the king or leader divided the plough-
land among the men, doubtless giving each a lot proportioned to his
rank. In return for these gifts the citizens followed the king in war
and worked for him or gave him presents to support him in time of
peace. The richer citizens, who on account of their illustrious
descent or their distinguished service in war had received large
estates, also divided a part of their lands among tenants, — either
their best slaves or homeless persons. In return for the land the
tenants served their lord, and supported him in war and in politics.
In Attica such tenants were called hec-te^ mo-ri} because in addition
to other service they paid their lord a sixth part of the produce.
No one thought of selling his lot of land, first because he did not
think of it as property, and secondly because the sale would have
deprived him of a livelihood.
75. Slavery of the Masses. — We have seen how the nobles
degraded the office of king to a mere priesthood, and themselves
ruled the state through their council.^ After they had brought about
this great change in the government, they were not content with the
enjoyment of all the poUtical power, but aimed also to acquire all
the- wealth in the state and to gain an absolute mastery over the citi-
zens. Those peasants who had received lands directly from the
king, and were, therefore, practically freemen, the nobles forced into
dependence on themselves ; when a lord laid claim to a field, whether
justly or unjustly, he placed on it a " boundary " stone, as a sign that
the land and the persons on it were his. It was not long before these
stones stood on all the farms in Attica, holding " Black Earth en-
slaved," in the words of Solon, a great statesman of the time. In
addition to the payment of rent the better class of tenants had to equip
ihemselves at their own expense for military service ; and if any one
1 Literally « sixth-part men." 2 §§ 55, 70 f.
Solon 85
failed to bring in his quota of produce, or otherwise fell into debt to his
lord, he and his children could be sold into slavery. With nothing
but sharpened sticks for digging the stony soil the poor tenants found
it so difficult to make a living and pay their dues, that many were
actually sold into slavery to foreign masters. There was no legal
way of obtaining satisfaction, for their lords were the absolute judges
in the courts. Accordingly they agreed among themselves to rebel.
76. Solon. — When the existence of the city was thus threatened,
Solon came forward to save it. He addressed to the citizens a poem
containing the following words : —
" It is not the will of Zeus and the purpose of the blessed undying gods that
our city should ever perish; for in such wise the great-souled guardian of the
city — Pallas Athena, daughter of a mighty sire — spreads over it her hands.
The nobles, persuaded by their love of money, desire thoughtlessly to destroy
the great city. Dishonest is the mind of the magistrates, who for their mon-
strous violence shall suffer many ills. For they know not how to be satisfied or
to enjoy the present feast in quiet, . . . They grow wealthy by obeying injus-
tice. . . . Sparing neither sacred nor public property, they rob and steal, one
here another there. . . . And many of the poor are going into foreign lands,
sold and bound in unseemly chains, and suffer hateful woes by force of slavery.
Hall doors will no longer hold the evil ; it leaps over the lofty hedge, and you
find it even if you hide in a chamber corner. This my soul bids me teach the
Athenians, that misrule brings most ills to a city, but that good rule makes all
things harmonious and at one."
77. Archonship of Solon (594 B.C.). — Solon was not only a mem-
ber of one of the noblest families in Atdca, but also a merchant of
wide experience and a friend of the poor. As all classes therefore
had confidence in him, they elected him Archon and lawgiver for
the year 594 B.C., that he might restore harmony among the citizens
and give them a better government.
On the day he entered office he ordered the removal of all the
boundary stones, so as to release the tenants from the payment of
dues to their lords. For the future he forbade slavery for debt, and
fixed the amount of land which any one might legally acquire. And
in order that the people might henceforth protect both their freedom
86 Development of Athens from Kingship to Democracy
and their property, he admitted the lowest class ^ as well as the others
to a popular supreme court which he estabUshed, and to the assem-
bly. The court was composed of all citizens thirty years old and
above who offered to serve as jurors; all who were eighteen and
above might take part in the assembly. Yet as these duties long
remained unpaid, none
but the well-to-do could
find leisure regularly to
attend to them. In the
assembly the people
elected their magistrates
and voted on important
public questions brought
before them by the
Council of Four Hun-
dred — formerly Four
Hundred and One. The
popular court, on the
other hand, received
appeals from the judg-
ments of the archons,
and tried the magistrates
at the expiration of their
terms, if any one accused
them of having abused
their authority. These
were by far his most
important measures. He did not rest, however, till he had improved
the entire government.
78. The Athenian Constitution as improved by Solon.^ — The con-
stitution, improved by him, had the following form : —
M71.
2 The constitutional matter in small type may be reserved for the review or
wnitted altogether by beginning classes, according to the judgment of the teacher.
"Solon"
(National Museum, Naples. As there are no con-
temporary portraits of Greek persons so early as
Solon, this bust, like the statue of Homer, can
only be an ideal.)
Constitution Sy
I. The Territorial Divisions of Attica.
The four tribes and forty-eight nau'crar-ies, or townships, remain as before
(§71)-
II. The Four Census Classes.
1. The pen-ta-co-si-o-nie-dim^ ni — " five-hundred-bushel men " — whose es-
tates yield 500 or more measures of grain, oil, and wine. They are
eligible to cavalry service, to the highest military offices, to treasury-
ships, and archonships.
2. Th^ hip'peis — knights — whose estates yield from 300 to 500 measures
wet and dry. They are eligible to cavalry service, probably to the
archonships, and to various offices of moderate importance.
3. The zeu-gVtae — "yoked-men," that is, heavy-armed men in battle array
— whose estates yield from 200 to 300 measures wet and dry. They
serve in the heavy infantry and are eligible to inferior offices.
4. The thetes — the laborers, the poor — whose estates are inferior to those
of the zeugitae, or who are entirely without land. They serve as
light-armed troops, and though eligible to no offices, they may attend
the assembly and the popular court.
The first [three classes pay war taxes, which are rarely levied; but the
thetes are exempt. The classes existed before (§ 71), but Solon
gave them this definite form.
III. The Magistrates.
They have the same duties as in the preceding period (§ 71); for their
qualifications, see II. At the close of their terms of office they are now
responsible to the popular court.
IV. The Councils. f Qualifications and method of ap-
1. The Council (5(?2^/^)of the Areopagus, j pointment of the councillors
2. The Council QBoule) of the Four | and powers of the councils are
Hundred. I substantially as before (§ yi).
V. The Assembly — Ec-de'si-a.
1. Composed of all the citizens who have the leisure and the desire to attend.
2. It elects magistrates and votes on questions brought before it by the
Council of Four Hundred.
VI. The Popular Supreme Court — Hel-i-ae'a.
1. Composed of all citizens above thirty years of age who have the leisure
and the desire to attend.
2. It receives appeals from the judgments of archons, and tries the magis-
trates at the end of their terms.
VII. Form of Government.
The government may still be called an aristocracy,! ^s it remains to a great
1 For the use of the more special term " timocracy," see Botsford, Greece,
PP- 45. 54.
88 Development of Athens from Kingship to Democracy
extent in the hands of the " better class." But in Solon's arrangements
the popular court and the attendance of the thetes at the assembly are
democratic. These popular elements of the constitution gradually grow
so strong that in time they make the whole government democratic.
79. The Laws of Solon. — The improvement of the constitution
was but a part of Solon's work. Revising the laws of Draco, he
lightened those penalties which he found too severe. In a kindly
spirit he aimed to help the poor by forbidding the exportation of all
products of the soil except olive oil ; for by keeping the fruit and
grain at home he hoped to prevent the return of famine. In the
same spirit he made laws to encourage skilled industry, and com-
pelled every man to teach his son a trade ; with the growth of manu-
facturing and commerce he knew that life would become easier and
the population larger. As a standard of value for Athens he adopted
a silver coin from her friendly neighbor Chalcis. As it was lighter
than the coin to which Ihe Athenians had been accustomed, it en-
abled those who still owed to pay more easily, and it helped trade
with Euboea and her colonies, with Egypt, and with all other coun-
tries which used the same standard. Thus Solon introduced Athens
to a commercial woixd she had scarcely known before.
80. Drifting itito Anarchy (594-560 B.C.). — Solon made his laws
binding for a hundred years, and required all the citizens to swear to
obey *hcra. When he had completed his work, " he found himself
beset by people coming to him and harassing him concerning his
iaws, criticising here and questioning there, till as he wished neither
to alter what he had decided on nor yet to be an object of ill-will to
everyone by remaining in Athens, he set off on a journey to Egypt
... for ten years with the combined objects of trade and travel." ^
After visiting many foreign lands he returned home to find his
country in great confusion. No one was satisfied with his reforms ;
the nobles had hoped he would restore to them all their old power,
and the poor had expected a complete redistribution of property.
1 Aristotle, Athenian Constitution, il.
Pisistratus 89
In fact, though Solon had provided his country with excellent laws,
there was no one with the will and the power to enforce them. The
state accordingly was falling into anarchy ; the men of the Hills,
Plain, and Shore^ were fighting one another so that in some years no
Archon could be elected.
81. Pisistratus becomes Tyrant (560 B.C.). — The leader of th&
Hill men was Pi-sis'tra-tus, '' crafty and pleasant of speech, a pro-
tector of the poor, and a man of moderation even in his quarrels.""
These popular quahties, added to his successful generalship in a
recent war with Megara, attracted many followers. But the men of
the Plain and of the Shore were his bitter foes, who would not hesi-
tate to kill him if an opportunity afforded. One day he drove into
the market-place at Athens, and showed the people wounds which
he said his enemies had inflicted on himself and his mules. The
people in the assembly voted their favorite a guard of fifty men who
were to arm themselves with clubs. Pisistratus quietly increased
the number, and after substituting spears for clubs, he seized the
citadel and made himself tyrant of Athens. A tyrant in the Greek
sense was one who seized or held the government illegally — a
usurper; he was not necessarily severe.
Though the government of Pisistratus was moderate, he had not ruled
long when the leader of the Shore, combining with the chief of the
Plain, drove him into exile. The two allies soon quarrelled ; then the
leader of the Shore " opened negotiations with Pisistratus, proposing
that the latter should marry his daughter; and on these terms he
brought him back to Athens by a very primitive and simple-minded
device. He first spread abroad a rumor that Athena was bringing
back Pisistratus, and then having found a woman of great stature and
beauty, ... he dressed her in a garb resembling that of the goddess
and brought her into the city with Pisistratus. The latter drove in
on a chariot with the woman beside him, and the inhabitants of the
city, struck with awe, received him with adoration."^
1 § 72. 2 Plutarch, Solon^ 29. ^ Aristotle, Athenian Constitutional^
QO Development of Athens from Kingship to Democracy
Pisistratus married the daughter of his ally, but afterward refused
to treat her as his wife. Enraged at this conduct, her father s'^ttled
his quarrel with the Plain men, whereupon Pisistratus withdrew from
the country and went to Mount Pan-gae'us in Thrace. By working
the gold mines of this region he acquired great wealth, with which he
hired soldiers and gained many friends. When after ten years of
exile he was ready to force
his return, Thebes, E-re'tri-a,
and other cities gave their
active support, for he had a
wonderful gift of winning
friends abroad as well as at
home. He landed at Mara-
thon, on the northeast coast
of Attica. While he was there
in camp, hundreds who looked
to him for protection from
the oppression of the nobles
flocked to him from all parts
of Attica. On the way to
Athens he came upon the
camp of his opponents, who
had no thought of his ap-
proach. Some were asleep,
and others were playing dice ;
but all hastily fled. The sons
of Pisistratus, however, mounted their horses and easily overtook
the fugitives, telling them to go cheerfully home, as no harm would
come to them. Although many nobles immediately fled from the
country, the people did as they were told. Regaining his authority
in this way, Pisistratus estabfished himself firmly by means of troops
hired from other states.
82. His Government. — " His administration was temperate, as has
Athenian Lady at Time of Pisistratus
(Acropolis Museum. Athens)
Hippias and Hipparckns 9 1
been said before, and more like constitutional government than
tyranny. Not only was he in every respect humane and mild and
ready to forgive those who offended, but in addition he advanced
money to the poorer people to help them in their labors, so that they
might make their living by agriculture. In this he had two objects :
first that they might not spend their time in the city, but might
be scattered over all the face of the country ; and secondly that,
being moderately well off and occupied with their own business, they
might have neither the v/ish nor the leisure to attend to public
affairs. At the same time his revenues were increased by the
thorough cultivation of the country, since he imposed a tax of one-
tenth on ail the produce. For the same reason he instituted the
local justices and often made journeys in person into the country to-
inspect it and settle disputes between individuals, that they might
not come into the city and neglect their farms." ^
He built an aqueduct to supply Athens with fresh water; he
erected temples, founded religious festivals, and encouraged Hterature
and art. His reign marks a great advance, not only in education, but
in agriculture, in the industries, in wealth, and in quiet, orderly
government.
83. Hippias and Hipparchus. — When he died in old age (527 B.C.),.
his sons Hip'pi-as and Hip-par'chus succeeded him. For a time
they imitated the wise government of their father. But unfortunately
Hipparchus, the younger, in an affair of love, insulted Har-mo'di-us
and Ar-is-to-gei'ton, two noble youths, who in return plotted the
overthrow of the tyrants. Taking advantage of the Pan-ath-en-a'ic
festival in honor of Athena, they concealed their swords in myrtle
wreaths, and killed Hipparchus while he was arranging the pro-
cession. Hippias, who as the elder was the head of the government^
they could not surprise. Failing therefore to overthrow the tyranny,
they were themselves taken and put to death. But after the
Athenians regained their freedom, they celebrated Harmodius and
1 Aristotle, Athenian Constitution^ 16.
92 Development of Athens from Kingship to Democracy
Aristogeiton in song as tyrant-slayers, and decreed public honors to
be enjoyed forever by the descendants of the two heroes.
In consequence of the murder Hippias treated the nobles with
great harshness, so that he became very unpopular.
Meanwhile the exiled nobles were trying to bring about their
return. Cleis'the-nes^ leader of the exiles, won the favor of the
Delphic oracle by building for Apollo a splendid temple with a
marble front; on this work he spent far more money than the
contract demanded. In gratitude for the generous deed the
prophetess was ready to aid in restoring the exiles to their homes.
Accordingly whenever the Lacedaemonians, now the leading people of
Peloponnese,^ sent to consult the oracle on any subject whatever,
the answer was always, ^^ Athens must be set free T
In obedience to the oracle Cle-om'e-nes, king of the Lacedae-
monians, led an army into Attica and besieged Hippias in the
Acropolis. " And the Lacedaemonians would never have captured
the sons of Pisistratus at all; for the besiegers had no design to
make a long blockade, and the others were well provided with food
and drink ; so that the Lacedaemonians would have gone away back
to Sparta after besieging the tyrant's party for a few days only : but
as it was, a thing happened just at this time which was unfortunate
for the one party, and of assistance to- the other; for the children
of the sons of Pisistratus were captured while being secretly removed
out of the country ; and when this happened, all their matters were
thereby cast into confusion, and they surrendered — receiving back
their children on the terms which the Athenians desired, namely
that they should depart out of Attica within five days. After this they
departed out of the country, and went to Si-gei'um (a colony they had
established) on the Sca-man'der (510 b.c.)."^
84. Isagoras and Cleisthenes (510-508 B.C.) "After the over-
throw of the tyranny the rival leaders in the state were I-sag'o-ras,
a partisan of the tyrants, and Cleisthenes, who belonged to the family
* §§ 92-94- * Herodotus v. 65.
Cleisthenes 93
of the Alcmeonidae. Cleisthenes, being beaten by means of the polit-
ical clubs, attracted the people to his side by promising the franchise
to the masses. Thereupon Isagoras, finding himself left inferior in
power, invited Cleomenes, who was united with him by ties of hospi-
tality, to return to Athens, and persuaded him to ' drive out the pollu-
tion,* on a plea derived from the fact that the Alcmeonidae were
supposed to be under the curse of pollution.^ Then Cleisthenes,
with a few of his adherents, retired from the country, and Cleom-
enes expelled as polluted seven hundred Athenian families. Hav-
ing effected this he next attempted to dissolve the Council (of Four
Hundred), and to set up Isagoras and three hundred of his partisans
as the supreme power in the state. The council, however, resisted,
the populace flocked together, and Cleomenes and Isagoras, with
their adherents, took refuge in the Acropolis. Here the people sat
down and besieged them two days ; and on the third they agreed to
let Cleomenes and all his followers depart, while they sent to summon
Cleisthenes and the other exiles back to Athens. When the people
had th^s obtained the command of affairs, Cleisthenes was their chief
and leader."^
True to his promise, Cleisthenes (508 b.c.) thoroughly refoi'ined
the government, with the object (i) of mingling all classes of people
together on the public registers of citizens that the humble and the
high-born might enjoy an equal right to vote, and (2) of putting an
end to the feuds among the Plain, Shore, and Hills.^ To accomplish
these ends he first divided Attica into more than a hundred demes,
or townships, which he then arranged in thirty groups, termed trit'-
ty-es, all as equal as possible in population. Ten of these trittyes
were on the Shore, ten in the Plain, and ten on the Hills. Of the
trittyes he formed ten tribes by drawing for each tribe a trittys from
the Plain, Shore, and Hills respectively. By dividing the three sec-
tions equally among the ten tribes he destroyed the local organiza-
tions, and thus put an end to the strife among them. And though
^ § 72. 2 Aristotle, Athenian Constitution^ 20, ^ gg ^2, 80.
94 Development of Athens from Kingship to Democracy
the nobles had controlled the old tribes, the commons were on a
political level with them in the new. Cleisthenes was successful in
his plans ; the people were thereafter more nearly equal than they
had been before, and sectional warfare entirely ceased.
He substituted a Council of Five Hundred — fifty from each tribe
— in place of the Four Hundred ; and he provided that there should
be ten generals, one for each tribe.^
85. The Constitution of Athens as reformed by Cleisthenes. 2 —
After he had made these changes and some others of less importance,
the constitution of Athens had the following form : —
I. Territorial Divisions.
Ten tribes, thirty trittyes, more than one hundred demes; nearly the same
as the counties, townships, etc., of a modern state.
II. The Four Census Classes as before (§ 78, 11).
III. The Magistrates.
1. The nine archons as before (§ 78, III) ; they gradually decline in im-
portance as the more popular offices develop.
2. The ten generals, one from each tribe. They lead the ten tribal regi-
ments and form a council of war under the polemarch. The generals
gradually grow in authority at the expense of the archons till they
become the chief magistrates.
IV. The Councils.
1. Of the Areopagus.
Composition and duties as before (§ 78, IV) ; but the popular meas-
ures of Cleisthenes drive it into the background. It comes again to
the front in the war with Persia, and thereafter (480-462 B.C.)
gradually declines as the democratic institutions (the assembly,
popular courts, and the Council of Five Hundred) grow.
2. Of the Five Hundred (in place of the Four Hundred; § 78, IV), fifty
drawn by lot from the candidates presented by each tribe.
{a) Organization. — These ten groups of councillors take turns in man-
aging the business of the council, each for a prytany, or tenth of
a year. The fifty men on duty for a given time are called pryt^a-
neis ("foremen"), and their chairman, who is cht^nged daily, is
1 Though there were generals before Cleisthenes — one for each of the four
tribes — the office did not come into prominence till after his time.
2 § 78, n. 2.
Constitution 95
an e-pisUa-tes. He presides also over the entire council for the
short time it meets each day, and over the assembly.
(J>) Functions. — It prepares decrees for presentation to the assembly,
and gradually takes the place of the Council of the Areopagus as
the chief supervisory and administrative power in the state.
V. The Assembly (regularly meeting once in a f Composition and functions
prytany). \ as before (§ 77); they
VI. The Popular Supreme Court (meeting but ; begin to take a far more
a few times each year). active part in the govern-
[ ment.
VII. Form of Government.
1. Aristocratic elements.
{a) Council of the Areopagus (because it is filled by wealthy men who
hold their places for life).
{F) High property qualifications of the archons.
(r) Filling the archonships by election (rather than by lot).
{d) Absence of pay for most public duties.
2. Democratic elements.
{a) Assembly and popular court (because they are composed of all the
citizens).
(J>) Council of Five Hundred (as it is filled by lot, the poor have an
equal chance of appointment with the rich).
3. Summary. — Though the constitution contains some aristocratic elements,,
it may now be termed a jnoderate democracy (§ 78, VII).
Cleisthenes introduced a peculiar institution termed " ostracism."
The word is derived from osUra-kon, piece of pottery, which was the
form of ballot used in the process. Once a year, if the assembly saw
fit, the citizens met and voted against any of their number whom
they deemed dangerous to the state. If the archons found, on count-
ing the votes, that there were at least six thousand in all, they sent
the man who had received the greatest number into exile for ten years.
As the Athenian noble lacked respect for the government, he would
not, when defeated in his candidacy for office, submit to the will of
the majority, but preferred rather in defiance of law to destroy his
more fortunate rival. Ostracism removed the dangerous man from
the community, and left at the head of the state the one whom the-
people believed to be the best and ablest.
96 Development of Athens from Kmgship to Democracy
86. Summary of Athenian History (753-508 B.C.). — We have now
followed the history of Athens through a period of two hundred
and fifty years. (i) The kingship gave way to an aristocracy
(753 B.C.), in which the nobles greatly oppressed the lower class.
(2) Some time^ before Solon men of wealth gained equal political
privileges with those of noble birth. (3) Draco (621 B.C.) gave the
citizens the advantage of written laws. (4) Solon (594 B.C.) freed the
masses from serfdom and provided them with the means of protecting
themselves. (5) Pisistratus and his sons (560-510 B.C.) crushed the
nobles and introduced an orderly government. (6) The great re-
forms of Cleisthenes in favor of liberty and equality filled the citizens
with patriotism, and encouraged them to defend their country and
freedom, not only against unfriendly neighbors, but also against the
enormous armies of Persia which were soon to invade Greece.
Topics for Reading
I. Society and Government in the Time of Homer. — Gladstone, Homer
(primer) pp. 106-120; Botsford, Cr^^r*?, pp. 10-15; Development of the Athenian
Constitution^ pp. III-I22; Holm, History of Greece, i. ch. xiv.
II. Solon. — Aristotle, Athenian Constitution, 5-12; Plutarch, Solon'i Bots-
ford, Greece, pp. 50-56; Bury, History of Greece, pp. 180-189.
III. Pisistratus and his Sons. — Aristotle, 13-19; Botsford, Greece, pp. 70-
80; Athenian Constitution, f^. yi\ }J.o\m, History 0/ Greece, i. ch.xx.yn; Curtius,
History of Greece, Bk, II. ch. ii.
IV. Cleisthenes. — Aristotle, 20, 21 ; Bury, pp. 21 1-21 5; Botsford, ^MtfmV?«
Constiiution^ ch. xi.
1 About 650 B.C. *
CHAPTER VI
SPARTA AND THE PELOPONNESIAN LEAGUE (about 750-500 u.cO
87. Perioeci and Helots. — Laconia, like Attica, once contained
several independent cities; but Sparta, the strongest, gradually
conquered the others and brought
them all into one state.^ Though
she permitted them to manage
their local affairs, in every other
respect she kept them in subjec-
tion. The inhabitants of these
conquered towns were per-i-oe^ci
— "dwellers around." As the
Spartans had taken their best
lands from them, many devoted
themselves to commerce and in-
dustry. In war they served
Sparta as heavy-armed troops,^
and their condition was at first
happy ; but after a time Sparta
deprived some of them of their
independence by sending military
governors to rule them.
Far worse was the condition
of the conquered villagers and country people. They were he^lots
(state serfs) who tilled the fields of the Spartans, bringing their lords
2 A heavy-armed soldier wore a shield, a helmet, a breastplate of leather or
felt, — sometimes plated with metal, — and greaves, which covered the front of
H 97
A Spartan Tombstone
98 Sparta and the Peloponnesian League.
a fixed annual amount of grain, oil, and wine. As cruel treatment
continually goaded them to rebellion, they were always suspected
by the government. The most prudent young men of Sparta, form-
ing a secret police, used to go one by one through the country to
kill any helots whom they thought dangerous. Those, on the other
hand, who served the state well in war often received their freedom.
88. The Spartans ; their Training. — As the Spartans persisted in
keeping the helots and the perioeci in subjection, they had to give
their whole attention to military training, so as to be able to enforce
obedience. It was necessary in the first place that every Spartan
should have a sound body. " A father had not the right of bringing
up his child y but had to carry it to a certain place . . . where the
elders of the tribe sat in judgment upon it. If they thought it well-
built and strong, they ordered the father to bring it up, and assigned
one of the nine thousand lots of land to it ; but if it was mean-looking
or misshapen, they sent it away to a place called the Exposure, a glen
on the side of Mount Taygetus ; for they considered that if a child
did not start in possession of health and strength, it was better both
for itself and for the state that he should not live at all. . . . Lycur-
gus ^ would not entrust the Spartan boys to any bought or hired ser-
vants, nor was each man allowed to bring up and educate his sons as
he chose, but as soon as they were seven years of age he himself*
received them from their parents and enrolled them in companies.
In these they lived and messed together, and were associated for play
the legs below the knees. His chief weapons of offence were the sword and pike
or spear. Some light troops carried a small shield; others had no defensive
armor. Some were armed with bows and arrows, others with slings, and others
with short spears (javelins) for hurling.
^ § 46, Plutarch, who writes this account of Spartan life, supposes Lycurgus
to have been the author of all these arrangements ; but in fact Lycurgus is myth-
ical, and the education of the Spartans was forced upon them by circum-
iiances. To correct Plutarch we should substitute "the government '* or " the
pnthorities" for "Lycurgus."
2 *" L7curj;usy" that is, the rulers; see aote above.
spartan Training 99
and for work. . . . The elder men watched them at their play,
and by instituting fights and trials of strength carefully learned which
was the bravest and most enduring.
"They learned to read, because that was necessary, but all the
rest of their education was meant to teach them to obey with cheer-
fulness, and to endure toil, and to win battles. As they grew older
their training became more severe ; their hair was closely cut, and
they were taught to go about without shoes and to play unclad.
After their twelfth year they wore no tunic, but received one garment
for all the year round. They could not help being dirty, for they
had no warm baths nor ointments, except as a luxury on certain days.
All slept together in troops and companies, on beds of rushes which
they had picked up on the banks of the Eurotas. . . . Their educa-
tion in poetry and music was no less carefully watched over than
their cleverness and purity of speech, but their songs were such as
rouse men's blood and stir them to deeds of prowess, composed
in plain, unaffected language, upon noble and edifying subjects.
Most of them were eulogies upon those who had been happy enough
to die for their country, reproaches of cowards for living a miserable
life, and encouragements to bravery suitable to those of all ages.
*' During a campaign the rulers made the young men perform less
severe gymnastic exercises, and allowed them to live a freer life in
other respects, so that for them alone of all mankind, war was felt as
a reHef from preparation for war. When the array ^ was formed and
the enemy were in sight, the king used to sacrifice a kid, and bid
them all put on garlands, and the pipers play the hymn . . .
Then he himselt began to sing the paean for the charge, so that it
was a magnificent and terrible spectacle to see the men marching
1 This is a description of the phaHanx, — a line of warriors with strong defen-
sive armor and long spearSj — which moved as a unit to the music of flutes. It
was invented by the Spartans, probably in the eighth century B.C., and afterward
developed in various ways by other Greek states and by the early Romans; §§ 1 75,
186, 227.
ICX5
Sparta and the Peloponnesian League
in time to the flutes, making no gap in their Hnes, with no thought
of fear, but quietly and steadily moving to the sound of music against
the enemy. Such men were not Hkely to be either panic-stricken
or over-confident, but had a cool
and cheerful courage, believing that
the gods were with them. . . .
"Ample leisure was one of the
blessings with which Lycurgus pro-
vided his countrymen, by forbidding
them to practise any mechanical
art ; at the same time money-mak-
ing and business were unnecessary,
because wealth was disregarded and
despised." ^
This gymnastic and military train-
ing continued to the sixtieth year.
Neither boys, youths, nor men had
any home life, but ate at public
tables. "They formed themselves
into messes of fifteen or less. Each
member contributed monthly a
bushel of barley, eight measures of
wine, five pounds of cheese, and
half as much figs ; and in addition
to this a very small sum of money
to buy fish and other luxuries for a
relish to the bread. This was all
except when a man had offered a
sacrifice, or been hunting, and sent a portion to the public table.
For persons were allowed to dine at home whenever they were late
for dinner on account of a sacrifice or a hunting expedition. . . ,
1 The Spartans used iron money only; all other kinds were forbidden by law;
Plutarch, Lycurgus^ '5-23.
A Winner in the Girls' Foot
Races in Elis
(Vatican Museum, Rome. To illus-
trate the figure and dress of a Spar-
tan maiden)
Government lOi
'*' The * black broth ' was the most esteemed of their luxuries, inso-
much that the elderly men did not care for any meat, but always
handed it over to the young, and regaled themselves on this broth." ^
89. Women. — Maidens passed through a training Hke that of the
youths, though less severe. They, too, practised running, leaping,
and throwing the spear and discus. The state encouraged them tc
such exercise, as it considered the gymnastic education of women
necessary to the physical perfection of the race. While the mature
Spartan continued to eat in the barracks and to pass his time in
severe exercises, his wife lived in comfort and luxury. There is a
story that Lycurgus, after subjecting the men to discipline, tried to
make the women orderly, but failed, and therefore permitted them
to live as they please(d.
90. The Government. — The state ruled by Sparta was called
Lacedaemon ; and the Spartans, perioeci, and helots were alike
Lacedaemonians. The Spartans, however, were the only fully
privileged citizens. We have already noticed that the state was
governed by two kings? They were nearly always' quarrelhng with
each other, and hence their rule was weak. The assembly^ on the
other hand, was strong, as it was composed of all the mature Spartans
who served in the army. Now while the kings were spending their
energy in wrangling, the assembly was taking to itself most of their
powers. It did not exercise this authority directly, however, but
intrusted it to a board of five ephors (overseers) elected annually
in the assembly by acclamation. In time the ephors placed
themselves at the head of the state, while the kings came to be no
more than priests and generals.
The council consisted of twenty-eight elders and the two kings, all
representing noble families. Both the council and the kings lost
influence so rapidly that at the time Solon was making laws for the
Athenians, the Lacedaemonian government, though a kingship in
name, was in reahty an aristocracy. The aristocrats were the
^ Plutarch, Lycurgus, ii. 2 g ^5^
102 Sparta and the Peloponnestan League
Spartans, never more than nine thousand in all, who ruled over the
many perioeci and helots.
91. The Messenian Wars (about 725 and 650 B.C.^). — After the
Spartans had subdued all Laconia, a desire "to plough and plant
fertile Messenia" led them to the conquest of that country. In fact
they needed more land and helots to support the increasing number
of their warrior citizens. After twenty years of hard fighting they
drove the Messenians from the stronghold of Mount Ithome,- and
took possession of the country. Many Messenians went into exile ;
those who remained became helots and were compelled to till their
own fields for the Spartans. Years afterward their grandsons rebelled,
and with the help of neighboring states they brought proud Sparta to
the verge of ruin. At this crisis Tyr-tae'us,^ through his poems, encour-
aged the Spartans after defeat to renew the war with such energy as
to force again upon the Messenians the hard yoke of slavery. These
two struggles are known as the Messenian Wars.
92. The Peloponnesian League. — Next the Lacedaemonian rulers
asked of Apollo at Delphi permission to conquer all Arcadia ; but the
prophetess answered —
" The land of Arcadia thou askest : thou askest too much; I refuse it :
Many there are in Arcadian land, stout men eating acorns;
These will prevent thee from this: but I am not grudging toward thee;
Te'ge-a beaten with sounding feet I will give thee to dance in,
And a fair plain will I give thee to measure with line and divide it."
Tegea, however, made the oracle true by defeating the Lacedae-
monians and compelling the prisoners to divide her plain among
themselves with a measuring line, and till it in fetters. But some-
what later the Tegeans entered into a league with Sparta and agreed
to follow her lead in war. Their example was imitated by the other
Arcadians, who proved a source of great military strength to Sparta,
for they were strong, brave men, as mountaineers usually are, and
made excellent warriors, second only to the, Spartans themselves.
1 The exact dates are unknown. * § 38. * § 96.
The Pelopotinesian League
103
Lacedaemon had already allied herself with Elis ; and afterward
Corinth and Sicyon (pron. Sish'i-on) entered the league. Under
able tyrants these cities had gained greatly in commerce and in
military strength. The men of wealth who overthrew the tyrants in
both cities made the alliance with Sparta on the assurance that they
should themselves have control of their states. And in general
Sparta desired that her allies should be governed by oligarchies ^ ;
because she knew that oligarchs would be more loyal to her than
either tyrants or democrats.
THE
PELOPONNESIA2y
LEAGUE
v.'i/'A States dependent upon Sparta
^^ States in alliance with Sparta
£orma,ia>.jN..r,
The Peloponnesian League, which Sparta was thus forming, had
no common federal constiiution, such as that of the United States,
but each community had its own treaty with Lacedaemon. Deputies
from the allied states met in congress at Sparta or Corinth to settle
questions of war and peace ; and the states furnished troops to serve
in war under the Lacedaemonian kings. They did not pay tribute
to Sparta, but divided among themselves the expenses of the league,
which were always light. Thus the states enjoyed independence
and at the same time the advantages of union.
1 An oligarchy is the " rule of the few." Where the ** few " are of noble birtl^
the oligarchy is an aristocracy.
104 Sparta and the Peloponnesian League
93. Sparta and Argos. — By the middle of the sixth century B.C.
the league under the leadership of Sparta had come to include all
Peloponnese excepting Achaea and Argolis. Toward the close of the
prehistoric age Argos had taken the place of Mycenae as the head of
Argolis, and under Pheidon, a brilliant king who reigned about 700 B.C.,
she aspired to rule all Peloponnese. After his death, however, she
declined ; and though she retained her old ambition for leadership^
it became more and more difficult for her to hold her own against
Sparta. About 550 B.C. the crisis came in a struggle between the two
states for the possession of Cy-nu'ri-a, a strip of land held by Argos
along the coast east of Mount Parnon. Three hundred champions
for each state were to decide the contest ; but after a day's fighting,
only two Argives and one Spartan remained alive. Then a dispute
as to which side had won the victory ended in a bloody battle, in
which the Lacedaemonians were masters. This success gave them
Cynuria and the island of Cy-the'ra and made them the foremost
power among the states of Greece.
94. Sparta and Athens. — The Lacedaemonians advanced steadily
in strength. Toward the end of the sixth century Megara joined
their alHance. They aimed to extend their influence, especially by
helping the nobles of various Greek states against the tyrants.
Accordingly when the oracle at Delphi constantly told them that
Athens must be set free,^ Cleomenes, their king, undertook the
work of expelHng Hippias, doubtless in the hope that the Lacedaemo-
nians would be able to control Athens after she had been liberated.
Disappointed in this hope, he gathered the forces of Peloponnese,
and without stating his object, led them into Attica, while the Thebans
and Chalcidians invaded the country in concert with him. Though
inferior in number, the Athenians marched bravely forth to meet the
Peloponnesians at Eleusis. Fortunately for Athens, the Corinthians,
on learning the purpose of the expedition, refused to take part
in it on the ground that it v/as unjust, and the other allies followed
'§83.
Condition of Greece 105
their example. As Cleomenes could then do nothing but retreat
homeward, the Athenians turned about and defeated the Thebans
and the Chalcidians separately on the same day. They punished
Chalcis for the invasion by taking from her a large tract of land, on
which they settled four thousand colonists. An Athenian colony was
but an addition to Attica ; and though it had a local government, its
members remained citizens of Athens.
Some time afterward the Lacedaemonians invited Hippias to their
city, called a congress of allies, and proposed to restore him. But
the deputy from Corinth interposed in favor of Athens, and as the
other allies agreed with him, Hippias returned disappointed to Sigeium
and continued to plot with the Persians against his native land (§ 107).
Soon afterward the Athenians secured their peace with Sparta by
entering the Peloponnesian League. Their place in it was excep-
tionally favorable, as it allowed them complete independence.
95. The Political Condition of Greece (about 500 B.C.). — At
the close of the period which we have now reviewed (about 750-500
B.C.), most of the Greek peninsula west and north of Boeotia was
still occupied by barbarous or half-civilized tribes ; as yet Thebes
had accomplished nothing remarkable, and Argos had declined.
The Greek cities of Italy and Sicily, mostly under tyrants,
were disunited and weak ; those of Asia Minor, as the following
chapter will tell, acknowledged the Persian king as their master.
Athens and Sparta had achieved more for the pohtical development
of Greece than any other cities. Attica was firmly united under a
moderate democracy. At last the citizens were at peace with one
another. They formed an effective militia, though as yet they had
no fleet. They were intelligent, vigorous, and enthusiastic, ready for
a life and death struggle if need be, in defence of Hellenic freedom.
Though less active and less intelligent, the Spartans were the best
trained and the steadiest soldiers in the world, and were prepared by
lifelong discipline for facing death at the command of their country ;
they and their allies formed the great military power of Hellas. It
io6 Sparta and the Peloponnesian League
was well that Athens and the Peloponnesian League had made so
much progress in government and in military affairs, for they were
soon to be called on to match themselves, almost unaided, with the
vast strength of the Persian empire.
Literature, Philosophy, and Art ^
96. Hesiod ; Personal Poetry ( 700-479 B.C. ) . — While the Greeks
were improving their armies and their governments, they were mak-
ing progress in literature and art, and beginning philosophy.
Hes'i-od, an epic poet of Boeotia (about 700 b.c), composed the
The-og^o-ny, which tells in homely style of the birth of the gods
and of the creation of the world. His Works and Days, another
epic, gives the peasant useful information about agriculture, includ-
ing the lucky and unlucky days for doing everything. It encourages
thrift and abounds in moral maxims. Whereas Homer idealizes
everything of which he sings, the aim of Hesiod is to tell the simple
truth. Homer celebrates heroes of the remote past ; Hesiod has to
do with men in everyday life.
The early epics have little to tell of their authors ; but in time it
came about that poets expressed freely their own thoughts and feel-
ings. Thus personal poetry arose. The age in which it flourished
extends from the time of Hesiod to the end of the great war with
Persia (700-479 B.C.).
The elegy is the earliest form of personal poetry. It arose in Ionia
and was originally martial, sung to the flute, which resembles the
modern clarinet. One of the earliest elegiac poets was Cal-li'nus
of Eph'e-sus, born about 690 b.c. In battle-songs he roused his
countrymen against a horde of invaders —
*' Each must go quick to the front,
Grasping his spear in his hand and under his shield his untrembling
Heart pressing, panting for fight, minghng in deadliest fray."
1 Those teachers who wish to follow the political narrative without interrup-
tion may omit §§ 96-98.
Lyric Poetry
07
A little later, Tyrtaeus^ of Sparta composed songs of the same
nature.
The next form of personal poetry was the iambic, especially adapted
to the expression of emotions, from love to sarcasm and hate. Its
great master was Ar-chil'o-chus of the small island of Paros, a poet
whom the Greeks ranked with Homer. He was the first great satirist.
The story goes that a certain man promised his daughter, Ne-o-bu'le,
to Archilochus in marriage, but broke his word ; and then in revenge
the poet with his biting iambics drove Neobule and her sisters to
suicide.
The last and highest form of personal poetry is the lyric, — the
song accompanied by the lyre. The lyric poet composed the music
as well as the words of his
songs. There were two chief
forms of this poetry : the ballad
and the choral ode. The
home of the ballad was Lesbos,
and its great representatives
were the Lesbic poets, Al-cae'us
and Sappho (pron. Saf 'fo) , who
belonged to the early part of
the sixth century B.C. Alcaeus
was "a fiery Aeolian noble,"
who composed songs of war,
adventure, and party strife,
love-songs, drinking-songs, and
hymns. He was a versatile,
brilliant poet. "Violet-
crowned, pure, softly smiling Sappho," as her friend Alcaeus calls her,
was his peer in genius. To the ancients she was " the poetess " as
Homer was "the poet"; and sometimes they styled her the " tenth
muse."
Sappho
(National Museum, Rome)
§91.
lo8 Sparta and the Peloponnesian League
An Ionic Column
Ballads were simple songs sung by in-
dividuals ; but the choral ode was public
and was sung by a trained chorus, who
accompanied the music with dancing.
The most eminent choral poet — perhaps
the greatest purely lyric poet of the world
— was Pindar of Boeotia (522-448 B.C.).
As he belonged to a priestly family, he
began even in childhood to fill his mind
with myths and rehgious lore. His poems
are made up of this material. Those which
have been preserved are in honor of the
victors in the great national games. The
ode usually narrates some myth connected
with the history of the victor's family or
city; it glorifies noble birth, well-used
wealth, justice, and all manner of virtue.
Though difficult to read even in transla-
tions, these poems will repay the most
careful study. The style is bold, rapid,
and vital; his words glitter like jewels;
he is always sublime.
Besides the poets mentioned there were
many others who flourished in all parts
of Greece. The works of some have ut-
terly perished ; of others we have mere
shreds. There remain but fragments of
Archilochus and Alcaeus. We have two
poems of Sappho, in addition to fragments,
and nearly a complete elegy by Callinus.
Pindar has had the best fortune of all
the poets of this age, for his best work
has come down to us.
Architecture
109
97. The Beginnings of Philosophy. — The first philosopher was
Tha'les, who Hved at the time of Solon. He was a mathematician
and astronomer, the first of the Greeks to predict accurately an
eclipse of the sun. In his belief water was the one original substance
out of which the world was formed. His idea was wrong ; but in
seeking a natural cause of things he advanced far beyond all earlier
thinkers, who had contented themselves with mythical explanations
of the world. Those who accepted his
view formed the Ionian school of thought.
After him came other philosophers and
schools of philosophy. Py-thag'o-ras, who
laid great stress on mathematics, had many
followers, who called themselves Py-thag-
o-re'ans after their master. Another
school, arising in this period, studied deeply
into the nature of being. Thus the Greeks
were making a beginning of philosophy and
science, in which they were afterward to
become the teachers of the world.
98. Art; Architecture and Sculpture
(700-479 B.C.). — To understand the
structure of the Greek temple, it is nec-
essary first to notice the three orders of
architecture, — Doric, Ionic, and Corin-
thian. They are distinguished chiefly by
the column. The Doric column rests di-
rectly upon the temple floor, and has a
simple, unadorned capital.^ The Ionic
column stands on an ornamental base and is surmounted by a capi-
tal in the form of a spiral roll. The beauty of the Doric style is
severe and chaste ; the Ionic is finer and more graceful. The former
prevailed in European Greece ; the latter in Asia Minor. The Cor-
1 The capital is the head of the column.
Section of a Temple at
S EG EST A
(To illustrate the Doric order)
no
Sparta and the Peloponnesian League
inthian order, with its capital of acanthus leaves, is still more elegant
and ornamental than the Ionic. It was invented in the fifth century
B.C., but did not come into extensive use till the Greek genius began
to decline.
At first the Greeks did not imagine that their gods needed dwell-
ing-houses, but as early as the seventh century B.C. they were build-
ing temples in all their cities. Some of the ruins at Se-U'nus,*
Sicily, belong to the latter part of this century. Gradually the
temples grew more and more symmetrical and graceful till they
became models of beauty. That of Poseidon in Po-si-do^ni-a,
southern Italy, belongs to the sixth century.^ It is an impressive
building with simple but
massive Doric columns.
The stone of which it is
made is called travertine.
As it is not so fine and smooth
as marble, it was originally
covered with stucco, which
was then painted. Most
of the stucco has fallen off,
and the stone has changed
to a rich, soft yellow of
varying shade. Standing
on a slight elevation, the
temple faces the market-
place on the east. Be-
tween the market and the
temple the way was paved
with stones, in which the myriads of feet that have walked to and fro
for hundreds of years have worn deep paths.
There are two principal kinds of sculpture^ — reliefs and statues.
Reliefs are figures carved on the surface of stone. They are
1 § 157. * p. 6";.
Corinthian Capital
(From Epidaurus)
Sculpture ill
adapted especially to the decoration of three parts of the temple, —
(i) pediments, or gables, (2) met'o-pes, the flat squares which run
in a series round the exterior of the temple above the columns, and
(3) the frieze, a flat surface forming a continuous band around the
temple within the colonnade.
Some of the metopes from a temple at Selinus, now in the Museum
of Pa-ler'mo, Sicily, were made about 600 B.C. One represents Per-
seus cutting off Medusa's head.^ Behind him stands his protecting
goddess Athena. The work is very crude. The heads, arms, and
legs are much too large ; the bodies are distorted ; the eyes stare ;
the faces lack expression. Equally rude are the statues carved at
the time. It is a wonderful fact that within the next hundred and
fifty years the Greeks were to bring sculpture from these crude
beginnings to a height of perfection never afterward reached in the
history of the world. And in the study of Grecian history from this
period onward it is well to keep in mind the rapidity with which the
Greeks made improvements in nearly every field of thought and
action.
Topics for Reading
I. Spartan Education. — Plutarch, Lycurgus, 15-21; Bury, History of
Greece, pp. 130-134; Abbott, History of Greece, i. pp. 211-217.
II. The Social Classes. — Abbott, i. pp. 217-219; Holm, History of Greece^
i. pp. 178-180.
III. The Peloponnesian League. — Bury, pp. 202-204; Greenidge, Greek
Constitutional History, ^'^. 108-115; Gilbert, Constitutional Antiquities of Sparta
and Athens, pp. 81-91.
CHAPTER VII
CONQUEST OF ASIATIC GREECE BY THE LYDIANS AND THE
PERSIANS (560-490 B.C.)
99. Character of the lonians. — Although successful in developing
government and the art of war, the Athenians as well as the Lacedae-
monians were thus far inferior to the Greeks of Asia Minor in the
finer elements of civilization. AeoHs and Ionia were the home of
the first great poets of Greece. The earliest geographers, histori-
ans, and philosophers were lonians. The same people took the lead
in useful inventions : the lonians were the first of the Greeks to coin
money; their ships phed the Mediterranean Sea from Egypt to
Massaha, and from Gyrene to their colonies on the Black Sea.
For five hundred years (about 1000-494 B.C.) they were the standard-
bearers of Hellenic civilization.
But though admirable for their many excellent qualities, the
lonians were lacking in political ability. There was civil strife
within the cities, and almost continual war between one state and
another. Cities and men had their own ideals and pursued their own
plans, regardless of the interests of the country as a whole. The
communities rarely acted together, and could not think of joining
in one strong state. They loved complete independence for their
towns and enjoyed the privilege of making war on their neighbors as
the diversion of a summer ; yet they were a commercial people, not
fond of long-continued mihtary service. Their character was their
political ruin. It is no wonder that they proved inferior to the
empires of Asia, based as these were on unthinking submission to
one all-controlling will.
112
Croesus 1 1 3
100. Croesus, King of Lydia (560-546 B.C.) and C3mis, King oi
Persia (558-529 B.C.). — As long as there was no great foreign power
in their neighborhood, these Asiatic Greeks remained free. But
gradually Lydia, in the interior, became a strong state. Croe'sus,
who ascended the throne of this country in 560 B.C., admired the
Greeks and wished to have them as willing subjects ; but when they
resisted, he waged war upon them and conquered them with no great
difficulty. He ruled them well, however, as he sought to gain their
favor and support against the rising power of Persia. He stole his
way into their affections by making costly presents to their gods,
especially to Apollo at Delphi. He courted the friendship of Lace-
daemon, the strongest state in Greece, and gave the Spartans gold
with which to make a statue of Apollo. Under Croesus, Lydia
reached its height in wealth and power. His treasury was full of
gold dust from the sands of the Lydian rivers and of tributes from
the cities he had conquered ; and as he was the wealthiest he sup-
posed himself to be the happiest man on earth. His empire had
come to include all Asia Minor west of the Halys River ; but it was
destined soon to become a part of the far vaster Persian empire, and
the happy monarch was doomed to end his life in captivity.
Croesus had ruled Lydia but two years when Cyrus ^ became King
of Persia, then a province of the Median empire. He was a great
general and statesman, and his Persian subjects were brave, strong
mountaineers.^ Cyrus threw off the Median yoke, conquered the
Median empire, and made Persia the leading state in Asia. Baby-
lonia, Egypt, Lacedaem.on, and Lydia united against him ; but Cyrus
was too quick to allow his enemies to bring their forces together.
Marching rapidly against Croesus, the Persian king conquered him,
took him captive for life, and added the Lydian empire to his own.
Cyrus then returned to the East, leaving his lieutenant Har'pa-gus
to conquer the Greeks of Asia Minor. As the cities would not unite
in defence of freedom, they fell one by one into his hands. Some o^
» 1 § a6. * 5 29.
114 Conquest of Asiatic Greece
the inhabitants sailed away to found colonies where they could be
free, but most of them surrendered when attacked by Harpagus.
101. Cambyses and Darius, Kings of Persia (529-522, 522-485 B.C.).
— The Persian yoke was far more oppressive than the Lydian
had been. For the king of Persia insisted that the Greek cities
should be ruled by tyrants, through whom he expected to keep his
new subjects obedient; and in addition to the payment of tribute
they now had to serve in the Persian armies. Cambyses, son and
successor of Cyrus, required them accordingly to help him conquer
Egypt. And when Darius, the following king, was preparing to invade
Europe at the head of a great army,^ he ordered the tyrants of
the Greek cities to furnish six hundred ships and their crews for his
use. He crossed the Bosporus on a bridge of boats arranged for
him by a Greek engineer. Meanwhile the tyrants with their fleet
sailed up the Danube and bridged the river with their boats that
Darius might be able to cross ; for he was marching against the
ScythH-ans, a people without settled homes, who roamed about in the
country north of the Danube and the Black Sea. It was galling to
the Greeks to perform such compulsory service, as they felt it a
shame to be slaves of the Persians while their kinsmen in Europe
were free. Even some of the tyrants, voicing the spirit of their
subjects, proposed to cut off the return of Darius by breaking up the
bridge he had left in their keeping. Mil-ti'a-des, an Athenian, who
was then tyrant of Cher-so-nese', a dependency of Athens, favored the
plan; but His-ti-ae'us, despot of Miletus, persuaded the tyrants that
the people would depose them if they should lose the support of the
Persian king, and in this manner he led them to vote against the
proposal.
102. The Ionic Revolt (499-494 B.C.). — The king rewarded His-
tiaeus for his loyalty with a grant of land on the Stry'mon River in
Thrace, and afterward required him to come to Susa, to pass the
1 The estimate of Herodotus iv. 87, is seven hundred thousand men — doubt-
less a great exaggeration.
A ristagoras 115
remainder of his life as a courtier in the palace. To the ambitious
Greek the life at court was no better than exile. Desiring therefore
to return to his native land, he sent a secret message to his son-in-
law, Ar-is-tag'o-ras, then tyrant of Miletus, urging him to revolt.
The latter needed little pressure from his father-in-law, for he was
already thinking of taking this step. He had promised the Persians
to conquer Naxos, and had received help from them on this assur-
ance ; but failing in his attempt, he now felt that he should be punished
for not keeping his word. He decided accordingly to take the lead
in a revolt which he knew was threatening. His first step was to
resign his tyranny and give Miletus a democratic government. He
then helped depose the tyrants of the neighboring cities, and in a
few weeks all Ionia followed him in a rebeUion agains*" Darius.
Aristagoras spent the next winter in looking about for aUies. First
he went to Sparta and addressed King Cleomenes as follows : " That
the sons of the lonians should be slaves instead of free is a reproach
and grief most of all indeed for ourselves, but of all others most to
you, inasmuch as ye are the leaders of Hellas. Now, therefore, I en-
treat you by the gods of Hellas to rescue from slavery the lonians,
who are your own kinsmen : and ye may easily achieve this, for the
foreigners are not valiant in fight, whereas ye have attained to the
highest point of valor in war : and their fighting is of this fashion,
namely, with bows and arrows and a short spear, and they go into
battle wearing trousers and with caps on their heads. Thus they
may easily be conquered. Then, again, they who occupy that conti-
nent have good things in such quantities as not all the other nations
in the world possess ; first gold, then silver and bronze and embroi-
dered garments and beasts of burden and slaves ; all which ye might
have for yourselves if ye so desired."^
Aristagoras then proceeded to indicate the location of the various
Asiatic nations on a map .traced on a plate of bronze, the first the
^ Herodotus v. 49. This speech gives a truthful summary of the facts except
in one particular, — the Persians were not cowardly; § 29.
Ii6 Conquest of Asiatic Greece
Spartans had ever seen. He tried to show how easily the Lacedae-
monians could conquer the whole Persian empire. " How long a
journey is it from the Ionian coast to the Persian capital ? " Cleom-
enes asked. "A three months' journey," Aristagoras answered
incautiously. " Guest- Friend from Miletus," the Spartan king inter-
rupted, " get thee away from Sparta before the sun has set ; for thou
speakest a word which sounds not well in the ears of the Lacedaemo-
nians, desiring to take them on a journey of three months from the
sea." The smooth Ionian then tried to win him with a bribe, but
was frustrated by the king's daughter, Gorgo, a child of eight or nine
years of age, who exclaimed, " Father, the stranger will harm thee, if
thou do not leave him and go ! "
Aristagoras then went to Athens, where he found his task easier.
The Athenians were near kinsmen of the lonians and in close com-
mercial relations with them. And recently the governor of Sardis
had ordered the Athenians to take back Hippias as their tyrant, ii"
they wished to escape destruction. They had refused, and felt in
consequence that a state of war now existed between them and
Persia. They therefore sent twenty ships to help the lonians, and
their neighbor, Eretria, sent five.
103. The War of the Revolt (498-494 B.C.).— The allies cap-
tured and burned Sardis, the most important city under Persian con-
trol in Asia Minor. Then as they were on their way back to Ionia,
the Persians attacked and defeated them near Ephesus. This so
thoroughly discouraged the Athenians that they returned home and
would give no more help.
The burning of Sardis encouraged the rest of the Asiatic Greeks to
join in the revolt, but at the same time stirred Darius to greater exer-
tions for putting it down, and angered him especially against Athens
and Eretria. The decisive battle of the war was fought at La^de, off
Miletus (497 B.C.). The Greeks had three hundred and fifty-three
ships ; the Phoenicians in the service of Persia had six hundred. Yet
the Greeks would certainly have won the day, if they had shown the
si's
Ph
Effect of the War ii;
fight spirit ; but they were disunited, and allowed themselves to be
influenced by secret agents from the enemy. At the very opening
of the battle, many ships treacherously sailed away, and though a few
remained and fought bravely, the battle was lost. United resistance
was now at an end, and the separate states were subdued one by one
or surTe^.dered to avoid attack. The Persians brought the war to a
cloF2 by the capture of Miletus (494 B.C.) after a siege of four years
They plundered and burned the city, together with its temples,
and carried the people into captivity. Thus they blotCed out of
<^xistence the fairest city of Hellas, the city which up to this
*ime had done most in building up European civilization. Though
\t was again inhabited by Greeks, it never regaired its former
<iplendor.
104. Effect of the War on Athens. — The ^xp^diiion of Darius
into Europe had resulted in the conquest of Tljrace, which how-
-ever rebelled in imitation of the lonic^n?. After suppressing
the Ionic revolt the Persians immediately proceeded against Thrace.
As the Phoenician ileet approached Chersonese, Miltiades, the ruler,
fled in his triremes loaded v^'^^a weaHh. Though the Phoenicians hotly
pursued him, he came safe to Athens. He found his native city greatly
disturbed by the recent events in Ionia. A strong party led by Hip-
parchus, a near kinsman of Hippias, wished to secure peace with
Darius by recalling the exiled tyrant, and if need be, by sending the
king " earth and water," the tokens of submission. Opposed to the
tyrant's party were the republicans, who upheld the form of govern-
ment established by Cleisthenes, and were ready to fight for their
country against Persia. As Archon for 493 b.c. they elected Them-
is'to-cles, their leader, a man of wonderful energy and intelligence.
Heretofore the Athenians had moored their ships in the open bay of
Phal-e'rum, but Themistocles occupied his term of office in making
the triple harbor of Pei-rae'us ready for a navy. He beUeved that
war with Persia could not be avoided, and intended that Athens
should have a navy- yard and a powerful fleet ; for it would be neces-
ii8
Conquest cf Asiatic Greece
sary to meet not only the Persian army on land, but also the com-
bined fleets of the Phoenicians and the Asiatic Greeks on the sea.
105. Darius plans to conquer Greece; the Condition of Greece
(493-490 B.C.). — While Themistocles was busy with his harbor,
Mar-do'ni-us, son-in-law of Darius, was marching through Thrace at
the head of a large army, accompanied by a fleet along the shore.
In rounding Mount A'thos the
ships were wrecked, and at the
same time his troops were
slaughtered by the natives.
Mardonius expected to conquer
the whole Greek peninsula, but
only retook Thrace and re-
ceived the submission of Mace-
don. The failure of his enter-
prise brought him into disgrace
at the Persian court.
Darius now made ready
another expedition, meanwhile
sending heralds among those
Greek communities which were
still free, to demand " earth and
water." There was no need,
Darius thought, of attacking
those who would willingly sub-
mit. The Athenians, however,
threw the king's herald into a
pit, and the Spartans dropped the one who came to them into a
well, bidding them take earth and water thence to their lord.
Those who advised this act must have wished to remove even the
possibility of reconcihation with Persia; for the Athenians and
Spartans, by mistreating the heralds, violated the law of nations and
placed themselves beyond the pale of the great king's grace.
" Themistocles "
(Vatican Museum, Rome)
^GINA
(Temple of Athena in the distancci
Condition of Greece 119
Greece was to be at a great disadvantage in the coming war with
Persia, because her states could not bring themselves to act together.
In most of them were strong factions which favored the Persians.
Many of them immediately yielded through fear. Commercial jeal-
ousy of Athens prompted Ae-gi'na to send earth and water to the
king ; through jealousy of Sparta, Argos favored the Persian cause.
Within the Peloponnesian League alone was unity. In the face of
common danger men began for the first time to talk of obligations of
loyalty to Greece, and to recognize Sparta as an authority with legal
power to enforce loyal conduct. In this manner the patriots created
in imagination an ideal Hellas, united and free, looking to Sparta as
leader. She, alone of all the Greek cities, thus far had shown a
genius for organization and command ; and it was with perfect jus-
tice therefore that all looked to her in this crisis as the head of
Greece.
Topics for Reading
I. The Story of Croesus and Solon. — Herodotus i. 29-33; Plutarch, Solon,
27, 28.
II. Character of the Persians. — Rawlinson, Seven Great Motiarchies,
Fifth Monarchy, chs. iii, vi, vii; Ragozin, Story of Media, Babylon, and Persia^
pp. 275-277.
III. The Battle of Lade. — Herodotus vi. 6-18.
IV. ThemistOCles. — Plutarch, r-^<?w?.y/cr/<?i-; Thucydides i. 138.
Marathon
CHAPTER VIII
WAR WITH PERSIA AND CARTHAGE (490-479 B.C.)
106. Invasion of Datis and Artaphernes. — In the summer of 490 b.c.
the Persian armament, which had long been preparing, moved west-
ward across the Aegean Sea, receiving the submission of the islanders
on the way. It consisted of six hundred ships carrying an army of
perhaps sixty thousand men. Da'tis, a Mede, and Ar-ta-pher'nes, a
kinsman of Darius, were in command. Their object was to punish
Athens and Eretria for helping the Ionian revolt, and to conquer
whatever territory they could for their lord.
As the Persians came near, the Eretrians were in doubt as to what
they should do. Some proposed to surrender, and others to flee to
the mountains ; but finally they decided to await an attack on their
walls. After a brave defence of six days, they were betrayed by two
of their fellow-citizens.
lao
Marathon
21
Eretrian fugitives who brought the sad news to Athens found the
city full of the spirit of resistance. Her heavy infantry, composed
of landowners, was well trained in the use of arms.^ It was a happy
omen, too, for Athens that among her generals
for the year was Miltiades, who had proved his
ability as ruler of Chersonese, and was well
acquainted with Persian warfare. As soon as
he and the other generals heard that the enemy
were moving against Attica, they gathered their
entire force, and despatched Phi-dip 'pi-des, a
swift, long-distance runner, to Sparta to ask
help. He reached Sparta, a hundred and fifty
miles distant, the day after starting. " Men of
Lacedaemon," he said to the authorities, " the
Athenians beseech you to hasten to their aid,
and not allow that state which is the most
ancient in all Greece to be enslaved by the
barbarians. Eretria, look you, is already
carried away captive, and Greece weakened
by the loss of no mean city." ^ The Lacedae-
monians, though they wished to help the Athe-
nians, had to wait several days before setting
out, as a law forbade them to go to war in any
month before the full moon.
107. The Battle of Marathon (490 B.C.). —
After sacking Eretria, the Persians, under the
guidance of the aged Hippias,^ landed at
Marathon. The Athenian army, led by the
polemarch and the ten generals, went to meet them. The polemarch
had the nominal command, but the real leader was Miltiades. He at-
tacked the Persians in the plain not far from the landing. * When the
Athenians had come within bow-shot of the enemy, they charged at a
^ § 95. 2 Herodotus vi. 106. » § 94.
The Warrior of
Marathon"
122 War with Persia and Carthage
double-quick march, so anxious were they to reach the Persians with
their spears and avoid the showers of arrows. The Persians, who were
unprepared for fighting hand to hand, were compelled to retire to their
ships with great loss. The Athenians "were the first of the Hel-
lenes, so far as we know, who attacked the enemy at a run, and they
were the first to face the Median garments and the men who wore
them, whereas up to this time the very name of the Medes was to
the Hellenes a terror to hear."^ They gained this great victory
practically by themselves ; for the Plataeans alone of their neigh-
bors had come to their aid. The Lacedaemonians, starting after the
full moon, reached Athens by a forced march, yet too late to be
of service.
This was perhaps the most important battle yet fought in the history
of the world. In the wars among the great powers of the Orient, it
made little difference to the world which gained the victory, they
were so nearly ahke in character and civilization. The same may be
said of the petty strife always going on among the Greek states. But
at Marathon, Europe and Asia, represented by Greece and Persia
respectively, came into conflict ; and the question at issue was
whether Europe should be brought under the control of Asiatic
government and Asiatic ideas.^ The civilizations of the opposing
forces were totally different. The whole life of the Greek rested
upon the political, social, and religious freedom of man, whereas that
of the Asiatics depended upon slavish obedience to authority, — the
authority of priests and king. It was well for the future of the
world, therefore, that the Greeks triumphed at Marathon. They
were no braver than the Persians; but their freedom gave them
spirit, and their inteUigence provided them with superior arms,
organization, and training. The victory encouraged Greece to hope
1 Herodotus vi. 112.
2 Had the Persians become the dominant power in Europe, they would proba-
bly not have crushed Greek civilization, but would have hindered its extension,^
Europe would have become Oriental.
Miltiades 123
for success in the greater conflict with Persia, which was soon to
come, and inspired the Athenians ever afterward to brave danger in
the forefront of Hellas.
108. The End of Miltiades. — Miltiades now stood at the summit
of fame. He thought the present moment favorable for building up
the Athenian power and wealth at the expense of the islanders who
had sided with the king. So he planned an expedition against Paros,
and asked the Athenians for ships and men, promising to make them
rich but not telling them just what he intended to do. He sailed
with his fleet to Paros and demanded a contribution of a hundred
talents. As the Parians refused to pay anything, he besieged them
without effect for nearly a month, and then returned wounded
to Athens, to disappoint the hopes of all. His enemies found
in his failure an opportunity to assail him. Xan-thip'pus, leader
of the repubhcan party,^ prosecuted him for having deceived
the people. The penalty would have been death ; but because of
Miltiades' great services to the state, it was lightened to a fine of
fifty talents. He died of his wound, and the fine was paid by his
son Cimon.
In attempting to divide fairly the blame of this unhappy event
between Mihtiades and the Athenians, we are to bear in mind that
it was the failure of the enterprise rather than its unworthy object
which angered the Athenians ; and that, on the other hand, from
his whole life and training as well as from his self-will and his per-
sonal ambition, Miltiades was dangerous to the state. Had he
succeeded in his plan, he might have made himself tyrant of
Athens.
109. Aristeides and Themistocles. — The republicans gathered
strength from the victory at Marathon and even from the overthrow
of Miltiades. By ostracizing Hipparchus and other prominent
friends of Hippias,^ they utterly disorganized the tyrant's faction.
Meanwhile they dealt the nobles a heavy blow by changing the
^ § 104. 2 §§ ^4^ 104.
124 ^^^ with Persia and Carthage
mode of appointment to the nine archonships. Before 487 B.C. the
archons had been elected; henceforth they were to be appointed
by lot. The change degraded these old aristocratic offices by open-
ing them to men of inferior ability. From this time the polemarch
ceased to have even nominal command of the army, and the ten
generals took the place of the nine archons as the chief magistrates
of Athens. Who the author of this measure was we do not know ;
it may have been Ar-is-tei'des, for there can be no doubt that after-
ward he devoted his whole energy to the task of making the Athen-
ian government a pure democracy. In opposition to the measure
the nobles and their friends formed a new conservative party, whereas
the men who brought about the change composed the new demo-
cratic party.
The democratic leaders, Aristeides and Themistocles, soon disa-
greed as to the best way of using the revenues from the silver mines
of Laurium in southeastern Attica. Aristeides, satisfied with the army
which had won the battle of Marathon, was evidently willing that
the old custom of dividing the revenues among the citizens should
continue. Themistocles, on the other hand, was determined that
Athens should have a navy to protect her from the Persian attacks
by sea and to make her a great power in Greece.^ Aristeides was
ostracised (483 B.C.) ; and with the support of the merchants
Themistocles carried his plan through the assembly. The state
built two hundred triremes,^ which proved to be the chief means of
winning a great naval victory over the Persians and of making
Athens the head of a maritime empire. To bring about this result
Themistocles had to teach the Athenians that they should support
the state rather than be supported by it, ?nd should sacrifice their
own selfish interests to the glory o^ tbeix country, — in brief, he had
to remake his fellow- citizens after the pattern of his own grand
ideal. Measured by its far-reaching effects upon Greece and the
worid, the creation of an Athenian navy by Themistocles was one
1 § 104. 2 Vessels with three banks of oars; p. 139.
Xerxes 125
of the most magnificent achievements of statesmanship known to
ancient history.
110. Preparations for another Invasion of Greece. — " Now when
the report came to Darius, the son of Hystaspes, of the battle which
was fought at Marathon, the king who even before this had been
greatly exasperated with the Athenians on account of the attack
made upon Sardis, then far more than before displayed indignation,
and was far more desirous of making a march against Hellas. Im-
mediately he sent messengers, therefore, to the various cities of his
empire and ordered that they should get ready a force, appointing
to each people to supply much more than at the former time, and
not only ships of war, but also horses and provisions and transport
vessels ; and when these commands were carried round, all Asia
was moved for three years, for all the best men were being enlisted
for the expedition against Hellas, and were making preparations.
In the fourth year, however, the Egyptians, who had been conquered
by Cambyses, revolted against the Persians; and then Darius was
even more desirous of marching against both these nations." ^
About this time (485 B.C.) Darius died, and Xerxes, his son and
successor, after reconquering Egypt, continued his preparation for
the invasion of Greece. In the spring of 481 B.C. the nations of his
empire were pouring their armed forces into Asia Minor, and the
autumn of the year found Xerxes with his vast host encamped for
the winter at Sardis. Provisions were being stored along the way,
and his engineers were bridging the Hellespont with boats. We do
not know how large, his army was, but it certainly did not exceed
three hundred thousand serviceable troops. On the sea was a fleet
of about twelve hundred ships manned by Greeks, Phoenicians, and
Egyptians. The invasion was to bring Greece into great peril ; for
Xerxes hoped to win by sheer force of numbers.
111. Union of the Loyal Greeks. — While Xerxes was in camp
at Sardis, his messengers came to the Greek states demanding earth
1 Herodotus vii. I.
126 War with Persia and Carthage
and water, and received these tokens of submission from many of
them. But none came to Athens and Sparta, as they were to be
punished for their treatment of the heralds sent by Darius. A
council of the loyal states met on the Isthmus to plan for the defence
of Greece. This union was practically an enlargement of the Pelopon-
nesian League under the leadership of Sparta. The States repre-
sented in the council agreed under oath to wage war in common for
the protection of their liberties. They also reconciled their enmities
with one another, and sent spies to Sardis and envoys to the other
Greek states to invite them to join the League. Xerxes, capturing
the spies, showed them round his camp and sent them home un-
harmed. The envoys to the Greek states were less successful. Argos,
through hostility to Sparta, held aloof from the union and doubtless
prayed for the success of the Persians. The Cor-cy-rae'ans promised
their navy, but lingered selfishly on the way till the war was decided.
Ge'lon, tyrant of Syracuse, was requested to give help ; but he was
busy preparing to meet a Carthaginian invasion (§ ii6).
The plan of the allies was to build a wall across the Isthmus of
Corinth and to make their main defence there. It was a narrow
policy, directed by the Lacedaemonian ephors. As Xerxes approached
the Hellespont in the spring of 480 B.C., the aUies made a feeble
attempt to defend Thessaly against him by posting an army in the
vale of Tempe. On the withdrawal of this army, the Thessalians
went over to the enemy.
112. The Battles of Thermopylae and Artemisium (480 B.C.). —
To prevent central Greece from following the example of the Thessa-
lians, the ephors sent King Le-on'i-das with three hundred heavy-
armed Spartans and a few thousand aUies to hold the pass of
Ther-mop'y-lae, and thus shut Xerxes out from central Greece.
They professed to beUeve that he could hold the pass till the Olym-
pic games were over. Then, they^ said, they would take the field in
full force. The fleet, comprising the squadrons of the various cities
of the League, sailed to Artemisium to cooperate with the army at
Thermopylae
127
Thermopylae. Each squadron was under its own admiral, and the
whole fleet was commanded by the Spartan Eu-ry-bi'a-des.
The Persians failed to carry Leonidas' position by assault, for
their numbers did not count in the narrow pass. The discipline of
the Greeks, their strong defensive armor, and their long spears might
have held the hordes of Xerxes in check for an indefinite time, had
not the Persians gained the rear of the pass through the treachery of
a Greek. Most of the allies then withdrew ; but Leonidas with his
three hundred Spartans and a few allies remained and prepared for a
death struggle. The
contrast between the
Greeks and the
Orientals was at its
height at Ther-
mopylae : on one
side, the Persian
officers scourged
their men to battle ;
on the other, the
Spartans voluntarily
met their death in
obedience to law.
" The Lacedaemonians are the best of all men when fighting in a
body ; for though free, yet they are not free in all things, since over
them is set law as a master. They certainly do whatever that master
commands ; and he always bids them not flee in battle from any
multitude of men, but stay at their post, and win the victory or lose
their lives." ^ The dead were buried where they fell, and above the
three hundred was placed this epitaph : " Stranger, tell the Lacedae-
monians that we lie here in obedience to their laws."
Meanwhile a storm off" the Magnesian coast had destroyed a third
of the Persian navy. This enormous loss to the enemy encouraged
1 Herodotus vii. 104.
PLAN OFTHERMOPYL-tl
A... .Hot Springs where formerly
flowed the brooK Phoeniz.
B Plrin of Anthela where i
C— Hot Springs andPhocian Wall
A-C.-Space between A and C called Thermopylae
£or».»* c..,».r.
128
War with Persia and Carthage
the wavering admirals of Greece to maintain their station at Ar-ie^
mis'i'Um; and though they learned that the Persians had sent two
hundred ships round Euboea to cut off their retreat, they were now
ready for battle. After the Greeks had destroyed or captured several
Persian vessels, night closed the engagement. Fortunately for the
Greeks, another storm wrecked the hostile squadron in their rear,
and thus enabled them to concentrate their whole fleet of over three
Bay of Salamis
(hundred ships against the enemy. On the following day, accord-
ingly, the two navies in full force put to sea against each other. The
battle was indecisive; but the Greeks lost so heavily that their
admirals had already resolved to retreat when a messenger came
with news of the defeat at Thermopylae. It was now clear that the
fleet could no longer maintain its position.
113. The March of Xerxes to Athens. — Xerxes was now moving
through central Greece toward Athens. Nearly all the states west
of Attica submitted and sent their troops to reenforce his army. The
Salamis 129
men of Delphi, according to their own account, hid the treasures ol
Apollo in a cave and prepared to resist the Persian corps which had
come to pillage their temple ; then some god aided them by bringing
a thunder-storm and hurling great crags down Mount Parnassus upon
the advancing enemy. In this way, they said, Apollo defended his
holy shrine.
The Greek fleet paused at Sal'a-mis to help the Athenians remove
their families and property to places of safety. This was their last
resource, as the Peloponnesians were bent on defending only Pelo-
ponnese. Indeed, the other admirals wished to hurry on to the
Isthmus; but Themistocles would not go with his fleet, and the
others felt they could not afford to lose it. On entering his city
Themistocles found it in despair. Some time before this the
Athenians had sent to consult the Delphic oracle with respect to the
approaching war, and a dreadful answer had come foretelling utter
ruin. The Athenian messengers besought a more favorable reply,
saying they would remain in the shrine till their death if it were not
granted. Then the god grew merciful and gave a little hope : —
" Pallas has not been able to soften the lord of Olympus,
Though she has often prayed him, and urged him with excellent counsel.
Yet once more I address thee in words than adamant firmer :
When the foe shall have taken whatever the limit of Cecrops
Holds within it, and all which divine Ci-thae'ron shelters,
Then far-seeing Jove grants this to the prayers of Athena;
Safe shall the wooden wall continue for thee and thy children.
Wait not the tramp of the horse, nor the footman mightily moving
Over the land, but turn your back to the foe, and retire ye.
Yet shall a day arrive when ye shall meet him in battle.
Holy Salamis, thou shalt destroy the offspring of women,
When men scatter the seed, or when they gather the harvest."
114. The Battle of Salamis (480 B.C.). — Some thought that the
" wooden wall " was the fence about the Acropolis ; but Themis-
tocles said no, it meant the ships, and thus he induced the Athenians
to quit their homes and place all their hopes in the fleet. Themis-
I30
War with Persia and Carthage
tocles was the soul of resistance to Persia. His resourceful mind
supplied courage, unity, and religious faith. He was now determined
that the battle between Asia and Europe should be fought in the bay
of Salamis. First, he exhausted the resources of eloquence and
argument to persuade the admirals that here was the most favorable
place for the fight ; but when arguments and even threats failed, he
secretly advised the enemy to block the Greeks up in the bay. By fol-
lowing his advice, Xerxes compelled the Greeks to fight. The three
MAP OF
SAIiAMIS
hundred and seventy-eight Greek triremes, nearly half of which
were manned by Athenians, had to face a fleet twice as large. But
in the narrow strait superiority in number was a disadvantage, —
closely crowded together, the enemy's ships were unable to manoeu-
vre, and even wrecked one another by collision. While on the left
wing the Athenians were putting the Phoenician ships to flight, the
Aeginetans on the right forced their way along the shore of Salamis
to assail the enemy in the flank and rear. After lasting all day the
battle ended in a glorious victory for the Greeks. The Asiatic fleet
was so thoroughly crippled that it could no longer endanger Greece.
Xerxes quickly withdrew from Europe, leaving Mardonius in com-
Plataea 1 3 1
mand of three hundred thousand troops. The contest on land
was deferred to the following summer; but the Persian cause was
strengthened by the departure of Xerxes, and the real crisis was
yet to come.
115. The Battles of Plataea and Mycale (479 B.C.). — The in-
vaders had destroyed Athens ; so that when the Athenians returned
to their city they found it in ruins. Though they might during
the winter have made good terms with the enemy, they remained
loyal to Hellas, only urging that the Peloponnesian army should
be displayed as soon as possible in Boeotia. In the spring of 479
B.C. Mardonius moved from his winter quarters in Thessaly into
central Greece, and the Athenians again abandoned their city.
Some of the Peloponnesians were at home ; others were busy work-
ing on the Isthmian wall, behind which they still planned to make
their defence. With urging and threats the Athenians finally in-
duced the ephors of Sparta to put forth their whole military
strength in defence of central Greece. Pau-sa'ni-as, regent for the
young son of Leonidas, brought to the Isthmus five thousand
heavy-armed Spartans, as many heavy-armed perioeci, and forty
thousand light-armed helots. There the allied troops from Pelo-
ponnese joined him, and at Eleusis he was further reenforced by
eight thousand Athenians under Aristeides. Herodotus estimates
the Persian army at three hundred thousand, the Greek at a little
nx)re than one hundred thousand.^ Mardonius retired to Boeotia,
and Pausanias followed him. The Persians encamped northeast of
Pla-tae'a on a level spot which would give room for the movements
of their cavalry. The Greek commander took a position on a
height above them ; but encouraged by a successful skirmish with
the Persian horsemen, he came down to the plain and placed him-
self between the enemy and Plataea. There the armies faced each
other twelve days, neither daring to open battle. But after the
Persian cavalry had damaged a spring on which the Greeks de-
^ Probably the forces were considerably smaller than he states.
132
War with Persia and Carthage
pended for water, Pausanias decided to retire in the night to a
more favorable position near Plataea. Mardonius, who thought this
movement a retreat, made haste to attack. When the Persians
overtook the Greeks and saw them face about, they made a barri-
*cade of their long shields by fastening the lower ends in the
ground, and from behind this defence they poured their de-
structive arrows upon the Greeks. The critical moment had
come ; Pausanias gave the word, and his men
rushed at full speed upon the foe. In the
hand-to-hand fight here, as at Marathon,
the athletic soldiers of Greece easily
overcame the ill-armed, unskilful men
of Asia.
In the summer of the same year, the
Greek fleet was tempted across the
Aegean by the Samians, who wished to
revolt against Persia. About the time
of the battle at Plataea, — Herodotus
says on the same day, — the crews of
the Greek vessels landed at Myc'a-le
and gained a victory over a greatly
; superior force of the Persians. The
battle of Plataea freed continental
Greece from fear of Persian con-
quest ; that at Mycale pointed unmis-
takably to the liberation from
Persian influence of the whole
Aegean region east and north.
116. ThQ War with Carthage; Battle of Himera (480 B.C.).—
Meanwhile the Sicilian Greeks were at war with Carthage. The
Phoenicians, who had founded this city, were originally an in-
dustrial and trading people with little taste for war.^ But to defend
A Persian Archer
Results 133
their commercial position in the western Mediterranean they had
recently begun on a large scale to hire troops from foreign coun-
tries. With her great army of mercenaries Carthage now aimed to
win back the lands she had been compelled to yield to the Greeks.
About the time that Xerxes was crossing the Hellespont, Ham-il'-
car, king of Carthage, landing at Pan-or'mus, advanced toward
Him'e-ra with an army of perhaps three hundred thousand men.
He was met and defeated near Himera by Gelon,^ tyrant of Syra-
cuse, with the help of allies from the cities of southern Sicily. The
story is told that all day long as the battle raged, the prophet-king
li Carthage stood apart from his host, offering victims to the gods,
and that at last to appease the angry powers who seemed to be
siding with the foe, he threw himself a hving sacrifice into the
flames.
117. Results of the War with Persia and Carthage. — The vic-
tory at Himera led to a treaty, according to wliich the western
Greeks and the Carthaginians were to retain their former posses-
sions. In eastern Greece the war with Persia continued for some
years after the battles of Plataea and Mycale for the liberation of
those Greeks who had been subject to Xerxes. The victory in
the east was won by the enthusiasm of free citizens ; that in the
west by mercenaries in the service of tyrants. Yet the conflict
in both parts created a democratic spirit, which in the east made
the exisdng constitutions still more popular, and in the west over-
turned tyranny and set up republican governments. The war with
Persia and Carthage cfid mucn to unite the states of Hellas : Sparta
remained for a time the political centre of the east * and Syracuse
of the west. Finally, the victorious Greeks, filled with energy and
confidence by their unexpected success, now entered upon their
great age in literature, art, and politics.
i§iii.
2 Till 461 B.C., when the leadership came to be divided between Athens and
Sparta.
134
War with Persia and Carthage
Topics for Reading
I. Marathon. — Herodotus vi. 107-117; ^wry, History 0/ Greece, pp. 2^j^
254; Grundy, Great Persian War, pp. 1 80-191.
II. Thermopylae. — Herodotus vii. 201-232; Cox, Greeks ana Persians, pp.
1 6 1- 1 68; Abbott, History of Greece, ii. pp. 151- 161.
III. Salamis. — Herodotus viii. 40-97 : Cox, pp. 1 73-183; Holm, History of
Greece, ii. pp. 55-59; Abbott, ii. pp. 1 77-191.
A Greek Athlete
(After Lysippus, a contemporary of Alexander the Great ; Vatican Museum, Rome)
CHAPTER IX
rHE AGE OF CIMON (479-461 B.C.)
ii8. Fortification of Athens and of Peiraeus (479, 476 B.C.). — As
soon as all danger from the Persians was over, the Athenians returned
home and began to rebuild their city and its walls. They had sacri-
ficed more than all the other Greeks together in the cause of Hellenic
freedom. But instead of sympathizing with them in their misfortune,
some of the Greek states, doubtless through jealousy, complained of
Athens to Sparta, and asked that the building of the defences be
stopped. It was urged that the Athenian walls would be merely a
protection to the Persians on another invasion, and that Peloponnese
would afford a sufficient refuge for all. The Spartan ephors acted
readily on the suggestion. They sent envoys who advised the
Athenians to stop fortifying their city and to join the Lacedaemonians
rather in tearing down the walls of all the communities north of the
Isthmus of Corinth. The policy of Lacedaemon was evidently to
rule Greece if convenient, and to protect only Peloponnese ; but the
Athenians would not submit to an arrangement so unjust. As they
were in no condition to face a Peloponnesian army, the resourceful
Themistocles provided a way out of the difficulty.
Following his advice, the Athenians appointed him, Aristeides, and
a third person ambassadors to Sparta to discuss the question at issue.
" Themistocles proposed that he should start at once for Sparta, and that his col
leagues should wait until the wall reached the lowest height which could possibly be
defended. The whole people, men, women, and children, should join in the work,
and they must spare no building, private or public, which could be of use, but
demolish them all. Having given these instructions and intimated that he would
manage affairs at Sparta, he departed. On his arrival he did not at once present
himself officially to the magistrates, but delayed and made excuses ; and when an^^
136
The Age of Cinton
of them Asked him why he did not appear before the assembly, he said that he was
waiting for his colleagues, who had been detained by some engagement; he
was daily expecting them, and wondered that they had not appeared.
" The friendship of the Lacedaemonian magistrates for Themistocles induced
them to believe him ; but when everybody who came from Athens declared posi-
tively that the wall was building and had already reached a considerable height,
they knew not what to think. He, aware of their suspicions, desired them not
to be misled by reports, but to send to Athens men whom they could trust out of
their own number, who would see for themselves and bring back word. They
agreed ; and he at the same time privately instructed the Athenians to detain the
envoys as quietly as they could, and not let them go till he and his colleagues had
A Remnant of the Wall of Athens
(Built by Themistocles)
got safely home. For by this time . . . [the two other Athenian ambassadors]
had arrived, bringing the news that the wall was of sufficient height; and he was
afraid that the Lacedaemonians, when they heard the truth, might not allow them
to return. So the Athenians detained the envoys, and Themistocles, coming
before the Lacedaemonians, at length declared in so many words that Athens was
now provided with walls and could protect her citizens; "^ and that henceforth
Sparta must treat her as an equal.
It was a bold game well played. The ephors replied that their
proposal to Athens had been intended merely as friendly advice.
^ Thucydides i. 90 f.
Delian Confederacy 137
The outcome of the matter was that although the Spartans were
thoroughly indignant with Themistocles, the alliance between the two
states remained intact (§§ 94, 126).
As soon as the Athenians had finished rebuilding their city, The-
mistocles began to fortify Peiraeus. He surrounded it with a massive
wall seven miles in circuit, for he wished it to be so strong that no
enemy could take it by storm, and to contain at the same time ample
space for trade and manufacturing. Peiraeus soon took a place
among the most flourishing commercial cities of the Mediterranean
world.
119. The Confederacy of Delos. — While the Athenians were
rebuilding and fortifying their city and port, interesting events were
happening elsewhere. The year after the battles of Plataea and
Mycale the Lacedaemonians sent out Pausanias to command the fleet
of the allies in their war for the liberation of the colonies. He
laid siege to Byzantium, which was still occupied by the enemy
(478 B.C.) ; but while engaged in this work he offered to betray
Greece into Persian hands on condition that he might become tyrant
of his country and son-in-law of the king. Meantime he was cruel
and arrogant to those under his authority. The Asiatic Greeks who
had joined the expedition, resenting such treatment, begged the
Athenian generals, Aristeides and Cimon,^ to take charge of the fleet.
The gentleness and courtesy of the commanders from Athens con-
trasted strikingly with the brutality of Pausanias. Naturally, too, the
Athenians and the Asiatic Greeks sympathized with each other because
of their close kinship. Aristeides and Cimon accepted the invitation.
The Lacedaemonians recalled Pausanias to answer the charges against
him,^ and soon afterward yielded the leadership at sea to Athens.
They saw no advantage to themselves in continuing the war with
Persia and could not trust their commanders abroad. They believed,
too, that they should lose none of their prestige by this arrangement,
for Athens was still their ally and pledged by treaty to follow their
1 §§ 108, 109. 2 § 122.
138 The Age of Cimon
iead in war. The Athenians, on the other hand, gladly accepted the
burden of the war with Persia, for they hoped by means of their great
navy to gain both wealth and political power.
In 477 B.C., accordingly, the Athenians organized their new alliance.
It centred at the shrine of Apollo on the island of De'los, and was
named therefore the Delian Confederacy. Its organization was pat-
terned after that of the Peloponnesian League.^ The allies were to
furnish ships and crews led by Athenian generals, and a congress of
deputies from all the allied states was to meet at Delos under the presi-
dency of representatives from Athens. But in important respects
the Confederacy of Delos differed from the Peloponnesian League.
It was necessary to maintain a large fleet in the Aegean Sea as a
defence against the Persians, whereas no standing force was needed
for the protection of Peloponnese. Money is absolutely necessary
for the support of a fleet ; hence the Delian Confederacy, unlike the
Peloponnesian League, levied annual taxes. Aristeides, who was
commissioned to make the first assessment, decided which states
should furnish ships with their crews and which should contribute
money. The larger communities generally provided naval forces,
while the smaller paid taxes. The total annual cost of maintaining
the Confederacy amounted, by the assessment of Aristeides, to
four hundred and sixty talents.^ The treasury, in the temple of the
Delian Apollo, was managed by treasurers who were exclusively
Athenians.
120. Growth of the Confederacy; Revolts of the Allies. — With
Cimon as leader, the Delian Confederacy rapidly expanded till it
came within a few years to include the eastern and northern coasts
and most of the islands of the Aegean. In 468 B.C., at the mouth of
the Eu-rym'e-don on the coast of Pam-phyl'i-a, Cimon gained a
double victory over a Phoenician fleet and a land force of Persians.
As a result of this battle, the Carian and Lycian coasts came into the
Confederacy of Delos^ bringing the number of cities up to about two
^ § 92. ^ The value of a silver talent is about j{5i 180.
Revolts
139
hundred. The Persians were dislodged from the whole Aegean
region, and there was little apparent danger from them for the pres-
ent. But this very feeling of security proved to be extremely mis-
chievous. Many of the allies, finding military service irksome, offered
to pay taxes instead. Cimon advised the Athenians to accept these
payments, as they could build and equip triremes at less expense
than the separate allied towns, and hence could fulfil their agreement
to protect the Aegean Sea, give work to the laboring class among
themselves, and have money left for their own pubHc use. But some
grew tired even of pay-
ing the tribute. Indeed,
they could no longer see
the need of a confeder-
acy since the Persians
had ceased to trouble
them.
Even before the battle
of Eurymedon Nax'os
took the lead in revolt-
ing. It had a strong
navy and expected aid
from Persia ; but Cimon
besieged the island and
reduced it before help could arrive. The Naxians were compelled
to tear down their walls, surrender their fleet, and pay henceforth an
annual tribute. Thus Naxos lost its freedom and became dependent
on Athens (469 B.C.).
Next came the revolt of Tha'sos, the cause of which was a quarrel
between the Athenians and the Thasians over certain gold mines of
Thrace, in which both had an interest. Thasos was one of the strong-
est of the aUies ; it had a fleet of thirty-three ships and valuable pos-
sessions in Thrace. After a siege of two years Cimon reduced the
island, and punished it just as he had Naxos (463 B.C.).
A Trireme
140 The Age of Cimon
121. Sparta and Athens. — To understand the trouble which soon
afterward arose between Athens and Sparta, it is necessary to trace
the relations of these cities to each other from the time when The-
mistocles built the wall around Athens.^ This measure offended the
Lacedaemonians, who, while keeping peace with Athens, vented their
rage upon Themistocles. It was their custom to control alHes by
interfering in their politics. Accordingly they urged Cimon forward
as leader of the conservatives at Athens, and consequently as an
opponent of Themistocles, a democrat. In this position Cimon had
the good will of Aristeides. Though Aristeides, as well as Themisto-
cles, was a democrat, the two men held quite different views. The-
mistocles represented the commercial interests of the party ; Aristeides
was a patron of the poor, — he insisted that all public service should
be paid, and that the state should support the masses in return for
their labor. Both men were praised by their friends as strictly up-
right; both were denounced by their enemies as unscrupulous and
corrupt in public life. Themistocles had a brilliant mind, and was a
friend of education and of art ; Aristeides, a man of average intelli-
gence, would have nothing to do with such refinements, but thought
it enough that people should have a living and be honest. Men so
unlike could not work together. Aristeides joined Cimon against
Themistocles, and so did other prominent men. Representing their
great opponent as dangerous to the state, they had him ostracised
(about 472 B.C.). He retired to Argos, and from there travelled
about Peloponnese. Wherever he went, he encouraged the members
of the league to set up democratic governments and to revolt against
Sparta.
122. The Fate of Pausanias and of Themistocles. — While Themis-
tocles was thus engaged, it seems probable that he received letters
from Pausanias urging him to take part in some treasonable design.
After his recall from Byzantium Pausanias had not only continued
his traitorous correspondence with Persia,^ but was even intriguing
H "8. *§ii9.
The Revolt of the Helots 141
with the helots,^ promising them citizenship if they would support
him in his plans. No sooner had the ephors got evidence of all his
doings and resolved to arrest him, than he fled for refuge to a shrine
of Athena. Fearing to dra^ him away, they walled him in, so that
he died of starvation ; and thus the Lacedaemonians brought upon
themselves the curse of impiety.
The ephors now alleged that they had found among the letters
of Pausanias some evidence that Themistocles also had been plot-
ting with the Persians against Greece. They demanded that he
should be tried for treason. As the Lacedaemonians were already
angry with Themistocles, we should be slow to believe the accusa-
tion. Athenian officers, however, went to Peloponnese to bring
him to Athens for trial. Hearing of their approach, Themistocles
escaped to Cor-cy'ra, and after various wanderings made his way to
the court of the Persian king. Here he found safety from his pur-
suers ; he was kindly received and given the revenues of some cities
in western Asia Minor. He may have made the king some promise
of subduing Greece, but he certainly did nothing to carry it into
effect. Finally he died of sickness, though some of the Greeks
believed that he took poison to avoid fulfilling his promise to the
king. Thus the man who had done more than any other to main-
tain the freedom of Hellas and to make his own city great ended
his life in obscurity and dishonor ; but years afterward he became
next to Solon the idol of the Athenians.
123. The Revolt of the Helots (464 B.C.). —After driving Themis-
tocles from Greece, the Lacedaemonians remained friendly to Athens
for several years. But when the battle of Eurymedon had been won,
and they saw the victorious city continually adding to her posses-
sions and power, fear and jealously turned them against her. By
promising to invade Attica they secretly encouraged the Thasians to
hold out against Athens. This agreement, however, they were pre-
vented from fulfilling by a terrible earthquake, which nearly de-
1 « St.
142 The Age of Cimon
stroyed Sparta. Only a few houses were left standing, and thousands
of lives were lost. Many of the helots had recently been slain on
su^icion of having intrigued with Pausanias. The authorities at
Sparta had even dragged some away from sanctuaries and put them
to death. Hence the earthquake was regarded by the lower classes
in Laconia as a divine punishment visited upon Lacedaemon for
her sin. The helots revolted, and in the general confusion caused
by earthquake and superstition they nearly captured Sparta by sur-
prise. But most of the perioeci remained loyal, and the shattered
city was saved by the promptness of King Ar-chi-da'mus. The
insurgents, who were mostly Messenians, seized and fortified, in
their own country. Mount Ithome,^ one of the strongest mihtary
positions in Peloponnese. As the Lacedaemonians could accom-
plish nothing against them single-handed, they asked help of their
allies, including the Athenians. When the envoys reached Athens,
a hot debate ensued as to whether aid should be sent. After the
banishment of Themistocles, the democratic party, believing that
Sparta was a dead weight attached to Athens, continued to uphold
his policy of cutting loose from Peloponnese. Its leader was now
Themistocles' friend, Eph-i-al'tes, a good citizen and an upright
statesman. He vehemently opposed the resolution to send assist-
ance to the Lacedaemonians and advised that " the pride and
arrogance of Sparta be trodden under." Cimon, who was present,
was of the opposite opinion. In the debate with Ephialtes, he
urged the Athenians " not to suffer Greece to be lamed or Athens to
be deprived of her yoke-mate," meaning that the alliance between
these two states should be preserved at every cost. It was his
conviction that the strength of Hellas should be united in continual
war against Persia. The assembly adopted his proposal, and sent
him with an army against Ithome.
124. The Fall of the Council of the Areopagus (462 B.C.).— Cimon
left his party without a leader at a very critical time. Since the
M38.
¥
Ephialtes and Pericles 143
war with Persia democratic ideas had been gaining ground at
Athens. Influenced by Aristeides, the government had begun to
pay for public service, in order that the poor might stand on an
equality with the rich in their relations with the state. Thus Aris-
teides introduced a radical democratic principle into the constitution.
The only important conservative forc'e remaining in it was the
Council of the Areopagus. As the members of this body held their
places for life, they were usually a generation behind time in the
questions of the day. In Cimon's absence Ephialtes attacked this
council, and carried a measure which deprived it of all political
authority. It remained little more than a court with jurisdiction in
cases of murder.
Ephialtes was supported in this measure by Pericles, son of Xan-
thippus. Though a young man, Pericles was already recognized as
a prominent leader of the democrats against the conservative Cimon.
After acquiring enormous wealth through his victories, Cimon spent
it liberally on the state and the citizens. He engaged architects,
painters, and sculptors to adorn the city with beautiful works. Espe-
cially generous toward the people of his township, he had the fences
pulled down from about his orchards that his neighbors might freely
enjoy the fruit ; his table was plain, but all his townsmen were wel-
come to eat with him. Those who were thus maintained at his
expense supported him in political life. The idea of Pericles, on the
other hand, was to enUst the citizens in the service of the state, that
they might be attached to it rather than to individuals like Cimon.
His chief means to this end was the passage of an act to pay jurors
a small fee, probably two obols (six cents) a day, for their service.
Thus he and Ephialtes finished the work which Aristeides had begun,
and Athens became a pure democracy. Ephialtes was soon after-
ward assassinated, probably by political enemies.
125. Rupture between Athens and Sparta (462 B.C.) ; Ostracism of
Cimon (461 B.C.). — Meanwhile the Athenian troops at Ithome were
unsuccessful; and the Lacedaemonian authorities, suspecting them
t44
The Age of Cimon
of treachery, insolently dismissed them. Cimon returned to Athens
an unpopular man. In trying to check the rising tide of democracy,
he was met with taunts of
over-fondness for Sparta and
of immorality in his private
life. Athens abandoned his
policy, broke loose from
Sparta, and began to form
an alliance of her own, wholly
independent of the Pelopon-
nesian League. Cimon's
resistance to these new
movements caused his ostra-
cism in 461 B.C.
For fifteen years (476-461
B.C.) he had been leading the
Athenian fleets to victory or
upholding the principles of
old Athens against what he
believed to be the dangerous
Discobolus tendencies of demagogues,
(After Myron; Vatican Museum. Rome) ^^^j^ ^ ThemistOcles and
Ephialtes ; during this time his influence maintained friendship be-
tween his city and Sparta and harmony among the states of Greece.
Under his patronage Athens advanced beyond all other Hellenic
cities in civilization. Recalled from exile some time afterward, he
was again to show himself a patriot and a friend of art, but with his
ostracism the pohtical leadership of Athens passed into other hands.
Topics for Reading
I. Aristeides. — Aristotle, ///^<?«m« Constitution, 20^-, "PlutAtcb, Aristeides ;
Cox, Greek Statesmen, i : " Aristeides."
n. Cimon. — Plutarch, Cimon: Hi)lm, History of Greece^ ii. ch. viii, ix;
Botsford, Greece, ch. viii.
CHAPTER X
THE AGE OF PERICLES (461-431 b".c.)
126. Athens and her Neighbors (461-457 B.C.). — After Ephialtes
was assassinated and Cimon ostracised, Pericles became the leading
statesman of his city. Under his guidance Athens deserted the
Peloponnesian League and allied herself with Argos and Thessaly,
and soon afterward with Megaris. But the rapid growth of her
power stirred up enemies. The Ae-gi-ne'tans, the Corinthians, and
some others combined to resist her. In the war which followed, the
Athenians were victorious over their enemies by land and sea — in
Megaris and off Aegina. They then landed on that island and laid
siege to the city. At the same time they began to build two long
walls, — four, and four and a half, miles in length, — one connecting
L 145
146
The Age of Pericles
Athens with Phalerum, the other with Peiraeus. Several years later
they made a third wall parallel with the second mentioned, in order
to have a fortified road to the sea. Their purpose was not only to
secure communication between the city and the harbors in case of
siege, but also to provide a place of safety for the country people
with their movable property. They were right in thinking that as
long as Athens maintained these walls and her naval supremacy, she
was absolutely safe from every external enemy. The conservatives
opposed the undertaking ; a few of their party intrigued with the
Lacedaemonians, inviting them to interfere and stop the building of
the walls. Because of their traitorous attachment to Sparta, the
stronghold of oligarchy,^ these Athenian conservatives were hence-
forth called " oligarchs," a name odious to the patriots through its
association with treason and conspiracy.
It seems probable that the Lacedaemonians accepted the invita-
tion of these oligarchs, for they immediately introduced a strong
army into Boeotia, near the Attic
border. Disgraced by her sub-
mission to Xerxes, Thebes had
lost control of Boeotia. The
Lacedaemonians now restored
the Boeotian League, with Thebes
at its head, as a counterpoise to
Athens. Thereupon the Athe-
nians with their alUes marched
forth and engaged the Pelopon-
nesians at Tan'a-gra (457 B.C.).
It was a bloody struggle, but
the Athenians were worsted, partly because the Thessalian cavalry in
their alliance deserted to the enemy.
127. Athens and her Neighbors (456-447 B.C.) . — The Lacedae-
monians now returned home, leaving the Boeotians in the lurch.
1 § 92, n. I.
Athenian Knights
(From the Parthenon Frieze)
Continental Federation 147
Two months later the Athenians under My-ro'ni-des, an able general,
again took the field and defeated the Boeotians at Oe-noph'y-ta.
Through this victory Athens brought into her alliance all the towns
of Boeotia except Thebes ; also Phocis, already friendly, and Locris.
The Athenians expelled the oligarchs from the Boeotian towns and
set up democratic governments favorable to themselves. For a time
everything went well. Aegina surrendered, dismantled her walls,
and entered the Dehan Confederacy as a tributary state. About the
same time Troe'zen and Achaea made an alHance with Athens. The
Athenians were now at the height of their power. Their Continental
Federation extended from the Isthmus to Thermopylae, and further-
more included not only Argos, Troezen, and Achaea in Peloponnese,
but also Nau-pac'tus, an important station controlling the entrance to
the Corinthian Gulf. The Aegean Sea had become an Athenian lake.
The maritime empire whose resources Pericles commanded extended
from the Attic shores eastward to Caria and northward to the Black
Sea. Although under Pericles Athens had been uniformly success-
ful, she was soon to experience a dreadful misfortune. Two hundred
and fifty triremes recently sent to aid Egypt in her revolt were taken
by the Persians. This great reverse compelled Athens to adopt a
more friendly policy in relation to her neighbors.
Cimon, recalled from exile, brought about a Five Years^ Truce
between his city and Lacedaemon in 450 B.C. Next year he sailed
with two hundred triremes to free Cyprus from Persia. But he died
on the expedition ; and though his fleet destroyed a strong Phoeni-
cian armament, the project came to naught. Cimon's death was a
great loss to the Athenians ; he was their Nelson, the winner of more
naval victories than any other Greek.
Soon afterward the Continental Federation came to an end (447
B.C.). The oligarchs whom Athens had driven from the towns of
Boeotia returned in force, defeated the Athenians, and compelled
them to leave the country. About the same time Athens lost control
of Locris, Phocis, and Megara, and came near losing Euboea. Only
148
The Age of Pericles
the energy and diplomacy of Pericles saved the empire at this crisis.
But his city was exhausted and needed a breathing time.
In 445 B.C. a Truce for Thirty Years was made between the two
hostile powers. Athens gave up all her continental alHes except
Plataea and Naupactus. Neither party was to interfere with the
alHes of the other, but alliances with strangers could be made at
pleasure. Athens suffered most by the treaty, as she was not only
excluded from Peloponnese but also lost control of the Corinthian
Gulf and the Isthmus.
She gained, on the other
hand, an acknowledgment
of her maritime suprem-
acy.
About the same time
friendly relations were es-
tablished between Athens
and Persia, and thereafter
they remained at peace
with each other for many
years.
128. The Change from
the Confederacy of Delon
to the Athenian Empire
(454 B.C.). — In the pre-
ceding chapter we have
seen how the allies of
Athens were gradually re-
duced to the condition of subjects.^ The change from confederacy
to empire was completed by the transfer of the treasury from Delos
to Athens, probably in 454 b.c. Only the Lesbians, Chians, and
Samians, as free and equal allies, retained whatever forms of govern-
ment they desired. The other states were required to make new
1 § 120.
Pericles
(Copied after Cresilas, a Cretan artist of the Fifth
Century, B.C., British Museum)
Imperialism 149
treaties with Athens by which they agreed to adopt democratic con-
stitutions, and to send their important law cases to the imperial city
for trial. The tribute from the empire enabled Athens to beautify
herself with public works, to encourage literature and art, to provide
the citizens with magnificent festivals, to give paid employment to
most of her people, and to build and maintain powerful fleets and
strong defences. Among the allied states Pericles estabHshed many
colonies, which besides serving as garrisons for the protection of the
empire, furnished the poorer Athenians with lands. Thus both city
and citizens were benefited by the empire.
The alHes, too, enjoyed the advantages of peace. Never before or
afterward did they ha/e equal opportunity for commerce or for quiet
country life. The annual tribute was more than balanced by an in-
crease in wealth and prosperity. The commons, everywhere pro-
tected by Athens from the insolence of their own oligarchs, remained
faithful. Only the families which had once ruled their communities
and the market-place politicians were actively engaged in fomenting
opposition to the Athenians. Though by no means perfect, the
empire was the highest political development which the Greeks had
yet reached ; undoubtedly the great majority in all the states of the
empire were satisfied with it to the end.
129. Opposition to Imperialism. — The chief opponent of imperi-
ahsm at Athens was Thu-cyd'i-des, son of Mel-e'si-as. He was a
near kinsman of Cimon, but a far more skilful politician, and an
effective orator. Gathering up the remnants of the conservative
party, he led it in a desperate attack upon the policy of Pericles.
He charged against the democratic statesman the transfer of the
confederate treasury to Athens and the use of the funds for the
decoration of the city. . Finally his party, alleging that Pericles was
aiming to make himself tyrant, risked everything on a vote of ostra-
cism. By banishing Thucydides the Athenians gave Pericles free
scope for his policy at home and abroad (442 B.C.).
Soon afterward Samos revolted. This was an evil omen to the
150 The Age of Pericles
empire, for the Samians had always been the most faithful allies and
the most zealous supporters of Athens. They expected help from
both Persia and Lacedaemon, but none came. The Persians were
not ready, and Corinth again prevailed upon Lacedaemon not to
interfere with Athens. The Samians hoped, too, that many subject
states of Athens would join them, but this great danger to the empire
was averted by the energy of Pericles. In a nine months' siege he
compelled Samos to surrender. He then deprived the state of its
freedom and required it to pay the expenses of the war. This
success strengthened the empire (440 B.C.).
130. The Periclean Democracy (461-431 B.C.) ; the Law Courts. —
While Pericles was thus engaged in attaching to Athens the com-
mon people of the empire by giving them the control of their
states, and by suppressing the oligarchs, he was no less busy with
estabhshing equal rights for his fellow-citizens. In earlier times the
Council of the Areopagus had exercised a parental watch over the
government; but in 462 B.C. Pericles had helped overthrow that
body,^ because he believed the Athenians were no longer children
in politics, and could now govern themselves. He intended that the
people themselves should protect their constitution by means of the
supreme court which Solon had established.^ It was to contain six
thousand jurors, who were divided normally into panels, or smaller
courts,^ of five hundred and one each. As cases were decided by a
majority vote, the odd number was to prevent a tie. Originally the
archons were judges and the courts simply received appeals from
their decisions; but in the time of Pericles the archons had come
to be mere clerks, who prepared cases for presentation to the courts
and presided over them through the trial, with no power to influence
the decision. As the archons declined, the jurors gained in im-
portance. Their large number made bribery and intimidation diffi-
1 §§71, 124. 2 § 77,
* Di-cas-ie'ri-a, plural of dicasterium. Some panels were larger, others smallei^
but the number was always odd.
The Jury System 1 5 1
cult. This was especially salutary, as there was a tendency among
Greek nobles to override the laws and trample upon the rights of
common people. The system, on the other hand, was defective
from the fact that it is easier to excite the feelings of a multitude
than of a few persons. Then, too, these large bodies of men, taken
for the most part from the less wealthy class and absolutely free from
the control of a judge, often acted from political motives ; as they
were intensely democratic, an oligarch was not sure of fair treatment
at their hands.
The legislative power resided chiefly in these courts. Once a year
the no-moth' e-tae, a special body of sworn jurors, met and received
from the Council of Five Hundred and the assembly proposals for
new laws, and after hearing them discussed, decided upon them by a
majority vote. Laws thus made were distinguished from the decrees
passed by the Council of Five Hundred and the assembly in their
management of the current business of government.^
The introductiojt of a fee enabled the poorest citizen to attend to
jury service. The pay was that of an unskilled day laborer. If
frugally managed, it would buy food for a small family. There was
no class of paupers in Athens at this time ; nor did men wish to
become jurors to avoid working with their hands. They had been
oarsmen or soldiers in their younger days, and now, for the most-
part too old to work, they were drawing their juror's fee as a kind
of pension, for which, however, they were required to sit on the
benches judging from early morning till late at night. Payment
for public duties, whether religious or political, tended to equalize
the poor and the rich ; it tended to the religious, intellectual, and
political education of all the citizens, and was thus a necessary factor
in- the growth of Attic civilization.
131. The Periclean Democracy; the Assembly and the Generals.
— The assembly was composed of all citizens above eighteen years
1 Laws were nom'oi, plural of nomos, and nomothetae signifies lawmakers; de
crees were pse-phis'ma-ta, plural oi psephisma.
152 The Age of Pericles
of age who had the leisure and inclination to attend. There were
four regular meetings in every prytany, or tenth of a year, with as
ciany extraordinary sessions as were thought necessary. One meet-
ing of each prytany was occupied with examining the conduct of
magistrates ; and any one of them who was thought guilty of mis-
management could be deposed and brought to trial before a popular
court. All measures brought before the assembly had to be pre-
viously considered by the Council of Five Hundred, but the citizens
could offer amendments at pleasure. They had no master; they
acknowledged no authority but the laws which they and their fathers
had made. There was no higher or more dignified office than that
of the citizen who attended the assembly and law courts; he was at
once a legislator, a judge, and an executive officer. This position of
honor and trust made him public-spirited. The Athenian citizen was
called upon as was no other in the ancient world, to find his larger
interests in those of the state. In the assembly and in the courts he
received an education in law and in statesmanship such as has been
granted to but a select few in other states, whether ancient or
modern.
By far the most important magistrates in this century were the
generals. They commanded the army, and were ministers of war,
of the navy, of finance, and of foreign affairs. They had to be in
constant communication with the assembly. For this purpose the
gift of speaking was necessary, and that general who was at the same
time an orator was naturally leader of the board. Through this
office Pericles ruled Athens and her empire with an authority which
surpassed that of kings and tyrants. His power was founded on
ability and integrity. " He was able to control the multitude in a
free spirit ; he led them rather than was led by them ; for, not seek-
ing power by dishonest arts, he had no need to say pleasant things,
but on the strength of his own high character could venture to
oppose and even to anger them. When he saw them unseasonably
elated and arrogant, his words humbled and awed them ; and when
The Periclean Democracy 153
they were depressed by groundless fears, he sought to reanimate
their confidence. Thus Athens, though still in name a democracy,
was in fact ruled by her greatest citizen." ^
132. Narrowness of the Periclean Democracy. — The chief de-
fect in the Periclean system was its narrowness. There were perhaps
thirty thousand voters in Attica at this time. The total number of
Athenians, including women and children, was about a hundred thou-
sand. Under these in rank were thirty thousand alien residents, and
at the lowest estimate, a hundred thousand slaves. From this it is
evident that all men in Attica were by no means free and equal.
Slavery was necessary to the Athenian democracy, as it gave the citi-
zens leisure for attending to public affairs ; yet it was a monstrous
evil. However, it may be said that, so far as our knowledge goes,
the slave at Athens was treated better even than the common citizen
in oligarchic states.
An evil second only to slavery was the permanent exclusion of alien
residents from the citizenship. Many of their families had lived in Attica
for generations ; and had they been admitted to all the privileges of
citizenship, they would undoubtedly have given the state a breadth
of base sufficient for its preservation and success in the long war
which was soon to come. The narrowness of the Athenian system is
seen further in the relation between Athens and her allies, who were
now in reahty subjects. However loyal an allied state might be, its
citizens were given no hope of ever securing the Athenian franchise.
Thus the whole body of Athenian citizens had become aristocrats,
were now living at the expense of the many over whom they ruled,
and were taking pride in their exclusive privileges of birth. Finally,
by refusing to intermarry with any other Greeks, the Athenians made
of themselves a closed caste. Pericles brought this about by his law
of 45 1 B.C., which restricted the citizenship to those whose parents
were both Athenians. This narrowness was more pernicious to Athens
than all the calamities of war which ever befell her.
1 Thucydides ii. 65.
154
The Age of Pericles
Improvements of the City*
133. Art. — In the improvement of the city the years of peace
from 445 to 431 B.C. form the most brilliant period of Athenian his-
tory. Pericles wished his city to
become the " School of Hellas " ;
he aimed, by adding a broad, well-
rounded education to the natural
genius of the Athenians, to make
of them a race of men whom other
Greeks would regard as distinctly
superior in mind and in soul.
Thus he hoped to establish for
his countrymen a natural claim to
sovereignty over Hellas. One of.
the means of effecting this end was
a beautiful environment.
On the Acropolis, accordingly,
skilful architects built a temple to
Athena, which came to be known
as the FarUhe-non.^ It included
two principal apartments : the
smaller served as a treasure room,
and the larger contained the statue
of the goddess. The material of
the temple is marble from Mount
Pentelicus; when taken from the
quarries it is brilliantly white, but
exposure to the weather changes
Athena Parthenos
1 Those teachers who wish to follow the political narrative without interruption
may omit §§ 133, 134.
2 « Maidens' chamber," first applied simply to 'he treasure room, which was
dedicated to Athena's maiden attendants.
Temples
155
it to a rich yellow. Though the Parthenoi\ is Doric, its beauty is
softened by Ionic influence. It is perhaps the most nearly perfect
piece of architecture ever created by human hands.
Near the Parthenon, on the northern rim of the Acropolis, is the
E-rech-thei^um, the house of Erechtheus and Athena. The Athena
of the Parthenon was guardian of the empire ; the goddess of the
Erechtheium protected the city. This temple, finished in 409 bx.,
"Theseium"
(From the northeast)
was the centre of the religious life of Athens. It is in the Ionic
style, and is noted for its beautiful floral ornamentation of the honey-
suckle pattern. Modern artists are attracted by the statues of maid-
ens, substituted for columns in the south porch (p. 186).
Northwest of the Acropolis, on a rocky terrace, is the so-called
The-seVum, a temple of the Doric order, the best preserved piece
of ancient Greek architecture. It is unknown whether this is really
a temple to Theseus or to one of the great gods, perhaps Hephaestus,
156
The Age of Pericles
or whether Cimon or Pericles built it. Scholars are inclined to re-
gard it as the work of Pericles, and think it too large to be the shrine
of a mere hero (§48).
All the temples at Athens are of the same fine material ; all testify-
to the love of beauty born in the people who built them.
The private dwelHngs of the Greeks and even their official build-
ings were small and inexpensive. ReHgion alone inspired them to
build beautifully and grandly. But some architectural works were
less directly connected with the worship of the gods than were
the temples. Such was the Pro-py-lae'a, the magnificent portal of the
AcropoHs, built under the administration of Pericles. Beneath the
Acropolis, on the southeast,
Pericles built also the
O-dei'um. It was semi-
circular in form, with a
pointed, tent-like roof,
whose rafters were masts
of Persian vessels taken at
Salamis. In it were held
the musical contests of the
Great Pan-ath-e-nae'a, or
harvest festival in honor of
the goddess.
The srulpture of the age
was as beautiful as the
architecture. The reliefs
of the Parthenon were
made under the direction of Phei'di-as, the most eminent sculptor
of all time. By comparing one of its metopes with that from Selinus
described above,^ we may see how wonderful an advance the Greeks
had made in this branch of art within the short period of a hundreo
and fifty years. The figures of the Parthenon metope are lifelike,
H98.
Lapith and Centaur
(Parthenon Metope)
Literature 157
and are wrought with great skill. The earlier sculpture shows a
mechanical succession of figures little related to one another, whereas
those of the later piece form a natural group which fills the slab with
a variety of graceful lines.
The earliest material for statues was wood ; and throughout
ancient history some of the most revered images of the gods were
but carved logs. For instance, in the Erechtheium the Athenians
kept an archaic wooden statue of Athena, which they venerated more
highly than all the artistic work of more recent times. Bronze and
•Stone, however, gradually took the place of wood. Rarely ivory and
gold were used. The great statue of Athena by Pheidias in the
Parthenon was of this kind. It was made on a wooden frame ; the
garments were of gold and the bare parts of ivory.
134. Literature, Philosophy, and Education. — AesUhy-lus (525-
456 B.C.), the first great composer of dramas, saw the beginning of
the age of Pericles. He had lived through the war with Persia and
had fought in the battles of Marathon and Salamis. From this con-
flict he drew his inspiration. Of his ninety tragedies we have only
seven, but all oi them masterpieces of literature. To the student of
history the Persians is the most valuable. In representing the inva-
sion of Xerxes, it gives a glorious description of the battle of Salamis.
The moral aim of the play is to show how Zeus punished Xerxes
for his insolence. In fact overweening pride and its fatal effects
are the theme of all his writings.
Soph^o-cles was the great dramatic writer of the age of Pericles.
Though not so strong or so original as Aeschylus, he was a more
careful artist. His plot is more intricate and his language more fin-
ished. We have but seven of his hundred plays. Though the OedH-pus
Tyr-an^nus won but a second prize, modern scholars usually consider
it his best. It tells how Oedipus, king of Thebes, a just and pious
man, brought utter ruin upon himself and his household by unintert-
tional sin.^ In the An-tig'o-ne the heroine faces a conflict between
M 47.
153 The Age of Pericles
divine and human law. She chooses to obey the command of God in
preference to that of the king ; and she dies a martyr to the nobler
cause. It has always been popular from its first exhibition to the
present day.
In the age of Pericles He-rod' o-tus was at work on his history,
the first masterpiece of Greek prose. An exile from his native city
of Hal-i-car-nas'sus in Asia Minor, the "father of history" spent
much of his life in travel. He visited nearly all of the known world
and everywhere collected from the natives interesting stories of per-
sons and events. These he wove into a history of the war between
Greece and Persia. In tracing the causes of the conflict by way of
introduction, he gives the history of the world from mythical times
down to the war itself. He wrote his work to be read aloud, as the
poems of Homer had been, at public gatherings. This helps us to
understand why his style is so simple and so interesting. Many of his
tales are myths or fictitious anecdotes ; but they are all valuable, as
they illustrate the character of nations and of individuals. Herodo-
tus was one of the fairest and most large-minded of historians.
Though uncritical, though he takes little interest in politics, or in the
deeper causes of events, yet his picture of the world of his time and of
mankind in the many countries which he visited makes his work per-
haps the truest, as it certainly is the most interesting, of all histories.
Pericles was a patron of literature and art and friend of philoso-
phers. Among his teachers was An-ax-ag'o-ras, the first philosopher
who taught that Mind rules the universe. The class of philosophers
called sophists ^ was now becoming numerous. They travelled through
Greece teaching practical knowledge of every kind for pay. Espe-
cially they aimed to prepare young men for statesmanship by training
them in mere cleverness of thought. As a rule they were sceptical ;
with their false logic they tried to undermine belief in everything.
They destroyed respect for rehgion by pointing out its inconsistencies
and the immoralities of the gods.
^ From 0-0065. wise.
Aspasia 159
The influence of the sophists affected but a few men of wealth and
leisure. In general life was wholesome and the people were moral.
The artistic surroundings, the grand dramatic entertainments, en-
joyed by all the citizens, the splendid religious festivals, and the
public life in the assembly and law courts educated the poor as
well as the rich. There is no wonder that the Athenians of the
age of Pericles were the foremost people of all time in intelHgence
and in taste.
135. The Troubles of Pericles. — But the era of peace was rapidly
drawing to an end. The moderate pohcy of Pericles pleased neither
the oligarchs nor the extreme democrats. His enemies, not daring
to attack him directly, assailed his friends one after another. First
they prosecuted Pheidias, the sculptor, on the charge of embezzling
some of the gold entrusted to him to be used in gilding the statue of
Athena for the Parthenon. Although he was ready to prove his
innocence by having the metal taken off and weighed, they threw
him into prison, where he died of sickness. Then to punish Anax-
agoras, the philosopher, for his attachment to Pericles, they drove him
from Athens by threatening to prosecute him for impiety. About the
same time As-pa'si-a was indicted for impiety and immorality. She
was a Milesian by birth, a woman of remarkable intelligence. Pericles
had. divorced his wife, the mother of his two sons, and had taken
Aspasia to his house, though his own law of 45 1 B.C. forbade him to
marry an alien. She became the teacher of artists, philosophers, and
orators, ^- the inspiring genius of the Periclean social circle. But the
Athenians, who in this age had come to believe that a woman must
be restricted to the house and must talk with no one outside of her
own family, regarded Aspasia's conduct as immoral. They com-
plained especially because their own wives went to the house
of Pericles and learned the ideas and manners of this foreign woman.
Happily Pericles by personal entreaty induced the judges to acquit
her. While he was thus beset by private difficulties, war with Pelo-
ponnese began to threaten.
i6o
The Age of Pericles
Topics for Reading
I. The Athenian Maritime Empire. — Botsford, Greece, pp. 1 69-1 7 1 ; Ho\m,
History of Greece, ii. ch. xvii; Abbott, History of Greece, ii. pp. 367-374, iii. pp.
10-15; Whibley, Political Parties in Athens, pp. 14-25; Greenidge, Greek Con-
stitutional History, pp. 189-204.
II. Government of Athens under Pericles. — Botsford, Greece, pp. 172-
179; Development of the Athenian Constitution, pp. 221-2^^; Holm ii. ch. xvi;
Whibley, pp. 25-34; Greenidge, pp. 166-189.
III. Art in the Age of Pericles. — Tarbell, History of Greek Art, chs. iii, viii;
Gardner, Handbook of Greek Sculpture, ch. iii; Holm, History of Greece, iii. ch.
XX ; Curtius, History of Greece, Bk. III. ch. iii.
IV. Herodotus. — Jebb, Greek Literature, pp. 103-106; Murray, Ancient
Greek Literature, ch. vi; Curtius, History of Greece (see Index); Holm, History
tf Greece, ii. ch. xx.
Plan of Athens
CHAPTER XI
THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR TO THE END OF THE SICILIAN
EXPEDITION (431-413 B.C.)
136. Causes of the War. — Before the year 431 b.c. a great majority
of the states of Greece had been brought under the leadership of
Athens or of Sparta. The peace of 445 b.c. was to last thirty years ;
but scarcely half that period had elapsed when war broke out between
the two powers. Sparta and her Peloponnesian allies, on the one
hand, and the Athenians with their allies, on the other, were so un-
like in character and in occupation that they could not understand
or appreciate each other. Most of the Peloponnesians were Dorians.
They made their living chiefly by agriculture, and preferred oligar-
chic governments. The lonians, who formed the nucleus of the
Athenian empire, were a commercial and manufacturing people, for
the most part democratic. In addition to these differences the two
great cities were rivals for the leadership of Greece ; and the growing
power of Athens filled Sparta with jealousy and fear.
The Athenians had trouble also with particular states of the League.
The usual relations between Athens and Corinth had been extremely
friendly ; but since the war with Persia, Peiraeus was monopolizing
the commerce of the seas, and Corinth found herself painfully cramped
in her trade. Furthermore, Athens was interfering between her and
her colony, Corcyra. Corinth and Corcyra had fought for the posses-
sion of Ep-i-dam'nus, a joint colony on the mainland. After suffering
a severe defeat in battle, Corinth persuaded several of her neighbors
to aid in preparing a great armament with which to overwhelm Cor-
cyra. Thereupon the latter sent envoys to Athens to ask an alliance.
M 161
l62
The Peloponnesian War
Corinthian ambassadors also came, and the two parties pleaded their
causes before the Athenian assembly. Believing war with Lacedae-
mon inevitable, Pericles felt that the navy of the Corcyraeans should
by all means be secured for Athens. Upon his advice, therefore, it
was resolved to make a defen-
sive alliance with them ; and a
small Athenian fleet was sent
to aid them in defending their
island against the great Corin-
thian armament.^ The Corin-
thians were justly angry with
this interference between
themselves and their colonies,
especially as they had several
times prevented Lacedaemon
from interfering in Athenian
affairs. They asserted that
Athens broke the treaty, and
now exerted all their energy to
stir up Peloponnese against the
offender.
At the same time they were
urging Potidaea^ to revolt.
This Corinthian settlement in
Chalcidice had grown into a
prosperous city, now tributary
Oiympia) ^^ Athens. Garrisoned by a
force from the mother state, it revolted, whereupon the Athenians laid
siege to the place.
The Corinthians alleged that this was another violation of
the treaty of 445 b.c. They persuaded the Lacedaemonians
to call a congress of the League to consider the various griev-
1 In the battle off Syb'o-ta, 432 B.c, 2 § 61.
Victory
(By Paeonius, about 420 B.c.
i
Resources 163
ances against Athens (432 B.C.). When the deputies gathered, the
Lacedaemonians invited them to bring their complaints before the
Spartan assembly. Among those who had grievances were the Mega-
rians. Athens had recently passed an act which excluded them from
the ports and markets of Attica and of the empire. This, also, the
Megarians averred, was a violation of the treaty. King Archidamus
advised caution ; it would be wise, he said, to obtain a redress of
wrongs by negotiation. But one of the ephors overrode his judgment,
and persuaded the assembly to vote that the Athenians had broken
the treaty. The Peloponnesian congress ratified the decision of the
Spartan assembly, and declared war against Athens.
137. The Resources of Athens and Sparta. — The empire of
Athens, composed of subject states, was stronger than it had ever
been before. Among her independent aUies were Chios, Lesbos,
Thessaly, and Plataea, besides a few cities in Italy and Sicily. She
had thirteen thousand heavy-armed troops, and a larger force for
garrison service. There were three hundred triremes of her own be-
sides those of the allies, and her sailors were the best in the world.
She commanded the sea and its resources. The tributes from her sub-*
ject cities, together with other revenues, amounting in all to about a
thousand talents a year, would be nearly enough, in case of siege, to
support the whole Attic population on imported food.
All the Peloponnesian states, except Argos and a part of Achaea,
were in alliance with Lacedaemon ; and outside of Peloponnese, the
Megarians, Boeotians, Locrians, and some others ; in Sicily and in
Italy most of the Dorian cities sympathized with Sparta. The few
commercial states of the League provided ships ; the others, land
forces only. The League could muster an army of twenty-five thou-
sand heavy-armed men. Though by no means a numerous force, it
was the strongest in the world at that time.
138. The First Three Years of the War (431-429 B.C.). — In
the summer of the first year King Archidamus, at the head of a
Peloponnesian army, invaded Attica. The plan of Pericles was to
164 The Peloponnesian War
venture no battle on land, but to bring the entire population into
the city or behind* the Long Walls, and to damage Peloponnese as
much as he could with his fleet. While the invaders were devas-
tating Attica, the Athenians were sailing round Peloponnese and
ravaging the coasts. These operations were repeated nearly every
year through the early part of the war. The removal of the country
people to Athens was very painful. They were distressed at ex-
changing the homes and shrines which they loved for the crowded
city, where most of them could find no comfortable shelter. And
when they saw their houses and orchards ruined by the enemy,
they could not help being angry with Pericles. Nevertheless he
considered his policy on the whole successful, as we may infer from
the Funeral Oration ^ which he delivered in the autumn over those
who had fallen in the campaigns of the year. This oration sets
forth his high ideal of the Athenian state ; it praises those who
gave their lives in defence of their country, and inspires the sur-
vivors with noble sentiments.
Next year Athens and Peiraeus were visited by a plague, which
'inflicted more terrible damage than the severest defeat in battle
would have done. The people suffered because they were crowded
together and lacked the comforts of life. Although many nobly
risked their lives to attend their friends, the total effect was de-
moralizing. The Athenians blamed Pericles for both war and
plague, and gave vent to their grief and anger by fining him heavily.
But soon they repented, and again elected him general with abso-
lute power.
Pericles died of the plague, and the leadership of the state passed
into the hands of C/<?'^«, a tanner (429 b.c). Though no general,
he had a remarkable talent for finance and was an orator of great
force. In the main he followed the policy of Pericles. As the
surplus in the treasury was soon exhausted by the war, the state
levied a direct tax, and Cleon made himself very unpopular with
1 Thucydides ii. 35-46.
Lesbos 165
the wealthy by his ruthlessness in collecting it. The more energetic
he was in providing ways and means, the more the nobles hated
him. They could not endure to see this upstart from the industrial
class at the head of the government, compeUing them to pay in
taxes the expenses of a war they did not favor.
139. The Revolt of Lesbos (428-427 B.C.). — In the year after
Cleon had come to the front, the oligarchs of Lesbos induced Myt-
i-le'ne and the other cities of the island, except Me-thym'na, to
revolt. There was danger that all the maritime cities would follow
this example. But the Peloponnesians were too slow in sending the
promised aid, and the Athenians made desperate efforts to conquer
the island. As a last resort (427 B.C.) the oligarchs of Mytilene
armed the commons ; but the latter promptly surrendered the city
to Paches, the Athenian commander. Thereupon he sent the
oligarchs, who alone were guilty of revolt, to Athens, and kept
guard over the other Myt-i-le-nae'ans, awaiting the judgment of
the assembly. The Athenians were angry because the Lesbians
had revolted without cause ; they feared, too, for the safety of their
empire and, indeed, for their own lives. Under the excitement
of the moment, they decreed to kill all the men of Mytilene
and to enslav^e the women and children. A trireme was de-
spatched to Lesbos with the message of death. Cleon, the author
of this poHcy of terrorism toward the cities of the empire, wished
to make an example of the Lesbians so that the other communities
would fear to revolt. But on the next day the decree was recon-
sidered in the assembly. One of the speakers, in opposing Cleon's
policy, declared that it was unwise to destroy the innocent com-
moners along with the guilty oligarchs. His opinion prevailed, and
a second trireme reached Lesbos in time to countermand the bloody
decree of the day before. But the thousand Lesbian oligarchs at
Athens were massacred. The Athenians were severe enough in
their punishment for rebeUion without going the whole length of
Cleon's desires. In putting down this revolt, Athens passed th«
166
The Peloponnesian War
dangerous crisis and was 'again undisputed mistress of the Aegean
Sea.
Somewhat later in the summer (427 B.C.), Plataea, after a two
years' blockade, surrendered to the Lacedaemonians. Two hun-
dred Plataeans with a few Athenians fell into the hands of the
enemy, who put them to death on the ground that they had done
no service to the Peloponnesians in the present war.
140. Demosthenes (426-425 B.C.). — The war now began to turn
decidedly in favor of Athens. De-mos'the-nes, the ablest com-
mander since the days of Themistocles
and Cimon, defeated with great slaughter
the Am-bra'ci-ots, who were helped by
the Lacedaemonians (426 B.C.). His
victory gave Athens a brilliant reputation
and the mihtary superiority in the western
part of central Greece. Next year he
seized Py'los, on the west coast of
Peloponnese, and fortified it. This
became a thorn in the side of Sparta, —
a refuge for helots and a good basis for
ravaging Laconia. It was a promon-
tory with an excellent harbor protected by the island of Sphac-te'ri-a.
Demosthenes held the place against repeated attacks of the Pelo-
ponnesians. A select corps of the enemy landed on Sphacteria, and
tried to carry his position by storm. The attempt failed; the
besiegers found themselves blockaded by an Athenian fleet; and
then, to save the troops on the island, they made a truce with
Demosthenes with a view to negotiating for peace.
Spartan envoys came to Athens to discuss the terms ; but as the
demands of Cleon were too great for them to accept, the war con-
tinued.
Cleon's chief opponent at Athens was NicH-as^ leader of the
conservatives, who composed the peace party. Nicias was a good
Brasidas 167
officer, but too slow and stupid to lead an army or a poll leal party.
His chief recommendations were his respectable birtl his great
wealth, his honesty, and his religion. Instead of conducting reen-
forcements to Demosthenes, which was his duty as general, he
surrendered his office to Cleon in the hope that the latter might
meet with defeat at Pylos, and thus come to the end of his political
career. But on arriving at Pylos with reenforcements, Cleon wisely
placed himself under the command of Demosthenes. The latter
captured the troops of Sphacteria and brought them home, two
hundred and ninety-two in number (425 b.c). Though this success
was due to Demosthenes, Cleon reaped the fruit of the victory. He
was given the highest honors of the state, and his opinion prevailed
on all questions in the assembly. The victory strengthened the
hold of Athens on the empire, and enabled her to raise the tribute
to a thousand talents, nearly double the former amount. This
measure increased the Athenian resources for war.
141. Brasidas; the Battle of Delium (424 B.C.). — In the year
following the capture of Sphacteria, Nicias seized Cythera. From
it the Athenians cut off the commerce of Lacedaemon and ravaged
her coasts. This year saw the height of their success in the war and
the beginning of their decline. Though their lands had often been
ravaged, they had nearly made good the loss by plundering the coasts
of Peloponnese ; and they now held two strong posts in the enemy's
country, — Pylos and Cythera. But a certain Spartan officer named
Bras'i-das discovered the one exposed point of the Athenian empire, —
Chalcidice. It was the only part of the empire outside of Attica
which the Peloponnesians could reach by land. Brasidas invaded
this country with a small force of allies and emancipated helots.
An exceptionally able commander and diplomatist, he induced several
states of the empire to revolt, among them Am-phip'o-lis, the most
important city in that region. The states which revolted became
independent members of the Peloponnesian League.
In this year the Athenians attempted to gain possession of all
1 68 The Peloponnesian War
Boeotia. Their plan failed, however, through mismanagement, and
they suffered a severe defeat at Delium.
142. The Peace of Nicias (421 B.C.). — In 422 b.c. Cleon, who
had been elected general, tried to regain AmphipoHs, but was
defeated and slain. Brasidas was killed in the same battle. The
death of these two men removed the chief obstacles in the way of
peace.
Both Athenians and Lacedaemonians desired peace. The con-
servatives at Athens, who from the beginning had opposed the war,
were brought into office by the defeat at DeHum and by Cleon's
recent failure before AmphipoHs. Nicias, now the most eminent
man at Athens, was their leader. The Lacedaemonians, for their
part, were bitterly disappointed in the results of the war. They had
hoped to crush the power of Athens in a few years at the most, but
had suffered at Pylos the greatest reverse in their history. They
were anxious also to recover the prisoners taken at Sphacteria, for
many of them were no ordinary troops, but pure Spartans. Nicias
carried on the negotiations as representative of his city, and the
peace accordingly bears his name. It was concluded in 421 B.C.
The essence of the treaty was the restoration of the relations which
had existed before the war. This seemed at the time to be just, as
the strong positions which Athens held in the enemy's country were
offset by her recent defeats — at Delium. and AmphipoHs. Later
events, however, proved that Athens lost greatly by the treaty.
Peace was to last fifty years and was to extend to the allies on both
sides. But those of Sparta, not having been consulted in the matter,
now refused their assent; for they desired some concessions from
Athens in return for the ten years' war. Sparta did her best to
carry the treaty into effect ; but her alHes so hindered her that she
was compeHed to give up the attempt. Though the treaty was
therefore imperfectly carried out," the two cities did not directly
attack each other for seven years, and the Athenians enjoyed the
peace while it lasted. They returned to the country and began
Alcibiades 169
again the cultivation of their little farms, pleased to be free from their
long confinement behind the walls.
When it became known in Athens that the treaty with Sparta was
a mere farce, the war party again came into power. The principal
leader of this party was Al-ci-bi'a-des. He belonged to one of the
noblest families of Athens and was a near kinsman of Pericles.
Though still young, he was influential because of his high birth and
his fascinating personality. His talents were brilliant in all direc-
tions ; but he was lawless and violent, and followed no motive but
self-interest and self-indulgence. Through his influence Athens allied
herself with Argos, Elis, and Man-ti-nei'a against the Lacedaemonians
and their allies. The armies of these two unions met in battle at
Mantineia in 418 B.C. The Lacedaemonians, who still had the best
organization and discipline in Greece, were victorious. This success
wiped out the disgrace which had lately come upon them and
enabled them to regain much of their former influence in Pelopon-
nese. Argos and Mantineia now made peace with Lacedaemon
apart from Athens.
In 416 B.C. Alcibiades persuaded Athens to send a fleet against
Me'los, now the only Aegean island outside of her empire. It was
a colony of Lacedaemon, but remained neutral till the Athenians
began to attack it. They were acting on the principle that the
Aegean Sea was theirs and all the islands in it. Insisting that the
strongest had a right to rule, they tried to justify their own conquests
by their mild treatment of subjects. Thus if the Melians should
surrender, they would be required merely to pay an annual tribute.
But as Melos resisted, the Athenians blockaded the island and
starved the inhabitants into surrender. They then killed all the men
of military age and enslaved the women and children. Greek usage
made it just for them to annex the island, but the slaughter of the
conquered, though common in that age, has proved an in4elible
stain on the good name of Athens.
143. Athens and the Western Greeks (479-416 B.C.). — In the
I70
The Peloponnesian War
winter following the conquest of Melos, envoys came from Se-ges'ta
in Sicily, asking Athens to protect their city from Se-liWs, a stronger-
state near by. To understand the feelings which this request awakened
in the Athenians, it is necessary to run rapidly over the history of
the western Greeks from the time of their war with Carthage.
After the battle of Himera (480 b.c.),^ the Greeks of Sicily and
Italy entered upon an era of great prosperity. The tyrants beautified
their cities with temples and statues. Literature flourished, wealth
Temple of Concordia at Acragas
(Doric order; present appearance)
abounded, and life was easy. Then tyranny was abolished, and
before the middle of the century most of the cities of western
Greece had introduced democratic governments. Syracuse, the
greatest power in Sicily, led the Hellenic cities of the island in time
of war, in some such way as Sparta had led the eastern Greeks dur-
ing the Persian invasions. In this position Syracuse followed two
nearly related lines of policy: (i) she maintained close friendship
Western Greece
m
with Sparta and with her mother city, Corinth; and (2) she aimed
to bring all the Sicilian cities as thoroughly under her control as
those of Peloponnese were under Sparta. In consequence of this
policy, (i) Syracuse was hostile to Athens, the enemy of Corinth and
Sparta, and (2) the Sicilian cities which disliked the rule of Syracuse
looked to xA-thens for protection.
Zeus and Hera
(A Metope from Selinus; about 450 B.C.)
From the time of Themistocles the Athenians took a more and more
lively commercial interest in the West. They exported vases and
other manufactured articles to Italy, Sicily, and Carthage. Com-
merce gradually led to political influence ; Segesta, a foreign city,
and the Ionian Rhe'gi-um and Le-on-ti'ni became their allies. When
the Peloponnesian War began, the Dorians of the West gave their
172 The Peloponnesian War
sympathy to Sparta/ and at the same time Syracuse found in the
war an opportunity to encroach upon the Ionian cities, especially
upon Leontini. Athens sent little aid, and Leontini was destroyed.
144. Preparations for an Expedition to Sicily. (415 B.C.). — Natu-
rally the Athenians looked upon this event as a great misfortune to
themselves ; they feared lest the Dorians, if they should gain con-
trol of Sicily, might furnish Sparta with troops and supplies in her
war with Athens. Many Athenians even dreamed of adding Sicily
to their empire. All were therefore deeply interested in the request
of the Segestaeans for aid. The latter promised to pay the expenses
of an expedition and grossly exaggerated the wealth of their city.
Alcibiades urged the Athenians to conquer Sicily. His motive was
doubtless selfish — to open a field in which he might display his
talents and win fame. The project was unwise, for the Athenians
could do little more than hold their empire together and defend it
against the Peloponnesians. Nicias advised the citizens in their
assembly to drop all thought of the scheme, but his warnings were
unheeded. The Athenians made ready in the spring of 415 B.C. to send
a magnificent land and naval armament to Sicily. Ar-is-toph'a-nes,
the comic poet, tells us how in Peiraeus the preparations for oucb
an expedition —
" Filled the city with a noise of troops :
And crews of ships, crowding and clamoring
About the muster- masters and paymasters;
With measuring corn out at the magazine,
And all the porch choked with the multitude;
With figures of Athena newly furbished,
Painted and gilt, parading in the streets;
And wineskins, kegs, and firkins, leeks, and onions;
With garlic crammed in p^ uches, nets, and pokes;
With garlands, singing girls, and bloody noses.
Our arsenal would have sounded and resounded,
With bangs and thwacks of driving bolts and nails,
With shaping oars, and holes to put the oars in;
^ § 137.
The Eleusinian Mysteries 1/3
With hacking, hammering, clattering, and boring,
Words of command, whistles, and pipes, and fifes."
Alcibiades, Nicias, and Lam'a-chus — an able officer of the school
Kyi Pericles — were to conduct the expedition. To say nothing of
the evils of a divided command, the characters of Nicias and Alci-
biades were so utterly unUke as to give no prospect of harmony in
the councils of war.
One morning, when the armament was nearly ready to sail, the
Athenians were horrified to find that the stone pillars of Hermes,
which stood everywhere throughout the city at the doorways of
temples and private houses, and which they held in great reverence
as the guardians of peace and public order, had been nearly all muti-
lated in the night. The citizens were overwhelmed with terror. They
feared that a band of conspirators had attempted to deprive Athens
of divine protection and would next try to overthrow the govern-
ment. Some, without good cause, suspected Alcibiades. A court of
inquiry was appointed to investigate the matter. It failed to dis-
cover the perpetrators of this sacrilege, but learned that certain men,
among them Alcibiades, had been profaning the Eleusinian mysteries
by imitating them for amusement in private houses. These mys-
teries were secret rites in the worship of De-me'ter and her daughter
Per-seph'o-ne, the two goddesses of Eleusis, and were performed in
the temple at that city in the presence of the initiated only. The
Athenians found in the mystic ceremonies hope of happiness after
death ; and believing further that the welfare of the state depended
upon keeping them secret, the citizens were greatly alarmed at hear-
ing that they had been profaned and divulged. Alcibiades in vain
demanded a trial. His enemies feared that he would be acquitted
through the support of the soldiers, with whom he was very popular.
It would be safer, his opponents thought, to wait till the armament
had departed and then recall him for trial.
145. The Voyage; the Plans of the Admirals (415 B.C.). — The
armament was to gather at Corcyra. The whole Athenian popula-
174
The Peloponnesian War
tion thronged the wharves of Peiraeus to watch the departure of the
imperial city's force of a hundred galleys. The moment was full of
tears and prayers, of anxiety and hope. The flower of Athenian
strength was going forth to war, and some surmised that it would
return no more.
One hundred and thirty-four triremes and a great number of trans-
ports and merchant ships assembled at Corcyra with five thousand
heavy-armed men on board, besides light auxiliaries and the crews.
Hellas had seen larger fleets than this but none so splendid or so for*
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k, I. Unfinished part of Athe-
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midable. About the middle of the summer it began its voyage
across the Ionian Sea toward Italy.
But the western Greeks now gave Athens a cold reception. Even
Rhegium, which had always been friendly, would not admit the Athe-
nians within its walls. The great armament seemed a menace to the
liberties of all alike. It soon appeared, too, that Segesta could fur-
nish little support. Disappointed by such news, the admirals were in
doubt as to what they should do. Lamachus wished to attack Syra-
cuse immediately; Nicias preferred to display the fleet along the
Sicilian coasts and then return home. Either plan would have
The Siege of Syracuse 175
been good ; but Alcibiades proposed instead to win over as
many Sicilian cities as possible by negotiation. With all his genius
for diplomacy, in this instance he miscalculated ; the Greeks of the
West could not be won over by mere discussion. His unwise plan,
however, was adopted. Yet before it had been followed far, Alcibi-
ades was recalled to Athens for trial. He was to return in his own
ship, and the official galley which had brought the summons was to
accompany him. But on arriving at Thu'ri-i, he made his escape to
Peloponnese, whereupon the Athenians sentenced him to death.
The trick of his opponents had succeeded — probably to their satis-
faction ; but it made of Alcibiades as dangerous an enemy as Athens
ever had.
146. The Siege of Syracuse (414-413 B.C.). — Nicias, who now
held the superior command, trifled away the autumn in half-hearted
undertakings and then wasted the winter at Cat'a-na. Meantime the
Syracusans were enclosing their city with strong walls. In the spring
of 414 B.C. the Athenians entered the Great Harbor and laid siege to
Syracuse ; they began to build a wall which, if completed, would cut
the city off from communication by land with the rest of the island.
They were successful in several minor engagements ; but Lamachus
was killed, and with his death the command lost all energy. Still, the
Syracusans were hard pressed and some of them were talking of sur-
render, when the face of affairs was suddenly changed by the arrival
of the Spartan Gy-lip'pus. He came with a small force and with the
promise of a larger one then preparing in Peloponnese. The Lace-
daemonians had sent him at the suggestion of Alcibiades, who was
now in their city. GyUppus was a man of remarkable prudence and
activity, and well acquainted with western Greece. The Syracusans
immediately took the offensive ; they built and maintained against
the besiegers a cross-wall extending, from their outer line of defence
on the north to the height in the rear of the Athenian position. This
prevented the besiegers from finishing the northern part of their wall
and secured a free communication with the country. At the same
176
The Peloponnesian War
time the Syracusans were acquiring a navy sufficiently strong to ven«
ture battle with the Athenian fleet. There was no longer any reason-
able hope of taking Syracuse ; and Nicias would gladly have raised
the siege, but dared not face the Athenian assembly after so great a
failure. In the winter he wrote a letter to Athens, giving a detailed
account of the situation, and asking that either the armament be with-
drawn or strong reenforcements sent. The Athenians would take no
Stone Quarries at Syracuse
(Interior view; the stakes and lines are modern rope-rnakers' works)
thought of abandoning the enterprise, and prepared to send nearly
as large a land and naval force as the original one, and this, notwith-
standing the fact that the war with Lacedaemon was now openly
resumed.
147. Agis in Attica; Ruin of the Athenian Armament (413 B.C.). —
In the spring of 413 b.c. A'gis, king of the Lacedaemonians, ravaged
Attica, which for twelve years had seen no enemy. At the sugges-
tion of Alcibiades, he seized and fortified Dec-e-lei'a, a strong position
Ruin 177
in the north of Attica. The Lacedaemonians continued to hold it
winter and summer to the end of the war. The Athenians could now
do no farming except under their very walls. They were obliged to
keep perpetual watch about the city to prevent surprise, and their
slaves deserted to the enemy in great numbers. But though they
were themselves thus practically besieged by land, they sent to Syra-
cuse a new fleet of seventy-three triremes and five thousand hopUtes
commanded by Demosthenes, their ablest general. On his arrival
at Syracuse he found the army in a sorry plight and the fleet already
defeated in the Great Harbor by the Syracusans. He saw that the
Athenians must either resume active operations at once or abandon
the siege. In the following night, accordingly, he attempted to take
the Syracusan cross-wall by surprise, but was repulsed with great loss.
In spite of his advice to put the army on board the fleet and sail
away, his slow colleague, Nicias, delayed for some days. When
finally Nicias consented and everything was ready for embarking,
there was an eclipse of the moon, which filled him as well as the
soldiers with superstitious fears. He would remain twenty-seven
days longer, to avoid the effect of the evil omen. A man of sense
would have explained to the soldiers that the omen was intended for
the enemy, but so much could not be expected of Nicias. Before
that time had elapsed the Athenians lost another naval battle, and
the disheartened crews would fight no more. The Athenians then
burned their ships and began to retreat by land, Nicias in advance
and Demosthenes bringing up the rear. The two divisions were
separated on the march, and both were compelled to surrender after
severe losses. Probably forty thousand men had taken part in the
Sicilian expedition, and twenty-five thousand were left to begin the
retreat. Demosthenes and Nicias were both put to death. Many
of the captives were sold into slavery ; many were thrown into the
stone quarries near Syracuse, where most of them perished of expos-
ure and starvation. The failure of the expedition was due to several
causes, but chiefly to the stupidity and the superstition of Nicias. It
178
The Peloponnesian War
compelled the Athenians at once to abandon all hope of conquering
other peoples, and to consider instead how they could save them-
selves and their empire from ruin. .:
Topics for Reading
I. Cleon. — Cox, Greek Statesman, \: "Cleon;" YicAxa., History of Greece,
(see Index); Abbott, History of Greece (see Index).
II. Sicily before the Athenian Invasion. — Botsford, Greece, pp. 140-143,
163 f.; Holm ii. pp. 82-87, 411-413; AUcroft zxidi Mz.%om, History oj Sicily,
chs. iv, V.
III. The Sicilian Expedition. — Bury, History of Greece, pp. 466-484;
Holm ii. ch. xxvii ; Plutarch, Alcibiades ; Nicias.
Poseidon, Dionysus? and Demeter?
(From the Parthenon Frieze.)
CHAPTER XII
THE CLOSING YEARS OF THE WAR (413-404 B.C.)
148. Effects of the Sicilian Disaster (413 B.C.). — At first tht
Athenians could not believe the news of the disaster in Sicily, even
when they heard it from the survivors themselves. As they came to
reahze the truth, they vented their rage upon the orators and the
soothsayers who had persuaded them to engage in the enterprise.
For a time they seemed overwhelmed with despair : while mourning
their losses they feared that they should now have to contend against
the whole Greek world, and they had no ships, no men, no money.
But the spirit of Athens was elastic ; her hopes revived, and her
citizens determined in some way to build a new fleet. At the same
time they resolved to cut down expenses and to hold fast to their
empire. Fortunately they had the winter for preparation before the
enemy could attack.
The Lacedaemonians and their allies, elated by the news, began
to hope once more for success. As Athens could no longer protect
her alUes, the Persian king now ordered his satraps, Tis-sa-pher'nes
of Sardis and Phar-na-ba'zus of the country about the Hellespont, to
collect from the Greek cities of Asia Minor the tributes which had
been unpaid for seventy years. Each satrap requested of Sparta a
fleet to operate in his own locality, promising to support it with Per-
sian gold. As the Chians had revolted against Athens and were like-
wise asking help, the Lacedaemonians resolved to send a fleet to aid
them and Tissaphernes at once. The example of Chios was soon
followed by other communities in the same region. Alcibiades him-
self went thither from Sparta to encourage rebellion against his native
179
i8o The Closing Years of the War
city. The Lacedaemonians then concluded an offensive and defen-
sive alliance with Persia. The treaty, though afterward modified in
important respects, still surrendered to Persia those cities of Asia
Minor which Athens had protected against every enemy for nearly
seventy years.
149. Rebellion checked; Alcibiades (412 B.C.). — The Athenians
put forth every energy to prevent the revolt from spreading. To
Samos, their most faithful ally, they granted independence and made
this island the base of their naval operations. The contending par-
ties remained nearly balanced in strength, even after the arrival of a
Syracusan fleet to help the Lacedaemonians ; but the resources of
Athens were gradually exhausted, while those of the enemy seemed
limitless. Such was the state of affairs when an unexpected event
turned the war for a time in favor of Athens. Alcibiades^ hated by
King Agis and fearing for his life, went over to Tissaphernes and per-
suaded him to keep back the Phoenician fleet, which was daily
expected in the Aegean Sea. He convinced the satrap that it would
be well to let Lacedaemon and Athens wear each other out in war.
Alcibiades sincerely desired to return to Athens ; and in order to
bring about his recall he aimed to win the gratitude of his country-
men by making them think he could gain for them the friendship of
Persia. He wished, too, to recover on his return the leadership of
the democratic party. But a serious obstacle was in the way, —
An'dro-cles, the present head of the party, was the very man who had
sent him into exile. To accomplish his object, Alcibiades felt that
he must first persuade others to overthrow the popular government
along with the chief, and then himself step in to restore it. In the
light of a saviour of democracy he believed that he could return all-
powerful to his native city.
150. The Conspiracy of the Oligarchs (412-41 1 B.C.). — The time
was ripe for a change of government at Athens, as the Sicilian disas-
ter seemed to prove the failure of democracy. Some of the officers
of the Athenian army at Samos, who were themselves of the wealthier
The Four Hundred i8l
class, favored the establishment of oligarchy, in which they thought
they should have more of the privileges naturally belonging to men
of their standing. Accordingly, when Alcibiades sent them word
that he would return and make Tissaphernes an ally of Athens if
they should set up an oligarchy, they readily consented. But when
their spokesman came to Athens, the citizens met his proposals with
a storm of indignation. They objected equally to changing the gov-
ernment and to recalling the impious traitor Alcibiades. But the
oligarch addressed the objectors one by one and asked them what
else could be done. " How are we to raise money to support the
war against both Persia and our many Greek enemies?" he asked.
Unable to meet this pointed argument, the people gave way in the
hope that they might renew the democracy at the close of the war.
It soon appeared, however, that Alcibiades had grossly deceived the
Athenians in making them beheve he could win the help of Persia,
The oligarchs proceeded, nevertheless, to carry out their designs.
As a part of the programme, their clubs at Athens assassinated
Androcles and other prominent democrats, and in this way terror-
ized the whole state. Overestimating the extent of the conspiracy,
the people feared to talk on the subject with one another, lest in so
doing they might betray themselves to an enemy. This mutual
distrust among the citizens made the conspirators safe. They man-
aged to place the state under the control of a Council of Four Hun-
dred, which included the principal oligarchs. This body was to rule
with absolute power.
151. The Rule of the Four Hundred (411 B.C.). — When organized,
the Four Hundred assumed the reins of government. They ruled
by force, assassinating, banishing, and imprisoning their opponents
on mere suspicion. They showed their lack of patriotism by their
willingness to make peace with Lacedaemon at any price, and their
weakness by yielding Euboea to the enemy.
News of the violence and cruelty of the Four Hundred came to
the Athenian army at Samos. The soldiers assembled, declared that
c 82 The Closing Years of the War
Athens had revolted, and that they themselves constituted the true
government of the empire. They deposed their oligarchic officers
and filled the vacant places with popular men ; they prepared to
carry on the war with vigor, and hoped through Alcibiades to win
Persia to their side. Thras-y-bu'lus, one of the new commanders,
brought the famous exile to their camp. A democrat once more,
Alcibiades was immediately elected general and placed in chief com-
mand of the army. Now he was ready to use all the resources of
his mind to save Athens from the ruin he had brought upon her.
To the envoys from the Four Hundred, he replied that this new
council must abdicate immediately in favor of the old Council of
Five Hundred. At the same time he prudently restrained the troops
from going to Athens to punish the usurpers.
The Four Hundred began to feel insecure. Lacking a definite
policy, they split into two factions : the extreme oligarchs and the
moderates. With the help of the moderates the citizens overthrew
the Four Hundred, after a three months' rule, and restored the
democracy.
152. Alcibiades General of the Athenians (411-407 B.C.). — The
Four Hundred had brought only misfortune to Athens. Under their
slack rule the war extended to the Hellespont, and most of the
cities in that region revolted. Soon, however, the Athenians were
cheered by news of victories, especially of that at Cyz'i-cus, gained
by Alcibiades in 410 b.c. *' Ships gone, our admiral dead, the men
starving, at our wits' end what to do," was th.e laconic message
which reached Sparta from Cyzicus. Lacedaemon then proposed
a treaty of peace which should leave Athens the few possessions she
still held; but the Athenians rejected the terms. It appeared
doubtful whether a lasting peace could be secured without the com-
plete triumph of one of the contending parties. The Athenians
feared, too, that peace with Sparta would bring them another tyran-
nical oligarchy in place of their free constitution ; and with Alcibi-
ades as general they still hoped for success in the war.
Arginifae 183
It. 408 B.C., however, Darius, king jf Persia, despatched Cyrm, the
younger of his two sons, to take the satrapy of Cardis from Tissa-
phernes and to give all possible aid to the ene nies of Athens.
About the same time Ly-san'der, a born leader of m.en, a general
and diplomatist of surpassing ability, came from Sparta to the seat
of war. He visited Cyrus and easily won his way to the heart of
the ambitious young prince. Next year he defeated a large Athe-
nian fleet off No'ti-um, near Ephesus, capturing fifteen triremes.
In the absence of Alcibiades, their admiral, the Athenians had risked
a battle ; and as a result they suffered their first reverse since the
time of the Four Hundred. As they held Alcibiades responsible for
the misfortune, they failed to reelect him general for the following
year. Fearing to return home, he retired to a castle on the
Hellespont which he had prepared for such an occasion. Thus the
Athenians cast away a man who might have saved them. Though
working to the end for his own glory, he was wiser now than in his
youth and would have served his country well ; but the confidence
of his fellow-citizens in one who had been so impious and so traitor-
ous could not but be shaken by the slightest appearance of inatten-
tion to duty.^
153. The Battle of Arginusae (406 B.C.). — The contending powers
now put forth enormous efforts. In 406 B.C. the Athenians with a
hundred and fifty triremes met a Peloponnesian fleet of a hundred
and twenty triremes near the islands of Ar-gi-nu'sae, and gained a
complete victory. Athens lost twenty-five ships ; the enemy seventy,
with their commander and crews, amounting to about fourteen thou-
sand men. This was the severest battle of the war. After hearing
of their disaster the Lacedaemonians were willing for the sake of
peace to leave Athens what she still possessed ; but the Athenians
again refected the conditions.
The Athenians disgraced themselves for all time by putting to
1 Afterward, while residing in Phrygia, he was assassinated by order of the
Spartan authorities.
1 84
The Closing Years of the War
death six of the generals who had won the victory at Arginusae, on
the ground that they had neglected to rescue the crews of the tri-
remes wrecked in the battle. The commanders had ordered two
ship-captains to attend to the work, but a sudden storm had pre-
vented the rescue of the unfortunate sailors. The Athenians violated
the constitution in condemning the generals collectively and in
refusing them a sufficient opportunity for defence. Soon repenting
of their conduct, they prosecuted those who had persuaded them to
commit the murder.
154. The Battle of Aegospotami (405 B.C.). — Athens and Sparta
made one more desperate effort to gain the mastery of the Aegean
THE
HEIiJLESPONT
AND SURROUNDING TERRITORY
BKm»,*0<,.,V.X.
Sea. The opposing fleets met in the Hellespont, — a hundred and
eighty Athenian warships against two hundred from Peloponnese.
The Athenians were on the European side at the mouth of the
Ae-gos-pot'a-mi, the Peloponnesians on the opposite shore at Lamp'-
sa-cus. Lysander, who was in command, would not engage. For
five days the Athenians sailed forth to offer battle, and for the fifth
time retired with their challenge unaccepted. Leaving their ships
along the shore, they dispersed as usual to gather food through the
Peace
185
neighborhood. At this time the Peloponnesians came with their
whole fleet and found most of the enemy's triremes empty. The
crews, returning hurriedly, fell into the hands of Lysander, who
massacred three thousand Athenians to punish them for having
killed prisoners of war. In reality Athens and Lacedaemon were
equally to blame in this respect. It seems probable that the Athe-
nians were betrayed to Lysander by one or more of their generals.
Co'non alone of the commanders escaped with a few ships ; and
sending the official galley Par^a-lus to Athens with the news, he,
though innocent, fled for his life with the rest of his ships to Cyprus.
155. Effects of the Battle ; the Terms of Peace (404 B.C.). — " It
was night when the Paralus reached Athens with her evil tidings, on
receipt of which a bitter wail of woe broke
forth. From Peiraeus, following the line
of the Long Walls up to the heart of the
city, it swept and swelled, as each man
passed the news to his neighbor. That
night no man slept. There was mourning
and oorrow for those who were lost, but
the lamentation for the dead was merged
in even deeper sorrow for themselves, as
they pictured the evils they were about to
suffer, the like of which they had inflicted
upon the men of Melos," ^ and upon many
others. Ships and men were lost, and
they were soon besieged by" land and sea.
But no man dared speak of submission.
Finally, when on the point of starvation,
they sent envoys to Sparta with full powers
to treat for peace. Thereupon a Peloponnesian congress was held
in Sparta, in which the Corinthians, the Thebans, and some others
proposed to destroy Athens utterly, and to enslave the Athenians.
1 Xenophon, Hellenica, ii. 2.
A Sepulchral Ornament
OF Marble
(National Museum, Athens)
i86
The Closing Yeat^ f *he War
But the Spartan ephors objected ; they were unwiUing, they said, that
a city which had done such noble service for Greece in the perilous
times of the Persian invasion should be enslaved. They would be
content with milder conditions : that Athens should demoHsh the
fortifications of Peiraeus and the Long Walls, give up all her warships
but twelve, follow Sparta in peace and in war, and permit the return
of the exiled oligarchs. With these concessions, Athens might remain
Erechtheium
free and "under the constitution of the fathers." As the Athenian
envoys entered their city a great crowd gathered about them trem-
bling lest their mission should have proved fruitless ; for many were
already dying- of starvation. The majority ratified the treaty.
Lysander entered Peiraeus with his fleet, the exiles were already
coming home, and the Peloponnesians began the destruction of the
walls to the music of flutes, with the idea that they were celebrating
the return of liberty to Hellas.
The Drama
187
The Progress of Culture^
156. Art, Literature, and Philosophy. — In spite of the heavy
expenses of the war, the Athenians built the Erechtheium — doubt-
less fulfilling the wish of Pericles.^ In art they accomplished little
for want of money, but the number of their excellent authors was
increasing.
Eu-rip^i-des (480-406 B.C.), a writer of dramas, belongs to this
period. His education was broad ; he had been an athlete, a painter,
and a student of all the phi-
losophy of the time. No
ancient writer seems so modern
as he ; none knew human na-
ture so well or sympathized so
deeply with it, especially with
women and slaves, with the
unfortunate and the lowly.
His plays represent a decline
in art but a great advance in
kindly feeling. The most
popular is the Al-ces^tis, in
which the heroine dies to save
her selfish husband's life.
Among the strongest is the
Medeia, whose plot is drawn
from the voyage of the Argo-
nauts. ^ There remain in all
seventeen plays of the ninety-two attributed to him by the ancients.
The most famous comic dramatist of Greece was Aristophanes
(about 450-385 B.C.). His wit never failed ; his fancy was as lively
and as creative as Shakspere's ; the choruses of his plays are beautiful
^ Those teachers who wish to follow the political narrative without interruption
Euripides
(Vatican Museum, Rome)
may omit § 156.
§133.
49.
1 88 The Closing Years of the War
lyrics, fragrant of the country and woodland, free from the polish
and from the restraints of life within the city. He has much, too, to
tell of the times in which he lived. No one has given so true a
picture of Athens and her people, and at the same time such carica-
tures of her individual public men. We might compare his character
sketches with the cartoons of the modern newspaper. The Clouds
is an attack on the sophists. In his Birds he pictures an ideal state
in Cloudland, whose citizens were the fowls of the air. The Knights
holds Cleon up to ridicule ; the Wasps presents the Athenian jury-
system in a comical Hght. He is said to have written fifty-four
comedies, of which we have but eleven.
Thucydides wrote a history of the Peloponnesian War, including
the events which led up to it. He says : " Very likely the strictly
historical character of my narrative may be disappointing to the ear.
But if he who desires to have before his eyes a true picture of the
events which have happened, and of the like events which may be
expected to happen hereafter in the order of human things, shall
pronounce what I have written to be useful, then I shall be satisfied.
My history is an everlasting possession, not a composition to be
heard and forgotten." ^ In contrast with Herodotus he is not only
critical but exceedingly complex in style and thought. As his work
was to be of service especially to generals, he narrated campaigns
with all the details, but paid little attention to internal improvements
and civilization.
The sophists'^ continued to teach to young men the short, easy
road to oratory and statesmanship which they professed to have dis-
covered ; and they were equally active in spreading their sceptical
doctrines. The worthlessness of their teachings, however, was pointed
out by Socrates (469-399 b.c), a man whose thoughts and charac-
ter have left a deep impression on the world for all time. In his
youth he was but a sculptor — a tradesman from the Greek point of
view ; and he did not succeed in his work, as he had the habit of
1 i. 22. a § 134.
Socrates
189
standing for hours, or even for a day and night together, wholly lost
in thought. Then, too, he believed himself inspired, — a spirit
accompanied him through life warning him against doing evil. For-
saking an occupation in which, under the circumstances, he could
make but a poor living, he devoted himself to searching for truth.
The sophists had said, " We are ignorant " ; Socrates, admitting this,
heralded a new era in
thought when he said, " I
will seek knowledge,"
thus asserting, contrary
to the sophists, the possi-
bility of learning the
truth. Though people
called him sophist, he
gave no course of study
and charged no fee, but
simply questioned any
one whom he met till he
had convinced his op-
ponent in the argument
that the latter knew noth-
ing of the subject of con-
versation. In all this he
thought he was fulfilling
a heaven-appointed mis-
sion,— the quest of truth
with the help of his fellow-men. Taking no thought of natural or of
physical science, he busied himself with moral duties, inquiring, for
instance, what was just and what unjust ; what was bravery and what
cowardice ; what a state was and what the character of a statesman.
True knowledge, he asserted, was the only guide to virtuous conduct.
He even went so far as to say that knowledge and virtue were one
and the same thing. Practically, this means little more than that a
^Km^^^^^^^L
R^^^l
■^'» ^
^HR; __ , '"^^H
ff!lly^^H>"' ^^ m^^^^
Socrates
(Capitoline Museum, Rome)
190 The Closing Years of the War
man should learn to think accurately and then follow the commands
of his reason. In this way Socrates laid for ethical science a solid
foundation, on which men could build far better than on the sands
of sophistry.
His teachings benefited Athens ; a few years after the war, how-
ever, his fellow-citizens, mistaking him for a sophist, condemned him
to death on the ground that he had corrupted the youth, and had
acted impiously toward the gods of the state (399 B.C.).
The period which we have now reviewed (479-404 B.C.) was in
some respects the most brilliant in the history of Greece. Demo-
cratic institutions, which assured the freedom and equality of the
citizens, reached a high degree of development in the Athens of
Pericles, and in some other democratic states. Then came a long,
severe struggle between democracy and oligarchy (431-404 B.C.), in
which the latter won a temporary victory. It was the age of dramatic
poetry, of the noblest historical writing, and of the grand in d,x\.— the
age of the most vigorous political and intellectual activity of the Greeks.
Topics for Reading
I. The Four Hundred. — Thucydides, viii. 65-97; Bury, History of Greece,
pp. 489-496; Whibley, Greek Oligarchies, pp. 192-207.
II. The Battle of Arginusae. — Holm, History of Greece, ii. pp. 502-504;
Abbott, History of Greece, iii. pp. 441-449.
III. Lysander. — Plutarch, Lysander, Agesilaus ; Xenophon, Works, trans-
lated by Dakyns (see Index) ; Grote, History of Greece (see Index).
IV. Socrates. — Jebb, Greek Literature^ p. 125 f.; Murray, Ancient Greek
Literature, pp. 170-177; Sankey, Spartan and Theban Supremacies, eh. iv;
Gildersleeve, Essays and Studies, " Xanthippe and Socrates."
CHAPTER XIII
THE END OF FREEDOM IN SICILY AND IN ITALY (413-264 B.C.)
157. The Carthaginians invade Sicily (409-404 B.C.). — The fall
of Athens was a great misfortune to the Greeks of-the West as well as
to those of the East. For nearly seventy years the terror of her
name had kept both the Carthaginians and the Persians at bay ; but
on the overthrow of her naval supremacy these two great foreign
powers again hoped to conquer parts of Hellas. On the invitation of
Segesta, which was still threatened by SeKnus/ Carthage sent over to
Sicily a vast fleet conveying an army of a hundred thousand men
under King Han'ni-bal, grandson of that Hamilcar who had met his
death at Himera. This great armament laid siege to Selinus ; on
the ninth day it stormed the city and butchered the inhabitants
(409 B.C.). Thence Hannibal marched to Himera, where the siege
and the massacre were repeated. Three thousand captives were led
to the spot where Hamilcar had sacrificed himself,^ and there were
killed with horrid torture. In this way Hannibal sought to appease
the hungry appetite of his grandfather's ghost.
A fresh army of mercenaries next invested Acragas^ then the
wealthiest and most luxurious city in the Greek world. But a pesti-
lence in the camp killed many of the besiegers, including Hannibal.
Hi-mil'con, the second in command, propitiated the angry gods with
a multitude of sacrifices, among them a boy — perhaps his own son.
Though reenforced by their neighbors, the inhabitants finally aban-
doned their city and settled in Leontini. Himilcon took up his
winter quarters in deserted Acragas, and sent much of its wealth,
including many works of art, to Carthage (405 B.C.).
M 143- 2 §116.
191
192
The End of Freedom in Sicily and in Italy
1
The Sicilians felt that Acragas had been lost through the treachery
of Syracusan generals sent to defend it. A young officer of Syracuse,
named Di-o-nys't-us, accused them in a public assembly. He
persuaded the people to depose them and to elect himself and
others in their place. Then by bringing charges of treason against
his colleagues, he soon had them put out of office and himself made
sole commander with absolute power. Immediately securing a body-
guard of a thousand mercenaries, he made himself tyrant of hi
Temple Ruins at Selinus
native city. Next he compelled the people of Ge'la and of Cam-a-ri'na
to abandon their cities to the invader and to retire to Syracuse.
Great was the indignation of all classes against the usurper; but
through his mercenaries he maintained himself against every attempt
to assassinate or to depose him. In 404 B.C. he concluded a treaty
with the Carthaginians by which he yielded to them the whole island
except the Sicels — a native nation in the interior — and the Greeks
of the eastern coast. The Carthaginians, for their part, acknowledged
him as the absolute ruler of Syracuse.
158. War with Carthage (397-392 B.C.). — But Dionysius did not
Dionysius
193
intend to yield Sicily forever to the enemy. Seven years he busied
himself with increasing his power and with preparing for war on a
grand scale. He built an immense wall about Syracuse ; he organized
an army of eighty thousand infantry ; his engineers invented a new
mstrument, afterward known as the ballista, for throwing large stones
against the enemy's walls. In his new fleet were more than three
!!■
B^-^- ■ . ■'^. ,c'e
^^w
''^%P1PI
5%f^;-:='
^^■, ':
■ ' ' ' - : ^
^^-
Fort Euryelus
(A corner in the Wall of Dionysius at Syracuse; interior view)
hundred vessels, some of them quinqueremes, — huge galleys with
five banks of oars, invented by his shipwrights. Though utterly
unscrupulous, though he ground down the rich with taxes and violated
nearly every sentiment dear to the Greek heart, yet he gained a
certain degree of popularity by the military preparations which made
him appear as a strong champion of Hellas against the barbarian.
He began war upon Carthage in 397 B.C., and with his vast arma-
ment nearly swept the Phoenicians from the island ; but in the fol-
lowing year Himilcon, landing in Sicily, regained everything which
194
The End of Freedom in Sicily and in Italy
Carthage had lost, and Messene in addition. Most of the Messenians
escaped, but Hirailcon compelled his men to burn the woodwork
and to grind the stoneis to powder. The invaders then defeated the
fleet of Dionysius and besieged the tyrant in Syracuse by land and
sea. The newly built ramparts saved the city. A pestilence
weakened the besiegers ; the Greeks, taking courage, set fire to the
Carthaginian fleet in
the Great Harbor and
from their walls
watched the burning
of two thousand ships.
The siege was raised
and the enemy pushed
back till he held but
the extreme western
end of the island.
All the rest Dionysius
secured by the treaty
of 392 B.C.
159. Conquests of
Dionysius in Italy
(to 287 B.C.); other
Wars. — Even while
waging war with Carthage, Dionysius had begun to threaten the
Greeks of Italy, and after concluding peace he renewed his
efforts to annex Magna Graecia to his own dominion. As the Italian
Greeks were assailed at the same time by the Lu-ca'ni-ans, a strong
tribe from the interior, they could do nothing but yield to Dionysius.
In the year 387 B.C. we find his kingdom in Italy extending as far as
Croton. Some of the conquered people he removed to Syracuse,
•others he sold into slavery. Everywhere he showed the utmost dis-
regard for sacred places and institutions, but the Greeks were power-
less to resist.
KINGDOM OF
DIONYSIUS
367 B.C.
Bormov & Co.,V.T..
His Character 195.
In two more wars which he carried on with Carthage, he failed to-
dislodge the foreigners from Sicily, but still held the larger part of
the island as well as his Italian possessions. He aided the Lacedae-
monians in maintaining their supremacy over eastern Greece,^ and
his power was recognized as the greatest in the Hellenic world.
160. Dionysius in Peace; his Character. — Though engaged in
wars to the end, in his later years a desire for peace grew upon him.
He was a poet as well as a general. A story is told that Phi-lox'e-nus,
a poet at his court, was imprisoned in a stone quarry as a punishment
for criticising the tyrant's verse. When liberated soon afterward
and invited to hear another recital, he endured the reading for a few
moments, and then cried out, '* Take me back to the stone quarry ! "
A splendid display of horses and chariots, of athletes and actors, whic'K
Dionysius made at the Olympic games, in like manner won no
applause. The orator Lys'i-as, from Athens, tried to incite the Greeks
there assembled to begin war upon the tyrant by plundering his rich
tents. The holiness of the festival prevented this outrage, but the
reciters of his poems were hissed and his chariots were overturned in
the race. So far from winning the favor and admiration of the
Greeks by his exhibit, the tyrant discovered that he was universally
hated.
About this time Plato, the Athenian philosopher, visited the court
of Dionysius, and tried to persuade the tyrknt to rule according to
the philosopher's lofty ideas of justice. Dionysius answered his
arguments by having him exposed for sale in a slave-market. A
friend ransomed him, however, and he returned to Athens."
In 367 B.C. Dionysius died, after reigning thirty-eight years. No
tyrant could have ruled so long without the possession of strong
qualities. The private character of Dionysius was without reproach.
On the other hand, he never hesitated at bloodshed, confiscation of
property, or anything else which would make him safe. Many spies
in his pay watched the movements of those whom he suspected at
1 § 171. . 2 § 189.
196 The End of Freedom in Sicily and in Italy
liome and abroad. With all his failings he performed a service for
Oreece and for Europe by protecting Hellenic civilization in Italy
and Sicily.
161. Civil Strife (367-345) ; Timoleon the Liberator (345-337 B.C.).
— A period of civil strife following the death of Dionysius was at
length ended by Ti-mo'le-on, a general sent out by Corinth. Timo-
leon was a man of remarkable ability and strength of character.
Gradually he overthrew the tyrants who since the death of Dionysius
had usurped the power in many Sicilian cities. He then gave the
•cities good laws and settled governments. On the Cri-mi'sus River
he met the vast mercenary force of Carthage which had
come to Sicily for the purpose of overwhelming him. As his
small army marched up the hill from the top of which the soldiers
expected to get their first view of the enemy, their religious fears
were aroused at sight of a train of mules laden with parsley, — a
plant used for decorating tombs. But with the exclamation that the
parsley chaplet was the reward of victory in the Isthmian games,
Timoleon seized some of the plant and made a wreath for his head ;
the officers, then the soldiers, followed his example ; and the army
swept over the hill like a host of victorious athletes. Throwing his
enthusiastic troops upon the Carthaginian centre, which had just
crossed the Crimisus, he crushed it with one mighty blow. A
sudden storm beat full in the faces of the enemy ; thousands
were drowned in attempting to recross the swollen stream, and
thousands were killed or made captive. The victory was complete
(340 B.C.).
When he had liberated all Greek Sicily from Carthage and from
tyranny, he joined the cities in a federation, with Syracuse as 'leader
in war. All members of the union were guaranteed their freedom.
He next turned his attention to the improvement of the country.
As the long anarchy had left large tracts of land uncultivated and
without owners, he invited Greeks from other countries to come and
settle on the vacant farms. Thousands answered the call; a few
Pyrrhus 197
peaceful years brought prosperity to fruitful Sicily, and Timoleon'
lived to see the desolate island bloom again like a garden.
After ruling eight years, he resigned his dictatorship and passed
the remainder of his days a private citizen of Syracuse, honored by
all as their liberator. When he died his fellow-citizens established
an annual festival in memory of the man " who had suppressed the
tyrants, had overthrown the foreigner, had replenished the desolate
cities, and had restored to the Sicilians the privilege of living under
their own laws.
162. The Roman Conquest — The golden age of Timoleon was
not to continue long. Syracuse again fell under a tyrant (317 B.C.),.
and again the Carthaginians began to encroach upon her territory.
In 280 B.C. Pyrrhus, king of Epeirus, a man of great mihtary genius,.
came to western Greece with a well-organized army to save his
countrymen from the Carthaginians and from a new enemy — Rome,,
which was beginning to press upon the Greek cities of Italy. Though
he gained brilliant victories over Rome, and confined the Phoeni-
cians of Sicily to one walled town, the ungrateful Greeks refused him
their support ; so he was compelled, after wasting his army, to return
defeated to Epeirus (274 B.C.). Rome immediately annexed southern.
Italy to her own domain, then drove the Carthaginians from Sicily^
and finally made this island a province in her empire.^
The history of Magna Graecia after Dionysius is similar to that
of Sicily. Tarentum, hard pressed by the Lucanians, begged Pyrrhus
to lend aid. His story, already outlined, will be told more fully in
connection with the history of Rome.^ The western Greeks fell
under the power of Rome because their desire for local indepen-
dence would not permit them to unite or to endure the dictatorship
of able men.
1 R. III. ch. V. 2 § 238.
iqS The End of Freedom in Sicily and in Italy
Topics for Reading
I. Dionysius. — Bury, History of Greece, pp. 639-666; Holm, History of
-Greece, ii. pp. 521-525, iii. pp. 130-141.
II. Timoleon. — Plutarch, Timoleon; Holm iii. pp. 401-404; Bury, pp.
^73-679; Grote, History of Greece, xi. pp. 135-197.
CHAPTER XIV
THE SUPREMACY OF SPARTA (404-371 B.C.)
163. The Decarchies. — The overthrow of Athens, at the end of
the Peloponnesian War/ left Sparta supreme in the east as Syracuse
was in the west. At the summit of power stood Lysander, who had
done more than any other
man to bring eastern
Greece under Spartan
leadership. He now
had an excellent oppor-
tunity to improve upon
the rule of Athens; but
though a man of rare
talents, he lacked the
genius for such a task.
He could think of noth-
ing beyond the long-
established Spartan and
Athenian methods of
dealing with allies and
subjects.
In each newly allied
state, accordingly, he
set up a decarchy, or spartan Vase
board of ten oligarchs, with full control of the government. To sup-
port the decarchies, he stationed Lacedaemonian garrisons in most
of the cities. The commander, termed " harmost," was usually a man
' § 155.
199
200 The Supremacy of Sparta
of low birth, servile to Lysander and brutal toward the defence-
less people over whom he kept watch. Relying on his sup-
port, the oligarchs killed or expelled their political enemies,
confiscated property through sheer greed, and mistreated the
women and children. While Athens ruled, a man could feel
that life, property, and family were safe; but under Sparta the
Greeks found themselves degraded to the condition of perioeci
(§ 87).
164. The Thirty at Athens (404-403 B.C.) . — At Athens Lysander
caused a board of thirty to be established with absolute authority
over the state. The guiding spirit of the board was Crit'i-as, a noble
of the highest rank. He was a musician and a poet, a rhetorician,
philosopher, and politician. With all his varied accomplishments, he
had no depth or strong feelings, but was cold and calculating, ambi-
tious and unscrupulous; within his short career he developed a
strange appetite for blood and plunder.
Soon after taking possession of the government, the Thirty began
to kill their political opponents. For their own safety, they called
in a Lacedaemonian for-ce of seven hundred men, and lodged it in
the Acropolis at the expense of the state. Supported by these troops,
the Thirty proceeded with their bloody work. As they often
murdered men for their property, they preferred wealthy victims,
whether alien residents or aristocrats. Hundreds fled into exile ;
but the Spartan ephors, to uphold the Thirty, warned the fugitives
away from all parts of Greece. Some of the states sheltered them
in defiance of the ephors. Thebes, long the enemy of Athens,
became their rallying-place. Their number daily increased owing to
the .cruelty of the government at home.
165. Democracy restored (403 B.C.) . — The crowd of exiles swelled
into an army. At the head of seventy patriots, Thrasybulus crossed
the border from Thebes, seized Phy'le,-a strong fort high up on Mount
Par'nes, and held it against an attack of the enemy. With his army
increased to a thousand, he soon afterward seized Peiraeus. When
Cyrus 201
the Thirty with their Lacedaemonian garrison and citizen supporters
marched down to attack him, the patriots defeated them and killed
Critias. Lysander interfered to uphold the tyrants, but Pausa-
nias, a Spartan king, through jealousy of Lysander gave his aid with
more effect to the patriots.
The king persuaded the supporters of the oligarchy and the
returned exiles to be friends to each other. All were pardoned for
wrong-doing except the Thirty and a few other guilty officials. The
Athenians now had enough of oligarchy. Their two recent experi-
ments in that form of constitution — the rule of the Four Hundred
and of the Thirty — proved that the government of the so-called
*' better class " was a delusion and a he, and that the men who
claimed superior privileges on the ground of virtue were in reality
cutthroats and robbers. The great mass of people, who had little
wealth or education, were far more obedient to law and exercised
greater self-control in pubhc life. Henceforth Athens was content
with democracy.
166. The Expedition of Cyrus (401 B.C.). — Although the Thirty
fell, the Lacedaemonians upheld the decarchies in the other cities
of their empire. It was a part of their policy as well to keep on
good terms with Cyrus, who had done so much to give them the vic-
tory over Athens. On the death of Darius, the late king of Persia,
Ar-tax-erx'es, his elder son, succeeded to the throne, while Cyrus,
the younger, still held at Sardis the command of the most desirable
part of Asia Minor.^ Wishing to be king in place of his brother,
Cyrus prepared a force of a hundred thousand Asiatic troops and
thirteen thousand Greeks. The Lacedaemonians not only favored
his enlistment of these mercenaries from Greece, but even sent him
seven hundred heavy-armed troops from their own state. With these
forces the prince marched into the very heart of the Persian empire,
and met his brother in battle at Cu-nax'a, near Babylon. Cyrus was
killed and his Asiatics retired from the field ; but the little Hellenic
202 The Supremacy of Sparta
force was victorious over the king's army, which numbered four hun-
dred thousand or more.
Then the Greeks, under a truce, began their retreat in a northerly
direction. Their generals were entrapped and slain by Tissaphernes,
a rival of Cyrus, but they appointed new leaders. And though they
were beset on all sides by enemies and were traversing a country
wholly unknown to them and exceedingly difficult of passage, they
kept their courage and discipline, and proved by their conduct that
the Greeks were able to govern themselves. More than eight thou-
sand reached the Black Sea in safety and thence returned to Greece.
Xen'o-phon, an Athenian of the school of Socrates, the philosopher,
was the inspiring genius of the retreat ; it was owing to his prudence
and eloquence that the army held together at critical moments. If
the story of the retreat of the "Ten Thousand," which Xenophon
tells so interestingly in his An-ab^a-sis, is true, the author must have
been one of the ablest commanders of his age (§§ 156, 189).
167. War between Lacedaemon and Persia (beginning 400 B.C.). —
The expedition of Cyrus had two important effects : (i) it brought
the Persian power into contempt among the Greeks; and (2) it
immediately caused war between Persia and Lacedaemon. For this,
state, by supporting Cyrus, had incurred the anger of the Persian
king. A strong force of Peloponnesians crossed to Asia Minor, and
joining the remnant of the Ten Thousand, began war upon the
Persians. In 396 b.c. A-ges-i-la'us, who had recently succeeded to
one of the thrones at Sparta, came with a few thousand additional
troops and took command in person. The little lame king was gentle
and courteous. Faithful in friendship, simple in life, and incorruptible,
he was an ideal Spartan. Though forty years of age at his accession,
he was wholly without experience in command ; but he proved him-
self an able king and general. With his small army he freed the
Greeks of Asia Minor from the Persian yoke. As the expedition of
Cyrus had taught him how weak Persia was, he even hoped to over-
throw her empire. This conquest, when effected, was to give the
The CojHiitJiian War
203
Greeks an almost boundless field for commerce and colonization.
Now that it was suggested, they never lost sight of the idea till it was
realized.^
168. The Corinthian War (395-387 B.C.). — The dream of Agesi-
laus was rudely disturbed by trouble at home. Sparta was selfish and
tyrannical ; the greater allied states, as Thebes and Corinth, wished a
share in her supremacy; the lesser communities desired at least their
Citadel of Corinth
independence. As they were all disappointed in their hopes, they
began to show discontent. In 395 b.c. they provoked Lacedaemon
to a war which lasted eight years. This is called the Corinthian War,
because the struggle centred chiefly about Corinth and the Isthmus.
Athens, Corinth, and several other states took the side of Thebes,
while Persia supphed the funds.
In the second year of the war, a combined Greek and Phoenician
fleet under Conon,- the Athenian admiral, destroyed the fleet of
§ 192.
154.
204 The Supremacy of Sparta
Lacedaemon off CnVdus. Thus the Spartan naval supremacy fell at
a single blow. Conon sailed from island to island, expelling the har-
mosts and freeing all from Lacedaemonian rule. The next year he
anchored his fleet in the harbors of Peiraeus, and with the help of
Persia and of the neighbors of Athens he began to rebuild the Long
Walls.
Nearer home the Lacedaemonians were scarcely more fortunate.
Lysander was killed ; King Pausanias proved incapable ; it became
necessary therefore to recall Agesilaus. This was a grievous blow to
his hopes ; both commander and soldiers regretted to give up the war
with Persia in order to turn their arms against their fellow- Hellenes.
" To aid the fatherland," he said to the Asiatic Greeks, " is an imper-
ative duty. If, however, matters turn out well on the other side,
rely upon it, friends and allies, I will not forget you, but shall be back
anon to carry out your wishes." But the victories he gained on his
return helped Sparta little. She received a severe and lasting shock
at the hands of I-phic'ra-tes. The achievement of this Athenian
general was to make light troops so efficient as to cope successfully
with heavy infantry. First he made their shields smaller and their
pikes and swords heavier and longer.^ Then he put them through a
careful training that they might act as individuals rather than in mass.
After experimenting successfully with his light-armed troops to assure
himself of their superiority to heavy-armed, he attacked in the
neighborhood of Corinth a Mo^ra, or battalion, of Spartan heavy
infantry, six hundred strong, and cut it to pieces. The Lacedaemo-
nians never fully recovered from the blow ; the military organization
which had always been the foundation of their supremacy in Greece
proved defective.
169. The Treaty of Antalcidas (387 B.C.). — They acknowledged
their failure in the war by coming to terms with Persia. The king
was ready to use his money and influence for the preservation of a
peace which should assure him the possession of Asia Minor ; and
1 § 87. n- 2.
s i
spartan Violence 205
Lacedaemon could do nothing but accept his terms. Accordingly
her ambassador An-tal'ci-das, and Tir-i-ba'zus, the king's legate,
invited all the Greek states to 'send deputies to Sardis for the purpose
of concluding peace. When they arrived, Tiribazus showed them the
king's seal on a document which he held in his hand, and read from
it the following terms imposed by Persia upon the Greeks : " King
Artaxerxes deems it just that the cities in Asia, with the islands of
Cla-zom'e-nae and Cyprus, should belong to himself ; the rest of the
Hellenic cities, both small and great, he will leave independent, with
the exception of Lem'nos, Im'bros, and Scy'ros, which three are to
belong to Athens as of yore. Should any of the parties concerned
not accept this peace, I, Artaxerxes, together with those who share
my views, will war against the offenders by land and sea, with ships
and money."' As the Greeks believed it impossible to wage war
successfully with Lacedaemon and Persia at once, they accepted the
terms. It was well understood that Lacedaemon was to enforce the
treaty for the king ; and this position made her again the undisputed
head of eastern Greece.
170. The Violence of Sparta. — The Lacedaemonians still ruled
according to the policy of Lysander, — a combination of brute force
and cunning. It was their aim to weaken the states from which they
might expect resistance. First they destroyed the city of Mantineia,
and scattered the inhabitants in villages. Then in northern Greece
they assailed the Chalcidic League, which though newly formed had
already grown powerful. While at war with this league, they seized
the Cadmeia — the citadel of Thebes — and occupied it with a gar-
rison in open violation of law (383 B.C.) . Even the citizens of Sparta,
not to speak of the Greeks in general, were indignant with the officer
who had done the violent deed ; but Agesilaus excused him on
the ground that the act was advantageous to Sparta, thus setting
forth the principle that Greece was to be ruled for the benefit
merely of the governing city Though the Lacedaemonians pun-
1 Xenophon. Hellenica, v. i.
2o6 The Supremacy of Sparta
ished the officer, they approved the deed by leaving the garrison in
the Cadmeia.
" On every side the affairs of Laceddemon had signally prospered :
Thebes and the other Boeotian states lay absolutely at her feet ;
Corinth had become her most faithful ally ; Argos . . . was humbled
to the dust ; Athens was isolated ; and lastly, those of her own aUies
who had displayed a hostile feeling toward her had been punished ;
so that, to all outward appearance, the foundations of her empire
were well and firmly laid.
" Abundant examples might be found alike in Hellenic and in
foreign history, to prove that the divine powers mark what is done
amiss, winking neither at impiety nor at the commission of unhallowed
acts ; in the present instance, the Lacedaemonians, who had pledged
themselves by oath to leave the states independent, had laid violent
hands on the citadel of Thebes, and were eventually punished by the
victims of that iniquity single-handed." ^
171. Tyranny arouses Resistance. — With these words Xenophon,
the historian, prepares the reader for understanding the sudden
reverse in the fortunes of the Lacedaemonians. Their city was now
the acknowledged leader of all eastern Greece, supported by Persia
in the East and by Dionysius in the West. But their policy was soon
to awaken forces which were to overthrow their supremacy forever.
Resistance was first aroused in Thebes, where the oppressor's hand
was heaviest. In that city the polemarchs, as representatives of the
oligarchic party in league with Sparta, ruled by terrorism, imprisoning
some opponents and banishing others. The exiles took refuge in
Athens, and there found sympathy. Among the refugees was Pe-lop^-
i-daSj a wealthy Theban, full of patriotism and brave to recklessness,
— the very man his city needed to save her. Pelopidas had left
behind him in Thebes an intimate friend, Ep-am-in-on^ das ^ an orator
of remarkable keenness and force, and a philosopher.
The oligarchs thought Epaminondas a harmless dreamer; but
* Xenophon, Hellenicat v, 3-4,
Thebes 207
while they allowed him to remain unmolested at home, he was
attracting into his school the most capable youths of Thebes, and
was arousing in them the moral power which was to set his country
free. The young Thebans, who delighted in physical training,
learned from the philosopher that mere size of muscle was of no
advantage, that they should aim rather at agility and endurance. He
encouraged them to wnsstle with the Lacedaemonian soldiers in the
Cadmeia, that when the crisis should come, they might meet them
without fear.
172. The Liberation of Thebes (379 B.C.). — Meantime Pelopidas
at Athens was planning to return with the exiles to overthrow the
oligarchy. He often told them at their meetings that it was both dis-
honorable and impious to neglect their enslaved country, and that they
should emulate the heroic courage of Thrasybulus; as he had ad-
vanced from Thebes to break the power of the Athenian tyrants, so
they should march from Athens to free Thebes. Four years passed
in this manner, and it was now the winter of 379 B.C. The Chalcidic
League had fallen, resistance to Sparta was becoming every day
more hopeless, there was need of haste.
Selecting a hundred of his most faithful friends, Pelopidas led
them to Eleusis. There twelve of the younger men, including him-
self, eagerly undertook the dangerous task of striking a secret blow
for their country. They dressed themselves like huntsmen, and
accompanied by dogs, crossed Mount Parnes toward Thebes in
groups of two and three. A snow-storm had just set in when at dark
these men, their faces muffled in their cloaks, entered the city by
various gates and met another band of conspirators in the house of
their leader. On the following night an official who was also in the
plot held a banquet, to which he invited all the polemarchs except
one, who was the head of the oligarchic party.
While these magistrates were carousing, some of the conspirators
entered disguised as women and killed them. At the same time
Pelopidas with two companions went to the house of the remaining
2o8 The Supremacy of Sparta
polemarch, and after a hard struggle made away with him. The
next morning Epaminondas introduced the leaders of the conspiracy
to the assembled citizens, who elected them Boeotarchs, or chief
magistrates of Boeotia. A democracy was now established, and the
garrison in the Cadmeia surrendered with the privilege of departing
unharmed. Thebes was again free.
173. The Athenian Maritime Confederacy (377 B.C.). — The
Athenians, though in sympathy with their neighbor, would gladly have
remained neutral, had not Lacedaemon driven them to war by a
treacherous attempt to seize Peiraeus. They renewed their alliance
with the maritime cities which had deserted them for Sparta but
were now seeking their protection. The new league was to be a
union of the Greeks for the defence of their liberties against Sparta.
Each allied state sent a deputy to a congress at Athens. It was
agreed that the leading city alone should have no representative in
this body in order that the deputies might not be influenced by the
presidency or even by the presence of an Athenian. To be binding,
a measure had to receive the approval of both Athens and congress.
This arrangement made the leading city equal to all the others com-
bined, but prevented her from acquiring absolute power such as she
had exercised over the members of the earlier confederacy. There
were still to be contributions of ships and money, but as Athens was
no longer in a position to compel the allies to perform their duties,
the league remained far weaker than it had been in the preceding
century.
174. The Peace Convention (371 B.C.). — As the new alliance
included Thebes and about seventy other cities, it was more than a
match for Peloponnese ; but the Thebans finally withdrew from the
war and busied themselves with subduing the Boeotian towns.
Athens, left to carry on the struggle alone and displeased with the
policy of Thebes, opened negotiations with Lacedaemon. There-
upon a convention of all the Greek states met in Sparta to establish
an Hellenic peace. Though the treaty of Antalcidas was renewed,
Leuctra 209
the Persian king could no longer arbitrate among the Greeks, — they
now felt able to manage their own affairs. It is interesting to see
them acting together in the interest of peace and endeavoring to
form one Hellenic state on the basis of local independence and
equal rights. The convention resolved to accept peace on the
understanding that every Greek state should be independent and
that all fleets and armies should be disbanded.
Though all were ready to make peace on these terms, trouble
arose in regard to ratifying the tj-eaty. Sparta insisted on signing
it in behalf of her allies, but would not grant the same privilege to
Thebes. When, accordingly, Agesilaus demanded that the Boeotian
towns should be permitted to sign for themselves, Epaminondas, the
Theban deputy, declared that his city had as good a right to repre-
sent all Boeotia as Sparta to represent all Laconia. His boldness
startled the convention. For ages the Greeks had stood in awe of
Sparta, and no one had dared question her authority within the
borders of Lacedaemon. But the deputy from Thebes was winning
his point with the members, when Agesilaus in great rage sprang to
his feet and bade him say once for all whether Boeotia should be
independent.' "Yes, if you will give the same freedom to Laconia,"
Epaminondas replied. The Spartan king then struck the name of
Thebes from the list of states represented in the convention, exclud-
ing her thus from the peace.
175. The Battle of Leuctra (371 B.C.). — The treaty was signed,
the convention dissolved, the deputies returned home. All eyes
turned toward the impending conflict ; every one expected to see
the city of Epaminondas punished, perhaps destroyed, for the bold-
ness of her leader.
Leuctra was a small town in Boeotia southwest of Thebes. The
battle fought there in 371 B.C. was in its poHtical effects the
most important in which Greeks only were engaged; to the
student of military affairs it is one of the most interesting in
history.
V
210
The Supremacy of Sparta
THETHEBAN TACTICS
IN THE
BATTLE OF LEUCTRA
a a a \h\ c
i|=i(zzzit=q Uei
III
As a result of studies in military science Epaminondas introduced
a sweeping revolution in warfare. The Boeotians had always made
excellent soldiers, and as far back as the battle of Delium^ their
commander had won by massing his
men in a heavy phalanx.^ This
solid body of infantry was to be the
chief element in the new military
system ; Epaminondas was to con-
vert the experiences of his country-
men into the most important
principle of mihtary science — the
principle of concentrating the attack
upon a single point of the enemy's
hne. Opposite to the Peloponnesian
right, made up of Lacedaemonians
under one of their kings, he massed
his left in a column fifty deep and
led it to the attack. The enemy,
drawn up uniformly twelve deep in
the old-fashioned way, could not
withstand the terrific shock. The
Boeotian centre purposely advanced
more slowly than the column, and
the right still more slowly, so that
these divisions of the line took only the slightest part in the battle.
But the Boeotian horsemen, who were well trained and high-spirited,
easily put to rout the inefficient cavalry of the enemy ; and the Sacred
Band, Epaminondas' school of Theban youths, followed the impetu-
ous Pelopidas in an irresistible charge on the extreme Spartan right.
The king was killed, his army thoroughly beaten by a much smaller
force, and the supremacy of Sparta was at an end.
^ § 141. ^ P- 99. n. I.
q
J ]
I [
^"
yiiii
nnnoTHEBAN cavalry
a a a, Boeotians
b, THEBAN COLUMN
C, SACRED BAND
I, I, THEBANS AND ALLIES BEFORE ADVANCE
II, II, THEBAN'. ADVANCE IN ECHELON FORMATION
III, III, ■■! SPARTANS, f^^ PELOPONNESIANS
SHOWING THEBAN COLUMN AND SACRED BAND
CUTTING THE SPARTAN LINE
Barmat, Ct.. N. T,
The Overthrow of Sparta
211
Topics for Reading
I. Critias. — See Indices in Xenophon, Works (translated by Dakyns), and
in the various histories of Greece.
II. The Expedition of Cyrus. — Xenophon, Anabasis; Holm, History of
Greece, iii. pp. 2-6; Timayenis, History of Greece, Pt. VI. ch, ii.
III. Society and Government of Sparta in the Time of Agesilaus. —
Xenophon, Republic of the Lacedaemonians, in Works ; Botsford, Greece, pp. 256—
261 ; Curtius, History of Greece, Bk. V. ch. iii.
iP«^?^M^sife^
W^''"'^m^''^.: -^m^.
Spartan Mosaic
CHAPTER XV
THEBES ATTEMPTS TO GAIN THE SUPREMACY (371-362 B.C.;
176. Effects of the Battle on Sparta. — "After these events, a
messenger was despatched to Lacedaemon with news of the misfor-
tune. He reached his destination on the last day of the gym-no-
pae'di-ae,^ just when the chorus of grown men had entered the theatre.
The ephors heard the mournful tidings not without grief and pain,
as needs they must, I take it ; but for all that they did not dismiss
the chorus, but allowed the contest to run out its natural course.
What they did was to deliver the names of those who had fallen to
their friends and families, with a word of warning to the women not
to make any loud lamentation, but to bear their sorrow in silence ;
and the next day it was a striking spectacle to see those who had
relations among the slain moving to and fro in public with bright and
radiant looks, whilst of those whose friends were reported to be liv-
ing, barely a man was to be seen, and these flitted by with lowered
heads and scowling brows, as if in humiliation."^
Spartan laws degraded runaways, and deprived them of citizenship
and of all other honors ; they had to go unwashed and meanly clad,
with beards half shaven. Any one who met them in the street was
at liberty to beat them and they dared not resist. On the present
occasion Sparta had sent out seven hundred citizens, of whom three
hundred had disgraced themselves by surviving defeat. What should
be done with them? Being so numerous, they might resist punish-
1 A great festival at Sparta in honor of Apollo, Artemis, and their mother
Leto. It was chiefly an exhibition of gymnastics, music, and dancing given by
boys, youths, and men.
2 Xenophon, Hellenica, vi. 4.
Pelopoiinese
213
ment ; and besides, as Sparta had only about fifteen hundred citizens
remaining, to disfranchise three hundred would be ruinous. Agesi-
laus, who was requested by the government to settle this serious
question, decided to let the law sleep in the present case, to be re-
vived, however, for the future. In this way he piloted his country
safely through the crisis.*
^HPVMHI
■
IBS^^^S^^^^^
^
ts
i ,...,., :,-'-***f'*^^»wili»lcv--..
■' '-'"^m^ '^^yl^ ''''''■ ■ 'S- — ■ '.'
^'^^^£0,^
: '- "-'-^0^^^^-^
-^^pw^
P*sai«
■; "^, ■ "-.iss«-^^l^^^-
Mount Ithome and City Wall of Messene
177. Effects of the Battle on Peloponnese. — In Peloponnese the
wildest confusion and anarchy arose. To the friends of Sparta it
seemed that the world was falling into chaos, now that she had lost
control, while her enemies rejoiced in the freedom assured them by
her downfall. The first to profit by the revolution were the Arca-
dians, most of whom were still shepherds and peasants living in
villages, and following the Lacedaemonians in war. They now re-
solved to unite in a permanent league for the defence of their liber-
'ties. While the Mantineians were rebuilding their city, which Sparta
214 Thebes Attempts to gain the Supremacy
had destroyed/ the league founded a new city, Meg-a-lop'o-lis, to be
the seat of government, and a stronghold against Sparta. When the
Arcadians were attacked by the Lacedaemonians, Epaminondas came
to their help at the head of an army of Thebans and their allies — in
all, seventy thousand men. With this great host he invaded Laconia,
and ravaged it from end to end ; for the first time in history, Spartan
women saw the smoke from the camp-fires of an enemy. The city
was in a tumult, — the old men were enraged at the present condi-
tion of things, and the women in their terror caused more confusion
than the invaders. Agesilaus, weighed down with age, saw the great
power which he had inherited falling to pieces about him, conspira-
cies forming on every hand among high and low, the perioeci troop-
ing off to join the enemy, the helots in rebellion, and himself reproached
as the " kindler of the war." Still he applied himself with energy
and courage to the sore task of defending his unwalled city. Unable
to capture Sparta, Epaminondas went to Messenia to aid the revolt
of that country. With his help the Messenians built and fortified a
new city, Messene, near the citadel of Mount Ithome, on a spot
made sacred by many an heroic struggle for liberty.
178. The Failure of Thebes. — Within the next few years the
Thebans extended their influence over Thessaly and Macedon. As
the majority of the continental states were their allies, they were
now the controlHng power through the entire length of the penin-
sula. But the Thebans were no better qualified for ruling than the
Spartans had been. Their chief fault was their narrowness. Instead
of making all the Boeotians Thebans with full privileges in the leading
city, they attempted to subject them to the condition of perioeci ;
and some towns they even destroyed. Their more remote allies
they had no thought of binding to themselves by institutions such
as hold the states of our nation together. Epaminondas erred
greatly, too, in assuming that the peasants of Messenia and Arcadia,
who were absolutely without political experience, would at once
1 § 170.
The Failure of Thebes 215
succeed in self-government under constitutions made for them by
strangers. It was not thus that the Romans, the English, and the
Americans became self-governing. The Thebans merely substituted
chaos for order. Peloponnese, united under Lacedaemon, had been
the citadel of Hellas, the centre of resistance to foreign aggression ;
and though Sparta was despotic, the Greek states had been learning
of late to guard their liberties against her, while they still looked to
her for protection and guidance in time of danger. All this was
now changed. When Sparta had fallen, Thebes, taking her place,
broke up Peloponnese into warring camps, weakened the only
power which was capable of defending Hellas, and spread confusion
everywhere.
When it became apparent to the Thebans themselves that they
were too weak to maintain order in Hellas, they sent Pelopidas as
ambassador to Susa to bring the influence and money of the king to
bear once more in favor of peace. Artaxerxes was ready to dictate
another treaty ; but the Greeks had learned to despise him, and
would no longer endure his interference. As this disgraceful busi-
ness failed, Epaminondas turned resolutely to the almost hopeless
task of reducing Greece to order by force of iron. The chief
resistance to his plan came now from Athens. The maritime city
he had to meet on her own element, as she refused to dismantle her
fleet at the command of Persia. Though as well supplied as Attica
with coasts, Boeotia had little commerce and no fleet worthy of
mention before the time of Epaminondas. But suddenly his state
became a naval power, the great tactician stepped into the place of
admiral, and an armament went forth to sweep Athens from the sea.
Could he have been free a year or two to carry on his naval opera-
tions, he might by overthrowing the rule of Athens have introduced
as much confusion into the Aegean Sea as he had brought to
Peloponnese by the ruin of Lacedaemon.
179. The Battle of Mantineia (362 B.C.). — But Epaminondas
had no time for this. He had already made three invasions of
2l6
Thebes Attempts to ^am the Supremacy
'eloponnese, and again he %und it necessary to march across the
/sthmus to restore order. Many allies joined him; Athens and
Sparta were his chief eneiries. The Theban commander attempted
by forced marches to capture Sparta, then Mantineia, in the hope
that he might thus establish peace . without a battle ; but in both
attempts he failed.
Then came the conflict at Mantineia. Notwithstanding their
''.edious -ourneys, the condition of his troops was excellent; they
TU£ i^LAlM Of MaMT1M£1A
were full of enthusiasm and had absolute confidence in their com-
mander. " There was no labor which they would shrink from, either
by night or by day; there was no danger they would flinch from;
and with the scantiest provisions, their discipline never failed them.
And so, when he gave them his last orders to prepare for impending
battle, they obeyed with alacrity. He- spoke the word ; the cavalry
fell to whitening their helmets, the heavy infantry of the Arcadians
began inscribing the club (of Heracles) as a crest on their shields.
Mantineia 217
in imitation of the Thebans, and all were engaged in sharpening
their lances and swords and in polishing their heavy shields."^
Taking the enemy by surprise, Epaminondas repeated the tactics
of Leuctra with perfect success. His flying column, now in the
form of a wedge, cut through the opposing ranks and shattered the
enemy's host.
The great commander fell mortally wounded with a javelin.
Carried to the rear, he heard the victorious shouts of the Thebans,
but when told that his fellow-generals were both dead, he advised
his countrymen to make peace. The surgeon then drew out the
javeUn point and Epaminondas died. Pelopidas had recently been
slain in battle in Thessaly. The heroes were buried where they
fell ; and their gravestones in northern and southern Greece stood
as monuments of Thehan leadership , which ended with their lives.
Pelopidas was bold and chivalrous, a zealous patriot and an able
commander. Epaminondas was a great mihtary genius. Personally
he was without ambition, content to live as a private citizen, or to
serve his state in the lowest offices. Absolutely pure in character, he
aimed only to promote the welfare of his city and of Hellas. Though
in statesmanship he was as able as any of his time, though his ideals
were high and his methods honorable, he failed to discover the evils
of the Hellenic state system, much more to remedy them. Fortune
was kind to him and to his worthy helper in cutting them off at the
height of their renown, — before they could see the failure of their
policy and be made responsible for it.
180. The Result of the Battle. — The result of the battle of Man-
tineia was the opposite of that which the world expected. " Here
where well-nigh the whole of Hellas was met together in one field,
and the combatants stood rank against rank confronted, there was no
one who doubted that, in the event of battle, the conquerors this day
would rule, and those who lost would be their subjects. But God so
ordered it that both belligerents alike set up trophies claiming victory,
1 Xenophon, Hellenica^ vii. 5.
2l8
Thebes Attempts to gain the Supremacy
and neither interfered with the other in the act. Both parties alike
gave back their enemy's dead under a truce, and in right of victory ;
both alike, in symbol of defeat, under a truce took back their dead.
And though both claimed to have won the day, neither could show
that he had gained thereby any accession of territory, or state, or
empire, or was better situated than before the battle. Uncertainty
and confusion indeed had gained ground, being tenfold greater
throughout the length and breadth of Hellas after the battle than
before."^ The conflict decided that no single city was strong enough
to rule Greece. The task of uniting Greece under one government
was left to Macedon, — which was not a city-state like Sparta,
Athens, or Thebes, but a territorial state like those of modern times
(§ 6s)-
Topics for Reading
Epaminondas. — Plutarch, Pelopidas; Xenophon, Works (translated by
Dakyns; see Index); Sankey, Spartan and Iheban Supremacies, chs. xi, xii;
Bury, History of Greece, pp. 566, 592-626; Holm, History of Greece, iii. chs.
viii-x; Curtius, History of Greece, Bk. VI.
1 Xenophon, Hellenica, vii. 5.
Battle between the Greeks and the Amazons
(Frieze of the Mausoleum, Halicarnassus)
CHAPTER XVI
THE RISE OF MACEDON (to 338 B.C.)
181. Country and People. — Macedon is the basin of a single
river-system. Its waters in their upper course run through plains
separated by high mountains, and then flow together in three parallel
streams to the sea. It is somewhat like a hand with radiating fingers
reaching from the coast into the continent. The country was made
A Scene in Macedonia
up accordingly of two distinct regions : the Highland, including
the mountains and plains of the interior; and the Lowland, nearer
the sea.
Dense forests nearly covered the Highland, even as late as the
fourth century B.C. The sparse population lived in hovels, dressed in
skins, and fed their few sheep on the mountain sides. Their habits
219
220 The Rise of Macedon
were warlike : the youth could not sit at table with the men till he
had killed a wild boar, and he who had slain no foe had to wear a
rope about his body as a sign that he was not yet free. They ate
from wooden dishes; they fought with the rudest weapons; poverty
and exposure were toughening them into excellent material for
soldiers.
In each separate valley dwelt a tribe under the rule of a king and*
nobles, as it had been in the Greece of Homer's day. The Macedo-
nians were indeed Greeks who had not yet emerged from barbarism.
The Lowlanders, however, were rapidly learning the ideas and the
useful arts of the Hellenic colonies along their coasts. By adopting
the military system and the armor of the civilized Greeks, A-myn'tas,
king of the Lowlands, compelled the Highlanders to acknowledge
him as their lord. In this way the tribes of Macedon were brought
together under one head.
182. PhUip. — After the death of this king (369 B.C.), the Thebans
interfered in Macedon and carried away his youngest son Philip, a
youth of fifteen, as a hostage. Thebes was then at the height of her
glory : her generals and her army were the best in the world ; her
schools, streets, market-place, and assembly thronged with busy life ;
her arsenals sounded continually with preparations for war. The
royal youth came a half-barbarian, with a voracious appetite for
learning everything which would be useful to his country ; he re-
turned a civilized Greek, with an ambition to be the maker of a
nation.
Soon afterward the king, an elder brother, fell while fighting
against the rebellious Highlanders ; and Philip mounted the throne,
beset on all sides with difficulties and dangers.
Within the next two years he had proved his right to rule by over-
coming his domestic foes, defeating his hostile neighbors, and seating
himself firmly in power. It became evident at once that he intended
to enlarge his kingdom by subduing the surrounding states. First he
wished to annex the coast cities that he might have free access to the
Philif and Athens 22 1
sea. Some of these cities were allies of Athens, and ochers belonged
to the Chalcidic Federation, restored after its overthrow by Lacedae-
mon. Grossly deceiving both Athenians and Chalcidians as to his
purpose, he robbed Athens of her alUes on the coast and seized Am-
phipolis, the greatest commercial city in the neighborhood. It must
be said in his favor that he treated his new subjects with the utmost
fairness, granting their cities more rights than the native Macedonians
enjoyed.
183. War between Philip and Athens (357-346 B.C.). — In anger
Athens broke the peace with him, but could do nothing more because
she was engaged at the same time in a social war, — that is, a war
with some of her allies who had revolted. She showed great weak-
ness through this period in all her deahngs with other states, as so
many of her citizens were opposed to an active foreign policy. She
failed in the social war, and ended it by granting independence to
the seceding states, Chios, Cos, Rhodes, and Byzantium. Other
allies deserted, till only Euboea and a few small islands were left,
whose war contributions amounted to no more than forty-five talents
a year. Philip, on the other hand, acquired enormous revenues by
seizing Mount Pangaeus and working its gold mines. This source
yielded him a thousand talents a year. With the money he was
enabled to keep up a standing army, build a fleet from the timber of
the forests about Pangaeus, and bribe supporters in nearly every city
of Greece. His immediate aim, however, was to make himself
master of Thessaly ; and the opportunity soon offered itself.
184. The Sacred War (35^-346 B.C.). — About the time when
Athens broke peace with him, trouble arose between Phocis and
Thebes. The Phocians, like the Macedonians, were a fresh, vigorous
race, whose martial strength and ardor had not yet been softened by
commerce and city life. As they refused to submit to Thebes, this
city persuaded the Amphictyonic Council to declare a sacred war^
upon them on a false charge of having wronged Apollo. To pay the
i§66.
222 The Rise of Macedon
expenses of the war, the Phocian commanders borrowed large sunas
of money from the Delphic treasury, — a perfectly honorable transac-
tion, as Delphi was a Phocian city and the war was in self-defence ;
yet the enemies of the little state cried out hypocritically against this
still more impious crime against the god. By means of this money
the Phocian general brought together a great army of mercenaries,
with which he overran Locris, Doris, and Boeotia, seized the pass
of Thermopylae, defeated Philip twice in Thessaly, and drove him
back to Macedon. For a time it seemed probable that the Phocians
would become the leading state in Hellas ; but as their power de-
pended chiefly on mercenaries, the exhaustion of the Delphic treasury
would soon bring it to an end. The unfortunate campaign of Philip
merely spurred him to greater exertions. In the following year he
reappeared with an army in Thessaly, defeated the Phocians, and
drove them behind Thermopylae. Their commander was killed
by his own men in the flight, and Philip in an outburst of bar-
barism ordered the body to be nailed to a cross. Only the timely
arrival of an Athenian force prevented the victorious king from pass-
ing through Thermopylae into central Greece. However, all Thessaly
was now his, and immediately afterward he conquered Thrace nearly
to the Hellespont.
185. Philip and Chalcidice (352-349 B.C.); Demosthenes. — Up to
this time the Chalcidians had been in alliance with PhiHp, whom
they looked upon as a petty tribal chief. But alarmed at the won-
derful growth of his power, they made peace with Athens in viola-
tion of their agreement with him. The crafty king let three years
slip quietly by, during which he won over to himself by threats and
bribes a considerable party in every Chalcidic town; then, when
fully prepared for war, he ordered 0-lyn'thus ^ to give up his step-
brother, who had taken refuge from him in that city. As Greeks
considered it a religious duty to harbor exiles, Olynthus refused, and
sent at the same time an appeal to Athens for help. Among the
1 The chief city of Chalcidice.
I
Demosthenes
223
speakers in the Athenian assembly when this subject came up for
consideration was the man who was to be known through future
ages as the antagonist of Philip, — Demosthenes, the most eminent
orator the world has known.
Demosthenes was only seven years old when his father, a wealthy
manufacturer, died, whereupon the guardians took most of the
estate for themselves. He
was a slender, sallow boy,
who, instead of joining with
comrades in the sports of
the gymnasium, stayed at
home with his mother, nurs-
ing his wrath against the
unfaithful guardians till it
became the ruling passion
of his youth. To prepare
himself for prosecuting them
he studied legal oratory
under an experienced
master. It is said, too, that
even in youth he resolved
to become a statesman ;
but his voice was defective,
his body weak and awk-
ward, his habits unsocial,
— his whole nature unfitted
for such a calling. Strength of soul, however, made up for personal
disadvantages. He trained his voice and delivery under a success-
ful actor; he studied the great masterpieces of Attic prose; he
steeled his will and so exercised his mental muscles that they
became capable of the highest and most prolonged tension.
Severe toil, continued through many years, gave him his genius.
Success in prosecuting the guardians led to speech-writing as a
Demosthenes
(Capitoline Museum, Rome)
224 The Rise of Macedon
profession, from which he gradually made his way into public
life.
He was the first to foresee the danger to Hellenic freedom from
Philip, and lost no time or zeal in warning Athens to meet it while
it was yet far off. In 352 B.C. he began his opposition to the king
of Macedon in an oration called his First Philippic ; and when
envoys from Olynthus begged Athens for an alHance, he urged his
countrymen to accept the opportunity. "Give prompt and vigorous
assistance, use your surplus revenues for war rather than for festi-
vals ; be not content with sending mercenaries, but take the field
yourselves against Phihp, and you will certainly defeat him, for his
strength is derived from your weak policy, his power is based on
injustice, and all his subjects will revolt, if only you give them a
little encouragement and support." Such were the sentiments of his
Olynthiac Orations. He tried to inspire his countrymen with the
vigor and ambition of their fathers, who had beaten down Persia and
had founded an empire ; yet his words had Httle effect, as he was
still a young man and almost unknown.
The Athenians made the alhance, but sent insufficient help ; so
that before the end of another year Philip had taken Olynthus and
the thirty other cities of the league. He destroyed them all and
enslaved the entire population.
186. Character of Philip ; his Army and State. — Hellas was pun-
ished for the disunion of her states, but this does not justify PhiHp.
The cruelty and violence of all the Greek tyrants combined scarcely
equalled this one deed of the Macedonian king.
There could now be no doubt that he was dangerous. He ruled
Macedon, Thessaly, Chalcidice, and the greater part of Thrace; he
had his hirelings among the leading men of the Hellenic cities. He
was a self-made man, an incessant toiler, who spared not his own
person, but " in his struggle for power and empire had an eye cut
out, his collar-bone fractured, a hand and a leg mutilated, and was
willing to sacrifice any part of his body which fortune might
Philip's Army and State 225
choose to take, provided he could live with the remainder in
honor and glory." ^ The body served a masterful intellect ; few
men have equalled him in quickness of thought and in soundness
of judgment.
The greatest of his achievements was the creation of the Mace-
donian army. The rough Highland huntsmen and the peasants of
the Plain, organized in local regiments, composed his phalanx.
Learning a lesson from Iphicrates, he lightened their defensive
armor and increased the length of their spears. Thus they could
move more rapidly than the old-fashioned phalanx, and in conflict
with any enemy their lances were first to draw blood. The nobles
served in the cavalry as '' companions " of the king ; the light-armed
troops composed his guard; the sons of nobles were royal pages,
associating with the king and protecting his person. Gradually
mihtary pride, the glory of success, and most of all the magnetism
of a great commander welded this mass of men into an organic
whole. Meanwhile Philip, and after him Alexander, were wiping
out distinctions of locahty and of social rank, making every man's
place depend upon his own merit and the favor of the general.
Thus the military organization not only civilized the Macedonians
by subjecting them to discipline, but it also destroyed their clannish-
ness and made of them one nation with, common interests, senti-
ments, and hopes. And "Philip's country was not so exclusive as the
Hellenic cities had always been ; it readily admitted strangers to
citizenship and in this way showed capacity for indefinite growth
in population and in area. Macedon was already far larger than
any other Greek state ; its army was better organized ; its troops
were superior; and its king possessed a genius for war and for
diplomacy.
187. The Peace of Philocrates and the Overthrow of Phocis
(346 B.C.). — Three years after the fall of Chalcidice Athens made
peace with Philip. The treaty included the allies of both parties
1 Demosthenes, De Corona^ 67.
O
226
The Rise of Mace don
with the exception of the Phocians, whom PhiHp reserved for destruc-
tion. His excuse was that they had seized the treasures of Apollo
at Delphi ; he really wished to gain a foothold in central Greece and
at the same time to pose as a champion of the prophet god.
A few days after signing the treaty he passed through Thermopy-
lae, and as agent of the Amphictyonic Council he destroyed the
twenty-two cities of Phocis and scattered the inhabitants in vilkiges.
Battle-field of Chaeroneia
The council decreed that the Phocians should repay by annual
instalments the ten thousand talents they had taken from Apollo's
treasury. Their seat in the council was given to Philip. This posi-
tion, together with the presidency of the Pythian games, assured
him great honor and influence throughout Hellas. He was now not
only a Greek, but the greatest of the nation.
188. The Battle of Chaeroneia (338 B.C.). — In the years of peace
which followed, Philip was busily winning friends among the Greeks ;
It was his aim to bring Hellas under his will by creating in each city
Chaeroneia 227
a party devoted to himself. In all his movements, however, he was
met by the eloquence and the diplomacy of Demosthenes. Gradu-
ally the orator brought together an Hellenic League to drive Phihp
out of Greece. The majority of states in Peloponnese and several
in central Greece joined it.
As the time seemed ripe for a final attack upon Greek liberties,
Philip caused his agents to kindle another sacred war in central
Greece. He then marched again through Thermopylae and occu-
pied El-a-tei'a, near the Boeotian frontier. As this movement
threatened Boeotia, Thebes was induced to enter the Hellenic
League. The alHed forces met him at Chae-ro-nei'a in Boeotia.
On each side were about thirty thousand men. Phihp, who occu-
pied the right wing, purposely retired before the Athenians, while
on his left the Macedonian phalanx overcame that of Thebes.
Meanwhile on the outer flank of the phalanx Alexander, the king's
son, led the cavalry in an attack upon the Sacred Band. These
young Thebans proved themselves heroes worthy of Epaminondas,
for they fought to the death. The other troops — Athenians, The-
bans, and allies — fled or were taken captive.
In this battle a monarch, commanding all the resources of his
state, proved superior to a loose alliance of republics. The outcome
impressed upon men the idea that monarchy was the strongest and
best form of government. Hence it helped to determine that to
the present day the civilized world should be ruled chiefly by kings
and emperors.
The Progress of Culture*
189. Literature and Art. — In the period which we have now
brought to a close (404-338 b.c), poetry and historical writing
declined. In history the age is represented by Xenophon, with
1 Those teachers who wish to follow the political narrative without interruption
may omit § 189.
228 The Rise of Macedon
whom we have already become acquainted as the inspiring genius of
the "Ten Thousand" on their homeward way to Greece after the
battle of Cunaxa. His Anabasis is the story of this expedition. His
Memoirs of Socrates gives us the character and teachings of that
philosopher from the standpoint of a plaiUj practical man. The
Hel-lenH-ca, a continuation of the history of Thucydides, covers the
period from 410 B.C. to the battle of Mantineia. Though a shallow
narrative, written from the Spartan point of view, it is our only con-
tinuous story of the period treated, and hence is very valuable. He
wrote on a variety of other subjects, as hunting, housekeeping, the
Athenian revenues, and the Lacedaemonian constitution. His works
are a storehouse of knowledge of the times in which he lived.
The other great departments of prose — oratory and philosophy —
reached the height of their development. Oratory flourished in all
democratic states, which required the citizens to express their opin-
ions onpubhc affairs. There was at Athens no real lawyer class, be-
cause the laws were so simple that every one could understand them ;
but the oration which the private citizen committed to memory and
delivered in the law court was usually composed for him by a profes-
sional speech-writer. The most eminent of this class in the early
part of the fourth century B.C. was Lysias^ an alien. Robbed of his
fortune by the Thirty, he turned to speech-writing as a profession.
Many of his orations have come down to us ; they serve at once as
models of the purest and simplest prose, and as a means of direct
contact with the public and private life of the author's time.
Passing by a number of other eminent orators, we come to Demos-
thenes, of whom something has already been said. With the possible
exception of Plato, he is the greatest master of Greek prose. In his
orations, " we can no longer feel all the delicate touches of that ex-
quisite skill which make them, to the ancients, such marvellous
works of art. . . . But we can feel at least the orator's splendid
mastery of every tone which the Greek language could yield, the in-
tellectual greatness of the statesman, the moral greatness of the
Literattire
229
patriot who warned his people of the impending blow and comforted
them when it had fallen." ^
The greatest philosopher of the age — and one of the most emi-
nent of the world — was Plato. After the death of his master he
travelled to various parts of Greece and even to Egypt. His connec-
tion with the tyrants of Syracuse has already been mentioned.- On
his return to Athens he began teaching in the Academy/ which gave
Theatre at Epidaurus
its name to his school. Plato is chiefly noted for his theory of ideas.
According to his view, ideas are the sole realities ; they are eternal
and unchangeable, and exist only in heaven ; the things which we
see in this world are mere shadows of those heavenly forms.
One is inclined to call Plato a theologian primarily, as he has so
1 Jebb, Greek Literature, p. 122 f. '- 2 § jgo.
^ The Academy, a public garden in the neighborhood of Athens, was founded
by Hipparchus, son of Pisistratus, and afterward adorned by Cimon. It was a
pleasant place for recreation.
230 The Rise of Macedon
much to say of God, heaven, and the future life. With his brilliant
imagination, too, he was as much a poet as a philosopher.
While engaged in teaching Plato composed his Dialogues, which
explain his views. The greatest Dialogue is the Republic, a discus-
sion of the ideal state. Plato thought there should be three classes
in the state : the philosophers, who should rule ; the warriors, who
should guard the state, as the Spartans in Lacedaemon ; and the com-
mon people, who by their labor should support the higher classes.
This would have been a caste system Hke that of India. Plato
believed, too, that there should be no family or private property,
because these institutions fostered selfishness. Though his ideal
state was neither practicable nor on the whole good, one can hardly
read the Republic without being lifted by it to a higher moral plane.
The author insisted that justice should rule. The Hellenes, he
taught, should live together as members of one family ; they should
not injure one another by devastating fields, burning houses, and en-
slaving captives. All his teachings were pure and ennobling : " My
counsel is that we hold fast ever to the heavenly way and follow jus-
tice and virtue always, considering that the soul is immortal and able
to endure every sort of good and every sort of evil. Thus we shall
live dear to one another and to the gods, both while remaining here
and when, like conquerors in the games who go round to gather gifts,
we receive our reward. And it shall be well with us both in this
life and in the pilgrimage of a thousand years which we have been
describing."
The chief improvement in architecture was the stone theatres, which
replaced the wooden buildings of the preceding age. Every city now
aimed to have a splendid stone theatre large enough to accommo-
date, if possible, the whole body of citizens. That at Athens is said
to have seated thirty thousand spectators, though this estimate is
probably an exaggeration. It is to be noted that the theatre served
a religious purpose, for the exhibition of a drama was an act of wor-
ship, generally connected with some religious festival.
Art
231
The sculpture of the period is Httle inferior to that of the age of
Pericles, — it shows somewhat less strength but equal beauty.
^ \^ "^^^
» '
The Hermes of Praxiteles
(Olympia)
The age is represented by Prax-it'e-les, an Athenian, next to
Pheidias the most famous sculptor of Greece. His Hermes was dis-
covered in 1877 in the ruins of the temple of Hera at Olympia.
Though delicately finished, the figure is strong and manly. It is the
most excellent piece of statuary now known to the world.
232 The Rise of Maeedon
In our review of the period (404-338 B.C.) we notice that in the
beginning eastern Greece was united under the rule of Sparta, and
nearly all western Greece under Dionysius, while Sparta and Diony-
sius were in sympathy with each other. This was the nearest ap-
proach of Greece to political unity; but as neither Sparta nor
Dionysius was equal to the task of ruling a free people, the two great
political units soon crumbled. Then followed a time of strife and
weakness, in the course of which Thebes attempted in vain to make
herself leader of the Greek cities. Finally Maeedon, taking advan-
tage of the disunion and jealousies of the city- republics, conquered
Greece.
In politics, therefore, and in military vigor it was an age of decline.
But in two departments of literature, — oratory and philosophy, —
and generally in the arts of peace the Greeks made vast improve-
ments. Though less warlike, their reasoning powers were develop-
ing, and they were growing more refined and humane.
Topics for Reading
I. Philip. — Bury, History of Greece, pp. 683-737; Holm, History of Greece,
III. chs. xv-xix; Curteis, Macedonian Empire, pp. 23-85; Hogaxth, PAi/i/> and
Alexander.
II. Demosthenes. — Plutarch, Demosthenes; Butcher, Demosthenes; see In-
dices in the various histories of Greece.
CHAPTER XVII
ALEXANDER'S EMPIRE AND THE KINGDOMS FORMED FROM IT
(338-220 B.C.)
190. Philip Ruler of Greece (338-336 B.C.). — With the battle of
Chaeroneia the history of Greece merges in that of Macedon. Ac-
cording to the wishes of PhiHp, the Greek cities retained their consti-
tutions but committed to him the power to declare war and make
peace. They also acknowledged him their captain-general in war.
A congress of Greek states meeting at Corinth deliberated on the
common affairs of Greece. Sparta alone stood aloof and would have
nothing to do with Macedon. The other states agreed to furnish
troops for a war which Philip wished to undertake against Persia.
Preparations for this enterprise went on actively till, in 336 B.C., the
army was ready to move into Asia. But Philip was delayed by
troubles in his own house. His wife, O-lym'pi-as, the mother of his
son Alexander, was an Epeirot princess, a wild, fierce woman, who
for religious worship indulged in mysteries closely akin to witchcraft.
Sent home to her kinsmen and supplanted by a younger wife, she
began in jealous rage to plot against her lord. Between Philip and
Alexander an angry brawl arose ; then came a reconcihation cele-
brated with splendid feasts and games. In the midst of the rejoicing
Philip was assassinated.
191. Alexander the Great (336 B.C.). — Alexander, who succeeded
to the kingdom at the age of twenty, found the great work of his
father rapidly crumbling, — the Macedonians disaffected, barbarous
tribes threatening invasion, and Greece rebellious.
He was at this time a ruddy-cheeked youth, with eyes and face
full of animation and with the form of an Olympic runner. But he
233
234 Alexander's Empire
preferred hunting to athletics and showed his boldness and skill by
taming the fiery horse Bu-ceph'a-lus. There was in him the same
eagerness for knowledge as for exercise ; and among his many tutors
was Aristotle, the most learned of all the Greeks. Alexander was
passionately fond of the Iliads as he found in the hero Achilles his
own ideal and image. The young king was an impetuous yet manly
spirit, sincere in an age of deceit, incessantly active in the midst of a
generation of drones.
On his accession the wise men of Macedon urged him to proceed
■ cautiously in meeting the difficulties which beset him ; but Alex-
ander with a few masterful strokes reduced his subjects and his
troublesome enemies to order. In stamping out the rebelHon in
Greece, he took Thebes by storm, destroyed the entire city except-
ing the temples and the home of Pindar,^ and sold the inhabitants
into slavery ; but of this severity he afterward repented and tried to
undo the mischief. The rest of Greece retained the rights which
his father had granted, and was not even required to furnish troops
for the war with Persia in which he was about to engage.
192. The Invasion of Asia ; Battle on the Granicus (334 B.C.) . ^
In the spring of 334 B.C. Alexander crossed the Hellespont with forty
thousand troops, and began the invasion of the Persian empire, for
which the best men of Greece had long been yearning.^ He aspired
to draw the hearts of his people to himself as the hero who would
punish the Persians for desolating his country and burning its temples.
The enemy first offered resistance on the Gra-ni'cus River near
Troy; without hesitation Alexander crossed the stream under a
storm of darts, and carried the enemy's position by a bold dash.
Half of the force which opposed him there consisted of Greeks who
were serving the Asiatic king for pay. Soon afterward he learned,
too, that the warships of Hellas would cooperate with the enemy.
This fact determined him to follow the coast from Ephesus to the
mouths of the Nile and to seize all the harbors on the way, that
M96. 2 §167.
Issus 235
hostile fleets might find no landing-place in his rear. On the march
he had to storm fortresses, garrison towns, and keep open his commu-
nications with Macedon. As the Greek cities of Asia Minor fell one
by one into his power, he gave them democratic governments, but
denied them the privilege of banishing oligarchs. Hellas had never
before seen a policy at once so vigorous and so humane.
While passing through Asia Minor, Alexander came to Gordium, the ancient
capital of Phryg'i-a. The story is told that he was there shown the celebrated
chariot the yoke of which was tied with a peculiar knot. An oracle had declared
that whoever untied the knot should be lord of Asia. Alexander, despairing of
finding the ends, drew his sword and cut the thong, thus making the prophecy
favor himself. Hence the proverb '* to cut the Gordian knot " means to solve an
intricate problem by some bold, direct expedient.
193. The Battle of Issus (333 B.C.) ; Alexander and the Greeks. —
At Is'sus in Cilicia he met Darius in command of a vast host, yet
posted in a narrow valley where numbers did not count. One Mace-
donian faced perhaps twenty Asiatic troops, but this fact did not
trouble Alexander. By a skilful attack he routed the unwieldy mass,
and sent the royal coward into headlong flight. Alexander always
exposed himself recklessly in battle, and on this occasion was
wounded by a sword-thrust in the thigh. A great quantity of booty,
and even the mother, wife, and children of the king, fell into his
hands. These persons he treated kindly, but he refused to negotiate
with Darius for peace : " For the future when you wish anything of
me, send to me not as your equal, but as the lord of all Asia ; and if
you dispute my right to the kingdom, stay and fight another battle
for it instead of running away."
Soon after this batUe he took captive some ambassadors who had
come up from Greece to form with Darius a common plan of resist-
ance to the Macedonians. Instead of punishing the envoys for what
he might have regarded as treason, he found excuses for them and
let them go. For a time Alexander tried to win the Greeks by
similar acts of kindness ; afterward he alienated them by his own
unreasonableness.
236 Alexander's Empire
194. The Siege of Tyre (332 B.C.) ; Founding of Alexandria. —
From Issus Alexander proceeded to Tyre. The capture of this city
by siege and storm was the most brilliant of all his military exploits.
Though harassed by fire-ships on his flanks and by sorties from the
harbors, he succeeded in building a mole from the mainland to the
isle on which the city stood. During the siege he collected a fleet
of Greek and Phoenician vessels, and on the completion of the mole
he made the attack at once by land and sea. Many thousand Tyrians
were slain in the storming of their city, and thousands of captives
were sold into slavery. The great emporium of the East was left a
heap of ruins. Darius could no longer look for help from the Phoe-
nician navy, or from the Greeks. He now offered still more favorable
terms of peace, — Alexander should have all the country west of the
Euphrates, and should become the son-in-law and ally of the king.
"Were I Alexander," said Par-me'ni-on, the ablest Macedonian
general, "I should accept the offer." *'And so should I, if I were
Parmenion," Alexander replied, and sent word to Darius that he
would not content himself with the half, since the whole was already
his, and that if he chose to marry his adversary's daughter, he would
do so without asking the father's consent. Darius then, began fresh
preparations for war, and Alexander marched on to Egypt, which
yielded without resistance. Near one of the mouths of the Nile he
founded Alexandria to take the place of Tyre, and with its trade-
routes to bind fast his new dominions to the throne of his fathers.
It grew to be the greatest commercial city of the eastern Mediter-
ranean.
Before departing from Egypt Alexander paid a visit to the oracle
of the god Ammon in an oasis of the Libyan desert, and received
assurance from the deity who sat in this vast soHtude that he, the
conqueror of nations, was in reality a son of Zeus.
195. The Battle of Arbela (331 B.C.). — From the Nile country
Alexander led his army into the heart of the Persian empire. Some
sixty miles from Ar-be'la, north of Babylon, he again met the enemy.
Arbela
237
On this occasion Darius had chosen a favorable position, a broad
plain in which his force of a million men found ample room for
movement. The two armies halted in view of each other. While
Alexander's troops slept the night through, Darius, keeping his men
under arms, reviewed them by torchlight. Parmenion, beholding all
the plain aglow with the lights and fires of the x^siatics, and hear-
ing the uncertain and confused sound of voices from their camp
hke the distant roar of the
vast ocean, was amazed at the
multitude of the foe, and hast-
ening to the tent of Alexander,
besought him to make a night
attack that darkness might
hide them from the enemy.
"I will not steal a victory ! "
the young king replied. He
knew Darius would lose all
hope of resistance only when
conquered by force of arms in
a straightforward battle. It
was a fierce struggle which
took place on the following
day ; but the steady advance
of the phalanx and the furious Alexander in Battle
charge of the Macedonian (From the " Sarcophagus of Alexander " at
cavalry under the lead of their Constantinople)
king won the day over the unorganized, spiritless mass of Orientals.
Many a Persian grandee's womanly face was marred on that day by
the lance-points of Alexander's " companions." The long struggle
between two continents which began with the earliest Persian attacks
on Greece was decided in favor of'Europe by the intelligent and
robust manhness of the Westerners.
196. Other Conquests and Plans (331-323 B.C.). — Darius fled
238 Alexander's Empire
northward and was murdered by an attendant on the way. Alex-
ander as his successor was master of the empire. Babylon sur-
rendered without resistance. The liberal mind of the conqueror
showed itself in his respect for the gods of this ancient seat of
civilization. He had an especial reason for seeking the good-will
of the inhabitants, for he wished to make their city the capital of
his world empire. From Babylon he pushed on to Susa, the summer •
residence of the Persian kings. Here an immense treasure of
silver and gold — estimated at fifty thousand talents — fell into his
hands. Thence he fought his difficult way, against mountaineers
and imperial troops, to Persepolis, the capital of Persia proper. In
this city he found a much greater treasure of the precious metals
— a- hundred and twenty thousand talents. For ages the Persian
kings had been hoarding this wealth, which the conqueror was now
to put into circulation. One night while he and his friends were
carousing there, the idea occurred to them to burn the beautiful
palace of the kings in revenge for the destruction of the Athenian
temples by Xerxes. The deed was hardly done before Alexander
repented his folly.
A few campaigns were still needed to pacify the great country.
The victorious marches which he next made into the remote north-
erly provinces of Bac'tri-a and Sog-di-a'na and to distant India are ^
interesting both as brilliant miHtary achievements and as explora-
tions of regions hitherto unknown to the Greeks. His return from
India through the Ge-dro'si-an desert was a . marvellous feat of en-
durance. The men marched for sixty days, hungry and thirsty,
through burning sands and under a lurid sky, to gratify the ambi-
tion of their leader. Three-fourths of the army perished on the
way ; but Alexander was now lord of Asia, and to such a despot
human life is cheap. His admiral Ne-ar'chus, who at the same
time was voyaging from the mouth of the Indus to the 'Persian
Gulf, opened a water-route to India. But for a long time there
was little commerce with India and the far East.
Achievements 239
Immediately after his return to Babylon, Alexander began to settle
the affairs of his empire, which reached from the western limits of
Greece to the Hyph'a-sis River in India, and from the Jax-ar'tes
River to Ethiopia, — the greatest extent of country yet united under
one government. He busied himself, too, with recruiting and reor-
ganizing the army and with building an immense fleet ; for he was
planning the conquest of Arabia, Africa, and western Europe.
197. His Death (323 B.C.) and Achievements. — When ready to
set out on his expedition to the West, he suddenly fell sick of a fever
caused probably by excessive drinking. As he grew rapidly worse,
the soldiers forced their way in to see their beloved commander once
more, and the whole army passed in single file by his bed. He was
no longer able to speak, but his eyes and uplifted hand expressed his
silent farewell.
He was in his thirty-third year when he died, but the work which
he accomplished in his short career fills a larger space in the world's
history perhaps than that of any other human being. His mission
was to make Hellenic civilization the common property of mankind.
This he accomplished chiefly by means of his colonies. In every
part of his empire he planted cities, more than seventy in all, each
with a Greek nucleus, beginning usually with the worn-out soldiers of
his army. These settlements held the empire in allegiance to their
king, bound the several parts of it together by the ties of commerce,
and spread Greek culture among the natives. It was an enterprise
for which the Greeks had long been waiting, and in which, therefore,
they took an eager part.
Alexander improved greatly the administration of the empire. The
satrap had been a despot after the pattern of the king whom he
served, uniting in himself all miHtary, financial, and judicial authority ;
but Alexander in organizing a province assigned each of these func-
tions to a distinct ofiicer, so that the work of government could be
done better than before, and there was far less opportunity for the
abuse of power. Though the empire was broken after his death, his
240 Alexander's Empire
colonization and administration continued till the fragments of the
empire came into the possession of Rome.
Alexander's mind had expanded rapidly with the progress of his
conquests. First king of Macedon, next captain-general of Hellas,
then emperor of Persia, he aspired finally to be lord of the whole
earth, to unite Europe, Asia, and Africa into a single nation. But the
dizzy height of power to which he had chmbed disturbed his mental
poise ; in an outburst of passion he murdered his dearest friend ; his
lust for worship grew upon him till he bade the manly Macedonians
grovel before him hke servile Asiatics, and sent an order to the
Greeks to recognize him as a god. Although his errors were many,
they were soon forgotten, while the good he did passed into history.
198. The Succession ; the Battle of Ipsus (301 B.C.). — When Alex-
ander died the authority passed to his generals, all trained in war yet
none qualified to fill the place of the master. As his son was but an
infant, and as the generals began to fight among themselves for the
first place, the empire naturally fell to pieces.
On his death-bed Alexander had given his signet ring to Per-dic'cas,
and had said in effect that this man was best fitted to succeed him.
Perdiccas, accordingly, ruled for a time as guardian of the infant heir ;
but when the regent was killed by his own troops, An-tig'o-nus,
another general, made himself master of Asia, and claimed the right
to govern the whole empire. Four rivals, Ptol'e-my, Se-leu'cus,
Ly-sim'a-chus, and Cas-san'der, combined against him, A large part
of the civilized world engaged in the struggle. Lysimachus and
Seleucus defeated their mighty foe at Ip'sus in Phrygia (301 B.C.).
This was one of the most important battles of ancient times, as it
determined the history of the empire till it fell under the power of
Rome.
The victors divided the empire into kingdoms for themselves :
Seleucus received Asia from Phrygia to India ; western Asia Minor
and Thrace fell to Lysimachus ; Ptolemy became king of Egypt ; and
Cassander, already governor of Macedon, was now recognized as
The Seleucidae 241
sovereign. In this way four kingdoms arose from the empire.
Somewhat later Lysimachus was killed and his realm divided. While
most of his Asiatic possessions were annexed to the kingdom of
Seleiicus, barbarous tribes, including many Gauls, seized the interior
of Thrace and threatened the Greek cities along the coast.
The three remaining kingdoms have a longer history.
199. The Empire of the Seleucidae; Egypt. — Among the succes-
sors of Alexander the ablest administrator was Seleucus. Following
the policy of his master, he planted as many as seventy-five colonies
in his realm. Among them was Se-leu'ci-a on the Tigris, said to
have contained six hundred thousand inhabitants and to have rivalled
Babylon in splendor. As a capital for his kingdom he founded
Antioch in Syria, not far from the sea. " The new towns were all
built on a large and comfortable model ; they were well paved ; they
had ample arrangements for hghting by night, and for a good water-
supply ; they had police arrangements, and good thoroughfares
secured to them by land and water. These were in themselves privi-
leges enough to tempt all the surrounding peasants, all the people
who lived in old-fashioned incommodious villages, to settle in a fresh
home."^ This is what the Greeks under the patronage of Seleucus
were doing for Asia. Colonists from every part of Greece brought
their industry and enterprise to every part of the Seleucid empire ;
they furnished the intelligence and the skill by which the whole com-
mercial business as well as the civil service of the empire was con-
ducted. The new towns were Hellenic in language, in civilization,
and in their free local institutions. Through them Seleucus and his
descendants, the Se-leu'ci-dae, continued Alexander's work of
Hellenizing the East, making the people in the great country over
whom they ruled one in language, in culture, and in sympathy. As
the promoters of civilization, the Seleucidae were the most worthy
among the successors of Alexander.
Ptolemy and his successors, the Ptolemies, looked after the welfare
1 Mahaffy, Greek Life and Thottght, p. 307.
R
242 Alexander's Empire
of their subjects, the Egyptians, that their own revenues might be large
and their power secure. Under them Alexandria became a wealthy
commercial city and a famous seat of learning. Literature flourished,
and science made great progress. In this city Greeks, Jews, and
Egyptians, mingling in social life and in study, produced a broader
civilization than the world had yet known .^
200. Macedon and Greece (323-322 B.C.). — When the Greeks
heard that Alexander was dead, they revolted, and defended Ther-
mopylae against An-tip'a-ter, who preceded Cassander as governor
of Macedon. Demosthenes, who had been heavily fined on a charge
of embezzling public funds, was in exile. As he travelled through
Peloponnese in company with Athenian envoys, his eloquence
awakened the communities to an Hellenic war of liberation. In
recognition of his loyal spirit and his service in the cause of freedom,
the Athenians recalled him and appropriated fifty talents with which
to pay his fine.
Meanwhile the Greeks had pushed Antipater back into Thessaly
and were besieging him in La'mi-a, — whence this struggle is known
as the Lamian War.
Many states, chiefly the Aetolians, supported the Hellenic cause.
For a time all were hopeful; but an attack on Lamia failed, and
thereafter everything went wrong. Finally the states fell apart, and
Antipater made separate treaties with them. Athens was compelled
to receive a Macedonian garrison at Mu-nych'i-a, to exclude her
poorer citizens from the franchise, and to deliver up the orators who
had opposed Macedon. Among these offenders was Demosthenes.
He fled at once from Athens, and soon afterward took poison, that
he might not fall alive into the hands of his pursuers. Thus his
mighty spirit ceased to contend against despotism. On the base of
his statue his countrymen placed this epitaph : " Had your strength
equalled your will, Demosthenes, the Macedonian War-God would
never have conquered Greece."
^ For the scholarship of Alexandria, see § 203.
Aetolia and Achaea 243
201. The Great Federal Unions (to 235 B.C.)- — The Greeks began
to feel that in order to preserve their Hberties they must unite more
closely. The first to put this idea into practice were the Aetolians,
the least civilized of the Greeks, yet among the foremost in pohtical
capacity. The league of Aetolian tribes which had existed from early
times enjoyed in the present period a remarkably good form of gov-
ernment. Many communities outside of Aetolia — in Peloponnese,
in the Aegean, and about the Hellespont — wilHngly joined it.
Though others were forced to become members, yet all had equal
rights and enjoyed fair representation in the government. As the
Aetolians had a good representative system and in addition a strong
magistracy, their state was a great improvement on the city-state,
such as Athens or Sparta ; it was a federal union somewhat like that
of the United States. Had the Aetolians been more civilized,
they would have proved a blessing to Greece; but their appetite
for plunder too often led them to side with the enemies of their
race.
Some Achaean cities, too, renewed an ancient league in imitation
of Aetolia. From this small beginning a great federal union was
afterward built up, chiefly by A-ra'tus, a noble of Sicyon. The father
of Aratus had been killed by the tyrant of his city, and the lad who
was one day to be the maker of a great state grew up an exile in
Argos. While still a young man he expelled the tyrant from his
native city and brought it into the Achaean League. "He was a
true statesman, high-minded, and more intent upon the public than
his private concerns; a bitter hater of tyrants, making the common
good the rule and law of his friendships and enmities." He ad-
vanced so rapidly in the esteem of the Achaeans that they elected
him general when he was but twenty-seven years of age. Their con-
fidence was by no means misplaced. Under his lifelong guidance
the league extended itself till it came to include all Peloponnese with
the exception of Lacedaemon. Nothing was so dear to him as the
union he was fostering, " for he believed that the cities, weak indi-
244 Alexander's Empire
vidually, could be preserved by nothing else but a mutual assistance
under the closest bond of the common interest."^ His jealousy of
other leaders — his desire to remain sole general — seems pardonable
when we think of this great state as the work of his hands.
202. Cleomenes and Aratus (235-220 B.C.). — The further growth
of the league was hindered on one side by Athens, too proud to act
with other states, and on the other by Lacedaemon, now under an
able king, Cleomenes. Wishing to restore decayed Sparta to her
ancient condition, Cleomenes abolished the ephorate, cancelled
debts, and redistributed property with a view to increasing the num-
ber of citizens and soldiers. Sincere in his desire to benefit his city,
he was perhaps the ablest statesman and the greatest hero of Greece
after Alexander. Cleomenes applied for permission to bring his
state into the league and asked to be made general. The admission
of Sparta on these terms would have made the union more lasting,
especially as it would have provided an able, noble-hearted man
to succeed Aratus. But the Achaean statesman refused. Such
heroic self-sacrifice could hardly be expected of human nature ; and
Aratus, though he lived for the glory of the union, was selfish.
Cleomenes, who had already opened war upon the league, now
assailed it so vigorously that Aratus was induced to call upon Mace-
don for help. A Macedonian army entered Peloponnese and thor-
oughly defeated Cleomenes. When the Spartan king saw all his
hopes shattered, he bade farewell to his ruined country and sailed
away to Egypt, where he met a violent death. Greece was now in a
wretched plight : Sparta had lost her independence, and the Achaean
League had for the time being enslaved itself to Macedon. Aratus,
the mainstay of the union, was poisoned at the instigation of Philip V,^
who had become king of Macedon in 220 B.C.
Soon afterward the Romans began to interfere in Greek affairs.
The story of their conquest of Greece will be told in connection with
tlie history of Rome.
^ riutarch, Aratus, 24. 2 §§ 263, 266.
Alexandria 245
The Decline of Culture; The Hellenistic Age^
203. Literature (after 338 B.C.). — In this period art and literature
declined. The death of Demosthenes occurred in the year after
that of Alexander. Another great name connected with the early
part of this period is that of Ar'is-tot-le. He studied twenty
years at Athens under Plato, and became a teacher of Alexander
the Great. His achievement was to classify knowledge into
departments of science, as ethics, physics, politics, etc. His
writings are an encyclopaedia of all the sciences. Although he
made some use of observation and experiment, he relied mainly
on his reason for finding new truth. His works controlled the
thought of scholars till four hundred years ago, when Bacon be-
gan a new era in science by laying greater stress on experiments as
a means of discovering knowledge. The student of history will be
interested in Aristotle's Politics, a treatise on the State, and in his
Co7istitution of Athens. The latter work, discovered in Egypt a few
years ago, is one of a large number of constitutional histories of Greek
cities prepared by himself and his pupils. Of all these histories that
of the Athenian constitution is the only one we have. The death of
Alexander (323 b.c.) dates the beginning of the Hel-len-is^ tic Age.
The term Hellenistic — as distinguished from Hellenic — applies to
the language and civilization of those Eastern people who adopted
the culture and speech of the Greeks.
The most famous seat of this civilization was Alexandria under the
Ptolemies. The chief institution of learning there was the Museum,
founded by the first Ptolemy and greatly enlarged by his son, Ptol-
emy Phil-a-del'phus. It was a collection of buildings on a piece
of ground sacred to the Muses, — hence the name. The institution
was thoroughly equipped with observatories, zoological gardens, and
herbaria. The library, containing more than five hundred thousand
1 Those teachers wno wish to follow the political narrative without interruption
may omit § 203.
246
Alexander's Empire
manuscripts, was the largest in ancient times. Learned men were
attracted to the Museum by the great facilities for investigation and
by the Hberality of the government in providing them with a living
during their residence there. Among the buildings were dwellings
for the scholars and a
dining hall in which all
ate together at pubHc
expense.
The scholars of the
Museum occupied them-
selves with editing and
explaining Homer and
other ancient poets, with
mathematical and as-
tronomical investiga-
tions, with computing
the size of the earth and
arranging the events of
the world's history in
chronological order.
The Jews, who had their
quarter in Alexandria,
enjoyed equal oppor-
tunities with the Greeks
for trade and for culture.
Under the patronage of the Ptolemies, learned Jews translated their
Bible — the Old Testament — into Greek. This version is called the
Sep'tu-a-gint because of the number of men said to have been en-
gaged in the work. The fact that such a translation was necessary
proves that even the Jews, with all their love for the institutions of
their fathers, had exchanged their own language for that of Hellas.
The most eminent poet of this cultured circle was The-oc'ri-tus, a
composer of pastoral idyls. His dehghtful pictures of country life
Apollo Belvedere
(Vatican Museum. This statue belongs to the
Hellenistic Age)
Literature 247
pleased the prosaic scholars of Alexandria, and have charmed the
world to the present day. The age is less celebrated for poetry,
however, than for learning.
Greek literature as a whole is the best that the world has pro-
duced. Not only were the people an energetic, manly race, but they
had taste and good sense, and well understood the fitness of things.
Above all, they loved beauty. Hence their language is clear, forcible,
and graceful ; it expresses precisely the most delicate shades of
meaning. Furthermore the literature is original in all its depart-
ments. In ancient times Greek was the universal language of learn-
ing and commerce ; it was spoken and understood not only throughout
Alexander's great empire, but over the entire Mediterranean world.
We moderns learn the Greek language and literature in order to
sharpen our intelligence, refine our taste, and make ourselves ac-
quainted with some of the greatest poets, historians, orators, and
philosophers of all time.
Topics for Reading
I. Alexander. — Plutarch, Alexander; Bury, History of Greece, pp. 738-
836; Curteis, Macedonian Empire^ pp. 85-215; Holm, History of Greece, iii.
chs. xx-xxvii; Hogarth, Philip and Alexander ; Wheeler, Alexander.
II. The Federal Unions.— (i) Aetolian League: Polybius (translated by
Shuckburgh; see Index); Holm, History of Greece, iv. pp. 257-265; Greenidge,
Greek Constitutional History, pp. 231-235. (2) Achaean League: Polybius
(translated by Shuckburgh; see Index); Plutarch, Aratus ; Philopoemew ;
Cleomenes ; Holm iv. pp. 219-231, 260-265; Greenidge, pp. 235-243.
CHAPTER XVIII
PRIVATE AND SOCIAL LIFE
204. Childhood and Education. — In our study of the Spartans we
have already noticed their more important social customs.^ The other
states differed from Sparta and from one another. In this chapter
we shall restrict ourselves to the home life and the society of Athens.
Soon after the birth of a child, usually the tenth day following, the
parents gave a festival to their friends and kinsmen. On this occa-
A School
(From a Vase-painting)
sion the child received its name, the eldest son generally being called
after the paternal grandfather. For the first six years boys and girls
alike grew up under the care of the mother and nurses. With their
many toys and games they certainly enjoyed life as much as children
now do.
At the beginning of his seventh year the boy was entrusted to the
1 § 88 f.
248
Education 249
care of a slave termed pedagogue, — usually an old man, who watched
over his behavior and accompanied him to and from school. In the
elementary schools the boys learned reading, writing, grammar, arith-
metic, and music. The reading was in Homer, Theognis. and other
old poets. All these branches were included under the name music.
Boys from the same quarter of the town marched together to school
in good order and lightly clad, even if it snowed thicker than meal.
They attended till they were sixteen. Meanwhile they were exercis-
ing in the palestra — wresthng school. During this period their
physical training was probably light ; but from their sixteenth year
they engaged in more vigorous exercises. Enrolled as citizens at the
age of eighteen, they passed the next two years in military as well
as gymnastic training. Youths and men attended a gymnasium,
whereas the palestra was exclusively for boys. Both kinds of train-
ing schools aimed not only to make boys and youths physically
sound, but also to give them modesty and dignity.
The sons of poor parents had to satisfy themselves with an element-
ary education. Those, on the other hand, who had means and a
taste for learning pursued more advanced studies under a rhetorician
or sophist, who gave oral instruction, for which he charged a high fee.
Befginning with the age of Pericles, no Athenian could hope to suc-
ceed in public Hfe without special training in rhetoric — the theory
and practice of oratory. This advanced course ranged in length
from a few days or weeks to perhaps three or four years. Some from
pure love of learning studied under all the great masters ; and those
who wished to become teachers or philosophers devoted a large part
of their lives to the work of preparation.
205. Women and Marriage. — Athenian girls were kept closely at
home, and received instruction from their mothers and nurses.
Although proficient in domestic affairs, they had little musical and
intellectual education. Foreign women in Athens were far freer;
many were mentally and socially accomplished, and hence were more
attractive than the daughters of the citizens.
250
Private and Social Life
o ^
"in M
< 2
Between twenty and thirty a man
usually married. There was no
opportunity for courtship ; in fact
the young people rarely knew each
other before the wedding, but the
youth's father chose the bride, and
with her father or guardian settled
the contract. Marriage was largely
a business affair : every father gave
his daughter a dowry proportioned
to his wealth ; and as parents were
anxious to keep the hereditary
property within the family, they
preferred to marry their children to
near relatives. This intermarriage
of near kinsfolk was perhaps the
chief cause of the physical decline
of the Athenians.
Before the wedding both bride
and groom bathed in water brought
from the sacred spring. In the
morning a sacrifice was offered to
the marriage gods, and later in the
day the relatives, men and women,
feasted at the house of the bride's
father. In the evening a proces-
sion escorted her to her new home.
She rode in a carriage by her hus-
band's side, while the rest accom-
panied on foot, some playing the harp
and' flute, others singing the bridal
song. Various ceremonies attended
her entrance into the house.
The Banquet 251
The wife was not often seen in public. She was present at the
funerals of her kin and took part in reHgious festivals. Accompanied
by a slave, she walked or rode along the streets to the houses of her
friends. But in her own home the wife was mistress, and she who
had the necessary mental gifts controlled the opinions and even the
politics of her husband. Restrictions upon her freedom applied to
the wealthy only, and especially to the city people. Among the poor
and in the country, women enjoyed a large degree of liberty.
206. The Banquet. — After marriage, as before, men spent most of
their time away from home, — in the gymnasia and the schools of
A Banquet \
(From a Vase-painting)
philosophy, in the courts or magistracies, in business and society.
Often for the celebration of a happy event a man invited his male
friends to an evening dinner, ending in a symposium, or drinking-
bout. On such an occasion the host entertained his guests with
many dainty dishes; but the Athenians were naturally frugal, and
their feasts were far less expensive than those of the Romans.
The guests reclined in pairs on couches. After they had washed
their hands in bowls passed round for the purpose, slaves set before
them low three-legged tables, on which they then placed the food.
The guests used spoons, but no fork and rarely a knife. As they
therefore soiled their hands, it was necessary to wash again after eat-
252
Private and Social Life
ing. For the symposium they wreathed their heads in garlands, and
chose a ruler who decided how much wine should be drunk and
what the subjects of conversation should be. They weakened their
wine with water, so that intoxication was rare. While they were
drinking, jugglers, dan-
cers, and musicians of
both sexes entertained
them. The guests
themselves sang or told
riddles or conversed, as
the ruler directed.
207. Slavery.—
Nearly all labor, skilled
and unskilled, was in the
hands of slaves. This
class consisted chiefly of
foreigners whom the
Greeks captured in war
or purchased. Few were
born in Attica. It some-
times happened that a
single Athenian owned
as many as a thousand
slaves, but the total number in Attica probably never exceeded a
hundred thousand. Many worked in the mines ; many were skilled
manufacturers ; some served the state as police ; and a few even
managed the business of their masters.
The slave at Athens was kindly treated. He dressed like a free
laborer ; he talked boldly, and rarely stepped aside in the street to
let a citizen pass. His master dared not kill him, and in case of
severe mistreatment he could take refuge at the shrine of Theseus,
and require his brutal owner to sell him to another.
Slavery afforded the Athenians leisure for politics, literature, and
An Athenian Gravestone
Slavery
253
art. Hence it was a necessary factor in the development of their
civiHzation. But in spite of all advantages the institution is a mon-
strous evil. By degrading labor it impoverishes the common free-
men, and it corrupts the morals not only of the slave but also of the
master.
Topics for Reading
I. Education. — Bliimner, Home Life of the Ancient Greeks, ch. iii; Becker,
Charides (N.Y. 1895), PP- 217-240; Guhl and Koner, Life of the Greeks and
Romans, § 50; see also Indices of the various histories of Greece.
II. Slavery. — Bliimner, ch. xv; Becker pp. 356-373; see Indices of the
various histories of Greece.
Artemis
(Museum of the Louvre; Hellenistic Age)
Temple of Vesta and of the Sibyl
(Tibur)
PART III
ROME
CHAPTER I
THE PEOPLE AND THE COUNl^RY
208. The Migration into Italy. — Like the Greeks, the Italians
spoke an Aryan language.^ From the primitive home of this speech
the Aryan tribes, or races, moved farther and farther apart, some
eastward to Persia and India, others to various regions of Europe.
In the countries to which they came many natives mingled with them.
and adopted their language, customs, and ideas.
The particular people whose story we are to follow journeyed to the
peninsula now known as Italy. Apparently they came by land from
254
The Sabellians 255
across the Alps. Then moving gradually through the peninsula, the
swarms of warriors, with their women and children and their herds,,
drove before them or subdued the earlier inhabitants, and fought
among themselves for the best lands, while alien tribes pressed
after them and continually pushed them on. In this way they
came to occupy most of central Italy.
209. The Sabellians. — In the interior of their narrow country
they found rugged, snow-capped mountains, deep gorges, and rag-
ing torrents. Dark forests covered the steep slopes and even the
table-lands. The principal Italian settlers in this wild, grand region
were the Sa-bel'li-ans. They cleared a few spots of ground, which
they began to cultivate with rude tools ; they roamed the woods for
game or watched their flocks in the valleys. They were a patient,
hardy race ; and their constant struggle with the forces of nature,
with savage beasts and bold enemies, made them grave, stern, and
intensely religious.
The SabelHans did not form one state in the modern sense, but
each mountain valley or plateau was the abode of a tribe with its own
independent government. All the common warriors of the tribe
gathered in an assembly to elect their chief, and under his presi-
dency, to vote on important questions, as of war and peace. A few
of the old men, who in youth had been most valiant, or to whom age
had brought most wisdom, met in a senate, or council of elders, to
advise and assist the chief in his duties, and especially to point out
to him the will of the gods and the means of securing their favor.
These were the earhest political institutions of the Sabellians, and in
fact of all the Italians, — the crude elements from which the Roman
constitution was to grow.
The parent stock of this race is said to have been the Sabtnes, in
the mountains near the centre of the peninsula. Once they sent forth
a host of youths, who occupied the vast mountainous region known as
Sam'ni-um, a country famous in Italian history. In like manner the
Mar'si-ans — sons of Mars — setting out from Sa-bi'na, settled nearer
256 The People and the Country
the mother country. Other emigrants from the same home are said
to have followed a woodpecker {picus) to the northeast, where
they occupied the country between the mountains and the sea and
called themselves Pi-cen'ti-ans after their guide. The SabeUians,
like the Sabines, sent out many colonies, which in time covered the
high ranges and the eastern slopes of central Italy.
210. The Umbrians and the Latins. — From the Um'bri-ans, their
kinsmen on the north, they had nothing to fear. For these people
were somewhat more civilized and consequently more attached to
their homes than were their southern neighbors. As the Umbrians
were weak, too, from lack of union among themselves, they gradually
yielded ground to the vigorous, intelligent E-trus'cans, who pressed
upon their northern and western borders. It was rather in La'ti-um,
a small country on the western coast, that the SabeUians were to find
their mortal foes. This was a flat district about the lower Tiber, ex-
tending thence some distance to the southeast, between the moun-
tains and the sea. Here dwelt the Latins, an Itahan tribe related to
the Umbrians and the SabeUians. On account of their fertile fields
near the coast, they grew more wealthy and more refined than their
kinsmen in the interior. As far back as our record goes, the moun-
taineers were fighting the men of the plain. In time their petty wars
were to culminate in a long, fierce struggle between the Latins and
the Samnites for the control of Italy .^
211. The City-state; the Cities of Latium. — Originally all the
Itahans had the same customs and followed the same modes
of life. In the earliest times they built no cities, but grouped
their huts in small villages. As there was constant danger from
invading enemies, neighboring villages joined in fortifying some
convenient hilltop with a wall of earth or of rough stones. To this
acropolis^ the villagers fled on the approach of an enemy. Here,
too, they met to hold religious festivals and to talk with one another
on matters of common interest. As they came in time to have a
• ^§234«. 2§48,n. 2.
The City-state
257
chief, a senate, and an assembly of their own, they began to pay less
heed to the tribe of which they formed a part. Finally when, under
favorable conditions, the leading men of the villages had acquired
ENGRAVED BY BORMAY <c CO.j NOT.
considerable property and had learned the advantages of good houses
and of settled homes, they took up their abode within the wall on
the hilltop. The city which thus grew up within the tribe enjoyed
complete independence. It was a city-state like those of Greece.*
:258 The People and the Country
While the Sabellians and most of the Umbrians continued to live
in villages, cities were growing up in Latiuni, generally on the spurs
of the mountains which bordered the plain. Prominent among them
was Alba Longa, on a long ridge, high above the sea-level. On one
side of the city towered the Alban Mount ; on the other was a lake
in the crater of an extinct volcano. Mountain and lake helped defend
the city against enemies; the slopes and plains below were beautiful
to the eye and rich in the produce of all sorts of fruit. In this city
thirty Latin communities, joining in a league, held an annual festival.
in which they sacrificed an ox to Ju'pi-ter, their chief deity. In
brief. Alba Longa was head of the league.
Setting out from Alba to the northeast, we soon come to
Prae-nes'te, one of the strongest places in Latium ; " for its citadel
was a lofty mountain which overhung the town, and there were
secret passages beneath the earth connecting the city with the
plain." ^ From Praeneste we may follow the mountain range north-
w^estward to Tibur, another well-fortified city in a remarkably
beautiful situation. Near by, the Anio falls from a great height
into a deep, wooded ravine.
212. Rome. — Without noticing the other cities of the hills, let us
descend into the plain along the An'i-o to the Tiber. Here and
there the flat country is dotted with hillocks or streaked with ridges.
It appears that ages ago volcanoes, then active in the ranges above,
scattered all these heaps over the plain. On the left bank of the
Tiber, about fourteen miles from its mouth, we come down upon a
^roup of hills ^ which the volcanoes had helped form with showers
of ashes, sand, and stone. As the people on both banks of the lower
Tiber needed a place of refuge, they selected one of these hills — the
Pal'a-tine — and fortified the top with a wall of volcanic stone
quarried on the spot. In time the enclosure became a city-state
^ Strabo, \ 3, ii.
2 The names and location of these hills, some of which are called mountainsi.
«iay be fouAd on the map of Rome, p. 278.
The Fall of the Anio
(Tibur.)
Rome
259
and was named Rome. The district which belonged to this
Palatine city lay on both sides of the Tiber between its mouth
and the Anio, and included
about a hundred square miles.
It was as low and flat as any
part of Latium. To under-
stand the history of Rome, we
must first try to discover what
she learned of her neighbors,
the Etruscans and the Greeks.
213. The Etruscans.—
North of Latium, between the
Tiber and the sea, was E-tru'-
ri-a, a country rich in natural
resources — quarries of white
and green marble, forests of
tall straight trees for building,
lakes which watered the fertile
lands and teemed with fish.
In addition to this country,
so favored by nature, the
Etruscans possessed a still
more fertile territory in the
Po Valley, which lies north of
Etruria. Warlike and aggres-
sive, they overran Cam-pa'ni-a,
' the coast country southeast of
Latium, and with their war-
ships controlled the sea which washes the west coast of Italy, —
named after them, Tyr-rhe'ni-an.^ For a time they were the most
powerful and the most ambitious race in the peninsula.
^ Tyrrhenian and Etruscan are equivalent in meaning; the former is from the
Greek, the latter from the Latin.
An Etruscan War-god
26o
The People and the Country
Who they were or whence they came we do not know ; and though
they left abundant inscriptions, no one of the moderns has yet learned
to read their language. When we first hear of them they were far
in advance of the
Itahans in all that
relates to the secu-
rity, the comfort,
and the refinement
of life. They made
vases and sculp-
tures ; they paved
roads, dug canals
for drainage and
irrigation, and on
steep and lofty hills
they built mas-
sive walls, strong
towers, and arched
gateways.
From the labor
of the poor the lords lived in pomp and luxury, and built splendid
palaces and tombs. They based their power on religion, whose
mysterious laws none knew but the seers.
An Etruscan Tomb
(Near Perugia, Italy)
** There be thirty chosen prophets,
The wisest of the land,
Who always with Lars Por'se-na ^
Both morn and evening stand :
Evening and morn the Thirty
Have turned the verses o'er.
Traced from the right on linen white
By mighty seers of yore." 2
1 Lars Porsena was an Etruscan king ; § 229.
* Macaulay, '* Horatius," in Lays of Ancient Rome,
The Greeks
261
Though the beginnings and the general character of this civiUza-
tion were native, the Etruscans admired and imitated the products of
Greek skill ; and in turn they taught the Romans to interpret omens
and to build sewers, walls, dwellings, and temples.
214. The Greeks. — It was destined, however, that as teachers of
the Italians the Etruscans should in the end be outrivalled by the
more virile Greeks, who about the middle of the eighth century B.C.
A Doric Temple
(Metapontum, Southern Italy)
began to settle the shores of southern Italy and of Sicily. Beneath
a sunny sky they found fields of verdure sprinkled with gayly colored
flowers — a delightful contrast to the stony soil and naked hills of the
mother country. Their thriving colonies soon lined the Italian coast
from Dorian Tarentum on the southeast to Chal-cid'ic Cu'rnae on the
west.^ With them came the gods of Greece, who demanded of their
worshippers athletic contests, graceful processions, the song and the
' § 59.
262 The People and the Country
dance, beautiful statues and temples. In the arts of peace and war
the Greeks were teachers of the natives, and found in the Latins their
aptest pupils. From the people of Cumae the Romans learned the
alphabet and adopted the worship of Apollo.
The Italians, the Etruscans, and the Greeks were the chief peoples
of Italy. Next in importance were the Gauls, who toward the end
of the sixth century B.C. began to cross the Alps and to settle in the
valley of the Po. Other races of still less importance need not con-
cern us here.^ From the mingling of these various peoples time was
to bring forth a strong, energetic nation.
215. Effects of Geographical Conditions. — One reason for the po-
litical union of so many diverse peoples was that the character and
situation of the country exposed it to attack on all sides. Largely a
peninsula, Italy is extremely long in proportion to its breadth ; and
near it in every direction are foreign lands, from which enemies can
easily come. Feeling the weakness of her position, Italy overcame
it by union under Rome, her strongest city. The same geographical
conditions explain another fact : even when united, the country was
unsafe while the neighboring nations remained free to assail it; and
thus it was that motives of self-preservation forced Rome, as the head
of the peninsula, into her career of foreign conquest.
Looking at a map of the country, we see that mountain ranges,
1 There were the I-a-pyg'i-ans in the heel of the peninsula, the Ve-ne'ti-ans,
their kinsmen, at the head of the Adriatic Sea, and the Li-gu'ri-ans in the west
of Italy opposite Venetia.
The races of the peninsula may be conveniently grouped as follows : —
I. Of Non-Aryan Speech / ^igurians
I Etruscans?
( C Latms
Italians -| Umbiians
1^ Sabellians
Greeks
Gauls
[ Venetians and lapygians — both related to the lUyrians
Although the Volscians, Aequians, and Hernicans were Italians, it is not
known to which group they were most closely related.
II. Of Aryan Speech
Fair Italy 263
the Ap'en-nines, extending through the whole length of the penin-
sula, lie for the most part near the eastern shore. This makes the
eastern slopes abrupt, the rivers short, the coast rarely broken by
harbors. On the west the slopes are more gentle, terminating in
broad, fertile plains traversed by navigable rivers and well supplied
with bays. In brief, the country is closed to the East and open to
the West. Turning her back upon the East with its luxury, its vice,
and its decaying life, Italy faced the fresh vital nations of the West,
and found her chief interest in giving them her institutions. It was
from contact with the civiHzing influence of Rome that the vigorous
races of central and western Europe developed into modern nations.
There is reason, then, for looking upon the Romans as the last of the
ancients and the first of the moderns.
216. The Best Country in the Ancient World. — In addition to
hese far-reaching political effects, the Apennines have always
promoted the well-being and happiness of Italian hfe ; for in every
section of the peninsula the people enjoy the products, the cHmate,
and the scenery of the mountains as well as of the plains on the sea-
side.
" In my opinion," says an ancient Greek writer on Roman history,
" Italy surpasses even such fruitful countries as Egypt and Babylonia ;
for I look upon that country as the best which stands least in need
of foreign commodities. Now I am persuaded that Italy enjoys this
universal fertility beyond all other countries of the world. For it con-
tains a great deal of good arable land, without wanting pastures and
forests, and abounds, I may say, in delights and advantages. Unpar-
alleled are the plains of Campania, which yield three crops a year,
bringing to perfection the winter, summer, and autumnal grain ;
peerless are the olive grounds of the Mes-sa'pi-ans and the Sabines ;
peerless the vineyards of Etruria and Alba, where the soil is wonder-
fully kind to vines. Then there are pastures for sheep, goats, horses,
and neat cattle ; there are the marsh grasses, wet with dew, and the
meadow grasses of the hills, all growing in un tilled places. I cannot
264 The People and the Country
help admiring the forests full of all kinds of trees, which supply timber
for ships and houses. All these materials are ready at hand, for the
coast is near, and there are many rivers which water the land and
make easy the exchange of everything the country produces. Hot
water springs, also, have been discovered in many places, affording
pleasant baths and cures for chronic sickness. There are mines of
various sorts, plenty of beasts for hunting, and a variety of sea-fish,
besides other things innumerable, some useful and others worthy of
admiration. But the most advantageous of all is the happy temper
of the air, suiting itself to every season. So that neither the forma-
tion of fruits nor the constitution of animals is in the least injured by
excessive cold or heat. No wonder, then, that the ancients, seeing
this country abounding with universal plenty, dedicated the moun-
tains and woods to Pan ; the meadows and green lawns to the
nymphs j the shores and islands to the sea-gods ; and every delight-
ful place to its appropriate deity ! " ^
Topics for Reading
I. The Influence of Geography on the History of Italy. — Botsford, Rome,
pp. 13-16; Shuckburgh, /i'i.f/'^rj/ of Rome, ch. ii; How and \^^\^y Hisflory of
Romcy ch. i; Liddell, Student's Rome, ch. i.
II. The Etruscans, — Botsford, Rome, pp. 8-10; Story of Rome, ch. i;
Mommsen, History of Rome, Bk. I. ch. ix.
III. The Greeks in Italy. — Botsford, i^^w^-, pp. 11-13; Holm, History of
Greece, i. pp. 282-291 ; Abbott, History of Greece, i. pp. 342-348.
* Dionysius i. 36-38 (abridged).
CHAPTER II
THE BEGINNINGS OF ROME — THE PREHISTORIC AGE (to 509 B.C.)
217. The Myth of Aeneas and of Romulus and Remus. — When the
Greeks had taken Troy by means of the wooden horse ^ and were
slaying the inhabitants, Ae-ne'as, son of An-chi'ses and of Venus,
goddess of love, escaped by sea together with many followers. And
though the angry Juno ^ threatened him with storms and beset his
path with trials and dangers, his goddess mother guided him safely
through every peril and brought him after many wanderings to a
haven on the west coast of fair Italy. There he landed and began
to build a city. He allied himself with La-ti'nus, king of the country,
married La-vin'i-a, the king's daughter, and named the new city La-
vin'i-um, after his bride.
Trojans and natives lived together in peace, all taking the name
of Latins after their king, who died somewhat later and was succeeded
by Aeneas. The next king was As-ca'ni-us, son of Aeneas, who
founded Alba Longa. Many generations afterward A-mu'li-us
wickedly expelled his brother Nu 'mi-tor from the kingship and him-
self usurped the throne. He had Numitor's son assassinated and
compelled Rhe'a, the daughter, to become a Vestal virgin^ that she
might not marry and bring forth an avenger of the family's wrongs.
However, she bore to Mars, god of war, twin sons of more than human
size and beauty. She named them Rom^u-lus and Re^mus. Set adrift
on the Tiber by order of the king, they were cast ashore near Mount
Palatine, and would have perished had not a she-wolf nursed them
till they were taken up and cared for by a shepherd of that region.
1 § 50. 2 § 225. 8 § 225.
265
266 The Beginnings of Rome — The Prehistoric Age
When they had grown to manhood, they killed Amulius, and restored
Numitor, their grandfather, to the throne.
218. Myth of the Founding of Rome (753 B.C.?) ; Myth of the
Sabine Women. — With the king's consent the twin brothers led a
colony to the place where they had passed their youth ; but they
quarrelled as to who should be the founder. When they scanned
the sky for an omen of the divine
will, six vultures, birds of Jupiter,
appeared to Remus, but twelve
were seen by Romulus, who
thereupon founded the city on
Mount Palatine. This he did
by tracing a quadrangular space
about the hill with a plough
drawn by a yoke of cattle.
Remus, however, in derision,
leaped the half- finished wall,
exclaiming, " Methinks any of
your enemies might leap this as
easily as I do." Then Romulus,
or one of his men, replying,
" But any of us might easily
chastise that enemy," struck
and killed him with a pickaxe.
When Romulus had founded
Rome, he became the first king
A Vestal Virgin
(National Museum, Naples)
of the city, and gave his people laws and a constitution. In the origi-
nal settlement few women had taken part ; the men therefore were
anxious to secure wives from the surrounding communities. Romu-
lus accordingly exhibited games, to which many neighbors, including
the Sabines, came by invitation. Now' while they were watching the
games, at a given signal the Romans rushed upon the Sabines, and
seizing their daughters carried them off as wives, each bringing one
The Kings 267
to his own home. To avenge this wrong, Ti'tus Ta'ti-us, king of
the Sabines, marched with his army against Rome, and joined battle
with Romulus in the valley below the Palatine afterward occupied by
the Forum, or market-place. During a pause in the fray the captive
daughters of the Sabines, rushing between their fathers and their
husbands, entreated them to cease from war and be forever friends.
Their prayers prevailed ; and though the Sabines dwelt henceforth
on the Qui-ri'nal Hill, north of the Palatine, they came under one
government with the Romans, and were ruled conjointly by Romulus
and Tatius. This dual reign lasted till the death of the Sabine re-
stored the whole power to the original Roman king.
219. Myth of Numa, of Tullus Hostilius, and of Ancus Martius.
— After Romulus had ended his reign, and had ascended alive to
heaven, Nu'ma became king. He was the opposite of Romulus, —
a man of peace, learned in human and divine law, who made it the
aim of his rule to soften the iron temper of the Romans. Refraining
from war throughout his reign, he occupied his time in giving reli-
gious laws and institutions to his people. His warlike neighbors so
revered him that they could not think of disturbing Rome while he
was king.
At his death peace came to an end. Tul'lus Hos-til'i-us, the third
king, conquered and destroyed Alba Longa, annexed her territory,
and removed the people to Rome, where he settled them on the
Cae'li-an Hill. Following the example of Romulus, he admitted the
xMban commons to citizenship and enrolled the leading men among
the nobles. An'cus Mar'ti-us, the fourth king, still further enlarged
the Roman domain, founded Os'ti-a, at the mouth of the Tiber, to
be a seaport to his city, and fortified Mount Ja-nic'u-lum, across the
Tiber, as an outpost against the Etruscans.
220. Myth of the Tarquins and of Servius TuUius. — While Ancus
Martius was king, a certain resident of Tar-quin'i-i, in Etruria, journeyed
to Rome. When he reached the Janiculum, " an eagle, sweeping down
to him as he sat in his chariot, took off his cap, and with loud screams.
268 The Beginnings of Rome — The Prehistoric Age
as if she had been sent from heaven for the very purpose, replaced it
carefully on his head."^ Thereupon his wife, who was skilled in
omens, bade her husband hope for a high and noble fortune. They
proceeded to the city, where the stranger, taking the name of Lu'ci-us
Tar-quin'i-us Pris'cus (" the Elder") by his courteous manners won
the favor of all. The people, therefore, elected him king after Ancus.
He gained famous victories over the Sabines and the Latins, and
made a beginning of the great pubHc works which his successors
carried to completion.
Of the king who came after him the following story is told : —
A strange thing once happened in the house of Tarquin the Elder.
Several of his household, as they watched Ser^vi-us TuVli-us, a slave
boy, sleeping, saw his head blaze with fire. Whereupon a servant
brought water to put out the flame. But the queen, preventing him,
remarked to her husband, " Do you see this boy whom we are rear-
ing in so mean a style ? Be assured that hereafter he will be a light
to us in our adversity, and a protector to our palace in distress."^
From that time they treated him as their own son ; and when he
became a man, they gave him their daughter in marriage. Tarquin
was afterward assassinated by shepherds set upon him by the sons
of Ancus Martins, and Servius Tullius succeeded to the throne.
Servius built a great wall around Rome, reorganized the army, and
made his city leader of Latium. Such were his magnificent deeds.
But the plots of his wicked daughter, Tullia, embittered his old age ;
and at last he was openly murdered by her husband, Tarquin the Elder's
son, who, succeeding to the throne, gained the hateful title of " the
Proud:' The younger Tarquin completed the public works his
father had begun. On these buildings he compelled the citizens to
labor unrewarded till they cursed the tyrant. One day the Sib'yl of
Cumae came to him with nine books of prophecies of Apollo concern-
ing the future of Rome. She wished him to buy them, but he ob-
jected to the price. After she had burned six of them, however, curiosity
1 Livy i. 34. 2 Livy i. 39.
The Last King
269
and religious fear led him to pay the original price for the remaining
three. He placed them in charge of a college of two men of rank,
who kept them in a vault beneath the temple of Jupiter on the Cap'-
i-to-line Mount and consulted them whenever the state was in especial
danger or distress.
Grotto of the Sibyl
(Cumae)
But the end of kingly rule was drawing near. The last Tarquin
broke the laws of the forefathers, slew senators, and so oppressed the
people by hard labor that they were ready for rebellion. Matters came
to a crisis when Sex'tus, the brutal son of the king, did violence to
the honor of Lu-cre'ti-a, a model of virtue among Roman matrons.
Col-la-ti'nus Tarquinius, husband of Lucretia, and Lu'ci-us Ju'ni-us
Bru'tus, both kinsmen of the king, led the revolt of nobles and com-
mons against the tyrant. He was banished, and Brutus persuaded
270 The Beginnings of Rome — The Prehistoric Age
the people to swear that they would nevermore suffer a king to rule
at Rome. In place of a single lifelong sovereign, the people thereafter
elected annually two consuls as chief magistrates with equal power.
Though all the seven kings are probably mythical, the stories of
them show in a general way the manner in which Rome grew and the
character of her institutions in the prehistoric age.
221. Occupations and Character of the Romans. — As Rome was
on a navigable river, and well situated for small trade with the
Cinerary Ukns representing Primitive Roman Huts
(Vatican Museum; lound in the ancient cemetery at Alba Longa)
Etruscans and other neighbors, some of the citizens engaged in mak-
ing wares and in buying and selling. Most of the Romans, however,
were peasants. The farmer, clad simply in a woollen shirt, or tunic,
which reached the knee, followed his bronze-shod plough drawn by a
yoke of cattle. His narrow mind held only sober, practical ideas ;
for he saw nothing of the world beyond the mountains bordering the
plain of the Tiber, — mountains which inspired him with no love of
the beautiful and the grand, but rather with a feeling of hatred for the
Tribal Organization 271
enemies who were wont to sweep down from them upon his Httle
field. His laborious life, his warfare against famine, pestilence, and
neighbors who were always harassing, made him stern and harsh, and
even in his dealing with the gods, calculating and illiberal. Though
love, pity, and benevolence found Httle place in his heart, he was
strong in the more heroic virtues, — he was dignified, brave, and
energetic ; he reverenced the gods and the forefathers, and obeyed
the laws ; above all, he was a man of his word.
222. The Family, the Curia, and the Tribe. — The simple but severe
character of the Romans found expression in the family. Marriage was
a rehgious act which made the home sacred, the house a holy place.
Within lived Vesta, whose altar was the hearth ; within were the spirits of
the ancestors, who, in the form of La'res, guarded the house from every
harm ; witnin, too, were the Pe-na'tes, who blessed the family store.
The father was priest of these gods, owner of the estate, and master
of his wife and children through Ufe. He could load his son with
chains, sell him into slavery, or put him to death. Even if the son
were a senator or magistrate, the father could drag him home and
punish him for misconduct. Woman was always under guardianship,
the maiden of her father, the matron of her husband. Never-
theless she was respected : the wife was a priestess at the hearth ;
and in case the father left no will, the mother and the daughter
shared equally with the sons in the inheritance. In this strict, moral
school, young men were discipHned for public life.
Several families united in a cu'ri-a or brotherhood. On certain
festal days the men of a brotherhood ate together in a common dining
hall containing a sacred hearth, on which they kept fire burning per-
petually in honor of Juno. When war broke out the members of a
curia followed their leaders to the front, and stood side by side on
the field of battle. Kinship and religion inspired them to deeds of
daring ; " the soldier felt ashamed to forsake the comrades with whom
he had lived in communion of Hbations, sacrifices, and holy rites."
Ten curiae united in a tribe, and three tribes composed the state.
272 The Beginnings of Rome — The Prehistoric Age
Whatever else the tribes might have been, we know at least that they
were military divisions. It seems probable that in early Rome the
commons of each tribe formed a regiment of foot, and the nobles a
troop of horse.
223. The Social Ranks. — The commons were called ple-be'ians
("the multitude") and the nobles, pa- tri'ci-ans. Those families were
patrician whose fathers were qualified by birth to be senators, magis-
trates, and priests. The king could ennoble any plebeian whom he
considered sufficiently marked by wealth or personal merit. As the
patricians alone were acquainted with the laws, which were unwritten,
the plebeian, to secure protection for himself and his family before
the courts of law, chose a noble as his patron, whom he bound
himself to serve as a client. Thus many of the plebeians became
clients of the patricians. The duty of the patron was to give his
clients legal advice in their business, to sue for them when injured,
and to defend them when sued. The clients, on the other hand,
followed their patron to war and supported him in public life,
labored in his fields or made him presents, that he might fill his
offices with becoming dignity. Though the original object of client-
age was doubtless good, we shall see how, after the overthrow of
the kingship, it became intolerably oppressive (§ 242).
224. The Government. — When the king wished to consult his
people on questions of public interest, his criers went about the
city with ox-horns, caUing them to the co-mVti-um, or place of
assembly. Here the curiae met, each in a group by itself, and
listened to the proposition of the king with the reasons he might
urge in its favor. Then each curia voted whether it would sustain
or oppose the king's wish; and a majority of the curiae decided
the matter. This assembly was called the co-mVti-a cu-ri-a'ta. The
king consulted it when he wished to begin a war, to conclude a
treaty, to change an existing custom, or to undertake any other
important business.
To be binding, such a decision of the assembly had to receive
Government 273
the sanction of the senate, — the pa'trum auc-torH-tas , As all^
without distinction of rank, had a voice in the comitia, a great
majority of that body were necessarily plebeians. It was chiefly
through the senate, therefore, that the nobles exercised their poHti-
cal influence. This body, at first very small, gradually grew with
the development of the nobility, till at the close of the regal period
it is said to have contained a hundred and thirty-six members. The
king was accustomed to ask the advice of the senate on all im-
portant matters; and though he was not legally bound by this
advice, he generally followed it through respect for the nobles and
through desire for their support and cooperation.
On the death of a king the senate took entire charge of the
government ; the senators ruled by turns, each for a period of five
days, in the order determined by lot. The ruler for the time being
was termed inUer-rex, and the period between the death of a king
and the election of his successor was an in-ter-reg'num. The inter-
rex nominated a king, the assembly elected him, and the senate gave
its sanction. Then the assembly conferred upon him the im-pe'ri-um,
which made him absolute commander in war and supreme judge
with power of life and death over his subjects. In addition to these
duties, he was head of the state rehgion. Although originally but a
citizen, he now occupied a place of great dignity and power. Ac-
cordingly he dressed in an embroidered purple robe and high red
shoes, and with an eagle-headed sceptre in his hand sat on an
ivory throne, or on his judgment seat, the curule chair. In his
walks he was accompanied by twelve attendants, called lictors, each
bearing an axe bound in a bundle of rods. The axes signified his
absolute power extending to life and death.
225. Religion. — As the Romans of a later age assigned the be-
ginnings of their state and constitution to Romulus, they imagined
Numa the author of most of their religious institutions. Near the
comitium he built a temple to Ja'nus, the double-faced god, who
blesses the beginnings and ends of actions. The gates of his temple
274 T^^^ Beginnings of Rome — The Prehistoric Age
were open in war and closed in peace. During the reign of Numa
they were shut, but rarely thereafter in the long history of Rome.
Besides Janus there are father Jove, or Jupiter, the chief guardian
of Rome; Sat'urn, who blesses seed-sowing; Mi-nerVa, "who
warns the husbandmen in time
of the works to be under-
taken " ; Mars, god of war ;
Juno, wife of Jupiter; Vulcan,
*' who strikes the sparks from
the forges of the Cy'clops with
reiterated beat " ; ^ Venus, a
garden goddess, afterward
identified with the Greek god-
dess of love ; and a host of
other deities. Every object
and every act in nature and
in human life had a guardian
spirit, the most important of
which the Romans worshipped
as gods. Services of the chief
deities were held by priests —
fla^mi-neSj plural oiflamen —
whose lives were made uncom-
fortable by strict rules govern-
ing every detail of their
conduct.
Certain religious duties were
the care of groups, or colleges, of sacred persons. Such were the six
Vestal virgins, who attended to the worship of Vesta, and kept the
sacred fire of the state in her temple. Twelve priests of Mars, called
leapers, in purple frocks girt with a broad, bronze-studded belt,
carried through the streets the sacred shields, upon which they
^ Horace, Odes^ i. 4.
Minerva
(Etruscan)
Public Works
275
clashed their short swords, while they leaped and sang to their god.
Augurs took the auspices for the king, by reading the will of Jupiter
in the lightning and in the flight of birds ; and the pontiffs, who had
charge of all divine knowledge, instructed the citizens in worship.
226. The Growth of Rome ; the Reforms of Servius. — The
earliest settlement at Rome, as we have noticed, was on the Pala-
Cloaca Maxima
tine.^ Gradually the population outgrew this narrow space, and
built their dwellings on the neighboring hills. Then one of the kings
took possession of the Capitoline Mount and estabhshed his citadel
there. At first the people could not live in the valleys which sepa-
rated the hills, because they were marshy and often overflowed.
The Tarquins drained these low grounds by means of arched sewers,
some of which were so large that a loaded hay-cart could pass
through them. The most famous of these works was the Clo-a'ca
Max'i-ma ("the greatest sewer "), which drained the Forum ^ and
1 § 212.
* Find the Forum and the Capitoline Mount on the map of Rome, p. 278.
2/6 The Beginnings of Rome — The Prehistoric Age
made the ground about it habitable. The public life of the com-
munity henceforth centred in this valley. The smiths and the shop-
keepers set up their stalls round the Forum. About it the king
built temples; and adjoining it on the northeast they made an
assembly-place — the comitium — in which they built a senate-house.
Above the Forum, on the Capitoline, they erected a temple to
Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva, — usually known as the temple of the
Capitoline Jupiter. Though in the heavy Etruscan style, it was for
centuries the most magnificent building in Rome. They provided,
too, for the amusement of the people. The valley between the
Palatine and the Av'en-tine was a convenient place for races and
other games. On the sloping hillsides which bounded it one of the
Tarquins erected wooden seats for the spectators, naming this build-
ing and enclosure the Circus Maximus. Finally they surrounded
the Seven Hills of the city with a huge wall, parts of which remain to
this day. Myth makes Servius Tullius not only the builder of the wall
but the creator of new local tribes and the reorganizer of the army.
227. The Servian Army and the Servian Tribes.^ — Hitherto the tribes
and curiae had furnished their regiments and companies for war.^ Each group
was a mere crowd of men poorly armed and without discipline or tactics. It was
the same crude military system which we find among the early Greeks and Ger-
mans. The Spartans, however, perhaps as early as the eighth century B.C.,
invented the phalanx,^ which soon found its way to the colonies in Italy and in
Sicily. Thence Servius adopted it for his own state.
As each soldier had to arm and equip himself at his own expense, Servius
found it necessary to take a census of the citizens in order to know who should
buy heavier, and who lighter, armor. First he divided the city into four districts,
called tribes, and the country into sixteen tribes. Each tribe included also the
citizens who owned land within the district. Taking the census tribe by tribe,
Servius divided the citizens into five classes according to the size of their free-
holds. He required the members of the first or wealthiest class to equip them-
selves with the heaviest and most efficient arms, those of the second class to buy
somewhat less complete equipments, and so on to the lowest. The three wealthier
classes were heavy-armed and stood in lines, one behind another, while the
fourth and fifth classes, as light-armed troops, served wherever occasion de-
^ Cf. § 78, n. 2. a § ^22. « §§ 38, 88-
The Greatness of Rome 277
manded. In the front line were forty centuries of a hundred men each; and in
the second and third lines were ten centuries each. Of the light-armed troops
there were ten centuries in the fourth class, and fourteen in the fifth. Thus the
phalanx contained eighty-four hundred footmen. From early times it appears
to have been composed of two divisions, termed legions, of forty-two hundred
foot-soldiers each. This organization included mainly plebeians; the patricians
continued to serve in the cavalry, of which there were six centuries, three to each
legion. The army, thus organized for the field, contained the men of military
age — from seventeen to forty-six years. The older men remained in the city for
the defence of the walls.
228. Causes of the Greatness of Rome. — At the time of this new
arrangement the territory of Rome had increased four or five fold,
chiefly at the expense of the Etruscans, the Sabines, and the Latins.
When Rome subdued a neighboring city she razed the walls and
everything they enclosed, excepting the temples, and seized a third
or perhaps a half of the conquered land. She compelled many of
the dispossessed people to settle on her own hills, and admitting all
to the citizenship, bestowed the patriciate upon the nobles. With
the growth of her territory, therefore, came a corresponding increase
in her population and her military strength. After the reform of
Servius, Rome could put into the field a well-organized and well-
disciplined army of about nine thousand men, foot and horse, — the
strongest force in Latium.
In the character and surroundings of the Romans we discover
several other causes of their future greatness. By persistent labor
on their little farms the peasants acquired the patience and the
strength of will which were to make them the best soldiers in the
world. As sober, practical men, with none of the imagination or
the ideals of the Greeks, they developed a rare talent for law,
organization, and self-government. The Seven Hills gave a unique
opportunity for settlements so close together that they found it
necessary to combine in one state. This union increased the
strength of Rome, and introduced a precedent for the free admission
of strangers to citizenship. The unhealthfulness of the neighboring
plain, by Ibrcmg men to build their homes on the Hills, encouraged
278 The Beginnings of Rome — The Prehistoric Age
city life and intelligent enterprise. Then, too, the advantage of the
situation for small trade and manufacturing made the City of the
Seven Hills the chief market of the Latins. Commercial intercourse
with the Greeks led Servius to adopt their superior military system,
EL^nx."^ nonytEJ
which in turn made Rome the political head of Latium. This event
was the beginning of a great career.
Servius and the Tarquins helped much to give their city this proud
place in Utium. But no sooner had the last Tarquin been expelled,
and the monarchy displaced by a republic, than Rome found her
very existence threatened by seditions at home and by powerful
enemies on every side.
End of tJie Monarchy
279
Topics for Reading
I. The Myths of the Kings. — Botsford, Story of Rome, ch. ii.
II. The Government in the Time of the Kings. — Botsford, Ro7?ie, pp. 25-
27; Pelham, Outlines of Roman History, -pY>- 22-2g; How and Leigh, History
of Rome, pp. 42-45 ; Abbott, Roman Political Institutions, ch. ii. The theory
that in early Rome the curiae were made up exclusively of patricians has no
foundation.
III. The Religion of Early Rome. — Ihne, Early Rome, ch. vi; History of
Rome, i. pp. 11 7-1 21; Duruy, History of Rome, i. pp. 199-234.
The Wall of Servius
CHAPTER III
ROME BECOMES SUPREME IN ITALY i (509-264 B.C. )
First Period of the Republic — External History
229. Foreign Aifairs (509-486 B.C.). — The change from king-
ship to republic came in 509 B.C. In that year the consuls, who
were now the chief magistrates/ made a treaty with the strong, rich
city of Carthage. Their nearer neighbors, the Etruscans, however,
began to trouble them. From the little we know of this matter we
may infer that Lars Porsena, an Etruscan king,^ conquered Rome
and held her in subjection for a few years. The Latins, too, aban-
doned her leadership. But the Romans threw off the Etruscan yoke ;
and the story is that in a terrible battle at Lake Re-gil'Ius they com-
pletely overthrew the Latins. Thereupon in 493 b.c. Spu'ri-us Cas'-
si-us, the leading statesman of the early republic, negotiated with
them a perpetual peace ; the Latin League and the city of Rome
were to furnish yearly commanders alternately, and were to share
equally the spoils and the conquered lands. A few years later the
same statesman extended these terms of union to the Her'ni-cans,
who, though dwelling in a mountain valley above Latium, may be
classed with the Romans and the Latins as civilized lowlanders in
contrast with the Sabines, the Ae'qui-ans, and the Vol'sci-ans, — rude
mountaineers.
1 Teachers are advised to present the external history before the internal, fol-
lowing the order of the book. But some may prefer to reverse the order and
offer ch. iv to their classes before ch. iii.
« §8 220, 240. 8 § 213, n. 2.
280
The Aequians 28 1
230. Wars with the Aequians and the Volscians (486-405 B.C. ) . —
The men of the plain had to fight continually in defence of their
property and their lives against the hungry tribes of the hills. It
was a long, hard struggle. Year after year the Sabines, descending
from their mountain homes, pillaged the Roman territory. Often,
too, the beacons, blazing on the
ramparts of Tus'cu-lum, announced
that the Aequians were besieging
that city, or the smoking farmhouses
in the distance signalled to Rome
their story of desolation. Then
the plebeian, quitting political
strife in the Forum, or leaving his
plough in the furrow, took down
from the walls of his hut the armor
King Servius had ordered his
grandfather or great-grandfather to
buy, and hastened to his place in
the phalanx. In open field this
army, strengthened by the allies,
was more than a match for the un-
organized bands of Aequians. But
defeating highlanders seemed like
beating the air. Light as the wind Lucius Junius brutus
they withdrew to their homes ^^™^^l ^^^^^^^ ^^ ™^ ^^^^^^
, r 1 1 • 1 ^1 (Palace of the Conservatori, Rome)
among the crags, and as lightly
swept down again upon the unprotected fields of the allies. They
seized Mount Al'gi-dus, cut the Hernicans off from the Romans, and
raided the plain to within three miles of Rome.
The story is told that once they entrapped a consul and his army
in a valley. Thereupon the other consul, at the request of the senate,
nominated Cin-cin-nW tus dictator. This was a magistrate appointed
in time of danger to govern the state with absolute power. He com-
282 Rome becomes Supreme in Italy
manded the army, and the " master of horse " whom he chose led
the cavalry. Now when Cincinnatus was made dictator, messengers
bore the commission across the Tiber to his four-acre farm. Find-
ing him in his tunic engaged in some rural work, they greeted him
as he leaned on his spade. " Put on your toga," they said, " to hear
the message of the senate." *' Is not all well?" he asked as he
sent his wife to the house for his gown. Then wiping the sweat and
dust from his brow and putting on the toga, he listened to the
message. He took command. Without delay he relieved the
besieged army, humbled the enemy, and returned to Rome, his
troops laden with booty. So brilliant was the victory that the senate
granted him a triumph. A grand procession, accordingly, moved
along the Sacred Way^ through the Forum, then up the Capitoline to
the temple of Jupiter. In front were the captive leaders of the
Aequians ; men followed with the standards of the enemy ; then
came the triumphal car in which sat the general clad in splendid
robes. Behind the car the soldiers marched carrying the booty,
singing the hymn of triumph, while the citizens spread tables before
their houses for the entertainment of the army. The procession
halted before the temple, that the general might bring the chief of
the gods an offering of gratitude for the victory. Then resigning
his command the sixteenth day after taking it, he returned to his
farm. Though not genuine history, the story of Cincinnatus gives
a true picture of the simple life of those early times and of the
triumph of a victorious general. After Cincinnatus, the Ronaans
had still many years of unsuccessful war with the Aequians.
Meantime tribes of Volscians, who lived in the mountains south-
east of the Hernicans, descending into Latium, overran the country
to within a few miles of Rome. At one time the mountaineers held
nearly all Latium. But after a long struggle for existence, Rome
and her allies began to make headway against their enemies. The
crisis came in 431 b.c, when the Romans, in a fierce battle, stormed
1 Map, p. 386.
Veil
283
the camps of the Volscians and the Aequians on Mount Algidus.
Henceforth the Romans steadily advanced. Before the end of the
century they had recovered Latium (405 B.C.). Though the Aequians
and the Volscians still gave trouble, they ceased to be dangerous.
231. The Siege of Veil and the Sack of Rome (405-390 B.C.). —
Toward the end of the century the Romans began war upon Vei'i,
an Etruscan city as large
as their own, situated
twelve miles distant on a
steep and strongly fortified
height. After a long siege
the dictator Ca-mil'lus
took it, by digging an
underground passage from
his camp to the citadel.
He permitted the soldiers
to plunder the city, and
sold the inhabitants into
slavery. This conquest
doubled the Roman ter-
ritory, which soon after-
ward extended on the
north to the Ci-min'i-an
Hill.
In Etruria Rome first
came into coUision with
the Gauls — tall warriors
with fair hair and flashing eyes. Wherever they marched, " their
harsh music and discordant clamors filled all places with a horrible
din." More than a century before this time they had begun to cross
the Alps and to drive the Etruscans from the Po Valley. Now they
were invading Etruria. About eleven miles from Rome, on the Al'li-a,
a tributary of the Tiber, they met a Roman army of forty thousand
An Etruscan Vase
284 Rome becomes Supreme in Italy
men. The barbarians fought in dense masses ; their enormous swords
cut through the helmets and gashed the heads of the Romans. The
men who had often faced the hill tribes in battle fled in terror from
these gigantic northerners. Some took refuge in deserted Veii;
others bore news of the disaster to Rome.
The city was in a panic ; no one thought of defending the walls.
The soldiers and the younger senators hurried to the citadel to
strengthen its defences. There is a story that some of the priests
and aged senators, placing their ivory chairs in the Forum, sat clad
in official robes awaiting their fate. As the Gauls met with no re-
sistance at the gates, they entered the city and besieged the citadel.
Some of them under Bren'nus, their chief, descending to the Forum,
as we are told in the story, " wondered at the men who sat there
silent, with all their ornaments, how they neither rose from their
seats at the approach of the enemy, nor changed color, but sat lean-
ing on their staffs with fearless confidence, quietly looking at one
another. The Gauls were astonished at so strange a sight, and for
a long time they forbore to approach and touch them, as if they
were superior beings. But when one of them ventured to draw near
to Pa-pir'i-us and gently stroke his long beard, Papirius struck him
on the head with his staff, at which the barbarian drew his sword
and slew him. Then they fell on the rest and killed them, with any
other Romans whom they found; and they spent many days in
plundering the houses, after which they burned them and pulled
them down in rage at the men on the Capitoline, who, instead of sur-
rendering, repelled the assailants. For this reason the Gauls wreaked
vengeance on the city, and put to death all their captives, men and
women, old and young alike." ^
At length the Romans on the Capitoline, weary with continual
watching and threatened with famine, offered Brennus a thousand
pounds of gold if he would withdraw; It is said that the barbarian
chief threw his sword into the scale, exclaiming, " Woe to the van-
1 Plutarch, Camillus, 22.
Reform of the Army 285
quished ! " and that while the parties were disputing over this in-
creased demand, Camillus, again dictator, appeared with an army on
the scene and drove the Gauls away without their gold.
The people returned to the city and proceeded to clear away the
rubbish. Each man built his hut wherever he found a convenient
place. Within a year Rome with her narrow, crooked streets arose
from the ashes.
232. Camillus reforms the Army.^ — In addition to founding the city anew
Camillus began to reform the army. Before his time the soldiers served without
pay and equipped themselves according to their means. In the war with Veii,
however, the senate began to pay them for service, thus making possible a thor-
ough change in the military system ; for henceforth the citizens, who had been
accustomed to short summer campaigns, could serve the entire year, when neces-
sary, and the poor man as well as the rich could buy a complete equipment.
Hence the distinction of classes in the armor and in the arrangement of the
troops gave way to a ranking according to experience.'-^ The recruit entered the
light division ; after a time he passed to the front line of the heavy infantry,
thence to the second line, and when he became a veteran, to the third. The sol-
diers of the first two lines, besides defensive armor, carried each two pVla, or
javelins, for hurling, and a sword. The veterans were armed in the same way,
except that instead of javelins each carried a lance.
In place of the solid phalanx, the lines of heavy-armed men were now divided
each into ten companies, called maniples, stationed at intervals in such a way that
the vacant spaces in a line were covered by the companies of the following line.
Ordinarily a legion consisted of three thousand heavy-armed troops and twelve
hundred light-armed. The number of legions varied according to the require-
ments of war.
As great a change took place in the cavalry. Down to the war with Veii the
knights, whose horses were furnished by the state, and who were all or nearly all
patricians,^ carried light arms in the early Roman fashion, and accordingly proved
nearly useless. But in that war sons of wealthy plebeians volunteered to serve in
the cavalry with their own horses. As the offer was accepted, they armed them-
selves with the heavier and better Greek weapons, so that henceforth Rome had
an efficient cavalry. There were regularly three hundred knights to a legion, as
before.
Camillus made but a beginning of this reform ; it required the experience of
more than a century of warfare to bring his w,erk to completion.
1 § Cf. 78, n. 2. 2 § 227. « § 222.
286 Rome becomes Supreme in Italy
233. The Organization of New Territory. — In the lifetime of
Camillus the Romans were engaged in many more conflicts — with
the Etruscans, the Volscians, and the rebellious Latins and Herni-
cans : but everywhere the hero led his legions to victory. The
government secured its advantages by forming new tribes from the
conquered territory and by planting colonies in Etruria and in
Latium, — for instance, Su'tri-um and Se'ti-a. A Latin colony,
whether made up wholly of Romans or shared with the Latin and
Hemican allies, was one which enjoyed the privileges of an old Latin
town. That is, it was an ally of Rome. The two just mentioned
were of this class. A Roman colony, on the other hand, was one
composed exclusively of Romans who continued to enjoy the privi-
leges of full citizenship in the mother city. It was usually a garrison
established in a maritime town for the defence of the coast. The
earliest of this kind was probably An'ti-um, founded some years after
the time of which we are now speaking. In addition to the colonies
there were towns termed mu-ni-cip'i-a, all possessing the Roman
citizenship, but in varying degrees. The people of Tusculum,
admitted to the Roman state in 381 B.C., enjoyed full citizen-
ship and self-government ; those of Cae're, on the contrary, though
citizens, could neither vote nor hold office at Rome, and at the
same time their freedom was restricted by the presence of an
officer termed prefect, sent from Rome to administer justice
among them. As citizens they enjoyed the protection of life and
personal liberty as well as the rights of trade and intermarriage with
all other citizens. The system of organizing tribes, colonies, and
municipia strengthened the hold of the leading city on the lands won
in war. A great change had taken place in the relations of the allies
to one another. A hundred years of warfare with the mountaineers
had so weakened the Latins and the Hernicans that they could no
longer claim equality with Rome. She now furnished all the com-
manders, and she claimed the lion's share of the spoils and of the
conquered land.
First Samnite War 287
234. The First Samnite War (343-341 B.C.). — The half-century
following the rebuilding of the city was a time of great military suc-
cess for Rome. On every side she was victorious over her enemies,
and either won new territory or secured more thorough control of the
lands she had already acquired. In this period she came into con-
tact with Samnium, the most powerful nation in the interior of the
peninsula. For a time the two states were allies, but afterward
quarrelled over the possession of Cap'u-a, a wealthy city of Campania.
As the Samnites threatened to conquer Capua, this city gave itself up
to Rome in return for protection. By accepting these terms the
Romans brought upon themselves their first war with Samnium.
The two nations, however evenly matched, differed in character.
The Samnites were mountaineers, who had no cities, no wealth, no
king or aristocracy. Poor, but brave and free, they looked greedily
down upon the well-cultivated plains on their western border. With
their skilful swords they hoped to win a title to these rich lands.
They were opposed in this project by a single city, governed by an
able, warlike aristocracy. It controlled the resources of the plain
extending from the Ciminian forest to the Li'ris River. No other
country in Italy was so thoroughly centralized. Its army was a
peasant militia, obedient to command, brave, patient, hardy, ready
for long marches and severe toils, rarely over-elated by success or
cast down by misfortune.
The Latins and the Romans entered this struggle with one soul ; it
was a national war for home and country, for the wealth and civiliza-
tion of the plain against encroaching barbarism. They fought there-
fore with great spirit ; the Samnites declared that in battle they saw
fire in the eyes of the enemy and the fury of madmen in their faces,
— this was their apology for flight. As a result of the war the
Romans not only retained Capua but gained control of nearly all
Campania.
235. The Great Latin War (340-338 B.C.). — In 341 b.c. Rome
and Samnium suddenly made peace and aUiance \ but the Latins and
288 Rome becomes Supreme in Italy
other allies of Rome continued the war. Finally the Latins, thinking
that they were as strong as the metropolis, demanded equal represen-
tation with the Romans in the consulship and in the senate ; in place
of allies they wished to be Romans. Though just, the demand was
rejected with scorn ; " a foreign consul and foreign senators sitting in
the temple of Jupiter would be an insult to the supreme god of the
state, as though he were taken captive by the enemy ! " ^ The Roman
historian asserts that the gods, resenting the impudence of the Latin
envoys, sent a thunderstorm while they were speaking, and that as
the chief of the embassy was passing down the steps of the
Capitoline temple, he fell forward with such violence upon a stone
that he lost his senses.
War followed. The Romans and the Latins were of one blood
and speech and had long served under the same commanders. They
had the same arms, the same mihtary organization and discipline.
Rome, however, enjoyed the advantage that comes to a single city in
opposing a loose confederacy. She brought the war to a successful
close in one or two fierce battles and a series of sieges. She then
dissolved the Latin League and made separate treaties with Lau-ren'-
tum, which had remained faithful, and with Ti'bur and Prae-nes'te —
cities too strong for her to think of subduing. A few Latin towns
were admitted to full Roman citizenship. The other towns of Latium
and those of Campania received the citizenship without the right to
vote and hold office at Rome. While most of the Latin communities
retained their local self-administration, Rome sent out prefects to
rule those of Campania.
236. The Second Samnite War (326-304). — For fifteen years
there was peace between Rome and Samnium. During this time the
Romans gained great strength by overthrowing the Latin League and
by forming new tribes and planting fortified colonies in Latium and
Campania. This ambitious policy made the Samnites fear for their
own safety. Accordingly when Rome laid siege to Naples, a free
* Livy viii. 4 t
Second Samnite War 289
Greek city of Campania, the Samnites reenforced the place. This
unfriendly act led to the Second Samnite War.
The fortunes of war varied. At first Rome was successful ; then
the tide turned in favor of Samnium. In 321 B.C. Pon'ti-us, the
Samnite leader, enticed the consuls with forty thousand men into an
ambush at the Cau'dine Pass, in a valley of the Apennines, and com-
pelled them to surrender. The consuls, in the name of the state,
consented to the enemy's terms of peace; the troops, deprived of
their arms, passed humbly under the yoke,^ after which all returned
home but six hundred knights, who were detained as hostages. As
the consuls retired from office, Lu'ci-us Pa-pir'i-us Cur'sor and
Quin'tus Pub-Hl'i-us Phi'lo, the two most eminent men in the state,
were elected in their place. Under their influence the government
rejected the treaty on the ground that it had not been ratified by the
people, and delivered to the enemy the ex-consuls who were respon-
sible for it.
Perhaps the most distinguished leader of the war was Lucius
Papirius Cursor^ mentioned above. " As a warrior he was worthy of
every praise; for he had a quick mind and marvellous physical
strength. In speed of foot he excelled all of his age, — whence
came the name of Cursor to his family. Much practice in eating and
drinking, or perhaps his remarkable health, had given him an enor-
mous appetite and digestion. Never wearied by toil and marching,
he wore out his army, foot and horse. When once the noble strip-
lings in his cavalry ventured to ask that, as they had behaved well, he
would excuse them from some of their work, he replied, * You shall
not say that no indulgence has been granted you ; I excuse you from
rubbing your horses* backs when you dismount.* " * As dictator
he once threatened to have Fa'bi-us, his master of horse, killed
* A yoke was formed with three spears — two fixed upright in the earth, and
the third placed across the top. Passing under the yoke was a sign of complete
submission, and was, therefore, the worst disgrace which a soldier could undergo
at the hands of an enemy. ^ Xivy ix. 16.
290 Rome becomes Supreme in Italy
for fighting contrary to orders. The fact that the officer had
won a great victory by so doing did not excuse him in the eyes of
this stem discipHnarian ; only the prayers of the senate and people
saved him narrowly. Thereafter these two men could never be
friends.
Papirius was a model of firmness, strength, and energy. In these
respects, as well as in his strict discipline and in his sense of responsi-
bility and of the need of obedience, he was the ideal Roman of the
age.
After the disaster at the Caudine Pass, the war dragged on from
year to year. It was the poHcy of Rome to settle and organize
every foot of conquered ground, and to hem in her enemy by es-
tablishing fortress colonies on the border. In 312 B.C. Ap'pi-us
Clau'di-us Cae'cus, a great statesman, bound Campania fast to the
imperial city by a military road from Rome to Capua, named after
him the Appian Way. Roads and colonies were the chief means
by which Rome held and controlled acquired territory.
But the feeling that Rome was bent upon conquest roused new
enemies. First the Etruscans and the Umbrians joined Samnium;
several lesser tribes followed; all Italy seemed aflame with war. A:
this crisis the consul Fabius, commander against the Etruscans,
abandoning his communications, plunged boldly through the track-
less Ciminian forest. Rome feared for her army, which had dis-
appeared from sight ; then came the happy news that it had emerged
beyond the forest and was plundering the rich fields of central
Etruria. This movement, followed by a great victory of Papirius in
Samnium, broke the coalition (309 B.C.). The consuls of succeed-
ing years gained fresh victories, ravaged Etruria, and captured the
strongholds of Samnium. The war ended in 304 B.C.; though
the Samnites had suffered great losses, they remained free, and re-
newed the former treaty.
237. The Third Samnite War (298-290 B.C.). —Rome contented
herself with imposing these easy terms, as she wished to settle and
I'hird Saninite War
291
to organize the territory won in the war. She aimed to cut Sam-
nium off from Umbria and Etruria by strongly fortified Latin colo-
nies and by military roads through central Italy.
The work of organization might have continued for years, had not
an unforeseen event cut it short. The whole Celtic race was in
commotion ; hordes of these people invaded Greece, Asia Minor,
and Italy at nearly the same time. Those who came into Italy
swept with them the earlier Gallic settlers in the Po Valley. As
l\ h
' . If
Roman Soldiers Marching
they invaded Etruria, the common people revolted against the
oppressive nobles, welcomed the barbarians as their saviours, and
gladly joined them in the war upon Rome. The Lucanians, the
Umbrians, and some lesser tribes added their forces. The Samnites
inspired and directed the coalition. It was a grand democratic
uprising against Rome, the stronghold of aristocracy.
To hold his northern allies faithful, -the Samnite commander broke
through the Roman barrier which extended across central Italy, and
'292 Rome becemes Supreme in Italy
reached Etruria at the head of a great army. Rome exerted her-
self to the utmost to meet this formidable league. Never had
Italy seen armies so great or a military spirit so stubborn as in
this war, which was to determine the fate of the peninsula.
The decisive battle was fought at Sen-ti'num in Umbria (295
B.C.). The Gallic war chariots furiously charged the Roman left
commanded by the consul De'ci-us; the clatter of hoofs and the
rolling of wheels terrified the Roman horses and put even the sol-
diers to disorderly flight. Then at the dictation of a pontiff who
stood by his side, Decius solemnly devoted himself and the enemy
to ruin and death : " I drive before me terror and flight, blood
and death, the rage of the gods of heaven and hell. May the
breath of the fiiries infect the foemen's arms ! May the Gauls and
the Samnites sink with me to perdition ! " ^ As he said these words,
he dashed on horseback into the thickest crowd of Gauls and per-
ished on their spears. Though this religious act had litde effect on
the barbarians, it ralUed the Romans. Strengthened by a force
which Fabius, the other commander, sent from the right wing, they
advanced to the attack; their javelins pierced the bulwark of
Gallic shields ; the barbarians fled. At the same time Fabius de-
feated the Samnites. By this victory Rome broke the league of
her enemies. Deserted by their allies, the Samnites held out reso-
lutely for five more years. At last Man'i-us Cu'ri-us Den-ta'tus, a
peasant who by personal merit had raised himself to the consul-
ship, compelled them to sue for peace. They were now dependent
allies of Rome.
The strife between the plain and the mountains began in the wars
with the Aequians and the Volscians as early at least as the begin-
nings of the republic. In time it culminated in a fierce struggle
between Rome and Samnium, which, with brief interruptions, raged
for more than half a century. The long conflict was now ended.
It had desolated Italv from Etruria to Lucania. Cities and villages
^ Livy X, 28.
Pyrrhus 293
were in ruins ; pastures and cornfields had become a lonely waste ;
thousands of warriors had fallen in battle and thousands of men,
women, and children once free were now slaves of the Romans.
Civilization had triumphed, yet at a great cost ; the war whetted
the Roman appetite for plunder and fostered slavery, the curse of
ancient society.
238. The War with Tarentum or War with Pyrrhus (281-272
B.C.). — Rome next designed to win control of all southern Italy.
She openly broke her treaty with the Tarentines, who called on
Pyrrhus,^ king of Epeirus, for help. This king, a brilliant military
genius, came with a small but strong body of troops who were
skilled in the arms and tactics of the Macedonian phalanx.^ He
first met the enemy at He7'-a-cleVa (280 B.C.). Seven times the
light battalions of Rome threw themselves against his " hedge of
spears," only to be repulsed each time with heavy loss. Then his
trained elephants, charging the weakened enemy, breached their
lines hke a volley of artillery. The Romans were shrinking before
the "gray oxen," as they called these enormous beasts, when a
sudden dash of the Thessalian horse completed their ruin. Allies
now began to join the victorious general, who pushed on till he
came within forty miles of Rome. So great had been his own
losses in the recent battle, however, that he was anxious to make
peace with the enemy, whose bravery and disciphne he admired.
Cin'e-as, his ambassador, spoke eloquently in the senate; the com-
mons, too, preferred peace, that they might settle the lands acquired
in the Samnite wars. But Appius Claudius Caecus, now old and
blind, was carried on a litter into the senate-house, to raise his voice
against these shameful proceedings : " Let Pyrrhus return home,
and then we may make peace with him." In these words he set
forth the principle that thereafter Rome would take care of the in-
terests of Italy. Failing to win his, cause by eloquence or bribery,
Cineas returned to his master with the report that the Roman senate
1 § 162. 2 § 186.
294 Rome becomes Supreme in Italy
was an assembly of kings. Pyrrhus won another battle at As'cu -lum
(279 B.C.), so dearly that he remarked to his friends, "Another Huch
victory will ruin us." Then he crossed over to Sicily to aid his coun-
trymen against the Carthaginians ; but even with his brilliant successes
there, he failed to dislodge the enemy from the island. Returning
with a few veterans to Italy, he was defeated at Ben-e-ven'tum (275
B.C.), by Dentatus, and thereupon withdrew to his home.
Pyrrhus was noble, generous, and brave. When his troops saw
the splendid figure of their commander leading in the hottest of the
battle, or mounted in their front on the rampart of a besieged city,
hewing down the foe with his sword, they thought him more than
human. But his genius was only for war ; he knew not hoW to com-
plete or to organize his conquests ; he failed to attach to himself the
peoples he had come to assist. The ease-loving Greeks of Italy and
Sicily would have none of the discipline to which he subjected them.
Refusing the rule of this chivalrous king and failing to unite in
one state, they had nothing left but submission to Rome. After the
departure of Pyrrhus Tarentum surrendered, and soon Rome became
mistress of all Italy south of the Rubicon.
239. The Organization of Roman Rule in Italy. — Within this ter-
ritory were communities of every grade of privilege, ranging from
full Roman citizenship to subjection. First there were the thirty-
three tribes, — soon to be increased to thirty-five, — containing the
full Roman citizens and occupying much of the country which lies
between the Apennines and the sea and extends from Caere to
For'mi-ae. Although these citizens generally lived on their farms or
in villages, they had a few larger towns, which enjoyed local self-
government. Such towns were municipia of the highest class.
Equally privileged were the Roman colonies founded mainly on the
coast for the protection of the seaboard. Municipia of the second
class enjoyed self-government and citizenship, except the right to
vote and to hold office at Rome. A third class of municipia, ruled
by prefects sent them from Rome, were called pre'fec-tures. Com-
Organization of Italy
295
munities were reduced to this class generally as a punishment for
rebellion or for other grave misconduct. These were the various
grades of Roman citizenship ; we shall now review the alHes.
Of the allied communities, the nearest to the Romans in race, in
privileges, and in friendship were the Latins. First among them
were those which remained of the original Latin towns, as Tibur and
Praeneste ; next the Latin colonies founded in various parts of Italy
usually in the interior. The colonists were Romans or Romanized
290 Rome becomes Supreme in Italy
Latins, who prided themselves on their near relations with the mother
city. They not only held the country about them in allegiance to
the central government, but served at the same time as a means of
spreading the Latin language and civilization throughout the penin-
sula. A network of military roads connected them with one another
and with the governing city. Inferior to the Latins were those called
simply the Italians, as for instance the Samnites. All the allied states,
while exempt from taxation, furnished troops for the Roman army,
with the exception of the naval aUies, who provided ships and crews.
Rome reserved to herself the right to declare war, to make peace,
and to coin money, while she granted to the aUies the privilege of
trading with her but generally not with one another.
This gradation of rights gave even the lowliest community hope of
bettering its condition; it isolated the allies from one another and
bound them singly to the central power. The system here described
extended northward only to the Ae'sis River; for the Se-no'nes, a
tribe of Gauls occupying the Umbrian coast, now under Roman rule,
were not allies but subjects, who paid taxes, or tribute. Indeed it
was chiefly in opposition to the Gauls that the Italians, led by Rome,
had come to look upon themselves as one people, — the nation of
the gown against the nation wearing trousers. This federal system,
based upon Italian nationality and directed by Rome, assured to the
peninsula domestic peace and to the leading city a place among the
great states of the world. The foremost powers of the East at this
time were Egypt, — with which Rome allied herself in 273 B.C., —
Macedonia, and the Seleucid empire; of the West, Carthage and
Rome.
Topics for Reading
I. The Roman Legion. — Botsford, Rome, pp. 45-48; Ihne, Early Rome,
pp. 195-197; Shuckburgh, History of Rome, pp. 214-218.
II. The Second Samnite War. — Botsford, Rome, pp. 54-59; Story of
Rome, ch. iii; Shuckburgh, ch. xi; Ihne, History of Rome, Bk. III. ch. x.
III. Pyrrhus. — Plutarch, Pyrrhus ; Botsford, Story of Rome, ch. iii.
• • -Villi'
'C'OTaCiLIOCFVc]
CHAPTER IV
THE PLEBEIANS WIN THEIR RIGHTS
First Period of the Republic — Internal History
240. The Magistrates. — While Rome was gaining the supremacy
in Italy, important changes were taking place in her government.
In 509 B.C. the monarchy gave way to
the republic. In place of a Hfe-long
king two consuls (colleagues) with eq[ual
power were elected annually by the as-
sembly.^ As each consul had a right to
veto any public act of the other, the two
rulers by checking each other hindered
their office from growing too powerful
for the good of the state. They enjoyed
most of the authority of the king,
together with his trappings and his
attendants, as the curule chair ^ and the
lictors. But in capital cases the consuls
were compelled as judges to grant an
appeal to the assembly ; over the soldiers
in the field, however, they exercised the
same power as the king had possessed.^
The command of the army usually
Curule Chair and Fasces
(Relief on a cippus, Avignon)
alternated daily. Often in
dangerous wars or seditions this double rule was a disadvantage to the
1 § 220.
2 Cf. § 224. The curule magistrates were those who sat in curule chairs. In
the republican period they were the consuls, the dictator, the censors, the prae-
tors, and the curule aediles. If a man elected to one of these offices was not
already a noble, the position ennobled him and all his descendants; § 247.
« § 224.
297
298 The Plebeians win their Rights
state. In such a case, at the request of the senate, one of the
consuls nominated a dictator, who, placing the state under martial
law, ruled with absolute power. He appointed a master of horse to
command the cavalry. His term was limited to six months ; and it
was an honor to him to bring the government safely through the
crisis and resign his command within the fewest possible days.
The consuls had assistants. Two quaes 'tors, appointed by them,
kept the treasury in the temple of Saturn on the Forum. Two other
quaestors detected crimes, and two judges of treason {du-um!vi-ri per-
du-el-li-o'nis) tried cases of treason and other grave offences against
the state, while a single judge sufficed for private cases. The quaestors
served for a year ; the consuls selected judges for trials as they arose.
The supervision of the state religion passed from the king to the
chief pontiff. He appointed the Vestals, and the priests, including
the "sacrificial king" (rex sa-croWuni). This priest-king now per-
formed that part of the public worship which the king had attended to
in person. In title the first man in the state, he was the weakest in
real power, as he could hold no political office.
241. The Senate and the Assemblies. — All important places of
honor and trust — military, political, and religious — were filled by
patricians, especially by senators. Now enlarged to three hundred
members, the senate'continued to exercise all the powers it had held
under the king. It even gained by the downfall of the king ; for the
consuls felt themselves under greater obligations to consult it and to
abide by its decisions. It was composed of life members, who were
taken from the leading families and were men of experience and
abihty. For this reason it was more influential than the consuls, who
at the close of their year of office could be called to account for
their administration. As the senate controlled both the magistrates
and the assemblies, it was the chief power in the republic.
In place of the old gathering of the curiae, a new assembly, the
comitia cen-tu-ri-a^ta, gradually developed from the Servian army.^
* §§ 224, 227.
Comitia Centuriata
299
In the new comitia, accordingly, the citizens were grouped into cen-
turies, each century with a single vote. There were in all a hundred
and ninety-three centuries. As in the army, they were divided into
knights and infantry; and the infantry were subdivided into five
classes according to the amount of their property. The centuries of
which this assembly was composed did not necessarily contain a hun-
dred men each, but varied in size. A century of juniors was
larger than one composed of seniors, while that of the proletarians
(the landless) was by far the largest of all. Meeting in the Cam'pus
Mar'ti-us outside the city, the assembly of centuries elected the
magistrates, heard appeals in capital cases, voted on proposals for
•laws and for wars, and ratified the treaties made by the consuls.
ORGANIZATION OF THE COMITIA CENTURIATA
I.
Qass
II.
((
III.
«
IV.
<(
V.
«
J
(17
UNIORS
-46 years)
Seniors
(above 46 years)
. 40
centuries
40
centuries
. 10
«
10
((
. 10
It
10
((
. 10
u
10
«
. 14
84
centuries
14
84
«
centuries
168 centuries
Cavalry 18 «
Substitutes for the killed and wounded , , 2 "
Musicians and workmen . . . . 4 **
Proletarians I **
Total
193 centunes
The knights voted first, then the five classes in their order till a majority was
reached for or against the proposition. If the knights and the highest class, who
together formed the majority of centuries, agreed, they decided the question, so
that the voting proceeded no further. It rarely happened that all the centuries
were called upon to give their votes.
The comitia curiata continued to meet to confer the imperium upon the newly
elected magistrates and to attend to other such formalities. It had no longer a
real authority.
300 The Plebeians win their Rights
In the earlier assembly all enjoyed an equal vote ; but the comitia
centuriata gave more power to the wealthy and less to the poor. In
estimating the importance of any Roman assembly, however, we must
bear in mind that the presiding magistrate alone had the right to
propose measures and to present candidates for election ; that he and
those he invited monopolized the speaking ; that the common mem-
bers had merely the right to vote. Then if the result displeased the
magistrates or the nobles, they could annul it by having the augurs
"declare that some rehgious rite connected with the business had not
been duly observed,^ or the senate could refuse its sanction.
242. The First Secession of the Plebs (494-493 B.C.). — In most
respects the common people lost by the overthrow of monarchy..
The later kings had freed many of the poor from clientage^ and
had shielded them from the oppression of the nobles. But now that
the poor no longer had a champion, the patricians began to reduce
the small farmer to the condition of client from which the kings had
freed him. They exacted illegal rents; arrears they regarded as
debts bearing heavy interest. The creditor had a right to seize the
delinquent debtor and his children, to hold them as slaves till they
had worked off the debt, or to sell them into actual servitude to
foreigners. A harsh creditor sometimes threw his debtors into his
private prison and scourged them in the hope of influencing .their
kinsmen to redeem them. Livy, the historian, tells us that once " a
certain aged man ran into the Forum with all the badges of his mis-
eries upon him. His clothes were squalid, his pale, emaciated body
was still more shocking, while his long beard and hair gave him a
wild, savage look. In spite of his wretchedness, people recognized
him as a centurion ^ and pityingly spoke of the distinctions he had
gained in war. He himself showed a breast scarred in honorable
battles. When asked whence came that wretched garb and that
1 The plebeian assembly, however, — mentioned near the end of the following
paragraph, — was free from the auspices.
2 § 223, compare the Attic hectemori; § 74. « Captain of a century; § 2*7.
Tribunes of the Plebs 30 1
ghastly appearance, he said to the crowd which had gathered about
him, * While I served in the Sabine War, the enemy pillaged my land,
burned my house, and drove my cattle away. I borrowed money to
pay my taxes ; the debt increased till it robbed me of my forefathers'
estate, and then the mischief reached my body, for my creditor put
me not into slavery but into a house in which he scourges and slays
his victims.' He then showed his back disfigured by fresh blows." ^
Though the debt came probably not from taxes, which were light in
early times, but from the exactions of landlords, we may believe that
Livy has given us a true picture of the miseries of the poor. The
people revolted against such injustice ; the whole army, deserting the
commanders, marched off in good order to a hill afterward known as
the Sacred Mount, and threatened to found a new city there, which
should be free from patrician control. The senate, helpless without
the support of the plebeian army, sent them an ambassador.
By an agreement drawn up on the Sacred Mount (493 B.C.) the
plebeians were to have two annual officers of their own, called
trWunes, whose persons were to be sacred, and who were to protect
all plebeians who felt themselves mistreated or oppressed. Any per-
son, even a consul, who injured a tribune or hindered him in the
exercise of his duties, might be slain by any one as a man accursed.
The law forbade the tribune to be absent from the city over night
and compelled him to leave his door open always, that the injured
and oppressed might find refuge with him at any hour.
The plebeians had two other officers, named ae'diks, who assisted
the tribunes. Meeting by curiae under the presidency of the tribunes,
they elected their officers and passed resolutions which were binding
only on themselves. Thus organized, they maintained the liberties
they had and gradually gained more rights.
243. The Progress of the Plebeians (493-471 B.C.). — The plebeians
soon found an earnest helper in one of the patricians, Spuf'ius Cas-
sius^ the most eminent statesman of his time. While he was consul,
1 Livy ii. 23. 2 § 229.
302 The Plebeians win their Rights
in 486 B.C., he proposed an agrarian law, the contents of which we
do not know. He may have wished to take some of the public land
from the rich, who were holding it, and to distribute it among the
poor. The nobles would not permit his measure to become a law.
They asserted that he had offered it merely to win popularity, — that
his real object was to make himself king. When, therefore, his term
of office expired, the quaestors prosecuted him for treason, and he
was condemned to death.
The fate of Cassius shows how helpless the plebeians still were, and
how strong were their oppressors. Though the nobles could not
control the plebeian assembly through the auspices, they with their
cHents attended the meetings to impede the business. Among these
dependents were many who owned no land. To destroy the influence
of the latter class, Pub-liVi-us Vo^le-ro^ a tribune in 471 B.C., induced
the senate and the assembly of centuries to pass a law which pro-
vided that the plebeian comitia should vote by tribes, each of the
twenty-one tribes to cast a single vote. As only landowners were
enrolled in the tribes, the landless were excluded from the assembly.
The newly organized gathering, called the comitia tri-buUa, had as
yet no authority over the state, but met simply for the transaction of
plebeian business. In the same year the number of tribunes was
doubled, and somewhat later was increased to ten.
244. The Struggle for Written Laws (462-452 B.C.). — Up to this
time the laws were unwritten. The patricians, who were alone ac-
quainted with them, handed them down orally from father to son.
This exclusive knowledge they used for the oppression of the com-
mons ; the patrician judge decided cases in favor of men of his own
rank, and no plebeian could quote the law as proof of the injustice.
In 462 B.C. Ter-en-til'i-us, a tribune, began to urge the codification
of the laws in the interest of the common people. Though the
patricians were successful in opposing him, the tribunes of the fol-
lowing years, taking up his cause, carried on the struggle without
interruption. Their aims were heartily favored by one of the
The Decemvirs
303
patricians, Appius Claudius, a man of rare intelligence and ability.
Under the influence of Appius and the tribunes the senate yielded,
and sent a committee to some of the Greek states of Italy to examine
their codes of law. "It is possible that this committee went even to
Athens to look over the laws of Solon,^ some of which were still
in force. On their return the centuries resolved that ten men
{de-cem^vi-ri), with the power of consuls, should be elected for
the purpose of writing the laws, and that during their term of one
An As
(A bronze coin of the fourth century B.C., weighing 10',^ oz. Front, head of Janus;
back, prow of a galley)
year they should have absolute control of the government ; all other
offices, including the tribunate of the plebs, were to be suspended.
245. The Decemvirs (451-449 B.C.) . — Though plebeians were eligi-
ble to the new board of ten, the assembly filled it with patricians.
The ablest and most influential of the decemvirs was Claudius ; the
others simply carried out his plans. Before the year ended they had
engraved ten tables of the law, which, after ratification by the senate
and people, they set up in the Forum, where all could read them.
As they had not finished writing the laws and as their government
gave satisfaction to all alike, it was decided to elect decemvirs for
the following year. On the new board were Claudius and three —
^ § 79.
304 The Plebeians win their Rights
possibly five — plebeians. Their liberal policy, and especially theii
efforts to promote manufacturing and commerce, angered the peas-
ants and most of the patricians. As the senate and assembly refused,
accordingly, to consider the two tables engraved in the second year,
Claudius, with his colleagues, determined to remain in office till they
secured the ratification ; for the constitution compelled no magistrate
to retire against his will. Hereupon their enemies accused them of
acting like tyrants and of attempting to maintain themselves in power
for life. Inflamed by the ex-tribunes, the plebeians seceded again
to the Sacred Mount, and thus compelled the senate to depose the
decemvirs contrary to law. Claudius and one of his colleagues were
thrown into prison, where they were probably murdered ; the other
members of the board fled into exile. Then Va-le'ri-us and Ho-ra'-
ti-us, consuls in 449 B.C., secured the ratification of the two tables.
Intermarriage between patricians and plebeians was now prohibited
by law, as it always had been by custom. With this exception the
Twelve Tables equalized the private rights of all and continued to be
the fountain of justice for centuries. As a part of their education
thereafter Roman boys had to commit them to memory, — a text-
book more useful than entertaining.
246. The Laws of Valerius and Horatius (449 B.C.). — Up to this
time the resolutions of the comitia tributa, the plebeian assembly
of tribes, were binding on the plebs only.^ But Valerius and Hora-
tius, who were friendly to the lower class, had a law passed which
gave their assembly legislative power. With the previous consent of
the senate the resolutions of the comitia tributa were henceforth to
have the force of law for the whole people.
It was a great gain for the tribunes, who alone had presided over
this assembly. Soon, however, state officers began to call it for the
election of such minor officials as the quaestors,^ and occasionally for
> § 243.
* The quaestors were at first appointed by the consuls (§ 240), but soon after
the decemvirs they came to be elected by the tribes.
Intermarriage
30s
other business. About the same time it was agreed that the tribunes
should place their bench at the door of the senate-house, through
which they could Hsten to the proceedings within. Thereafter if the
senate passed an act to which they had no objection, they signed it,
thus abandoning their right to oppose it in the assembly. But if the
consul proposed a measure which displeased them, their " Veto^'
shouted through the door,
caused the measure to be
dropped. This simple word
of theirs prevailed against
the magistrates, the senate,
and the assemblies. With
their power thus increased,
the tribunes resumed the
struggle for equality of rights.
247. The Canuleian Law
(445 B.C.); the Consular
Tribunes (444-367 B.C.). —
A few years after the con-
sulship of Valerius and Hora-
tius, a law of the tribune
Can-u-lei'us permitted mar-
riage between the two ranks.
Those wealthy and influential plebeians who alone were in a
position to profit by this reform looked upon intermarriage with
the patricians as a stepping-stone to office. They reasoned
rightly; for immediately after the passage of the Canuleian law,
the patricians formed a plan of admitting them to office, though
not to the consulship. It was agreed that whenever the senate
30 determined, military tribunes^ with consular power — or more
^ Up to this time they were purely military officers appointed by the consuls.
Six military tribunes commanded each legion. The change mentioned in the text,
consisted in the occasional election of from three to six additional "military-
tribunes with consular power" to take the place of the consuls for the year..
Household Gods
(In a house at Pompeii)
3o6 The Plebeians win their Rights
briefly, consular tribunes — should be elected for the year in
place of consuls, and that both ranks should be alike eligible to
the office. Their reason for this arrangement is clear : the consuls
were highly honored magistrates, who at the close of their term
became influential members of the senate. Besides other distinc-
tions, they and their descendants enjoyed the privilege of setting up
in their halls waxen masks of their ancestors and of having these
images carried in procession at their family funerals. This peculiar
form of ancestor worship distinguished the nobles from the commons.
In other words, the consulship ennobled forever the family of the
occupant. Now as the consular tribunate ^ conferred no such honor,
the patrician senate was willing to allow the plebeians occasionally to
hold this office. The plebeian candidates, however, were so often
defeated that at length the leading men of the party came to regard
the consular tribunate as a disadvantage to their cause.
248. Other New Magistracies ; Spurius Maelius. — All the powers
of the consuls did not pass to their substitutes, the consular tribunes ;
for in 443 b.c. the Romans created two new patrician magistrates, the
censors, whose chief duty was to make a register of the citizens and
their property and to assign each man to his tribe and class, — a
work hitherto performed by the consuls. They also let out the
privilege of collecting the taxes to the highest bidders and attended
to the erection of public buildings. Like the consuls, they were
chosen by the comitia centuriata, and were curule magistrates. They
were elected at intervals, usually of five years, and were required to
complete the census within eighteen months after their entrance into
office.
Soon after the institution of the censorship, there was a famine at
Rome. On this occasion Spu'ri-us Mae'li-us, a wealthy plebeian,
with his own money bought up grain from the neighboring states
and distributed it free among the suffering. His generosity made
1 With the exception of the consular tribunate, all cmrule offices conferred
nobility (§ 240, n. 2).
The Land System ^oy
him so popular that he might easily have won the consular tribunate,
had he offered himself as a candidate. The patricians, however,
prevented this by charging him with attempting to make himself
king ; it was with this end in view, they asserted, that he had striven
for popularity. Though the charge was utterly groundless, the senate
proclaimed him a traitor, whom any one might kill as a man accursed.
Ser-vil'i-us A-ha'la, a patrician, undertook the deed. Meeting Mae-
lius in the Forum, he called him aside under pretence of wishing to
speak with him, and then stabbed him with a dagger. The Romans
of after time looked upon Maelius as a despicable traitor and Scrvilius
as a citizen whom all should imitate.
Notwithstanding such misfortunes to their party, the plebeian
leaders began to meet with greater success in their struggle for office.
In 421 B.C. two i7iilitary quaestors were instituted to attend to the
financial business of the army.^ At the same time it was agreed that
plebeians also should be eHgible to the office of quaestor, whether
civil or military.
249. The Licinian-Sextian Laws (367 B.C.). — But the leaders of
the commons desired especially to have the office of consul thrown
open to them. Many plebeians, too, felt oppressed by debts and
were discontented with the way in which the authorities disposed of
most of the public land.
When they acquired land in war, they either (i) granted a part
forthwith to settlers, or (2) leased, or (3) sold it. To these ways of
disposing of the land the poor did not object ; but (4) the larger
part was left unsurveyed, and the authorities proclaimed that all who
wished might work it on condition of handing over to the government
a tenth of the grain and a fifth of the fruit produced each year.
From those who kept flocks on these lands, a share of the animals,
both oxen and sheep, was required. In spite of the liberal form of
the proclamation, however, it is clear that the patricians and wealthy
1 Other quaestorships were afterward instituted to manage the finances of the
provinces (§ 273),
3o8
The Plebeians win their Rights
plebeians alone exercised the privilege of " occupying " or " possess-
ing" portions of the unsurveyed land. They bought, sold, and
bequeathed it till in time they came to look upon it as their own.
Not satisfied with this advantage, a rich proprietor often ejected his
poor neighbors from their small farms,
which he then annexed to his estate.
There is no wonder that the poor were
dissatisfied with the unjust working of
this system.
Marcus Manlius, a noble-hearted
patrician, tried by his private means
to remedy the distress, and set before
the rich an example of personal kind-
ness and benevolence. But the trib-
unes of the plebs prosecuted him
for aiming to make himself king and
had him put to death as a traitor
(384 B.C.). They were determined
that none but themselves should aid
the commons and so reap the rewards
of popularity. A few years after the
death of Manlius, accordingly, the
tribunes Li-cin'i-us and Sex'ti-us pro-
posed a reform bill, which they urged
all discontented plebeians to support.
AN Old Shepherdess After a long struggle the bill became
(Palace of the Conservatori, Rome; a law in 367 B.C. Its provisions were
found on the Esquiline) ^
as follows : —
(i) There shall be no more consular tribunes, and one of the two
consuls shall henceforth be a plebeian.
(2) Interest already paid on debts shall be deducted from the
principal, and the balance of the debt shall be paid in three equal
annual instalments.
The Licinian-Sextian Laws 309
(3) No one shall occupy more than five hundred ///'^«?-r^ ^ of the
public land. Probably provision was made for distributing the
surplus among the poor in seven-acre lots by a committee appointed
for the purpose.
(4) No one shall pasture more than a hundred cattle or five hun-
dred sheep on the public land.^
250. The Effects of the Licinian-Sextian Law. — The second clause
of the law was but a superficial remedy for the distress of the poor ;
it did nothing to remove the cause of poverty.
Licinius was himself fined somewhat later for violating the third
clause. The last two clauses were soon allowed to become a dead
letter, the tribunes made so little effort to enforce them. It is evi-
dent that their sole interest was in the first clause, and that they
added the others simply to buy support.
The patricians were still eager to retain in their own hands as much
authority as possible. The senate accordingly would not permit the
first clause to go into effect till the people had consented to the insti-
tution of three new patrician magistrates : the praeUor^ who was
judge in civil cases, and two curule aediks, who were to supervise
the streets and public buildings, the markets, and the public
games.
The opening of the consulship to plebeians gradually enlarged the
nobility. Henceforth it consisted not only of patricians but also of all
plebeians who were admitted to a curule office, — themselves called
1 A jugerum is a little less than two-thirds of an acre.
2 In the course of the struggle over this law the two tribunes secured the pas-
sage of another law which raised the number of " Keepers of the Sibylline Books "
from two to ten and provided that five should be plebeians (cf. § 220). Admis-
jiion to this priestly college prepared the way for admission to the consulship.
2 When, in 242 B.C., a second praetorship was instituted, the distinction first
arose between the praetor ur-ba' nus ?ind the praetor /<?r-^-^i'««j. The first had
charge of cases which concerned citizens only, while the second attended to those
which affected an alien. Other praetorships were afterward added for the gov-
ernment of provinces (§ 273). The office was first occupied by a plebeian in
337 «-C.
3IO The Plebeians win their Rights
" new men," — together with their descendants. In other words, the
patricians and the plebeians ceased to be the political parties ; there-
after the parties were (i) the nobles^ who were office-holders and their
descendants, and (2) the commons, who were the other citizens.
Finally the passing of the law introduced an era of good feeling,
which Camillus commemorated by a new temple to Con-cor'di-a at
the end of the Forum beneath the Capitoline Mount.
Understanding that the fewer they were the more honor would be
theirs to enjoy, the nobles strenuously opposed the admission of new
members. They preferred to have one of their number hold the con-
sulship four or five times, and other high offices in addition, rather
than to receive new men into their privileged society. But when a
law^ was passed that no one should hold the same office within a
period of ten years, or more than one office at a time, a greater
number of new men was necessarily elected, and, in consequence,
the nobility became more representative of the people as a whole.
Before the fourth century B.C. closed, plebeians had gained admis-
sion to all the curule offices and finally to the colleges of augurs and
pontiffs.
251. The Assemblies; the City Plebs. — While the leaders of the
plebs were winning political rights, the people in their assemblies
were striving for legal freedom from the control of the senate. A
law of PubliHus Philo (339 b.c.) compelled the senators, before the
voting began, to give their sanction to bills brought before the comi-
tia centuriata. The Hor-ten'si-an Law of 287 B.C. made unneces-
sary the consent of the senate to measures brought by the tribunes
before the assembly of tribes.^ Both assemblies were, therefore, con-
stitutionally free from the control of the senate. Though one would
naturally suppose that these acts opened the way to hasty legislation,
such was not the case. The senate controlled the magistrates, and
through them the assemblies.
^ The Genucian Law, 342 B.C.
a Cf. § 276; Botsford, Romey p. 88, n. I.
Appitis Claudius Caeciis 311
The. explanation of this fact is to be found (i; in the changed character of the
plebeian tribunate. Though constitutionally open to all plebeians, this office had
fallen into the hands of a few great families, who passed it down from father to
son. As these famiUes entered the nobility, they still held the tribunate, and
now made it a tool of the senate. From this time the tribunes, usually young
nobles, had seats in the senate, which employed them accordingly as ministers
for checking other officers and for bringing measures before the people. The
magistrates who presided over the various assemblies were usually ready to obey
the senate ; but if any one of them dared offer a resolution which displeased the
senate, it was generally easy to find a tribune to intercede against him and thus
prevent the measure from being put to vote. (2) If this method failed, the senators
might gain their point by asking the augurs to declare the' omens unfavorable to
the proposed measure. Hence it was that after losing the constitutional right to
control the assemblies, the senate could govern them even more effectually
through the magistrates, — especially the plebeian tribunes, — and through the
auspices.
Formally the government was now a democracy ; but in fact the
senate, a purely aristocratic body, exercised more authority than ever
before.
It is important to bear in mind that those plebeians who, since the
beginning of the republic, had been winning the right to place men
of their own rank in office and to make laws in their own assembly
were all landowners, who alone belonged originally to the tribes.
Excluded from the tribes, and consequently from the comitia tributa,
were the various classes of landless people : laborers for hire, tenants,
artisans, and tradesmen. But in 312 B.C. Appius Claudius Caecus^
as censor enrolled these inferior citizens in the various tribes for the
double purpose of giving them full political rights and of compelling
them to serve in the army ; for the Second Samnite War was then at
its crisis. It was at this time that he began the great military road
from Rome to Capua and a splendid aqueduct, which supplied his
city with abundance of fresh water. These magnificent works, as
well as his political reforms, greatly benefited the industrial and
commercial classes. At the close of the war, however, as the govern-
ment no longer needed the military aid of the landless, the censor
M236.
312
The Plebeians win their Rights
Fabius put them into the four city tribes, which he degraded by order-
ing them to vote last. Thus the possessors of land remained superior
to them in honor and in privileges.
252. Civilization; State Disci-
pline.— While the Romans were
becoming masters of Italy and im-
proving their laws and their con-
stitution, they were also growing
richer. About the time of the
decemvirs they began to coin bronze,
and long afterward silver. The nobles reaped the profits of large
tracts of the conquered land and acquired a great number of slaves.
A Denarius
(A silver coin struck soon after 286
B.C. Front, head of Roma ; back,
Castor and Pollux on horseback)
^SCULAPIUS
(National Museum, Naples)
Character 313
Following the example of Appius Claudius Caecus, they began to
expend money on useful public works and to improve the appearance
of their city, especially by building many temples. They adopted
several Greek deities, among them Apollo, the prophet-god ; Aphro-
dite, goddess of love, whom they identified with their own Venus ;
and Aes-eu-la'pi-us, god of healing. But they had as yet little
thought of cultivating their minds. They possessed no literature, and
with the exception of their temples, no art.
The early Romans were distinguished for their patience and energy.
Their virtue, the fruit of a simple hfe, increased in strength and in
severity throughout the period. This growth was owing to the care
with which the republican government supervised the citizens.
The magistrates had power to punish not only for crimes bu^ ,^^
every Offence against order, however slight, and even for immorality,
including lazy or luxurious habits. While all officers enjoyed this
authority, it became the especial duty of the censors to see that every
citizen subjected himself to the severe discipline prescribed by the
state.
Some of the most eminent men of the age were content with the
frugal life of the peasant. One of them, Manius Curius Dentatus,^
who prepared his own food in wooden dishes, insisted that seven
jugera of land were enough for any citizen.
253. The Effects of Discipline. — The aim of education in the
family and in public life was to repress the freedom of the individual
in the interest of the state, to make a nation of brave warriors and
dutiful citizens. The highest results of this stern training were
reached in the Samnite Wars, — a period known thereafter as the
golden age of virtue and of heroism. A citizen of this time was, in
the highest degree, obedient to authority, pious, frugal, and generally
honest. But though he was willing to sacrifice his life for the good
of the state, he was equally ready to. enrich himself at the expense
of his neighbors ; the wealthy did not hesitate to sell the poor into
M237.
314 The Plebeians win their Rights
slavery for debt, till they were forbidden to do so by law. Their
hard, stern souls knew neither generosity nor mercy. Severe toward
the members of their family, cruel in the treatment of slaves, and in
their business transactions shrewd and grasping, the Romans of the
time, however admirable for their heroic virtues, were narrow, harsh,
and unlovable. Greed was one of their strongest motives to con-
quest. Not for glory, — much less for the good of their neighbors, —
did they extend their power over Italy ; it was rather that more of
the peasants might be supplied with farms and that the nobles might
be given larger tracts of the public land and a greater number of
places of honor and profit to use and to enjoy.
As long as they remained poor and under strict discipline, they
were moral. In the following period they were to gain greater free-
dom from the control of their magistrates and, at the same" time,
power and wealth. These new conditions were to put their virtue
and even their government to the severest test.
Topics for Reading
I. The Government of the Early Republic — Botsford, Rome, pp. 66-71 ;
Ihne, Early Rome, chs. x-xiii; Abbott, Roman Political Institutions, pp. 24-29.
II. The Decemvirs. — Botsford, Rome, pp. 76-79; Ihne, Early Rome, en.
xviii; Duruy, History of Rome, i. pp. 327-340.
III. Marcus Manlius. — Botsford, Story of Rome y ch. iv.
Longitude
EXPANSION
OF THE
ROMAN POWER - |-— ] Acauired 241-218 B.C.
To the time of the Gracchi.
SCALE OF MILES
I I Acquired 201-133 B.C.
100 50 0 100 200 300 Too ^HH AlUcs of Rome in 133 B.C.
Carthaginian Posessions 264 B.C.
= L
Mess AN A
(Modern Messina)
CHAPTER V
THE EXPANSION OF THE ROMAN POWER (264-133 B.C.)
(Second Period of the Repi>blic — External History)
254. Rome and Carthage. — On the northern coast of Africa, oppo-
site Rome, was the Punic city of Carthage.^ Not only did the
country about it produce abundant harvests, but it was well situated
for trade with the East and the West, and with Sicily and Italy.
These advantages made the city wealthy and prosperous. In time it
became, too, a political power.^ On the coasts and islands of the
western Mediterranean Carthage built up a great empire. She was
about to wrest all Sicily from the Greeks when Pyrrhus came as their
champion.^ He tried in vain to drive her from the island. As he
departed he is said to have exclaimed regretfully, " What a fair battle-
field we are leaving to the Romans and the Carthaginians ! " These
two nations were then allied against him, but he knew well that they
would soon dispute the possession of Sicily. Quickly the Cartha-
1 §§ 22, 116, 157-162. The adjective "Punic," which applies to Carthage, is
derived from the Latin word for Phoenician.
2 §116. 3 §238.
315
3i6 The Expansion of the Roman Power
ginians regained the whole island with the exception of the territory
belonging to Mes-sa'na and Syracuse. If they could conquer these
two cities, they would naturally invade Italy. Rome, the protector
of the Italians, was anxiously watching her rival's movements.
An Asiatic race, the Carthaginians were inferior to the Romans in
character and civilization. Their public men were corrupt; they
oppressed their subjects with heavy taxes, and gave them no hope
of ever having equal rights with themselves. Their reHgion, too, was
inhuman and immoral. Such being the case, it would have been
unfortunate for any large part of Europe to fall permanently under
their rule. It was the task of Rome to protect the higher and better
civilization of Europe from this danger.
The resources of the two nations were quite different. With her
magnificent navy Carthage controlled the sea. Her wealth enabled
her to enlist great armies of mercenaries, who however often proved
treacherous to the city they served. Rome, on the other hand, had
only a few ships ; but her soldiers were the hardiest and most stub-
born fighters in the world, and, still better, they were devoted to their
■country. Nor was the government of Rome despotic like that of
Carthage. Italy was a strong federation of kinsmen; each city
managed its own affairs, but all acknowledged Rome absolute mistress
of their military resources. The struggle between the two powers
was to be long and severe ; no one knew which would conquer.
The immediate cause of war was as follows. Some Campanian
mercenaries, released from the service of Syracuse, seized Messana
(Greek Messene). They killed the men and divided the women, chil-
dren, and property among themselves. For a time the Mam'er-tines
("sons of Mars "),as these robbers called themselves, enjoyed their
ill-got homes and levied tribute on many towns of Sicily; but
threatened by both Greeks and Carthaginians, they appealed
to Rome for aid on the ground - of kindred blood. Although
the senate felt it would be unjust to aid the Mamertines, it feared
that if the Carthaginians should conquer them and gain control
The First Punic War 31;^
of all Sicily, they would not hesitate to lay hands on Italy. A
less worthy motive to war was the desire of the senators to extend
their power and with it their field for trade and speculation. The
assembly was persuaded to vote for war, and accordingly one of the
consuls skilfully brought an army into Messana, though the Cartha-
ginians and Syracusans were besieging it by land and sea.
255. The First Punic War (264-241 B.C.); Opening Events.—
After driving the besiegers away, the Romans made an alliance with
Hi'e-ron, king of Syracuse. The cities of the interior readily yielded^
as they found greater security under Rome than either Syracuse or
Carthage had given them. To drive the Carthaginians from the
coast towns it was necessary to build a fleet. For though the
Greek allies of Rome could furnish a few triremes, no one in Italy
had yet attempted quin'que-remes, — vessels with five banks of oars,
— such as made up the strength of the enemy's navy. But using
a stranded Carthaginian quinquereme as a model, the Romans, with
their usual courage and energy, began to build a fleet. While some
v/ere busy with this work, others trained the crews by having them
sit in benches along the shore and practise rowing in the sand.
When they had completed their fleet, they put to sea and engaged
the enemy off My'lae (260 B.C.). Their ships were clumsy and their
sailors awkward, but they boarded the enemy's vessels by means of
drawbridges which they had recently invented, and thus gained the
victory. This success increased their fervor for war. On the return
of Du-il'i-us, the commander, Rome gave him an enthusiastic wel-
come as her first naval hero.
256. From the Invasion of Libya to the Defeat at Drepana (256-
249 B.C.). — The Romans then built a fleet of three hundred and
thirty vessels, and placing on board nearly a hundred and forty
thousand men, they set sail for Libya. Off Ec'no-mus on the Sicilian
coast they met and defeated a stiU larger fleet of the enemy, after
which they continued on their way to Africa. There, under the con-
sul Reg'u-lus, they gained victories and captured towns, till Xan-
3i8 The Expansion of the Roman Power
thip'pus, a Lacedaemonian, taught the Carthaginians to offer battle
in the plain, where they could use their elephants and their great
force of cavalry to advantage. The result was the destruction of
the Roman army and the capture of Regulus.
Other misfortunes followed; but in 250 B.C. a great victory at
Pa-nor'mus gave the Romans nearly all Sicily. Under these circum-
stances the government of Carthage sent Regulus, who was still a
prisoner, to Rome, to arrange a peace, promising him liberty if he
should succeed. He, however, urged the senate to persevere in
the war. Then returning to Carthage in accordance with his oath,
he is said to have suffered death by torture.
At this time the Romans were besieging Lil-y-bae'um on the west
coast of Sicily. Farther to the north w^as Drep^a-na^ where Ad-her'-
bal, a Punic admiral, was stationed with his fleet. In 249 B.C. the
consul Publius Claudius sailed from Lilybaeum to Drepana to sur-
prise Ad herbal. But the admiral, far from being caught napping,
met the enemy and inflicted upon him an overwhelming defeat.
The Romans tried to account for this disaster by a story that when
Claudius was planning the attack, he received word that the sacred
chickens would not eat, — an omen which signified that the gods
forbade the enterprise. Haughtily exclaiming that if the fowls
would not eat, at least they would have to drink, he threw them
into the sea. His impiety together with his lack of skill is given as
the cause of this great misfortune.
257. Hamilcar Barca (247-241 B.C.). — While the Romans were
besieging Lilybaeum, Carthage sent out a general who was to prove,
in himself and in his sons, the most dangerous enemy Rome ever
met. This was Ha-mil'car, surnamed Bar'ca (the "Lightning"), a
man of extraordinary genius for war. He occupied Mount Erc'te,
above Panormus, which was then held by a Roman army. On the
top of the mountain he fed cattle and raised corn to support the
handful of troops who performed wonders under the spell of his
genius. From the little harbor beneath him his light ships harassed
Hamilcar 319
the Italian coasts, while from the eagle's perch above he used to
swoop down, rapid as the hghtning, upon the Romans in the neighbor-
hood, and as easily retire to the nest which no enemy dared explore.
After maintaining himself for three years in this position, he
suddenly abandoned it for a post on the side of Mount E'ryx, where
he could cooperate with his friends at Drepana. But with his small
' force he could accomplish little. Neither nation in fact had any
longer the means of supporting a fleet or a strong army in service.
Without a navy Rome could not hope to gain complete possession
of Sicily. Under these circumstances the wealthier citizens offered
their private means for the building of new war-ships. With two
hundred vessels thus provided for, the consul Cat'u-lus, at the Ae-
ga'ti-an islands, met a new Carthaginian fleet bringing supplies to
Sicily, and totally defeated it (241 B.C.).
As the Carthaginians could carry on the war no longer, they gave
Hamilcar full power to make peace. He agreed that they should
give up Sicily, pay the Romans within ten years an amount equivalent
to three and a half millions of dollars, and release all prisoners with-
out ransom. After continuing twenty-three years, the First Punic
War came to an end in 241 B.C. Some years later Sicily became a
Roman province, — that is, a subject country ruled by a Roman
magistrate.
258. Hamilcar in Spain (237-229 B.C.) ; Hannibal. — As Carthage
could not pay her mercenaries for their service in the war, they
mutinied, and were joined by the Libyans, who revolted against their
harsh taskmasters. While the whole strength of Carthage was en-
/gaged in this war (241-237 b.c), the Romans treacherously seized
' Sardinia ; and when she remonstrated, they imposed upon her a
heavy fine. Sardinia together with Cor'si-ca became the second
Roman province.
Hamilcar's soul burned with hatred of the city which, by force
and fraud, had robbed his fatherland of its naval supremacy and its
fairest possessions. He began to think how he might lead an army
320 The Expansion of the Roman Power
into Italy and attack Rome. But as he could not depend upon
mercenaries, he planned to create in Spain a province which should
supply both troops and provisions for another war. When he was
about to set out for Spain, he is said to have led his son Han'ni-bal,
then a boy of nine years, to the altar and made him swear undying
enmity to Rome. Hannibal went with his father, and was true to
his oath.
In Spain Hamilcar occupied nine years in forming a Carthaginian
province more by diplomacy than by war ; he taught the native tribes
to live together in peace under his rule and to develop the resources
of their country. While he was engaged in this work, his skill and
his money created a new political party at Carthage, — a vigorous
democracy, which opposed the peace-loving capitalists and supported
its leader in his far-reaching plans for war. " Then he died in a
manner worthy of his great achievements ; for he lost his life in
a battle in which he showed a conspicuous and even reckless bra-
very. As his successor, the Carthaginians appointed his son-in-law
Has'drubal." *
Hasdrubal continued the wise policy of his predecessor with won-
derful skill in gaining over the tribes and in adding them to his
empire. When after eight years of such service he was. murdered
by a Celt, the soldiers with loud enthusiasm carried Hannibal to
the general's tent and proclaimed him commander (221 B.C.). As
they looked upon this young man, "the veterans imagined that
Hamilcar in his youth was restored to them ; they noticed the same
vigor in his frame, the same animation in his eyes, the same features
and expression of the face. . . . His courage in meeting dangers
and his prudence in the midst of them were extreme. Toil could
neither exhaust his body nor subdue his mind, and he could endure
hunger and cold alike. He ate and drank no more than nature
demanded. Working day and night, he thought of sleep only when
there was nothing else to do ; then wrapping himself in his military
* Polybius ii. i.
Hannibal
321
cloak, he would lie on the ground among the watches and the outposts
of the army. Though he dressed as a plain officer, his arms and his
horses were splendid."^
259. The Second Punic War (218-201 B.C.); Invasion of Italy
(218 B.C.). — When Hannibal felt himself prepared, he attacked Sa-
gun'tum, a city of Spain in alliance with Rome, and took it after a
siege of eight months. This act gave the Romans a pretext for war.
But while they were
preparing to invade
both Spain and Libya,
Hannibal, with a well-
trained army of fifty
thousand infantry, nine
thousand cavalry, and
a number of elephants,
crossed the Pyrenees
and marched rapidly
through Gaul. Re-
cently the Romans had
conquered the Celts
of northern Italy. As
this whole nation was
indignant with Rome
on account of injuries
received, they eagerly
supported Hannibal in
his march through their
country. It was not till the crossing of the Rhone that he met with
opposition from the natives. When, however, he began the ascent
of the Alps the real difficulties of his journey appeared ; for the way
was narrow and rough, and the mountaineers attacked him. From
the higher ground, which secured their own safety, they rolled stones
^ Livy xxi. 4.
" Hannibal "
(National Museum, Naples)
322 The Expansion of the Roman Power
and hurled missiles upon the troops and upon the long train of pack
aiiimals. Many soldiers fell, and many beasts of burden were either
disabled or lost, so that the army suffered for want of provisions. At
length with great toil and peril Hannibal reached the summit, where
he rested his men and cheered them with some such words as these :
" Here on the summit of the Alps, we hold the citadel of Italy ; below
us on the south are our friends, the Gauls, who will supply us with
provisions from their bountiful lands and will help us against their
foes ; and yonder in the distance lies Rome ! "
But when he reached the plain below, he had less than half the
army with which he had set out from Spain. And those who sur-
vived were worn out with fatigue, hunger, and exposure to the cold.
Their horses were lame, their clothes in tatters ; they seemed more
like savages than well-disciplined troops. With such forces he had
come to attack a nation which numbered seven hundred thousand
men of miHtary age. And yet it was to be no one-sided contest.
An army of trained soldiers, full of the spirit of their great commander,
opposed a raw militia. A born genius for war, Hannibal had served an
apprenticeship under his illustrious father ; as general he had subdued
fierce tribes of Spaniards and Gauls and had overcome the Alps
themselves. Compared with him, though he was still young, the
ablest Roman generals were tyros.
260. The Battle of the Ticinus and of the Trebia (218 B.C.).—
The Romans, who had been dreaming of conquests, were astonished
to hear that Hannibal was in the valley of the Po. He soon made
them feel that the fight was to be for their homes and their country.
In a light cavalry battle on the Ti-ci ^nus, a tributary of the Po, he
easily routed the consul Scip'i-o. Discovering that the Punic horse-
men were far superior to his own, Scipio withdrew to the south bank
of the Po, and sought the protection of the hills near the Treb'i-a
River. Here his colleague, Sem-pro'ni-us, with another army, joined
him and took chief command ; for Scipio had been wounded in the
battle.
Victories of Hannibal 323
One stormy morning in December, Hannibal, after giving his men
a good breakfast and plenty of oil for their bodies, sent out a band
of cavalry to tempt the enemy across the river. Sempronius, who
was eager for battle, that he might win for himself the glory of victory,
readily led his army out before breakfast through the swollen Trebia.
Hungry and numbed with cold, the Romans were doomed to de-
feat. The Carthaginian horse routed their wings, while Hannibal's
brother Mago, an impetuous fighter, assailed them from an ambush in
the rear. The struggle, though long, ended in the complete over-
throw of the Romans. Ten thousand of their best infantry fought
their way through the enemy and escaped. Nearly all the rest were
killed or captured, and Hannibal held their camp. This great suc-
cess led the Gauls, who had hitherto wavered, to cast their lot with
the victor.
News of the misfortune depressed Rome. Throughout the winter
the citizens could talk of nothing but evil omens. Meanwhile the
government was preparing to resist the invader. One of the consuls,
Gains Fla-min'i-us, a great favorite of the people and an enemy of the
senate, posted himself with an army at Ar-re'ti-um in Etruria. Ser-
vil'i-us, the patrician consul, took command of another army at A-rim'i-
num. Thus the consuls lay, each with his army, guarding the two
principal roads which connected the Po Valley with central Italy.
261. The Battle of Lake Trasimene; Hannibal and Fabius (217
B.C.) . — But Hannibal surprised them by taking an unusual route over
ihe Apennines far to the west. In crossing the marshes north of
the Ar'nus River, his troops suffered terrible hardships. For four
days and three nights they waded continually through mud and water.
When at length Hannibal reached dry ground in Etruria and found
Flaminius still guarding Arretium, he passed the enemy without notic-
ing him, and took the highway for Rome, plundering as he went,
flaminius could but follow ; for he felt he must gain a victory to bring
success to his political party in its conflict with the senate. Unwarily
he fell into a trap at Lake Tras'i-mene, where he was killed and his
324 The Expansion of the Roman Power
army annihilated. When news of this calamity reached Rome, and
the praetor announced to the people, " We have been beaten in a
great battle," the Romans, long unused to misfortune, gave way to
unmanly grief and alarm. With the advice of the senate, however,
they elected Quintus Fabius Maximus dictator ; for the surviving con-
sul was too far away to make the appointment, according to custom.
Instead of attacking Rome, Hannibal crossed the peninsula to the
Adriatic coast and moved gradually southward, gathering vast booty
from the country through which he passed. Fabius would not risk
a battle, but dogged the footsteps of the invader, cut off foraging
parties, and trained his own men to face the enemy in light engage-
ments. As this policy did not prevent the Carthaginians from march-
ing and plundering wherever they pleased, it proved extremely
unpopular and brought the severest criticism upon the dictator. Yet
his persistence in avoiding battle saved Rome for the year from
another defeat.
262. The Battle of Cannae (216 B.C.). — Unusual efforts were
made to levy and train troops for the following summer. The new
consuls, Ae-mil'i-us and Var'ro,^ led a force of more than eighty thou-
sand men, including allies, against Hannibal. This was the largest
single army Rome had ever put into the field, while the force of the
enemy numbered about fifty thousand. The two armies met at Can'-
nae on the Au'fi-dus River in ApuHa. Varro, who held chief com-
mand on the day of battle, massed his maniples ^ in a heavy line, in
the hope of overcoming by sheer weight. While the superior cavalry
of the enemy routed his wings, his centre, a soHd phalanx, drove in
the opposing Iberians and Celts, but then found itself assailed on
all sides, — Gauls and Iberians in front, with a violent wind driving
clouds of dust in the face, veteran Libyans on both flanks, and in the
rear a tempest of cavalry. Too crowded to keep rank or even to
use their weapons, the Romans fell like sheep under the knives of
butchers. Seven-eighths of their army, including Aemilius, eighty
^ § 277. 2 § 232.
Changed Character of the War 325
senators, and many other eminent men, perished. Varro, who
survived, collected the remnants of the army, amounting to scarcely
ten thousand men.
News of this defeat brought intense agony to Rome. Every house-
hold mourned its dead, while all feared for the city and for their
own lives. But the senate met the crisis in a manly spirit. It en-
couraged the people, posted guards about the city, and did every-
thing possible to save the state.
On the evening after the battle Ma-har'bal, leader of the Punic
horsemen, said to his commander, " Send me in advance with the
cavalry, follow with the army, and five days hence we shall dine in
Rome ! " Hannibal knew, however, that with his present force he
could take Rome neither by storm nor by siege ; but through the
revolt of the allies he hoped to cause the ruin of the capital.
263. Changed Character of the War. — With the battle of Cannae
the character of the war changed. Nearly all the allies of Rome in
southern Italy, including the great cities of Capua and Tarentum,
revolted. On the death of Hieron,^ king of Syracuse, Sicily also for-
sook Rome. Philip V,^ king of Macedon, who watched jealously the
interference of the senate in the Greek peninsula, alhed himself with
the victorious Carthaginian. Though none of these allies gave mate-
rial help, Hannibal felt himself bound to protect his Italian friends.
The policy of defence to which he was thus forced gradually wasted
his army, robbed him of the prestige of success, and in the end
caused his failure. The greatest of all obstacles in his way were
the fortified Latin colonies distributed over Italy, which continued
faithful to Rome. These strongholds he was unable to take. The
Romans, on the other side, following the policy of Fabius, ventured
no more pitched battles with Hannibal in Italy.
But they made great efforts to regain Sicily. After a long siege
Marcellus took Syracuse. His soldiers plundered it and killed many
of the people, including Ar-chi-me'des, a famous mathematician
1 § 255. 2 |§ 202, 266.
326 The Expansion of the Roman Power
whose engines had been used in the defence of the city. Next
the Romans surrounded Capua with three armies. In the hope
of diverting a part of this force, so as to relieve the besieged
allies, Hannibal suddenly
marched upon Rome and
pitched his camp three
miles from the city.
The inhabitants imagined
that their terrible enemy
had destroyed the armies
at Capua and would
soon hold the citadel of
Rome. Fortunately new
recruits poured in from
the country to man the
walls. As Rome defended
herself without relaxing
the siege of Capua, Han-
nibal gave up hope of
saving this city. When
it fell, the Romans
scourged and beheaded
the senators, and dis-
"Marcellus" , , ,
persed the people among
the Latin colonies or sold them into slavery, — a warning to all who
meditated revolt. Tarentum was afterward taken and suffered a
similar punishment.
264. The Scipios in Spain ; the Battle of the Metaurus (207 B.C.).
— Meantime important events were happening in Spain. For years
Hasdrubal, the brother of Hannibal who had been left in command
of that country, proved inferior to the- Romans under the brothers
Publius and Gnae'us Scipio. At length, however, with reenforce-
ments from Carthage, he overwhelmed and destroyed the separate
The Crisis 327
armies of these two generals, who died bravely with their men. The
victor was in a fair way to win all Spain back to Carthage when the
Romans sent thither as proconsuP Publins Scipio, son of the deceased
general of the same name. The new commander, though still in his
twenties, showed real genius for war. Soon after his arrival he sur-
prised and captured New Carthage, the chief city and arsenal of the
enemy in Spain. Hasdrubal, however, skilfully eluded him, and with
a large army and abundant treasures set out by land for Italy to
reenforce his brother.
The crisis of the war came in 207 B.C., when Hasdrubal, descend-
ing from the Alps and drawing in his train a host of Gauls and Ligu-
rians, marched southward to meet Hannibal. If the two great
enemies of Rome should unite, she could no longer hope for vic-
tory ; for her country was desolate from end to end ; her faithful
colonies, exhausted by war, were beginning to refuse aid ; her last
armies were in the field. Fortunately for her the messengers who bore
to Hannibal the news of his brother's coming were taken by the con-
sul Gaius Claudius Nero, commander of the army in southern Italy,
opposed to Hannibal. Stealthily hurrying to the north, Claudius
united his army with that of his colleague, Marcus Liv'i-us Sal-i-na'-
tor ; and the two consuls surprised and destroyed Hasdrubal with his
army on the Me-tau'rus River. As Claudius returned southward he
carried with him the head of the defeated Carthaginian, which he
directed to be thrown into the camp of Hannibal, — to inform him
of his misfortune. In the ghastly features of his brother, Hannibal
read his own fate and the doom of his city.
After this battle, while Hannibal still maintained himself in southern
Italy, Publius Scipio reconquered Spain. The story of this campaign
abounds in the romantic adventures and the chivalrous acts of the com-
mander,— the first Roman whom we may admire both for the kind-
ness and generosity of his character and for the brilliancy of his mind.
1 An officer who held the rank and power of a consul outside of Rome. The
first proconsul was appointed in 326 B.C.
328 The Expansion of the Roman Power
265. The Battle of Zama (202 B.C.); the End of the War (201 B.C.).
— Master of Spain, he returned to Rome, whence as consul he in-
vaded Africa and threatened Carthage. Hannibal quitted Italy in
obedience to his country's call ; and adding raw recruits to his small
veteran force, he met Scipio at some distance from Za'ma, a town
nearly south of Carthage. Here was fought the last battle of the
long war. By a happy inspiration, Scipio placed the maniples of
the second and third divisions behind those of the first, thus forming
columns with open lanes between, through which the enemy's
elephants could make their way without disturbing the ranks.^ For
the first time Hannibal suffered defeat in a pitched battle, — a defeat
which made further resistance hopeless.
By the terms of treaty which followed, Carthage agreed to surrender
Spain, and to pay Rome two hundred talents^ of silver a year for
fifty years ; to give up all her elephants and all her war-ships except
ten triremes ; to wage no war outside of Libya, and in Libya none
without the consent of Rome. With sorrow the Queen of the Waters
saw her great fleet sink in flames. Even more galling was the clause
of the treaty which forbade her waging war in Libya ; for it left her
helpless against Rome's ally, Mas-i-nis'sa, king of Numidia, who
plundered Carthaginian territory to the extent of his pleasure. Such
was Rome's policy toward a fallen enemy.
266. The First and Second Macedonian Wars (215-205, 200-
196 B.C.). — After the Second Punic War the Romans began to
interfere seriously in the affairs of Greece.
They had already carried on two short wars with the Il-lyr'i-an
pirates, in the course of which they had taken a few Greek cities
into their alliance. It was these dealings with Greece which induced
Philip V of Macedon^ to cast his lot with Hannibal after the battle
of Cannae. This first conflict with Macedon (215-205 B.C.) brought
Rome into alliance with Aetoha, Athens, and other important states
of Greece.
M232. 2§ii9,n. 2. '§263.
Macedonian Wars 329
No sooner was the Roman senate free from the struggle with
Carthage than it forced upon the people a second war with Philip in
behalf of the allies whom he was assailing. The consul Flam-i-ni'-
nus led against him a strong army of twenty-five thousand men.
Though Phihp had about the same number, most of his troops were
boys. The whole civiHzed world was interested in the conflict be-
tween the legion and the phalanx. On level ground the phalanx, a
massive body, was unconquerable, but among the hills it could be
easily broken. The legion, on the contrary, was light and flexible,
developed especially with a view to fighting the mountaineers of
central Italy. At Cyn-os-ceph'a-lae (" Dogs' Heads"), a low range
of hills in Thessaly, the armies met, and after a sharp struggle the
legion was victorious (197 b.c). The success of Rome was due
to her military organization, to the poor quality of the opposing
troops, and above all, to the superior Aetolian cavalry in her service.
The king was compelled to cede his various Greek possessions to
the victor. But as the Roman commons disliked to extend their
empire to the East, the senate decided to be generous. Accord-
ingly at the Isthmian festival of the following spring, by the direction
of Flamininus and his colleagues, who were peace commissioners,
a herald proclaimed to the assembly the freedom of all the Greeks
who had been ruled by Philip. " After the games were over, in the
extravagance of their joy, they nearly killed Flamininus by the exhi-
bition of their gratitude. Some wanted to look him in the face and
call him their preserver ; others were eager to touch his hand. Most
threw garlands and fillets upon him ; and among them they nearly
crushed him to death." ^ Though Flamininus wished well for Greece,
his gift of freedom was a fair delusion. The Greeks still had many
noble qualities ; but they could not keep peace among themselves —
the only guaranty of their freedom. As their protector and peace-
maker, Rome could hardly avoid depriving them of their liberty.
267. The Asiatic War (192-189 B.C.). — The great power of the
^ Polybius xviii. 46.
330 The Expansion of the Roman Power
East at this time was the empire of the Seleucidae/ now ruled by
An-ti'o-chus III. It included nearly all that part of the former Per-
sian empire which lay in Asia and Asia Minor. To prevent Rome
from gaining further influence in the East, Antiochus invaded Greece,
and in his turn played the game of freeing that country. He had
been encouraged to war by Hannibal, whom the Roman senate had
forced into exile, and who was now at the court of the Seleucid king.
Jealousy and littleness of mind prevented Antiochus from intrusting
the command of the army to Hannibal. Driven from Europe, the
king suffered an overwhelming defeat at Mag-ne^sia, in Asia Minor,
at the hands of Lucius Scipio, brother of Africanus (190 B.C.). As
a result of this unsuccessful war, he gave up all his possessions west
of Mount Taurus. Rome left the states of Asia Minor independent
under her protectorate. Hannibal fled to Bi-thyn'ia, where he died
by poison to escape the Romans. Antiochus was stoned to death
by his own people ; and his great empire rapidly dwindled to the
petty kingdom of Syria.^
268. The Condition of Greece ; the Third Macedonian War (171-
1676.0.)- — Meantime the states of Greece constantly accused one
another before the Roman senate, and constantly invited that body
to settle their quarrels. Accordingly we find one committee of the
senate after another coming to Greece to arbitrate disputes and to
look afte;- the interests of the republic. Their respect for Greek
culture, however, did not prevent them from fostering disunion, —
from undermining the Achaean League.^ To rid themselves of a
troublesome Hellenic patriot, these " lovers of Greece " sometimes
resorted even to assassination.
Such was the state of affairs when Philip died and was succeeded
by his son Per' sens. More amiable, though less able, than his father,
he cherished the noble ambition of championing Hellas against
barbarian Rome. His clever diplomacy and the desire of the
Greeks for independence were rapidly bringing them into touch
^ § 199. a § 294. 8 § 201.
End of Greek Freedom 331
with Macedon, when Rome, to prevent this dreaded union, declared
war against Perseus (171 B.C.).
The principal commander on the Roman side was Lucius Aemilius
Pau'lus,^ a man of rare honesty and ability. He met and conquered
Perseus at Fyd'na, a city of Macedon (168 B.C.). "Aemilius had
never seen a phalanx till he saw it in the army of Perseus on
this occasion ; and he often admitted to his friends at Rome
afterward that he had never beheld anything more alarming and
terrible; and yet he, as often as any man, had been not only a
spectator but an actor in many battles."^ The king escaped, but
was taken later, and after following, with his young children, in the
triumphal procession of the conqueror, he died in prison, either by
his own hand or by the cruelty of the jailer. At the close of the
war the Romans imposed an annual tribute on the Illyrians for
having aided Perseus.^ Macedon they divided into four republics,
which they prohibited from all intercourse with one another. Thus
a great state perished. The cities yielded to the victor shiploads of
furniture, precious metals, and works of art. In addition, the troops
plundered Epeirus for siding with the king ; they carried thence vast
spoil and a hundred and fifty thousand inhabitants, who were sold
into slavery. Nevertheless they grumbled at their commander for
allowing them so little.
269. The End of Greek Freedom (146 B.C.). — For Greece there
was to be no more freedom. Those who sympathized with Perseus
in the war were sent to Rome for trial. Among them were a thou-
1 Son of Aemilius, who died at Cannae (§ 262),
2 Polybius xxix. 17.
3 Trouble with the Illyrians began long before. In 229-228 B.C. Rome pun-
ished them for piracy, and compelled them to keep their hands off Corcyra and
Epidamnus. Rome's treaties with these two Hellenic states were her first diplo-
matic dealings with Greece. In 219 B.C. she waged a second war with the Illy-
rians in behalf of her Greek allies, who were already increasing in number. But
it was not till this piratical nation had cast its lot with Perseus that the Romans
determined to annex it, and even then (167 B.C.) they did not organize it as a
province; §272,11.1.
332 The Expansion of the Roman Power
sand men from the Achaean League alone, including Po-lyb'i-us, the
statesman and historian. Far from being given a trial, however,
they were detained sixteen years among the towns of Etruria. The
influence of Polybius procured the release of the three hundred who
then remained.
When these exiles returned home they excited their whole nation
against the city which had treated them so unjustly. At the same
time the Greeks were again quarrelling among themselves, and a
rebellion was breaking out in Macedon. These circumstances led
the senate again to interfere. Me-tel'lus united the Macedonian
republics in the province of Mac-e-do^ni-a. Mum'mi-us defeated
the Achaean army. He then entered Corinth, the chief offender,
killed most of the men he found, and enslaved the women and
children. After plundering the city, he burned it to the ground.
At last the Greeks realized that though they retained the form of
liberty, the Roman senate was their master. It ruled them mainly
through the governor of Macedonia. Politically they were dead ;
their dissensions had ruined them. If the Romans should govern
them well, they would thereby justify the conquest.
270. The Third Punic War (149-146 B.C.). — In the same year
the Romans destroyed Carthage. For the beginning of the trouble
which led to this event we must go back to the close of the Second
Punic War. The treaty with Hannibal had forbidden Carthage,
without the consent of Rome, to defend herself against attack.
Taking advantage of this condition, Masinissa,^ king of Numidia, an
ally of Rome, continually plundered the territory of Carthage and
seized some of her best lands. In answer to her complaints Rome
sent out various commissioners, who in every case were instructed to
give secret encouragement to the plunderer. As a member of such
a commission, Cato, a narrow-minded statesman, of whom we shall
hear more, brought home a startling report of the wealth and pros-
perity of Carthage. In his opinion the city of Hannibal still menaced
1 § 26q.
Carthage Destroyed
333
Rome. Indeed he is said to have ended every speech in the senate,
whatever the subject, with the words, " Carthage must be destroyed ! '^
He easily convinced the capitalists, who wished for a monopoly of
the world's commerce, and who formed a majority of the senate.
Accordingly the consuls sailed for U'ti-ca with an immense army.
To avoid war the Carthaginians were ready for every concession.
First they handed over three hundred children as hostages. The
mothers, who gave them up, " clung to the little ones with frantic
Storming a City
cries and seized hold of the ships and of the officers who were
taking them away."^ "If you sincerely desire peace," said the con-
suls on their arrival at Utica^ " why do you need arms ? Surrender
them ! " After vain protests the people gave up their armor. " We
congratulate you on your promptness," the consuls continued ; " now
yield Carthage to us and settle wherever you like within your own
land, ten miles from th^ sea; for we are resolved to destroy your
city."
1 Appian, Foreign Wars^ viii. 77.
334 ^^ Expansion of the Roman Power
At first the people were overcome with grief; but finally they
resolved to defend their city to the last drop of blood. As they had
to make new weapons, they converted even the temples into work-
shops, and the women gave their hair for bowstrings. They gallantly
repulsed the attacks of the consuls, and for three years defended
themselves like heroes. At last Scipio Ae-mil-i-a'nus^ forced a pas-
sage through the walls. His soldiers massacred the inhabitants, then
plundered and burned the city. After they had destroyed this
innocent people, the authorities of Rome cursed the ground on which
the city stood, that it might never be rebuilt. The territory it ruled
they made into the province of Africa.
271. Ligurian, Gallic, and Spanish Wars. — The story of the con-
quest of Greece and Carthage, just told, illustrates the character of
Roman warfare during the half-century which followed the peace
with Hannibal. In the same period, wars with the Ligurians and the
rebellious Celts of northern Italy ended in the thorough conquest of
Cis-al'pine^ Gaul. Spain, subdued in the Second Punic War, was
made into two provinces. But the people of this country so loved
liberty and were so obstinate that the Romans had to reconquer them
several times. While doing so, they showed themselves false and
cruel: they violated treaties, and massacred troops who had sur-
rendered under agreement. The siege of Nu-man'ti-a, a rebellious
town of Spain, was a repetition of the siege of Carthage, — it revealed
the immorality of the common soldiers, the baseness of the generals,
and still worse, the alarming degradation of the senate. Scipio, the
destroyer of Carthage, had the honor of stamping out this rebellion
(133 B.c:).
272. Summary. — In these conquests the chief motive of the
citizen-soldiers was a desire for lands and booty ; the object of the
1 Son of Aemilius Paulus (§ 268), but adopted into the family of the Scipios.
2 The prefix cis- means "on this side of." Naturally the Romans thought
of Gaul south of the Alps as Cisalpine, whereas the country of the Gauls on the
opposite side of the Alps they termed Transalpine.
Summary 335
nobles was power and wealth. The senate, which guided Rome's
foreign policy, was not only clever but in some degree just and
liberal. It rewarded faithful friends, however feeble they might be.
At the same time it bestowed favors upon the strong, whether deserv-
ing or not, while it wreaked merciless vengeance upon those who
were at once erring and weak. Often by dividing the strong and by
sowing quarrels, it broke the power of enemies and prepared the
way to easy victory.
The Romans now ruled most of the territory along the Mediter-
ranean between Mount Taurus and the Pillars of Hercules. They had
seven, or possibly nine, provinces^ under governors sent from the
capital, many subject states, and many allies in various stages of
dependency. Less than a century and a half had elapsed since
Rome, as the head of Italy, entered on her career of foreign conquest ;
outside of Sicily, Sardinia, and Corsica, she had acquired all this
power in a lifetime. Within another century and a half, she will
round out her empire so as to include all the countries which
surround the Mediterranean. But these two cycles of conquest
bring with them momentous changes in the character of her govern-
ment and in the condition of her citizens.
Topics for Reading
I. Hamilcar. — Smith, Rome and Carthage, pp. 84-108; Morris, Hannibal,.
pp. 69-^8.
II. Hannibal's March from Spain to Italy. — Botsford, Story of Rome, ch.
v; Smith, Rome and Carthage, pp. 1 14-126; Morris, Hannibal, pp. 99-116.
III. Scipio Aemilianus (the destroyer of Carthage), his Character and
Achievements, — See Indices of the various histories of Rome; also the Index
of Polybius; of. Botsford, Story of Rome, ch. v.
1 Cisalpine Gaul, conquered in 191, may not have been organized as a province
before 81 B.C. Illyricum, on the opposite coast of the Adriatic, was subdued in
167 B.C., and became a province at some unknown time afterward. The province
of Asia — in western Asia Minor — was formed in 133 B.C. The other provinces,,
already mentioned in the text, were Sicily and Sardinia with Corsica (227 B.C.), the
two Spains (197 B.C.), and Africa and Macedonia (146 B.C.) ; §§ 257, 258, 271.
A STREEr IN Pompeii
(Present appearance)
CHAPTER VI
THE GROWTH OF PLUTOCRACY (264-133 B.C.)
Second Period of the Republic — Internal History
273. The Expansion of Rome; the Province. ^ As long as a city-
state, like Rome, remained so small that all the citizens could attend
the assembly and take part in public affairs, the government worked
well. But when the state outgrew these limits, the citizens who were
near at hand managed the government in their own interest to the
injury of those who were farther away. For this reason the more
territory Rome acquired, the more unjust and oppressive became her
government.
Her early supremacy in Italy was on the whole fair and just ; the
Itahans were her allies, and while she insisted on having their sup-
port in her wars, she permitted most of the communities to manage
their own local affairs.
336
The Province
337
But when the Romans acquired their first territory outside of Italy,
they made it into a province.^ Some years after the First Punic War
the senate made a province of Sicily and another of Sardinia and
Corsica. Later it added Hither and Farther Spain, Macedonia,
Africa, and Asia, thus building up a great empire? After creating
four praetors as governors of provinces, in addition to the two who
attended to jurisdic-
Tiion at home,^ it
filled the remaining
governorships with
proconsuls and pro-
praetors.* During
his year of com-
mand the governor
had absolute author-
ity. He was at
once general, judge,
and chief executive,
and through his
quaestor^ he con-
trolled the finances
of his province. His
subjects paid an
annual tribute, but
had not the right to
enter the army, for
military service would have given them not only an independent
spirit but also a means of regaining their freedom.
274. The Character of Roman Rule Some advantages came to
^ § 257- ^ § 272, n. I. 3 § 250, n. 3.
* A proconsul or propraetor was an officer who held the power of a consul or
praetor in some special command outside of Rome. As a rule consuls and prse-
tors, at the close of their terms, became proconsuls and propraetors; § 264, n. i.
6 § 248.
A Proconsul
(National Museum, Naples; from Pompeii)
338 The Growth of Plutocracy
the provinces from Roman rule. Usually they enjoyed peace. The
cities of a province retained their own laws and self-government in
local affairs. The less civilized subjects, too, profited greatly by
adopting the customs and ideas of their masters.
In spite of these advantages their condition was anything but happy.
With rare exceptions Rome forbade commercial intercourse among
the cities of a province, and even restricted trade between one prov-
ince and another. The object of the senate in imposing these
restrictions was to place the commerce and industry of the empire in
the hands of the Romans themselves. By impoverishing all but the
favored few, this policy gradually sapped the life-blood of the
wretched subjects. In place of native merchants a horde of greedy
money-lenders, speculators, and traders poured from the capital over
all the provinces ; and while their citizenship ^ at Rome protected
them, they unjustly acquired most of the property in the subject
countries and reduced the people to debt and misery. Driving the
peasants from their farms, these speculators built up vast estates
worked by slaves. The system, too, which Rome followed of letting
out the collection of taxes to contractors, was full of evil. The
knights, ^ whose wealth enabled them to take these contracts, com-
pelled the provincials to pay many times their due.
Rarely did a governor try to check these wrongs. As a rule he was
himself cruel and oppressive. Not content with the wealth of his
subjects, a rapacious governor seized their works of art, including the
statues of the gods they worshipped, and even soid many freemen
into slavery. The rapid change of officers increased the evil. In his
short term the governor expected to make three fortunes : the first,
to pay the debts he had contracted in bribing his way to power ; a
second, to satisfy his judges in case of prosecution on his return to
Rome ; and a third, to enable him to live in luxury for the remainder
^ Roman citizens in the provinces enjoyed many privileges and rights not pos-
sessed by the provincials, and were not subject to the authority of the local courts,
2 ^§ 232, 276.
The Decline of Italy
339
of his days. Though a special court was estabHshed for the trial of
extortion committed in the provinces, it accompHshed no good ; for
the judges were of hke mind with the culprits. Thieves and plun-
derers sat in judgment on thieves and plunderers ; a year or two
would reverse the role of the two parties. Thus the provincials
found no protection from
injustice. To them the
" peace of Rome " meant
slavery, decay, and
death.
275. The Decline of Italy.
— Italy was to experience
A. similar decHne. As long
as Rome treated the Italians
justly, they were satisfied
with her rule. At first they
sided with her against Han-
nibal, but after the battle of
Cannae many in the south
of the peninsula deserted to
him.^ When Rome recon-
quered them, she treated
them not as erring kinsmen
but as subjects and slaves.
She seized large tracts of
their land ; she degraded
many of them from the condition
serfs.
Rome injured the Italians still more by restricting their trade with
one another. The great commercial cities of Capua and Tarentum
disappeared; in the streets of the once prosperous Greek towns
which still remained, merchants gave place to beggars.
» § 263.
Ceres (Demeter)
(Goddess of Agriculture)
of allies to that of state
340 The Growth of Plutocracy
T\it farming class suffered equally with the traders ; for as Rome
now drew her food supply from the provinces, — cheap produce of
slave labor, — the Italian peasants could find no market for their
grain. Those who lost their little farms through poverty or by any
other means usually flocked to Rome, to swell the numbers of a v/orth-
less, dangerous mob. The system of great estates worked by slaves
spread itself over Italy. The large proprietors forcibly seized the
farms of their poor neighbors. Although the peasants who did their
own work failed, slave labor was as profitable in Italy as in the prov-
inces. "Thus the nobles became enormously rich, and while the
race of slaves multiplied throughout the country, the Italians dwindled
in numbers and in strength, oppressed by penury, taxes, and military
service." ^ Such was the condition of Italy at the close of the great
period of foreign conquest (264-133 b.c.) treated in the preceding
chapter.
Had the Italians been able to secure representation in the Roman
senate, they might by this means have protected their property and
their freedom. Such a measure was suggested, but the senate was
too selfish and short-sighted to consider it. In fact the Romans w^ere
reversing their former policy of liberality toward strangers. So
highly did they esteem the privileges and honors they enjoyed as an
imperial people, that henceforth they refused to bestow the citizen-
ship upon others except in the rarest cases. Exalted by conquest to
the position of aristocrats, even the common people looked down
upon the Italians as inferiors.
276. Roman Citizens; the Government and the Nobility. — The
competition of slave labor ruined the Roman peasants as well as the
Italian. In the capital, too, skilled industry and business were in the
hands of wealthy persons or of corporations of knights, who relied
mainly on the labor of slaves and the business cleverness of freed-
men.* The many peasants and tradesmen who lost their honest
livelihood turned to begging and robbery or became clients of the
1 Appian, Civil Wars^ i. 7. * § 366,
The Government 341
great nobles. It is now easy to understand how it was that while in
theory conquest was making the Roman citizens lords of the earth,
it was really bringing most of them to misery and rendering them
unfit even to govern themselves.
According to the constitution as amended by Hortensius/ the full
citizens of Rome, plebeians and patricians," were all equal, and the
government was in their hands. The equality and sovereignty of the
people, however, were empty forms. In fact the assembly was com-
posed of those who lived in and near the city, as distance prevented
most of the citizens from attending. Hence the city population,
which was fast becoming a rabble, alone exercised the right to vote.
Again, a member of an assembly could not propose a law or a candi-
date for office, or speak on any subject;^ he could merely vote for
or against the candidates and the measures offered by the presiding
officer, who rarely failed to enforce his will upon the comitia. In
other words, the magistrates controlled the assemblies. But while
they enjoyed great authority in dealing with the people, or in command-
ing armies and governing provinces at a distance from Rome, they
acknowledged the senate as their master.'* The senate was therefore
the supreme power {7% the state.
Some years before the beginning of the Punic Wars, the right to
revise the list of senators was transferred from the consuls to the cen-
sors. These magistrates were obliged (i) to enroll all who had
filled curule offices with honor, (2) to consider for the places still
vacant the names of the less important ex- magistrates ; and (3) in
case these candidates did not suffice, they were permitted to use their
pleasure in choosing from the whole body of respectable citizens.
The senators were not all equal ; for those who had held no curule
office were placed by the censors in an inferior class, and were called
upon to vote though not to speak. The curule ex-magistrates, on the
other hand, were grouped in higher classes according to the offices
they had filled, and were at liberty not only to vote, but also to
1 § 251. 2 § 250. 8 § 241. 4 § 24:.
342
The Growth of Plutocracy
debate and to suggest measures. This knot of ex-magistrates controlled
the entire senate and, through it, Rome, Italy, and the provinces. It
seemed just that experienced statesmen should have more authority
than the assembly of plain citi-
zens, who knew nothing of the
condition of the world beyond
the borders of their own httle
neighborhood.
The families to which these ex-
magistrates belonged formed, in
the beginning, a nobility of merit.
But from the end of the Second
Punic War we see the nobles rap-
idly declining in character and in
ability. They became an heredi-
tary caste, consisting of a few
great houses, and rarely admitted
new men to their privileged
circle. They kept all the higher
offices for themselves, and passed
them in rotation among the
members of their families.
A young noble, after service as
an officer in the army, and per-
haps after enriching himself as
a provincial quaestor, secured
election to a curule aedileship.
In this position it was his duty to entertain the people with
cos-tly religious festivals and shows, chiefly at his own expense;
in this way he gained their favor and their votes for the higher
offices. With this legal and pious system of corruption, he had
little Heed of resorting to open bribery. Thence he advanced to
the praetorship and to the consulship. As praetor, propraetor, or
Aedile
(Giving the signal at the games)
Flaminius 343
proconsul/ he governed a province, where he glutted himself with
spoil, and where irresponsible power made him haughty and brutal.
If he won distinction in this career of honors the people showed
their appreciation by electing him to the censorship — the crown of
glory of the nobility. To complete our understanding of the nobles
of this period, it is necessary to bear in mind that they were capi-
talists, who sought office not merely for honor, but also as a means
of absorbing the riches of the world. The nobility of merit becarne
a narrow, self-seeking plutocracy. ^
The nobles and other wealthy men filled the eighteen centuries of
knights in the comitia centuriata.^ Still other men of means who
might be required to furnish their own horses for service in the
cavalry were also called knights. The class so named, originally
including the senators, were the capitalists, who took government
contracts for collecting taxes and for building public works, and
who had in hand most of the commerce and industry of the Roman
world.
277. Gaius Flaminius. — The selfish policy of the senate provoked
opposition. Against its wishes Gaius Flaminius, tribune of the plebs
in 232 B.C., carried through the assembly a law for dividing the public
lands in Pi-ce'num among the citizens. A few years later when war
broke out with the Gauls of the Po Valley, the people elected him
consul, that he might win more lands for them. He extended the
rule of Rome to the Alps, and as censor built a road, named after
him the Flaminian Way, from the capital to Ariminum, to give easy
access to the new territory. The people were colonizing this country
when the invasion of Hannibal interrupted their work. Naturally
their thoughts turned once more to Flaminius, their champion.
Elected consul for 217 B.C., he took command against the invader,
but was defeated and killed at Trasimene.'* Rome lost in him an
1 § 273, n. 4.
2 Government by the wealthy, or the ruling class in such a state.
8 § 241. * § 261.
344
The Growth of Plutocracy
able statesman and a great builder ; and though the aristocrats called
him a demagogue, his character and motives were nobler than theirs.
Varro, the next champion of the people, commanded at Cannae,
where he disgraced his party by defeat.^ Opposition to the senate,
accordingly, ceased ; and for the remainder of the period^ the nobles
were to govern in their own way.
278. Scipio Africanus. — Scipio Africanus was of a very different
stamp. The conquest of Spain and the victory at Zama m^de him
the greatest man in Rome. For
fifteen years he was foreman of the
senate ; he was consul twice, and
censor. It was his firm conviction
that Rome should not organize the
conquered countries into provinces,
but should hold them as dependent
alHes ; for he saw that the need of
garrisoning the provinces would
soon exhaust the strength of Italy.
In keeping with this principle he
planted in Italy several colonies
whose military strength was to be
reserved for the defence of the
peninsula. Thus the chief of the
nobles carried on the colonial policy
of Flaminius.
But he had many enemies.
Accustomed to absolute command
in the field, at Rome he acted the
king. He used his immense influ-
ence for the political advancement of his family, and trampled upon
the law to protect a brother from trial for embezzlement Finally
the tribunes of the plebs prosecuted him on the ground that he had
^ § 2^2. 2 Second period of the republic, 264-133 B.C.
"PuBLius Cornelius Scipio Afri-
canus "
(National Museum, Naples)
Cato 345
received bribes, and that he had been extravagant and tyrannous.
Without replying to the charges, he is said to have spoken as fol-
lows : " Tribunes of the people, and you, Romans, on the anniversary
of this day! fought a pitched battle in Africa, with Hannibal and
the Carthaginians, with good fortune and success. As, therefore, it
is but decent that a stop be put for this day to wranghng and liti-
gation, I will immediately go to the Capitol, there to return my
acknowledgments to Jupiter, supremely good and great, to Juno,
Minerva, and the other deities presiding over the Capitol and
Citadel ; and will give them thanks for having, on this day and at
many other times, endowed me both with the will and with the
ability to perform extraordinary services to the state. Such of you
also, Romans, as it suits, come with me and beseech the gods that
you may have commanders hke myself." ^ The whole assembly
followed him with enthusiasm. But though he was a man of culture,
fond of literature and of luxury, his talents were chiefly military.
Unable to cope with his political enemies, he retired into the country
to private life.
279. Marcus Porcius Cato. — Marcus Porcius Cato, his chief
antagonist, was narrow, unsympathetic, and close-fisted, but strictly
moral — a model of the older Roman virtue. He was a peasant by
birth, and drew the inspiration of his life from the memories of
Manius Curius Dentatus,^ the great peasant-statesman of the good
old time, whose modest cottage stood near his father's farm.
Accordingly " he worked with his slaves, in winter wearing a coarse
coat without sleeves, in summer nothing but his tunic ; and he used
to sit at meals with them, eating the same loaf and drinking the same
wine." ^
By the patronage of a rich neighbor, but more by ability and hon-
esty, this thrifty peasant rose to the highest offices of the state.
" When he was governor of Sardinia, where former rulers had been
in the habit of charging their tents, bedding, and wearing apparel to
1 Livy xxxviii. 51. - § 252. ^ piutarch, M, Caio, 3.
346
The Growth of Plutocracy
the province, and likewise making it pay large sums for their enter-
tainment and that of their friends, he introduced an unheard-of sys-
tem of economy. He charged nothing to the province, and visited
the various cities without a carriage, on foot and alone, attended by
one public servant, who carried his robe of state and the vessel for
making libations at a sacrifice. With all this he showed himself
so affable and simple to
those under his rule, so
severe and inexorable
in the administration of
justice, and so vigilant
and careful in seeing
that his orders were
executed, that the
government of Rome
was never more feared
or more loved in Sardinia
than when he ruled that
island." 1
In his home policy he
assailed with untiring
energy the luxury, the
refinement, and the cul-
SACRiFiciNG A PiG ^urc reprcscntcd by the
(National Museum, Naples) ScipioS ; it waS chiefly
his influence which overthrew this powerful family. The nobles feared
and hated the red-haired, gray-eyed, savage-tusked " new man," who
rebuked their follies and their sins. Chosen censor in spite of their
opposition, he expelled from the senate a number of disreputable
members, taxed luxuries unmercifully, administered the public works
and let out the public contracts without favoritism. The people,
therefore, placed his statue in the temple of Health, with this inscrip-
1 Plutarch, M. Cato, 6.
Culture
ZA7
don, " This statue was erected to Cato because, when censor, find-
ing the state of Rome corrupt and degenerate, he, by introducing
wise regulations and virtuous discipHne, restored it." The praise is
too great. Cato could not understand how corrupt his fellow- citizens
were becoming ; much less did he find a remedy for the evil.
280. Culture, Religion, and Morals. — In this period the Romans
began to compose poetry, history, and oratory.^ Their useful public
works, as sewers, bridges,
roads, and aqueducts, were
the best in the world. They
produced Httle sculpture and
painting, but preferred to
import shiploads of art as
plunder from the cities of
Sicily and Greece. Without
appreciation of real beauty,
the nobles took pleasure in
adorning their houses and
villas with stolen statues.
Along with foreign art
came the ideas, the religion,
and the morals of strangers.
They began to worship the
Greek Di-o-ny'sus, or Bac'-
chus, god of the vine and of
life, including future life, and the Phrygian Cyb'e-le, Mother of the
Gods, whom noisy processions honored in the streets with drums,
trumpets, and cymbals, with war-dances and bloody tumults. In
this way many sober men and women became fanatics.
A Bacchante
(National Museum, Naples ; a fresco from
Pompeii)
1 We have a few of the comedies of Plautus and Terence, who lived in this
period, and mere fragments of the remaining Roman literature. Polybius, a Greek
statesman of the age, wrote an able history of the expansion of the Roman power.
Considerable parts of his work have come down to us, and are very valuable.
348 The Growth of Plutocracy
Morals, already declining, were corrupted by Eastern influence ;
for the unimaginative Roman, who saw little beauty in Greek myth-
ology and art, welcomed the baser pleasures of an advanced civili-
zation. At the same time Greek scepticism ^ unsettled his religious
faith, the foundation of his moral conduct. It is not to be assumed
that all the Romans were now vicious. The peasant who escaped
economic ruin was still sound at heart ; and even the circle of aristo-
crats produced the pure-minded Scipio Aemilianus and the noble,
self-sacrificing spirit of the two Grac'chi, who were to be the leaders
of the coming age of revolution. But in the city corruption was
almost universal. Crowds of beggar clients attended the noble, and
voted for him in return for the loaves he doled out to them, or for
the shows of buffoons, beasts, and gladiators with which he amused
them from time to time. The rending of flesh and the flow of blood
gave this rabble its keenest delight. As to the higher ranks, the
greed of the capitalist and the insolence of the noble, already de-
scribed, were surpassed only by the impurity of their lives, while
among all classes in the state and empire mutual fear and hatred
lurked. This condition of affairs called loudly for reform.
Topics for Reading
I. A Roman Province. — How and Leigh, History of Rome, pp. 310-313;
,ibbott, Roman Political Institutions, pp. 88-91; Greenidge, Roman Public Life,
tk. viii; Arnold, Roman Provincial Administration, chs. i, ii.
II. The Government of Rome in the Time of the Punic Wars.— Tighe,
Development of the Roman Constitution (primer), ch. vii; How and Leigh, chs.
xxviii, xxix; Abbott, pp. 150-265, and Greenidge, pp. 152-288 (not restricted to
the time of the Punic Wars but generally applying to that period).
III. Roman Character. — Botsford, Story of Rome, ch. vi; Duruy, History
of Rome, ii. pp. 258-338.
IV. Marcus Porcius Cato. — Plutarch, M. Porcius Cato ; Botsford, Story of
fiome, ch. vi ; see Indices of the various histories of Rome.
1 § 156.
Longitude 10°
Longitude 20°
THE GRACCHI to the Death of AUGUSTUS.
133B. C. to 14 A. D.
SCALE OF MILES m
60 0 100 200 300 400
Roman Power in 133 B. C.
Acquired 133 B. C- 14 A. D.
Allies of Rome, 14 A. D.
XO"
i
Italian Oxen
CHAPTER VII
THE REVOLUTION— (I) THE GRACCHI, MARIUS, AND SULLA
(133-79 B.C.)
Third Period of the Republic — First Epoch
281. The Gracchi. — The brothers Tiberius and Gaius Gracchus,
though plebeian, belonged to the highest nobility.^ Their father had
filled all the great offices ; Cornelia, the mother, was daughter of the
Scipio who conquered Hannibal. Their education as well as their
birth and connections fitted them for a splendid career. The gifted
mother taught them eloquence ; Greek tutors instructed them in the
philosophy and the political ideas of Hellas. Both married into
noble families. When as young men they served in military and
1 § 250.
349
350 The Revolution — (/) The Gracchi, Marius, and Sulla
Youth Reading at a BoOkcase
(Relief on a sarcophagus)
provincial offices, the allies, the dependents, and even the enemies
of Rome respected and loved them for the kindness of their fore-
fathers and for their own high
character; for they had inherited
a generous sympathy with the
peasants, the provincials, and eveo
the slaves.
282. The Agrarian Law of Tibe-
rius Gracchus (133 B.C.). — Tibe-
rius, who was nine years older than
his brother, saw how miserable was
the condition of the lower classes.
Resolving to do all he could for
their improvement, he became a
tribune of the plebs for the year
133 B.C. With the approval of the
consul Mu'ci-us Scaev'o-la, the most eminent jurist of the age, he
proposed to reenact the Agrarian law of Licinius and Sextius^ as
follows : —
(i) No one shall have the use of more than five hundred jugera
of the public land.
(2) No one shall pasture more than a hundred cattle or five hun-
dred sheep on the public land. \
He added as a third clause a law passed after the time of
Licinius : —
(3) Of the laborers on any farm, a certain proportion shall be
freemen.
To these clauses he joined the following : —
(4) The sons — not exceeding two — of present occupiers may
each hold two hundred and fifty jugera of public land.
(5) A committee of three, appointed by the tribes,^ shall divide the
surplus among the needy in lots of thirty jugera each.
* § 249. 2 § 25,.
Tiberius Gracchus 351
His plan was to rescue as many families as possible from idleness
and poverty, and to fill the country with thrifty peasants in place of
slaves. By giving the poor an opportunity to earn a living, he hoped
to make them honest, useful citizens. But the rich, who for genera-
tions had bought, sold, and bequeathed the public land, like private
property, declared his bill a scheme of robbery. When accordingly
he brought it before the assembly, they induced Octavius, a tribune,
to veto it, and thus they prevented it from passing.
With the advice of Tiberius the assembly deposed the obstinate
tribune. As this step was unconstitutional, it began a revolution,
which was to last a hundi^ed years. The aim of the revolution was to
substitute the assembly for the senate, democracy for aristocracy ; it
was to end in the establishment of the imperial government.
After the deposition of Octavius, the agrarian measure passed
without opposition. It was so well carried out that after four years
the census roll showed an increase of nearly eighty thousand citizens
fit for miHtary service. To stop the decline of the population and to
add so many useful citizens, was the work of a great patriot and
statesman.
283. The Death of Tiberius Gracchus (133 B.C.) ; the Democratic
Outlook. — But Tiberius offered himself for reelection to the tribu-
nate, — another unconstitutional step. On election day his peasant
supporters were busy with their harvests ; and when the voting
began, a crowd of senators and other opponents of the reformer
dispersed the assembly. Two of the tribunes, turning traitor,
killed Tiberius with clubs. Three hundred of his followers were
murdered along with him, and their bodies were thrown into the
Tiber. Thus the senate resorted to mob violence, by which it
encouraged lawless conduct. Some time afterward Scipio Aemili-
anus, the destroyer of Carthage, put a stop to the distributions of
land, and brought reform to a standstill.
Though depressed for a time, the democratic leaders soon regained
courage. One of them proposed to give the Italians the citizenship
352 The Revolution — (/) The Gracchi^ Marius, and Sulla
in order to have them as supporters of the land law. This offer the
Italians would gladly have accepted, had not the senate put a stop to
the measure. Another leader passed a law permitting the people to
reelect a tribune in case of a lack of candidates. More important
still, Gaius Gracchus was coming to the front. When the people
heard him defending a friend in the law court, they were wild with
delight; for they saw that other
orators were mere children com-
pared with him, and they felt that
his magnificent talents were to be
used in their behalf. For a time
he avoided poHtics, but his fate
called him to finish a brother's
work; he dreamed that Tiberius
appeared to him one night and
said : " Why hesitate, Gaius ? It is
your destiny, as mine, to live and
die for the people."
284. Gaius Gracchus Tribune
(123, 122 B.C.). — He was candi-
date for the tribuneship for the
year 123 B.C. Though the nobles
opposed him, all Italy gathered to
his support; on election day the
people overflowed the Campus
Martius and shouted their wishes
from the house-tops. When his year of office had expired, they
elected him to a second term.
As his brother had failed through reliance on the peasants, who
could rarely leave their work for politics, one of his first objects was
to secure a faithful body of supporters such as might always be on
hand. For this purpose he passed a law providing for the monthly
distribution of public grain among the citizens at half the market
An Old Fisherman
(Vatican Museum, Rome)
Gains Gracchus 353
price. In doing this he introduced no new principle ; for the senate
had often supplied the populace with cheap or free grain, and each
noble supported a throng of clients. He merely detached the peo-
ple from their several patrons and enlisted them in the support of
his reforms. Thus he organized the army of the revolution, which
even the strongest emperors could not disband. His system wrought
mischief in draining the treasury and in encouraging idleness ; the
completion of his great reforms, however, would probably have cor-
rected the evil.
Gains had thought out a complete plan of reform. For the gov-
ernment, he would always have one of the tribunes an able man, like
himself, with a power limited only by the will of the people.^ This
tribune should control the other magistrates and the senate itself.
For the economic improvement of the empire. Gains would plant
manufacturing as well as farming colonies in Italy and the provinces,
to restore to them the prosperity which the nobles had destroyed.
He would give the full citizenship to the Latins and at least the suf-
frage to the Italian alHes.
His great mistake was in supposing that the city mob had the
virtue necessary for the support of his reforms. Angered by his pro-
posal to give the citizenship to the Italians, it turned against him.
When the senate tried to prevent him from planting a colony at Car-
thage, both parties resorted to violence. The consul 0-pim'i-us,
armed by the senate with absolute power,^ overthrew the Gracchan
party, and killed Gains with three thousand of his supporters.
In setting aside the authority of the senate, and in accustoming the
people to the rule of one man, Tiberius and Gains had unintention-
■ 1 Compare the office of general at Athens under Pericles; § 131.
2 In the Second Punic War the dictatorship had fallen into disuse, to be re-
vived some time after the Gracchi by Sulla. Meanwhile the senate found a new
way of proclaiming martial law; by passing the resolution, " Let the consuls see
that the state suffers no harm," it conferred upon the chief magistrates a power
equal to that of dictator. Opimius was the first to receive this absolute authority
from the senate; Cicero also held it in the conspiracy of Catiline; § 295.
2A
354 ^^^^ Revolution — (/) The Gracchi, Marius, and Sutla
ally begun a movement in the direction of monarchy. *' The people,
though humbled and depressed for a time, soon showed how deeply
they felt the loss of the Gracchi. For they had statues of the two
brothers made and set up in pubHc places, and the spots on which
they fell were declared sacred ground, to which the people brought
all the first fruits of the seasons, and offered sacrifices there and wor-
shipped just as at the temples of the gods."^ They were right la
enshrining the sons of Cornelia as the noblest characters the history
of their country had brought to light.
285. Gains Marius ; the Jugurthine War (i 12-106 B.C.). — For the
happiness and safety of the empire it was necessary that the corrupt
nobility should be overthrown and a juster, abler government set up
in its place. Although Gains Gracchus saw clearly what should be
done, no political party would support his reforms. The work of
establishing in the army a solid foundation for the new government
remained to his successor, Gaius Ma'ri-us.
Born of poor parents among the hills of Latium, Marius learned not
only to work hard, but to be sober and obedient. At an early age he
entered the army. As a military officer, tribune of the plebs, and
afterward propraetor of Farther Spain, he showed himself honest and
able. On his return from Spain he married Julia, of the illustrious
house of the Caesars ; and when, in 109 B.C., the consul Metellus went
to Africa to war against the Numidians, he took Marius with him
as lieutenant.
Ju-gur'tha, grandson of Masinissa,^ after killing the rightful heirs,
had himself usurped the throne of Numidia. Though the senate in-
tervened, he bought off its embassies one after another. When
Rome made war upon him, he bribed the first commander to with-
draw from Africa ; and by corrupting the officers of the second, he
compelled the surrender of the army and sent it under the yoke.
Such was the state of affairs when Metellus, a man of energy and of
excellent character, the best noble of his time, took command. He
1 Plutarch, G. Gracchus^ 18. 2 § 270.
Marius 355
reduced the army to discipline and defeated Jugurtha ; after which
Marius, elected consul, superseded his former commander and ended
the war. Lucius Cor-ne'li-us Sul'la, a young aristocrat who was
quaestor under Marius, took Jugurtha captive and brought him to
Rome, where he perished in prison. This war, with the events which
preceded it, shows the incompetence and the moral degradation of
the- senate.
286. The Cimbri and the Teutons; the New Army. — Marius had
not yet arrived in Rome when the people reelected him consul to
protect the country from an inroad of barbarians. Two powerful
German tribes, the Cim'bri and the Teu'tons, assailed Nar-bo-nen'sis,
the new province Rome had estabhshed in Transalpine Gaul, and
defeated six armies in succession. They threatened to invade Italy,
but a delay of three years gave the Romans time to prepare. Re-
elected consul year after year, Marius busied himself with reorganizing
and training the army. When at length the Teutons were ready to
cross the Alps into Italy, he met them at Aq^uae SexUi-ae in southern
Gaul, and annihilated their great host (102 B.C.). In like manner he
and his colleague, Catulus, in the following year slaughtered the
Cimbri in northern Italy, after they had succeeded in crossing the
Alps.
The army which gained these great victories had a new character.
Before the time of Marius it was a militia ; the men who waged
Rome's wars had lands and famiHes at home, and thought of them-
selves simply as citizens. But Marius enhsted many who owned no
property ; and by keeping them long in the service and under care-
ful training, he made them professional soldiers. Such persons
placed all their hopes in their commander and were ready to follow
him in every undertaking, even against the government. Although
Marius was himself loyal, later generals used the army to overthrow
the republic.
287. Marius, Saturninus, and Glaucia (100 B.C.). — In his sixth
consulship (loo b.c> Marius aUied himself with Sat-ur-ni'nus, a
356 The Revolution — (/) The Gracchi, Marius, and Sulla
tribune, and Glau'ci-a, a praetor, to carry a law for planting colonies
of his veterans in the provinces. These two men, though violent in
their methods, were aiming to carry out the reforms of the Gracchi ;
they represented the peasants in opposition to the city rabble, which
now supported the senate. With their armed followers Saturninus
and Glaucia forced the measure through the assembly of tribes.
Soon afterward another riot broke out between the rabble and the
peasants. Then the senators and the knights called upon Marius as
chief magistrate to put down the sedition. Reluctantly he armed
some of his forces to defend the constitution against Saturninus and
Glaucia, his former associates. After some time they surrendered ;
and though their enemies demanded their death, " he placed them
in the senate-house with the intention of treating them in a more
legal manner. The mob considered this a mere pretext. It tore
the tiles off the roof and stoned them to death, including a quaestor,
a tribune, and a praetor, who were still wearing their insignia of
office." 1
In casting his lot with the nobles, who were his enemies, rather
than with his friends, the reformers, Marius made a grave mistake.
Far better would it have been for the Roman world had he seized
the opportunity to make himself king. The time was ripe for the
change. But lacking political wisdom, he failed to grasp the situa-
tion. In fact too great success was undermining his hardy peasant
character. He missed his destiny; and the fate of Rome passed
into other hands.
288. Drusus (91 B.C.); the Social War (90-88 B.C.).— The
senate now found itself surrounded by enemies; the knights, the
mob, and the peasants were all openly or secretly hostile. At the
same time the oppressed Italianr were on the point of rebellion.
These conditions led some of the more Hberal aristocrats to think of
winning the support of the Italians by granting them the citizenship.
The leader of this movement, Marcus Livius Dru'sus, a young man of
* Appian, Civil Wars, i. 32.
The Social War ' 357
great wealth and illustrious family, became a tribune of the plebs in
91 B.C. His proposal for the enfranchisement of the Itahans passed
the assembly but was annulled by the senate ; and soon afterward
Drusus was murdered. A law was then passed which threatened
with prosecution any one who dared aid the Italians in acquiring the
citizenship.
The death of Drusus and the passing of this act deprived the
Italians of their last hope of obtaining their rights by peaceable
means. It was not that they wished to vote at Rome ; for most of
them lived too far away for this. But they needed the protection
which citizenship gave ; their soldiers desired humane treatment
at the hands of the commanders ; in the affairs of peace, they asked
for the same rights of property and of trade which the Romans had
always enjoyed \ but most of all, they desired Roman officials and
private citizens to cease insulting, scourging, and killing them for
amusement or spite. So much citizenship would have meant to
them.
Accordingly, in 90 B.C., the allies^ chiefly those of Sabellian race,
revolted, and founded a new state. As their capital, they selected
Cor-fin'i-um, and named it I-tal'i-ca. In the main they patterned
their government after that of Rome ; they gave the citizenship to all
who took part with them in the war for freedom ; and they aimed
to annex the whole of Italy. The struggle which now began between
Rome and her allies {so^ci-i) is called the Social War. As the
opposing forces were divided into several small armies, the mihtary
operations were intricate. Though fighting against great odds, the
Itahans were so successful the first year that, near its close, Rome
felt compelled to make sure of those who were still faithful by
giving them the citizenship. Soon afterward the same reward was
extended to those who would return to their allegiance. These
concessions not only prevented the revolt from extending, but so
weakened it that, in another year, the Romans broke the strength
of the allies.
358 The Revolution — (/) The Gracchi^ Marius, and Sulla
In addition to local self-government in their own towns (muni«
cipia) the Italians now possessed the Roman citizenship. At last the
whole Italian nation south of the Rubicon River was organized in one
great state. But the new citizens were degraded by being enrolled
in eight new tribes, which voX^^ after the old thirty-five. Dissatisfied
with their condition, the Italians still looked upon the senate and the
city rabble as their oppressors, and they were ready therefore to wel-
come the strong man who, as absolute master, should make these
enemies his footstool. Hence the idea of monarchy grew apace.
289. Marius and Sulla. — Accordingly politics took a new turn;
the questions of the future were, who was to be the man of power,
and how much authority was he to snatch from the senate. The
first conflict came between the veteran Marius and Sulla, his quaestor
■of the Jugurthine War. The latter, patrician though poor, was en-
dowed with a remarkable talent for war, diplomacy, and politics.
" His eyes were an uncommonly pure and piercing blue, which the
color of his face rendered still more terrible, as it was spotted with
rough, red blotches interspersed with white, ... a mulberry be-
sprinkled with meal." ^ Success as a general in the Social War
brought him the consulship in %Z B.C.
In this year it was necessary for Rome to send an army against
Mith-ri-da'teSf the powerful king of Pontus, who was attempting to
conquer Asia Minor. Although Sulla as consul had a claim upon
the command, the popular party in the assembly appointed Marius.
Sulla then led his army to Rome and settled the question with the
sword. Marius escaped to Africa. This was the first time the army
appeared in politics — a critical moment in the history of the repub-
lic. We are to bear in mind that the revolution begun by the Grac-
chi still went on ; its leaders, however, were no longer tribunes but
generals. After restoring the authority of the senate and giving it
complete power over the tribunes, Sulla proceeded with his army to
the war against Mithridates.
1 Plutarch, Sulla, 2.
Marius and Cinna 359
290. Marius and Cinna (87 B.C.). — No sooner had he left Italy
than an armed conflict broke out between the consuls, Octavius and
Cinna, over the enrolment of the Itahans in the old tribes. In this
struggle ten thousand men lost their lives. Octavius, leader of the
aristocracy, drove Cinna, champion of the Italians, from the city.
The senate deposed the popular leader from the consulship. But
Cinna quickly gathered an army of Italians, recalled Marius from
banishment, and following the example of Sulla, marched against
Rome. Marius returned from an exile which had been to him a
series of adventures and of hair-breadth escapes. In his old age,
the greatness of his character had changed to rabid fury against the
aristocrats. " Filthy and long-haired, he marched through the towns
presenting a pitiable appearance, descanting on his battles, on his
victories over the Cimbri, and his six consulships," ^ and with grinv
determination promised the Italians their rights. His resolution was
unbroken ; for he was superstitious, and he remembered, so at least
he asserted, that when he was a boy, an eagle's nest containing seven
Httle ones had fallen into his lap, — an omen that he should be con^
sul seven times. The two revolutionary leaders entered the city with
their bands of Itahans, foreigners, and runaway slaves. They killed
Octavius and all the eminent aristocrats ; for five days they hunted
down their opponents, massacred them, and plundered their prop-
erty. They gave the Italians their rights. Marius received hia
seventh consulship, but died soon afterward from excessive drinking.
While condemning the bloody poHcy of Marius we should not for-
get that the nobles, by murdering the followers of the Gracchi, by
opposing every peaceful attempt at reform, and by their greed and
tyranny, brought this terrible punishment upon themselves.
291. The Rule of Sulla (82-79 B.C.). — Sulla gained great suc-
cess in his war with Mithridates (88-84 B.C.) ; but as he saw that his
opponents at Rome were revelling in power, he patched up a hasty
treaty of alliance with the king, and returned home with a large,
^ Appian, Civil Wars, i. 67.
360 The Revolution — (/ ) The Gracchi, Marius, and Sulla
well- trained army devoted to him. A civil war broke out between
him and the democratic party, which still held the government. In
a fierce battle at the Col'line Gate of Rome Sulla crushed his ene-
mies and made himself master of the government.
He then proceeded with reckless butchery to destroy the oppo-
nents of his party. Day by day he posted a list of his victims
("the proscribed"), whom any one might slay and receive therefor
a reward. The goods of the
proscribed were confiscated,
and their children disfranchised.
The number of persons thus
murdered at Rome amounted
to nearly five thousand, includ-
ing senators and knights. Many
were the victims of private ha-
tred, and many more were killed
for the sake of their wealth. At
the same time, murder and con-
fiscation were carried on over
all Italy. No one dared shel-
ter a victim, not even children
their parents. This Satanic law,
while branding kindness and
affection as criminal, placed a
premium upon malice, greed,
and murder.
After a time Sulla assumed
the dictatorship, an office long disused, and put his hand to the work
of restoring the aristocratic constitution. As many senators had per-
ished through war and proscription, he permitted the tribal assembly
to elect new members from his partisans. The whole number of
senators was to be six hundred. By enacting that no measure should
be brought before the people without the consent of the senate, — a
" Sulla "
(Vatican Museum, Rome)
Sulla 361
repeal of the Hortensian Law, — he gave that body control over the
assemblies. This measure, with another which disqualified the trib-
unes from holding higher offices, weakened the tribunate. As a
consequence the assembly of tribes became far less important than
that of the centuries.^
He increased the number of quaestors and made this office the
regular stepping-stone to the senate. Instead of six praetors there
were to be eight, two of whom were still to have the civil jurisdiction,
while the remaining six were to preside over the criminal courts. A
man had to be quaestor before he could be praetor, and praetor
before consul, and he was not permitted to accept the same office
within ten years. The praetors and the consuls could hold mihtary
commands only in exceptional cases ; their authority, wholly civil,
was Hmited to Italy south of the Rubicon. But on the expiration of
their office, they became pro-magistrates with mihtary authority for
an additional year in the provinces. His laws affecting the tribunes
and the assemblies lasted but ten years ; the others were permanent.
When he had completed these arrangements, he retired into private
life. Soon afterward he died, and was buried with pomp and splen-
dor such as nations rarely display even in honor of their kings.
He was not yet in his grave when his government began to
totter.
Topics for Reading
I. The Lives and Private Character of the Gracchi. — Plutarch; Tibe-
rius Gracchus; Gains Gracchus; Botsford, Story of Rome, ch. vii; Beesly,
Gracchi, Marius, and Sulla ; chs. ii, iii; see Indices of the various histories of
Rome.
II. The Public Lands of the Romans and the Law of Tiberius Gracchus.
— The first part of this topic is to be studied in the various histories of Rome
by means of the Indices (see Agrarian, Land, etc.), and the second part will be
found in the chapters on Tiberius Gracchus.
III. Marius. — Plutarch, Marius; Botsford, Siory of Rome, ch. vii; Beesly,
Gracchi, Marius, and Sulla, chs. iv-x.
1 §§ 241, 243, 246, 251.
CHAPTER VIII
THE REVOLUTION— (II) POMPEY, CAESAR, AND OCTAVIUS
(79-27 B.C.)
Third Period of the Republic — Second Epoch
292. Pompey (to 70 B.C.). — Sulla was the first to enforce his
will upon the state by means of the army. After his time the political
power fell more and more into the hands of the generals.
Among the rising officers of the army Gnaeus Pom'pey was most
fitted to be the heir of Sulla's policy. While still a young man he had
joined in the civil war upon the democrats, and had shown himself
so able an officer that Sulla hailed him as " the Great." After the
death of his patron, Pompey showed himself still further a champion
of the nobility by helping put down a democratic rebeUion against
the government. A good general was now needed in Spain, and
the senate, according to Sulla's arrangements, should have sent
thither as proconsul a man who had already been consul. But as
it could find no able person with this qualification, it gave the pro-
consulship to Pompey, who had not filled even the office of quaestor.
Ser-toWi-uSy a democratic leader, had gone as governor to Spain
in the time of the civil war. Regarding Sulla as a usurper, he
claimed to represent the true government of Rome. He was per-
haps the first Roman to sympathize thoroughly with the governed,
to make their interests his chief care, tp give them the genuine bene-
fits of Latin civilization. From love and admiration the natives called
him Hannibal. With the small forces at his command he routed
the Roman armies sent against him, including that of Pompey.
362
Pompey
363
Not till Sertorius was murdered by one of his own generals did
Pompey succeed in putting an end to the war (76 B.C.).
Meantime in Italy more than a hundred thousand slaves were in
revolt. This insurrection was the work of Spar'ta-cus, a gladiator,
who had escaped from a " training school " in Capua. For two
years he defied Rome and overthrew her armies (73-71 B.C.). Then
the praetor Marcus Licinius Cras'sus,
with eight legions, defeated and killed
him and dispersed his army. At the
last moment he was slightly aided by
Pompey, who had just returned from
Spain.
293. Pompey as Consul (70 B.C.) ;
as Commander against the Pirates (67
B.C.) These two generals were
eager for the consulship, and as the
senate hesitated on the ground that
Pompey had not yet been quaestor or
praetor, they turned for support to the
people, promising them the repeal of
Sulla's laws. Elected consuls in 70 B.C.,
they restored the power of the tribunes
and took from the senate the authority
Sulla had given it. Thus the aristo-
cratic government, after standing but
ten years, was overthrown by the man
its founder had styled " the Great."
This was a victory, not so much of the democracy, as of the army ;
for the tribunes when restored began to attach themselves to the
service of the great military leaders.
For some years pirates had been swarming over the whole
Mediterranean Sea. They seized cities, captured Roman nobles,
whom they held for ransom, and by cutting off the grain supply they
Pompey the Great
(National Museum, Naples;
found at Pompeii)
364 The Revolution — (//) Pompey, Caesar, and Octavius
threatened Rome with famine. As the senate seemed powerless to
check the evil, Ga-bin'i-us, a tribune, proposed to give Pompey for
three years absolute command of the Mediterranean, together with
a strip of its coast, fifty miles wide, as far as the Roman empire
extended. He was to have a vast number of ships and men and
could draw on the treasury without limit. Though the senate
opposed the law because it gave so much power to one man, the
people carried it with enthusiasm. Within forty days after his
armament was ready, Pompey cleared the sea of pirates. He
destroyed their hive in Cilicia and made of that country a Roman
province.
294. Pompey in the East (66-62 B.C.). — The Romans were again
at war with Mithridates, but could make little headway against him.
Many thought Pompey the only man able to conquer this great
enemy. The tribune Ma-nil'i-us, accordingly, carried a law which
gave the command in the East to Pompey in addition to the power
he already had. He easily drove the king from Pontus, the most
of which he joined to Bithynia, a newly organized province.
He then annexed Syria as a province to the empire, thus extend-
ing the dominion of Rome to the Euphrates. Taking advantage of
a civil war in Judea, he subdued that country. A few small king-
doms remained in and about Asia Minor ; their rulers, though allies
in name, were really vassals of Rome. With the great Parthian em-
pire beyond the Euphrates he made a treaty of friendship. Like
Alexander the Great he founded many Greek colonies in order
to extend the civilization of Greece throughout the East. These
arrangements were all admirable. With her dependent allies and
her provinces, Rome now occupied the entire circuit of the Medi-
terranean.
Mithridates, who at the age of eleven had become king of Pontus. was a
miracle of physical strength and mental cunning, but cruel and bloodthirsty.
He waged three wars with the Romans : —
I. (88-84 B.C.). — He aimed not only to extend his kingdom around the
Catiline 365
Black Sea, but also to make it include all Asia Minor, the western part of which
belonged to Rome, By his order eighty thousand Romans and Italians through-
out Asia Minor were murdered in a single day. Greece sided with him; his
armies occupied Thrace and Macedonia. Then Sulla took the field, and in less
than three years wrested from Mithridates all his conquests (§§ 289, 291).
II. (83-82 B.C.)- — Mu-re'na, the successor of Sulla, provoked a brief,
unimportant war with the king of Pontus. It was ended by the order of Sulla.
III. (74-63 B.C.)- — After preparing a great army and fleet, Mithridates
began a last desperate struggle with Rome. LucuUus, the consul in chief
command, was successful for a time, and then lost ground. Next Pompey took
the field, and Mithridates, defeated in battle, fled from his kingdom, and was
afterward killed, at his own request, by a Gallic mercenary. On the character
and deeds of Mithridates, see Botsford, Story of Rome, ch. viii.
295. The Conspiracy of Catiline (63 B.C.). — In the absence of
Pompey important events were taking place at Rome. Cic'e-ro, a
native of Ar-pi'num, the birthplace of Marius, became consul in ()t^
B.C. Though he was from a municipium and a man of moderate
means, his brilliant oratory and administrative ability won for him
the highest offices at Rome. In his consulship a conspiracy, which
for some time had been forming on a vast scale, threatened to destroy
the government. The leader, Lucius Cat'i-line, was a man of high
birth and of splendid talents, but vicious and depraved. He drew
to himself the most desperate men in Italy, including all who wished
a renewal of civil war and massacres, as well as debtors, gamblers,
and assassins. While the head of the conspiracy was at Rome, its
members extended throughout the peninsula. When these anar-
chists had their plans well laid for killing the magistrates and the
nobles and for seizing the government, the vigilant consul discovered
their plot and denounced Catiline before the senate. The arch-
conspirator fled to the army he had been preparing in Etruria, where
he was soon afterward defeated and killed. Cicero arrested a few
of Catiline's chief associates who remained in the city, and by virtue
of the absolute power given him by the senate, put them to death
without a trial (§ 284, n. 2).
His success in saving the state made Cicero for a time the most
366 The Revolution — (//) Pompey, Caesar, and Octavius
eminent man in Rome. The people saluted him Father of his
Country ; and though he was a " new man," ^ the senators recognized
him as their leader. He loved his country well and was stronglv
attached to the republican form of government. But he had noi
the strength of will to follow a policy of his own or to live up to his
ideals. Such in fact had become the condition of pubhc affairs that
the statesman, how-
ever grand, appears
strangely dwarfed
and out of place ;
for the age of gen-
erals had come, they
were the only strong
men and managed
the politicians as
their puppets. It
was in vain, therefore,
that Cicero hoped to
make Pompey a de-
fender of the republi-
can constitution.
296. The First
Triumvirate — Cae-
sar, Pompey, and
Crassus (60 B.C.). —
All were anxiously
awaiting the return of Pompey from the East. While both nobles
and democrats claimed him, some feared he might overthrow the
government and make himself dictator by means of his army, as Sulla
had done. But his love for the republic, together with a belief that
his influence alone would bring him all the honor and power he
needed, led him to disband his army and come to Rome as a private
^ § 2i;o.
Cicero
(Vatican Museum, Rome)
Caesar 367
citizen. He was bitterly disappointed. The senate, which had always
distrusted him, hesitated to sanction his arrangements in the East. The
great general found himself as helpless in politics as Marius had been.
It happened, however, that two eminent politicians needed his aid.
One. was Crassus, whose great wealth gave him influence. The
other was Gams Ju^li-us Cae^sar, This young man, though a patri-
cian, was leader of the democratic party. He as well as Crassus
desired a military command like that which Pompey had held. The
motive of Crassus seems to have been the enjoyment of wealth and
power ; Caesar aimed to be a great general and statesman.
Seeing Pompey cast off by the senate, they came to him with a
proposal that they three should act together for their common inter-
ests. This union of the three men, though unofficial, is called the
First Tri-um'vi-rate. Pompey contributed to it his military fame,
Crassus the influence of his wealth, and Caesar his commanding in-
telligence. According to agreement Caesar received the consulship
in 59 B.C., and in return secured from the people the ratification
of Pompey's Eastern arrangements. As the tool of the triumvirs,
or at least under their protection, the tribune Clo'di-us carried a
decree for the banishment of Cicero on the ground that in his
consulship he had put citizens to death without a trial. The people
soon recalled him, however, and restored him to honor,
297. Caesar Proconsul of Gaul (58-49 B.C.). — At the close of his
term Caesar as proconsul received for five years the government of
Cisalpine Gaul, Narbonensis, and Il-lyr'i-cum. He now held the
kind of position for which he had long been striving ; it would give
him an army through which he might make himself the greatest
power in the state. Before the end of his period of government the
triumvirs renewed their alliance. Caesar was to have five more
years of command in Gaul ; Pompey and Crassus were to be consuls
in 55 B.G and afterward to take charge of some of the best provinces
in the empire. In this way these men divided among them the
Roman world.
368 The Revolution — (//) Pompey^ Caesar ^ and Octavius
In the history of the First Triumvirate the interest centres in
Caesar. Along the southern coast of what is now France, lay Nar-
bonensis, recently organized as a Roman province. North of this
province were the still unconquered Gauls, chiefly of Celtic race,
extending northward and westward to the coasts and eastward to the
Rhine. In civilization these people were decidedly inferior to the
Romans, but had learned to make their living mainly by tilling
the soil. East of the Rhine were the barbarous, half-nomadic Ger-
mans. A crisis in Rome's relation with these Northern peoples was
now at hand, like that with which Marius had successfully grappled. A
powerful German tribe under the chieftain A-ri-o-vis'tus had crossed
the Rhine and had seized some lands of the Gauls. This movement
was but the beginning of a German migration, which if unchecked
would have thrown Gaul into commotion, and might have brought
both German and Celtic hordes into Narbonensis and even into
Italy. A more direct menace to Rome came from the Hel-ve'ti-ans, a
great Celtic tribe of the Alps, who were a^bandoning their home in the
mountains for the broader and more fertile lands of southern Gaul.
298. The Conquest of Gaul (58-49 B.C.). — Caesar, who at this tim^
had had htde experience in command, thus found himself confronted
by enormous difficulties and dangers. But the ease with which he
overcame everything in his way marked him at once as a great master
of the art of war. With wonderful rapidity he gathered his widely
scattered forces, enrolled new legions, and inspired his raw recruits
with the courage and devotion of veterans. He immediately defeated
the Helvetians with great slaughter, and drove the remnant of their
host back to their former home. In the same summer he won a
great victory over the Germans and compelled them to recross the
Rhine. In the following year, as the Bel'gi-ans of northern Gaul
threatened to give him trouble, he resolved to subdue them. In the
invasion of their country he met little opposition till he came to the
Ner'vi-i, the most warlike and the most powerful of the Belgic
tribes. These people would have nothing of Roman traders in wine
Conquest of Gaul 369
and other luxuries, for they wished to keep their strength intact and
their martial fire alive. While Caesar was approaching they fell
upon him so fiercely that he could neither form his line nor give
orders. Each soldier was left to his own judgment. But the cool
courage of the legionaries and the heroism of the commander won
the desperate fight. Few Nervii survived. As a result of the cam-
paign all northern Gaul submitted. Next year he attacked the
Ven'e-ti, who occupied a strip of the western coast. A maritime
people, they built their towns on headlands protected on all sides by
tide-waters too shallow for Roman ships. They themselves put to
sea in clumsy flat-bottomed boats with leathern sails. Caesar made
little progress against them till his small, light fleet met their bulky navy
in the open sea. A happy thought occurred to the Romans. With
scythes fastened to long poles they cut the enemy's tackle so as to
disable his ships. Victory was then easy ; the Veneti with their allies
submitted.
In the remaining years of his command Caesar drove back another
horde of Germans ; to check their inroads he twice invaded their
country. His two voyages to Britain prepared the way for the future
conquest of that island. It was necessary, too, to crush fierce rebel-
lions among his new subjects ; but though his conquest spread deso-
lation and death over the entire country, in the end his just and
humane settlement of affairs attached the subjects loyally to him. All
Gaul, at first under one governor, afterward became four provinces.
It gave new strength to Rome and protected the Rhine frontier
against the dangerous Germans. The new subjects not only served
in the armies, but readily learned Latin and adopted the Roman dress,
and customs.
299. The End of Crassus (53 B.C.) ; Pompey and Caesar clash. —
Meanwhile Crassus took command in Syria, his province. He was
defeated and killed by the Parthians, whom he had needlessly pro-
voked to war. Pompey, instead of going to his provinces in Spain
and Africa, as the law directed, remained near Rome to help the
370 The Revolution — (J I) Pompey, Caesar, and Octavius
senate -preserve order. The nobles now looked to him for protection
from the mighty governor of Gaul, who represented the people.
These two leaders ceased to be friends. Then, in 49 b.c, the
senate ordered Caesar to lay down his command on pain of being
declared a public enemy. When the tribunes, Mark Antony and
Quintus Cassius, vetoed this decree, they were harshly treated, and
fled thereupon to Caesar's camp. The mistreatment of the tribunes
gave him a pretext for bringing his army to Rome to protect the
sacred office (§ 242).
The story is told that at the Rubicon, which separated his province
from Italy, Caesar hesitated while he discussed with his friends the
consequences of crossing, like an invader, into Italy and of thus mak-
ing himself an enemy to his country ; then exclaiming, " The die is
cast ! " he hurried over the river, and with a trumpet summoned
his troops to follow. Although the anecdote may not be true, the
crossing of the Rubicon was a crisis in the Hfe of Caesar and in the
history of his country ; for by bringing his army into Italy in violation
of the law, he began a war upon the republic.
300. The Civil War (48-45 B.C.) . — Pompey, with the consuls and
many senators, retired to the East, where he expected his great
influence to bring him abundance of supporters and of resources for
war. Caesar immediately secured control of Italy and Spain. His
gentleness to opponents and his moderation in relieving distressed
debtors and in protecting property won the hearts of all quiet citizens,
and made even many followers of Pompey suspect that they had
taken the wrong side. After setting up a government at Rome,
Caesar crossed to Greece and met his rival at Phar-sa'lus, in Thessaly.
Although in appearance Pompey championed the senate, the real
question at issue was which of the two commanders should rule the
Roman world. Pompey's army outnumbered the enemy more than
two to one ; but the mental resources of Caesar, together with the
superior manliness of the troops from western Europe, won the day.
Pompey fled to Egypt; and when Caesar reached Alexandria in pur-
Civil War
371
suit, a would-be friend brought him the head of his murdered rival.
It was no welcome gift to the noble victor.
In Egypt, King Ptolemy, had deposed Cle-o-paUra, at once his
wife and sister. But
Caesar, siding with
the charming queen,
established her as
sole monarch.
Then while passing
through Syria and
Asia Minor he set-
tled the affairs of
the provinces, and
in one battle crushed
Phar'na-ces, son and
successor of Mithri-
dates, thus putting
an end to a danger-
ous enemy. After
the victory he sent
the senate this brief
despatch, " Veni,
vidi, vici" (I came,
I saw, I con-
quered) . Another
year he defeated the
senatorial army at
Thap'sus in Africa.
One of the aristo-
cratic commanders Gaius Julius Caesar
in that region was (National Museum, Naples)
Cato, — honest, loyal, and stubborn, yet narrow- minded as had been
his great-grandfather, the famous censor. In despair of thie republic
372 The Revolution — (//) Pompey, Caesar, and Octavius
he killed himself. Soon afterward the victory at Mun'da in Spain
destroyed the last opposition to Caesar.
301. Caesar's Government. — He held at one and the same time
the offices of consul, censor, and dictator, granted him for long
periods or for life. As pontifex maximus he was head of the state
religion. These offices made him king in all but name. He received,
too, for life the title Imperator ("general"), from which the word
emperor is derived. As the army overthrew the republic, it was
natural that the general should become the emperor. Evidently
Caesar wished to make his power hereditary ; and as he had no
nearer heirs, he adopted as a son his grandnephew Octavius, a youth
of remarkable talent.
Caesar allowed the assemblies little power, and made the senate a
mere advisory council. Sulla had doubled the number of senators ;
Caesar increased it to nine hundred by admitting not only knights
but also many inferior citizens and even some half-barbarous Gauls.
Probably he wished in time to make it represent the whole empire.
In the provinces the evils of aristocratic rule, described in an
earlier chapter,^ were now at their height. By abohshing the system
of leasing the direct taxes, Caesar prevented the capitalists from
plundering the subject countries. He appointed able, honest govern-
ors and held them strictly to account. The officers whom he ap-
pointed to command the legions, under the governor, and the
revenue officials, who were his own servants and freedmen,^ saw that
his will should everywhere be enforced. The "estates of the
Roman people," as the provinces had been called, were to be
cultivated and improved, no longer pillaged. Thus by destroying
the root of the evil Caesar regenerated provincial life. He gave
citizenship to the Gauls, and it was his wish that as rapidly as
possible all the provincials should become Romans. At the same
time he greatly improved the condition cj Rome and Italy.
302. Caesar's Death (44 B.C.) ; the Heir —The nobles were envious of
1 Ch. Vi. § 274. 8 § 366.
Caesar's Death 373
Caesar, and longed to regain the privilege of misruling the world. While
they forced upon him honors such as belonged only to the gods, they
began to plot his murder. Chief among the conspirators were the
"lean and hungry" Cassius, and Marcus Brutus, a man with good
intentions, but weak and unpractical. All together there were about
sixty in the plot. Pretending to urge a petition of one of their
number, they gathered about him in the senate and assailed him with
daggers. He fell stabbed with twenty-three wounds. The senate
dispersed. Mark An'to-ny, Caesar's colleague in the consulship,
dehvered the funeral oration and read the will, which, by its gener-
osity to the citizens, stirred them against the murderers. The most
sincere mourners, however, were the provincials who chanced to be
in Rome ; they wept over the ashes of their mighty benefactor, and
doubtless dreaded the renewed anarchy and terrorism of senatorial
rule.^
Fearing the enraged populace, the chief conspirators fled from
Rome. Cicero, who approved the murder, though he had no hand
in it, sailed for Greece but was driven back by a storm. Thereupon
he returned to Rome to take the lead of the senate against the con-
sul Mark Antony, who was acting the tyrant. In the next few months
Cicero delivered against him a series of powerful speeches, known as
the Philippics from their resemblance to the orations of Demosthenes
against PhiHp of Macedon.^ But eloquence had ceased to be a force
in the world. A civil war was to decide who should succeed the
deceased monarch.
Octavius was pursuing his studies in Illyricum when news came of
his great-uncle's death. He sailed at once for Italy, and taking the
name Gaius Julius Caesar Oc-ta-vi-a'nus, he came almost alone to
Rome, into the midst of enemies. But he soon gained friends. By
promising the people all their late ruler had bequeathed them, he
readily won their hearts ; and for a time he sided with the senate
against Antony. Deceived by his show of frank simplicity, Cicero
^ On the character of Caesar, see Botsford, Story of Rome, ch. viii. ^ g jg^.
374 The Revolution — (//) Pompey^ Caesar ^ and Octavius
declared that the young Octavianus was all for the republic. In fact
this youth of nineteen years had no enthusiasm for any cause ; in
cool cunning he outmatched even the poHtical veterans of the capital.
303. The Second Triumvirate (43) ; the Battles of Philippi (42 B.C.).
— With an army he had raised, Octavianus helped win a victory over
Antony. The senate, now feeling secure, cast off the boy. Imme-
diately he came to an understanding with Antony, his rival, and with
Lep'i-dus, Caesar's master of horse, who still held an important com-
mand. These three men made of themselves " Triumvirs for Reestab-
lishing the State," — an office they were to hold five years, with power
to dispose of all magistracies at will and to issue decrees which should
have the force of law. They filled Rome with their troops and
renewed the hideous proscriptions ^ of Sulla. Each sacrificed friends
and even kinsmen to the hatred of the others. Among the victims
of Antony was Cicero, the last great orator of the ancient world.
Though he was vain and wavering, though the cause he championed
meant anarchy for Rome and misery for the provinces, in his heart
he was a patriot and a friend of Hberty.
Antony and Octavianus led their armies to Macedonia to meet the
repubUcan forces which Cassius and Brutus had collected there.
Two battles were fought near Phi-lip'pi. After the first, which was
indecisive, Cassius killed himself in despair. Brutus, beaten in the
second engagement, followed the example of his mate ; the republi-
can scholar could not live under the rule of iron.
304. Civil War between Antony and Octavianus (31) ; End of the
Republic (27 B.C.). — The triumvirs renewed their authority for
another five years ; and when the incompetent Lepidus dropped from
the board, the two remaining members divided the empire between
them. Antony ruled the East and Octavianus the West. To cement
the alliance, the heir of Caesar gave his sister Octavia in marriage to
^is colleague. But trouble soon arose. Though a clever orator, a
diplomatist, and no mean general, Antony was fond of luxury and of
^ Cf. Shakspcre, Julius Caesar, Act IV. Scene i.
Actitim 375
vice. Neglecting his wife and the interests of the state, he spent his
time with Cleopatra in frivolous dissipation. The Italians supposed
he intended to make her his queen and himself despot of an Oriental
empire with Alexandria for his capital. They willingly followed
Octavianus, therefore, in a war against this national enemy. The
fleets of the rivals met off AcUi-iLtn on the west coast of Greece
(31 B.C.). A-grip'pa, an able general, commanded the ships of Octavi-
anus against the combined squadrons of Antony and Cleopatra. In
the early part of the fight this infatuated pair sailed away, leaving
4iiiBl
%i
J
^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^Km_
Cleopatra
(Vatican Museum, Rome)
their fleet to take care of itself. Their ponderous galleys were out-
manoeuvred by Agrippa's Hght triremes, and many of them were burned
with fire-balls. After the battle, Antony's land force surrendered.
At last when he and. Cleopatra committed suicide in Alexandria,
Octavianus was master of the empire. For a time it seemed doubtful
whether in imitation of his adoptive father he would retain all the
power in his own hands, or restore it to the senate after the example
of Sulla; but finally he chose a middle course. The repubhcan
period came to an end in 27 B.C., when he laid down the oflice of
triumvir and received from the senate the title Augustus. Hitherto
376 The Revolution — (//) Pompey^ Caesar, and Octavius
this epithet had been reserved for the gods and their belongings. In
conferring it on Octavianus the senate intended to grant no power,
but to mark him as the one whom all should revere. Though we
shall henceforth speak of him as Augustus, we are to bear in mind
that all the emperors after him held this title as their chief distinc-
tion. It is nearly equivalent to His Sacred Majesty.
The battle of Actium was one of the most important in ancient
history ; it saved European civiHzation from undue Oriental influence ;
it ended the long anarchy which followed the murder of Caesar ; and
it placed the destiny of the empire in the hands of an able states-
man.
Let us in the following summary review the causes of the change
from republic to empire : —
(i) Conquest brought excessive power and wealth to a few of the
Romans, while it reduced the bulk of the citizens to poverty and
wretchedness. (2) The senate, representing these men of wealth,
became corrupt, oppressive, and weak; it could neither maintain
order in Rome nor protect the provinces. (3) The Gracchi began
the revolution. Gaius Gracchus organized the city mob, a revo-
lutionary force, through which he set aside the authority of the
senate. (4) But in the army, as reformed soon afterward: by
Marius, an ambitious man could find a far more reliable and
effective weapon for overthrowing the senate and for making him-
self master of the government. (5) Sulla first used this military
instrument for poHtical purposes. (6) It was the work of Pompey
in his war with the pirates and with Mithridates to show how bene-
ficial to the Roman world the rule of one man might be. (7) The
government of Caesar was a real monarchy, though it had too
powerful enemies to be lasting. (8) After his death the senate
failed to recover its authority, and the civil wars following decided
that Octavianus, his heir, should be master of the empire.
Literature
177
Culture *
305. The Great Age of Republican Literature (82-27 B.C.). — A
practical people with little imagination, the Romans were slow in
turning their attention to hterature. And though in time they pro-
duced much poetry as well as prose, they were in their literary
labors imitators of the Greeks. A few of their writers, however,
show originality and even genius.
The first great age of Latin literature
extends from the dictatorship of
Sulla to the fall of the republic.
One of the most eminent writers
of this age was Caesar. His Com-
mentaries on the Gallic Waf and
on the Civil War tell the story of
his campaigns. The work is a
model historical narrative, — plain,
accurate, and elegant, with no pre-
tension to ornament of any kind.
Toward the end of the period Sallust
wrote a short treatise On the Con-
spiracy of Catiline and another On
ike Jugurthine War. Along with
his narrative of events, he tried to
analyze impartially the character of
society and the motives of conduct.
These works are valuable sources of
information for the subjects treated.
These were the chief historians of
the age. Cornelius Ne'pos wrote a work On Eminent Men, in which
he treated famous Romans and foreigners. Most of the lives which
1 Those teachers who wish to follow the political narrative without interruption
may omit §§305, 306.
Apollo with a Lyre
(National Museum, Naples)
378 The Revolution — (//) Pompey, Caesar^ and Octavius
we still possess are of Greek generals ; they prove him to have been
an inferior and untrustworthy author.
The foremost orator of the period — and one of the most famous
of all time — was Cicero. A perfect master of style, he brought
Latin prose to the height of its development. If in reading his
speeches we guard against his misrepresentation of truth, we shall
find them valuable for the study of the times. More trustworthy are
his Letters to friends, in which he speaks candidly of passing events.
Lu-cre'ti-us, a poet of the age, composed in verse a work On the
Nature of the Worlds in which he tried by means of science to dis-
pel from the mind all fear of death and of the gods, — to free men
from superstition. It is a work of remarkable genius. Ca-tul'lus,
who lived at the same time, wrote beautiful lyrics and elegies on sub-
jects of love and life, and some bitter lampoons. On the whole, the
poetry of this period is less celebrated than that of the following.
306. Public Works — Art (to 27 B.C.). — In art as well as in
literature the Romans preferred use to beauty. Their practical natur'
showed itself especially in such necessary public works as roads, bridges
sewers, and aqueducts.
In the beginning they found their models among the Etruscans,
and not long afterward among the Greeks. Though the chief influ-
ence in their art, as in their literature, was Hellenic, they did not
copy merely, but whatever they learned of others they adapted in
their own way to their own needs. Next to usefulness the works of
their hands are most famous for grandeur and durability. These,
too, were qualities of their character ; but they were able to achieve
their ideals partly because of the excellent building material in and
about Rome and partly through the use of the round arch. This
form of architecture they employed in sewers, in bridges, and with
necessary modifications in the domes of some of their temples.
We have already noticed the architecture of the regal period.^
The Cloaca Maxima is still in use, and parts of the " Wall of Romu-
1 § 226.
Architecture
379
lus " and of the " Servian Wall " are standing at the present day.
The men of the republican period continued to build, but their
works have almost completely disappeared. In 312 B.C. A.Dpius
Claudius Caecus/ as censor, built the first aqueduct and the first
military road — the Appian Aqueduct and the Appian Way. For
miles along this road are the tombs of the great Roman families.
Tomb of Cecilia Metella
(Appian Way)
That of Cecilia Metella, built in the age of Julius Caesar, is the most
impressive.
While we appreciate the progress of literature and of intelligence,
we must not lose sight of the fact that in nearly every other respect
Rome was rapidly decaying. Her once sound morals had given way
to vice ; republican freedom had long been a mere shadow ; the
empire was threatened within by anarchy, without by barbarians.
1 § 251.
380 The Revolution — (//) Pompey^ Caesar, and Octavius
No reforms could make the old world young. All that statesmen
could now do was to determine what elements of life and virtue still
lingered in the Roman world, and to organize these forces, with
which to stay for a few more centuries the wreck of ancient civilization.
Topics for Reading
I. Cicero in Politics. — Plutarch, Cicero; Merivale, ^<7wa« Triumvirates;
Strachan-Davidson, Cicero ; How and Leigh, History of Rome ; Shuckburgh,
History of Rome (see Indices).
II. Cicero as an Orator. — Mackail, Latin Literature, pp. 62-68; Cruttwell,
Roman Literature, pp. 159-174.
III. Caesar's Government. — Abbott, Roman Political Lnstitutions, pp. 133-
138; Strachan-Davidson, ch. xii; YowXqx, fulius Caesar, ch. xviii.
IV. The Conspirators against Caesar. — Plutarch, Cicero; Brutus; Bots-
ford, Story of Rome, ch. viii; Strachan-Davidson, pp. 370-379; Fowler, pp.
369-378; Merivale, Roman Vyiumvirates, ipp. 1^1-21 2; cf. Shakspere, Julius
Caesar.
Julia, Daughter of Augustus, and her Sons Gaius and Lucius
(Vatican Museum, Rome)
CHAPTER IX
THE JULIAN EMPERORS (27 B.C. -41 A.D.)
The Dyarchy
307. The Frontiers. — The republic fell because of the weakness
and the oppression of the nobles. The rule of the emperors, on
the other hand, brought protection and happiness to the empire.
The first aim of Augustus (emperor 27 B.C.-14 a.d.) was to defend
the empire against foreign enemies, to maintain quiet by diplomacy,
and to wage war solely for the sake of peace.
To protect the northern frontier from the barbarians of central
Europe was the most difficult problem with which he had to deal.
Tiberius, a stepson,^ extended the empire as far as the Danube, and
began to build a chain of forts along that river. Meanwhile Drusus,
the younger brother of Tiberius, was fortifying the Rhine in a similar
way and was attempting to conquer Germany as far as the Elbe. But
after three years of successful warfare he fatally injured himself by a
fall from his horse. Hastening to his brother's side, Tiberius was
with him in his last moments ; and with a devotion which was rare
in that age, he brought the body from the depths of the German
forest to Rome, walking all the way in front of the bier. It was a
great loss to the imperial family, for Drusus was an able man and
popular with the army.
After Tiberius had completed the conquest, Augustus made Va'rus,
a distant kinsman, governor of the new province. This man had
1 Livia, wife of Augustus, had two sons, Tiberius and Drusus, by a former
marriage. As the adopted son of Augustus, Tiberius entered the Julian family
and became the second emperor; § 311.
381
382
The Julian Emperors
too much of the old republican spirit ^ to make a good ruler. He
considered his subjects mere slaves, whom he tried to govern by the
principles he had learned in the Orient. They resisted ; and under
the lead of Ar-min'i-us, a chieftain's son who had received his educa-
tion at Rome, they
plotted against their
tyrannic governor.
As he was leading
his three legions
through the TetiJto-
berg Forest on his
way to winter
quarters, they sur-
rounded him and cut
his army to pieces.
Varus killed him-
self; the barbarians
hung their prisoners
to trees and tortured
them to death
(qa.d.). Though
Augustus appeared
to bear the news
with a brave heart,
his spirit was broken
by the misfortune
he could not repair.
From time to time he would say, " Varus, Varus, give me back my
legions." Convinced that the strength of the empire should not
be further wasted upon such projects, he established the Rhine as
the boundary, and decided resolutely on a policy of peace.
308. The Provinces; the Government. — The border provinces
^ On the oppression of provinces by republican governors, see § 274.
Augustus
(Vatican Museum, Rome)
Augustus 383
and all others which danger threatened were under the direct care of
the emperor. His lieutenants had charge of their judicial and mihtary
affairs ; his agents attended to finance. The older and more peaceful
provinces still belonged to the senate, which appointed annual govern-
ors. This double rule of the emperor and senate is termed a dy^arch-y.
The division of power was carried through the whole government.
Augustus followed the example of Julius Caesar in insisting on a
just and vigorous government ; although he withheld the Roman
citizenship, the provincials now enjoyed a large degree of municipal
freedom. He encouraged trade and knit the empire together by
building well-paved roads to the remotest parts of the Roman world.
Thus the imperial government brought the provinces protection from
invasion, thrift, happiness, and the healthful atmosphere of local
freedom. However far from ideal, the system was as good as circum-
stances would permit.
Like Caesar, Augustus held at once various kinds of official author-
ity — chiefly the proconsular power for the control of the provinces
and the tribunician power for the government of Rome. The trib-
unician authority made his person sacred and marked him as a
friend of the people. Although he sometimes held the consulship
and occasionally undertook the duties of censor, he generally left the
old offices to others, whom the people elected and the senate super-
vised in the traditional way. This division of powers and offices
between him and the senate was also an element of the dyarchy.
The consuls, whose term was now generally less than a year, the
praetors, the plebeian tribunes, and the other republican officers per-
formed their routine duties with little change ; but they were all
under the shadow of Augustus. By professing to derive his author-
ity from the senate and people, he disguised his own position in
republican forms. Whereas the modems call him emperor from his
title of imperator, the Romans styled him simply prince, the " fore-
most" of the citizens. The outward sign of his position was the
purple robe which he wore at festivals.
384 ^he Julian Emperoi-s
For nis own accurity he kept near Rome a body of troops known
as the pre-to^ri-an'^ guard. Although these soldiers were doubtless
necessary, their power and insolence grew till in time they made and
murdered emperors at pleasure (§328).
309. Public Improvements ; Architecture. — Augustus planted
many colonies both in Italy and in the provinces. His aim was not
The Temple of Mars the Avenger
(In the Augustan Forum)
only to furnish his retired veterans with farms but also to resettle
vacant districts, so as to increase the prosperity of the country.
With him begins the great age of Roman architecture. He him-
self tells us of his public works : —
" The Capitol ^ and the Pompeian theatre I have repaired at enor-
mous expense. . . . Aqueducts which were crumbling in many
places, by reason of age, I have restored . . . and have finished the
1 From prae-toWi-um, the general's tent, — the pretorian guard was an out-
growth from the guard which protected the general's headquarters.
* The Capitoline temple of Jupiter.
Public Works 385.
Julian Forum and the ba-sil'i-ca which was between the temple of
Castor and the temple of Saturn, works begun and almost completed
by my father ^ ; and when that same basilica was consumed by fire, I
began its reconstruction on an enlarged scale, inscribing it with the
names of my sons. If I do not hve to complete it, I have given
orders that it be finished by my heirs. In accordance with a decree
of the senate, while consul for the sixth time, I restored eighty-two
The Pantheon
(Campus Martius)
temples of the gods, passing over none which was at that time ii>
need of repair. In my seventh consulship I [rejbuilt the Flaminian
Way to Ariminum, and all the bridges except the Mulvian and the
Minucian.
^ I.e. Julius Caesar, the adoptive father of Augustus. The Roman basilica was
a hall used for courts of justice and for mercantile business. It was built in imi-
tation of the Basilica (" Royal House ") at Athens. The latter was a hall of
columns in which the basileus (king archon) held office. In Christian times the
name came to be applied to a church built in imitation of the Roman basilica.
2C
386
The Julian Emperors
" Upon private ground I have built with the spoils of war the
temple of Mars the Avenger and the Augustan Forum." ^ The
Mars of this temple was not to be the god of conquest ; his function,
rather, was to punish foreign powers which disturbed the peace of the
empire. The Pantheon, which means the " all-divine," is a famous
building generally attributed to Agrippa, the emperor's ablest minis-
ter. In it men worshipped Mars and Venus, the chief gods of the
Julian family. It still stands well preserved in what was once the
Campus Martins, and is now used as a Christian church. The tem-
ple is circular and is covered by a most magnificent dome. The
a. W. Boti/ord, Del,
'1 Hs Sacred Way
spectator who stands within this rotunda cannot fail to see in it an
emblem of the vast and durable power of Rome. At the close of his
reign Augustus could boast that he had found Rome of brick but left
it of marble.
310. Literature and Religion. — Augustus encouraged and aided
literary men. Through their works he aimed to purify and to en-
noble the present by bringing it the life of the good and great past.
Liv'y, the most eminent author of prose in this age, wrote a history
of Rome in a hundred and forty-two books. In preparing this work
he took no pains to discover the truth, but relied wholly on earlier
"writers of annals. He was lacking, too, in depth and in that knowl-
* Augustus, Deeds, xx, xxi.
Literature
38r
edge of military affairs and of law which was essential to the historian-
of Rome. But he loved what he believed to be true and right. The
story of Rome, as he tells it, is always lively, vivid, and interesting.
In several ways Ver'gil, the poet, resembled Livy. Both com-
posed in a lofty style with high moral aims. Inspired by the
greatness of Rome, both
were intensely patriotic,
and expressed more
perfectly than any other
writers the ideals of their
nation. The poet's
narrative is as lively and
as dramatic as the his-
torian's. Vergil is grace-
ful, tender, and childlike.
His principal work is
an epic poem called the
Ae-ne'id, In this story
of the wanderings of
Aeneas, he glorifies the
beginnings of Rome and,
at the same time, the
imperial family, which
claimed descent from
the hero of his poem.
Horace, author of Odes and Satires and of Epistles in verse, was
the poet of contentment and common sense, who bade his friends —
" Snatch gayly the joys which the moment shall bring,
And away every care and perplexity fling." ^
Leave the future to the gods, he taught. A comfortable villa,
some shady nook in summer, and in winter a roaring fireplace, good
wine, pleasant friends, and a mind free from care make an ideal
'. •- : •'• . 1 Odes,m. 8.
Vergil
(Capitoline Museum, Rome)
388
The Julian Emperors
life. After the stormy end of the republic, the world needed such
a lesson.
In the later republic, Roman society forgot the gods and lost its
morals. Augustus restored the ancient ceremonies of worship which
had fallen into disuse, and attempted to lead the people back to
the old religion and to the pure, simple life of the ancestors who
had made the city great. Julius had been deified after his deaths
Ford.ullBofihf Forum' „„„
»ikI .icii.iij. «« plan of |^"<
thoSacr.1 W.y, ,,.ga. 234
a.W. Botfford, DtU
ENSRAVED (Y BOKMAf k CO.,
Imperial Rome
and this example was followed in the case of nearly all the other
emperors. Augustus came near to divinity even in Rome, while the
provincials built temples in which they sacrificed to him as to a god.
In fact the worship of the emperor was to be the most vital force in
the religion of the Roman world till the adoption of Christianity.
" He is the paternal Zeus and the saviour of the whole race of man,
who fulfils all prayers, even more than is asked. For land and sea
enjoy peace ; cities flourish ; everywhere are harmony and prosperity
Tiberius 389
and happiness." ^ Three times in his reign he closed the doors of
the temple of Janus as a sign of peace throughout the empire. In
one of these intervals of quiet there was born in Judea the Christ,
who was to give the world new spiritual life and an ideal of perfect
manhood.
311. Tiberius Emperor (14-37 A.D.). — Augustus died in 14 a.d.,
after forty-five years of rule. His wife Livia, who had been his
strong support during Hfe, secured to her son Tiberius the peaceful
succession.^
Immediately after the accession of Tiberius the armies on the
Danube and the Rhine mutinied, in the hope of gaining some re-
ward for a promise of devotion to the new emperor. Fortunately
the generals proved loyal and with difficulty suppressed the out-
break. The emperor's nephew Ger-man'i-cus, who commanded on
the Rhine, then led his army across the river and avenged the
defeat of Varus. But as Augustus in his will had advised his suc-
cessors not to extend the boundaries of the empire, Tiberius re-
called his nephew from Germany.
No important war disturbed the remainder of his reign; he
devoted himself, therefore, to administrative work, in which he
showed marked ability. " He was careful not to distress the prov-
inces by new burdens, and to see that in bearing the old they were
safe from the rapacity of their governors."^ By rebuilding twelve
cities of Asia Minor which had been destroyed by earthquakes, he
taught the Romans that they had duties as well as privileges in
their relations with the provinces. There is no wonder, then, that
the subject nations respected him.
But the populace disliked him because he fed them poorly and
provided no shows of gladiators. The nobles, who longed for a
return of the republic, naturally hated him still more. Conspiracies
became so common that he began rigorously to enforce the law of
1 From an inscription found in Asia Minor. 2 § ^07, n. i.
* Tacitus, Annals, iv. 6.
390 The Julian Emperors
treason and to encourage de-la} tors (informers) to bring accusations.
Not only the suspicious temper of tlie prince but also the moral
degradation of society made the delations terrible. Greed, hatred,
enjoyment of bloodshed, — in brief, all vicious and criminal pas-
sions, — were at their height under the early empire. No one felt
safe ; for each rightly judged his neighbor by himself ; and the
emperor could hardly restrain the senate from condemning men
for the most trivial offences.
312. Capri; the Character and Death of Tiberius (37 A.D.). —
The first half of his reign he passed in Rome, the remainder in
Cap'ri, a lovely island off the Bay of Naples. From this retreat he
still watched over the government, while he left the direct manage-
ment to Se-ja'nus, prefect of the pretorian guard. This man, too,
conspired against the emperor, and suffered death for his treason.
Tiberius grew more and more hateful to the nobility and to the
Roman mob. Not that he was especially cruel or vicious ; he seems
rather to have been a stern, unsympathetic man, whose motives the
nobles did not wish to understand. He was unsocial, tactless, and
economical, — qualities which would have made any emperor unpop-
ular. Notwithstanding his faults, he was an able, conscientious
ruler.
The reign of the next emperor, Ca-lig'u-la (37-41 a.d.), nephew
of Germanicus and adopted son of Tiberius, was of little importance.
Beginning with Julius Caesar, each emperor thus far had adopted
his successor. Although with the death of Caligula the rule pas'-ed
to another family,^ the name Caesar continued as an imperial title,
and has even descended to the monarchs-of two great modern states.^
1 From the adoptive family of Tiberius and Caligula to the family of their birth
— from the Julian to the Claudian.
2 The Czar of Russia and the Kaiser of Germany.
I
Caligula
391
Topics for Reading
I. Life and Achievements of Augustus. — Botsford, Story of Rome, ch. ix;
Merivale, Roman Triumvirates, pp. 185-232; Capes, Early Empire, ch. i;
Allcroft and Haydon, Early Principate, chs. i-vi.
II. Tiberius. — Botsford, Story of Rome, ch. ix; Allcroft and Haydon, chs.
viii-x; Duruy, History of Rome,. 'w. pp. 401-494.
III. Vergil. — Mackail, Latin Literature, pp. 91-105; Cruttwell, Roman Lit-
erature, pp. 252-275; Tyrrell, Latin Poetry, ch. v,
IV. Livy. — Mackail, pp. 145-155; Cruttwell, pp. 322-331; Simcox, Latin
Literature, i. pp. 384-415.
Venus
(National Museum, Naples)
CHAPTER X
THE CLAUDIAN AND THE FLAVIAN EMPERORS (41-96 A.D.)
From Pyarchy to Monarchy
313. Claudius Emperor (41-54 A.D.). — The senate would have
had the imperial government end with the Julian line ; but while it
was discussing the situation
the pretorians made a new
prince. Their nominee
was Claudius, uncle of
Caligula. Grotesque in
manners and lacking mental
balance, he was generally-
considered a learned fool.
We are surprised, therefore,
to find him making his
reign the beginning of a
new era.
Breaking with the policy
of Augustus, he bestowed
the Roman citizenship
freely upon provincials.
Thus he began the process
of making the provinces
equal with Italy and Rome.
Claudius And in appointing govern-
(National Museum. Naples) " ^^S of provinces, he USCd
to say, " Do not thank me, for I do you no favor, but call you to
share with me the burdens of government ; and I shall thank you
393
Longitude
Longitude
HE ROTJIAN EMPIRE
AUGUSTUS to DIOCLETIAN
SCALE OF MILES
100 60 0 100 200 300 400 500
^^^^^ Boundary at Death of Augustus;
Beyond this the later additions.
.Italics,- Barbarian races which, after Marcus
Aurelius. appear in the places indicated..
/
Nero 393
if you fulfil your duty well."^ Mingled with this generosity and
wisdom, was firmness in punishing offenders and in protecting the
frontiers. One of his generals conquered southern Britain and made
of it a Roman province.
His kindly temper shows itself in a law for the protection of sick
and aged slaves from cruel treatment, and in his efforts to prevent
famine in Rome.. To supply the city with pure water, he built two
magnificent aqueducts, one of which was the famous Claudia. Later
emperors continued to build aqueducts, till all of them together
poured into Rome more fresh water each day than the Tiber now
empties into the sea.
Notwithstanding many plots against his life, he would have no
informers or law of treason, but preferred to surround himself with
soldiers, who even waited on his table, and accompanied him into
the senate-house. Distrusting the nobles and the knights, he
employed his own freedmen- as helpers and ministers. In this way
and in others he attempted to make himself independent of the sen-
ate. Thus the balance of power between the senate and the prince
was turning decidedly in favor of the latter. In other words, the
dyarchy was developing into a monarchy.
314. Nero Emperor (54-68 A.D.). — His successor was Nero, the
son of his wife A-grip-pi'na by a former marriage. As the new em-
peror was only seventeen years of age and showed more taste for
dancing and music than for official work, the government for the first
ten years of his reign was in the hands of Sen'e-ca, his tutor, and
Bur'rus, pretorian prefect. Both were able men.
Seneca, a Spaniard by birth, was a philosopher of the Stoic school^
which taught that virtue alone is sufficient for happiness, and that a
man should rise above all passions and follow his reason. Man, it
asserted, is lord of his own life and may end it when he thinks fit.
This severe, practical philosophy suited well the character of the
Romans. From the later republic to the adoption of Christianity,
1 Dio Cassius k. 11. ' 2 § 366.
394 ^'^^ Claudian and the Flavian Emperors
many found in it a guide to self-discipline. Although Seneca lacked
moral force, his intentions were good. Under him and Burrus the
provinces were well governed; and a law of theirs permitted ill-
treated slaves throughout the empire to bring their complaints before
Agrippina— Mother of Nero
(National Museum, Naples)
the magistrates. This provision marks a great advance in the im-
provement of mankind.
Burrus died in 62 a.d., and as Nero began to take the government
into his own hands, Seneca retired to private hfe. Accused of shar-
ing in a conspiracy, he killed himself by order of the emperor. The
men of this age did not hesitate to die, but they knew not how to
Vespasian 395
live and fight for freedom and principle. By recommending suicide,
Stoicism aided tyranny.
The personal rule of Nero was a capricious despotism. But though
he was vain and extravagant, his acts of cruelty were few. When a
great fire destroyed the larger part of Rome, he sheltered and fed the
sufferers, and helped rebuild their houses. The worst blot on his
reign was the persecution of the Christians on the groundless suspi-
cion that they had caused the mischief. Many were condemned.
" Mockery of every sort was added to their deaths. Covered with
the skins of beasts, they were torn by dogs and perished, or were
nailed to crosses, or were doomed to flames and burned to serve as
a nightly illumination " ^ of the prince's gardens. The Romans, who
as yet knew Httle of the Christians, considered them a sect of Jews,
and despised them because they then belonged to the lowest class
of society. Nero's persecution, however, was only a sudden outburst
of ferocity which did not extend beyond the city.
But at last his tyranny reached the provinces and stirred up revolt.
Gal'ba, governor of Hither Spain, was proclaimed emperor. Nero
fled from the city and took refuge in a dingy cell provided by a freed-
man. A few attendants stood about him. " Some one show me how
to die," he begged, but no one obeyed. The end was drawing near.
The senate had declared him a public enemy, and he heard the
tramp of approaching horses. " Pity that such an artist should die ! "
he said as he stabbed himself.
315. Vespasian Emperor (69-79 A.D.) — Galba was followed by
O'tho, and Otho by Vi-tel'h-us. These three princes together
reigned about a year. Otho was killed by the pretorians, and the
other two in civil war. Then Ves-pa'si-an became emperor. He
was a short, stumpy man, with large neck and hooked nose. Though
a plebeian by birth, he was broad-minded, able, and experienced in
public affairs.
1 Tacitus, Annals, xv. 44. Nero was himself suspected of having set fire to
the city, but with little reason.
396
The Claiidimt and the Flavian Emperors
Among the many difficAilties Jie had to meet on his accession the
most serious was a revolt of the Jews. His son Titus besieged Jeru-
salem, their strongly fortified capital. As they refused to accept any
terms offered them, no quarter was thereafter given. It was a war to
death. The Jews believed that God would protect His holy temple,
and that at the critical moment the Mes-si'ah would come to save His
people from the oppressor and to make them rulers of the world.
They fought therefore with fanatic zeal, and as famine threatened
they even ate human flesh. When, after a five months' siege, the
The Colosseum or Flavian Amphitheatre
Romans stormed the city and the temple, the Jews killed their wives,
their children, and then one another as the lot determined, so that the
victors found nothing but flames and death. More than a million
Jews were destroyed during the siege; not a hundred thousand
were taken captive (70 a.d.).
As the nobles and the knights were dying out, Vespasian recruited
their ranks with new families from Italy and the provinces, — the
best and the most loyal he could find. Looking upon the emperor
as their patron, these provincials" generally supported him. Hence
the imperial government became more solidly established, and fewer
conspiracies threatened it. During the late republic and early empire
Titus
397
the society of Rome had been vicious and depraved ; but the new
famihes brought to the capital wholesome ideas and better morals.
In fact their coming was the regeneration of Rome.
To repair the fortifications and other public works, which had long
been neglected, Vespasian found it necessary to increase the taxes.
But with careful management he had money left for education, for the
help of unfortunate cities in the provinces, and for new buildings.
The most famous of his works is an immense amphitheatre, usually
known as the Col-os-se'um. It is said to have seated eighty-seven
thousand spectators, and is the grandest building in Rome. In it the
A Body found in Pompeh
(Museum of Pompeii)
Romans gathered to see the combats of gladiators, and of men and
savage beasts. As he died before completing the work, it was finished
by Titus.
316. Titus Emperor (79-81 A.D.). — Titus succeeded his father.
His kindness toward citizens and subjects alike made him the most
popular of the emperors, "the delight and the darling of mankind.''
Once at supper, remembering that he had favored no one during the
day, he exclaimed, " My friends, I have lost a day ! " As chief pon-
tiff he thought, it his duty to keep his hands pure ; and accordingly
after accepting that office he would condemn no man to death, how-
ever great might be the offence. In fact he was too indulgent
398 The Claudian and the Flavian Emperors
to be just; this easy temper made his successor's task more
difficult.
The chief event in his reign was an eruption of Ve-su^vi-us. For
ages this volcano had been inactive, so that the Campanians had
fearlessly covered its sides with vineyards. But in 79 a.d. a fearful
eruption buried Pom-pei'i, a city of twenty thousand inhabitants,
Her-cu-la'ne-um, and some smaller places. After eighteen centuries
Pompeii has been unearthed. Its temples, shops, and dwellings, with
their statues, wall-paintings, furniture, and tools, make real to us the
life and civilization of the ancients.
317. Domitian Emperor (81-96 A.D.). — After ruling but two
years Titus died and was succeeded by Do-mi'ti-an, his younger
brother. Though the empire was rarely at peace, the reign of
Domitian is especially noted for wars along the northern frontier.
A-gric'o-la, an able general, extended the boundary of the province
of Britain to Cal-e-do'ni-a, the modern Scotland. The emperor
himself took the field against the Germans. Still later the Da'ci-
ans, who lived north of the Danube and who were fast adopting
Roman civilization, invaded the empire. In his war with them
Domitian met with so little success that he granted them favorable
terms of peace, and gave their chief valuable presents, which the
enemies of the prince maliciously termed tribute.
Domitian was difirm ruler. Able men commanded on the frontier,
and the provinces were probably never better ruled than under him.
An autocrat by nature, he tried to gain entire control of the govern-
ment and to put the senate beneath him. The discovery of a
conspiracy in which many senators shared inflamed him against
them. From that time to his death he was a terror to the nobility.
But at last a plot developed in his own household. His wife Domitia,
fearing for her own safety, induced some servants and pretorians to
murder him.
" Like their god Janus, the Roman emperors have a double face."
In estimating their character we must bear in mind that the one
Literature 399*
most hateful to the nobility was often the most just and merciful-
protector of the provinces. So it was with Domitian. The aristo-
cratic historian has branded him a tyrant ; if the subject nation&
could speak, they would bless his memory.
318. Literature under the Claudian and Flavian Emperors (41-96
A.D.). — After the reign of Augustus hterature dechned. Most
writers, considering a simple style insipid, sought to attract attention
by rhetorical bombast, far-fetched metaphors, and other unnatural
devices.
Seneca, the philosopher, shared with his age the striving after
brilliancy in language. Nevertheless he gives evidence of the
broader, deeper thought which the provinces were bringing Rome.
A great improvement in this direction came with the Flavian princes,,
who patronized hterature and introduced fresh life from the prov-
inces. In this age Plin'y the Elder wrote a Natural History in
thirty-seven books. In addition to the natural sciences, it included
geography, medicine, and art. What Pliny did for science Quin-
til'i-an, a native of Spain, achieved for rhetoric. His Training of the-
Ora4or, in twelve books, gives a complete course in rhetoric,,
beginning with the boy and ending with the well-equipped pubHc
speaker. The work is valuable, not only for the famous author's-
principles of rhetoric, but also for his opinions of the leading Greek
and Latin writers.
Topics for Reading
I. Claudius. — Botsford, Slory of Rome, ch. x; Capes, Early Empire, ch»
iv; Allcroft and Haydon, Early Principate, ch. xii; Duruy, History of Rome, iv.
PP- 514-570.
II. The Burning of Rome and the Christians. — Botsford, Story of Rome,.
ch. x; Duruy, History of Rome, v. pp. 1-16.
III. The Jewish War and the Destruction of Jerusalem. — Botsford, Story
of Rome, ch. x; Capes, pp. 152-156; Allcroft and Haydon, ch. xvii; Duruy,
History of Rome, v. pp. 108-133.
CHAPTER XI
THE FIVE GOOD EMPERORS (96-180 a.d.)
The Limited Monarchy
319. Nerva Emperor (96-98 A.D.). — As soon as the senate
heard of the death of Domitian, it appointed as prince one of its
members named Ner'va, who was about
sixty-five years old, and whose Hfe had
been blameless. The senate now be-
came reconciled to the imperial form
of government, and received from the
new emperor assurances that it should
have a fair share of influence and power.
This happy agreement resulted in an
era of good feeUng which lasted through
five successive reigns. Nerva put an
end to the law of treason, which Do-
mitian had revived. He then advised
his subjects to forget past wrongs in
the happy present. But like Titus
he was too amiable to be a just and
vigorous ruler. When he found him-
self unable to control the pretorians,
he adopted as his son and successor the
able general Tra'jan, then commander
in Upper Germany, a province on the
Rhine.
320. Trajan Emperor (98-117
A.D.) ; his Wars. — On the death of
Nerva, Trajan became emperor. *He was born in Spain, and was
400
Nerva in his Consular Robe
(Vatican Museum, Rome)
Trajan
401
therefore the first provincial emperor. In contrast, too, with the
earher emperors, who were uniformly peaceful, Trajan was ambitious,
for conquest. In two wars he subdued Dacia, a great country north
of the Danube, and converted it into a Roman province a thou-
sand miles in circuit. The work of settlement followed rapidly upon
thC' conquest.
While the emperor
found land here
for his veterans,
other colonists
poured into the
province from
various parts of the
empire. En-
gineers, architects,
and workmen built
roads and fortres-
ses. Miners found
iron and gold in
the mountains.
The province soon
became thorough-
ly Roman in char-
acter. Trajan's
column still stands
in Rome as a
memorial of this
conquest.
A few years
afterward the em-
The Column of Trajan
peror attempted the conquest of the East. One of his generals had
already made a province of north-western Arabia. Trajan himself
took the field against the Parthians. He drove them from Armenia,
402
The Five Good Emperors
where they were trying to set up a vassal king. After converting the
country into a Roman province, he marched through the Parthian
empire as far as the Tigris River. Then he followed the river to the
Persian Gulf. Meantime the provinces he had hastily established
about the Tigris and Euphrates fell to pieces, and their population
rose against him. His return march, in which he pretended to sup-
press the revolt, was in fact
a disastrous retreat. He
died in Cilicia on his way to
Rome.
321. His Administration.
— We shall now return to
his administration. Follow-
ing Nerva's policy, he treated
the senators as his equals,
and introduced the ballot,
that they might feel perfectly
free in voting. But though
they talked much, the em-
peror granted them less
actual power than they had
enjoyed under Augustus.
The consuls, too, had lost
much of their importance,
as their term had been grad-
ually reduced to two months.
The monarchy was still growing at the expense of the republican
institutions.
This increasing power of the emperor appeared in Italy and in the
provinces as well as in Rome. When the finances of a town fell into
disorder, Trajan would send it an " agent to control its accounts.
Such an imperial officer gradually usurped authority until, after a
century or two, he deprived the town of self-government. In Tra-
Plotina, Wife of Trajan
(Vatican Museum, Rome)
|u.
Hadrian 403
jan's time, however, the institution was only helpful. To recruit
the wasting population of Italy, Trajan lent the towns considerable
money which they were to invest on the security of land, that they
might have the interest to use for the support and education of poor
children. At one time in his reign we find the towns providing thus
for five thousand children. Though the avowed object was to rear
soldiers for the armies, the institution was humane ; we see in it a
sign of the moral improvement of mankind.
Trajan encouraged wealthy men over all the empire to will prop-
erty to their towns to be used for public works. Accordingly in
every part of what was once the Roman world the traveller now
finds the ruins of bridges, aqueducts, and public buildings which
date from this prosperous era. Although the emperor aided such
works, the provinces, the towns, and private persons furnished the
greater share of the cost.
His administration was energetic, just, and humane. He had the
strength to punish evil-doers ; he repealed oppressive taxes ; and
costly as were his wars and his public buildings, he laid no new
burdens on his people. His wife Plo-ti'na was as frugal and as
thrifty as he. Like Livia, she was the emperor's able helper, and
when he died, her tact brought to the throne the man who had
stood highest in her husband's favor.
322. Hadrian Emperor (117-138 A.D.) . — The heir was Ha'dri-an,
a general and provincial governor of great abihty and a scholar.
Two-thirds of his reign he spent in traveUing through the provinces.
His first object was to cultivate friendship with the border nations.
And to maintain peace without increasing the army, he found it
necessary to abandon all his predecessor's conquests excepting Dacia
and Arabia.
Another object was to improve the armies and the frontier defences.
He banished harmful pleasures from the camps ; he dismissed boy
officers, who had received appointments through favoritism ; and, in
his own words, he restored "the discipline of Augustus." Under
404
The Five Good Emperors
him the armies were so well exercised and trained that they could
perform wonderful labors in marching and in building. Among his
frontier defences the beat known is the so-called Wall of Hadrian,
which extends across northern Britain from near the mouth of the
Tyne to Solway Firth. It consisted of two parallel moats and
walls strengthened by a series of turrets, castles, and camps.
Equally important was his completion of the defences between the
Rhine and the Danube. By such fortifications as well as by his
The Tomb of Hadrian
(The Tiber in the foreground)
military reforms, he gave the empire new strength for resisting the
assaults of the barbarians.
Throughout the empire he built temples, theatres, and aqueducts.
Finally by devoting so much of his time to the provinces, he showed
clearly that he considered them more important even than Rome
and Italy.
The amount of public business in the hands of the prince had
I
The Antonines 405
greatly increased since Augustus, Before Hadrian the members of
the emperor's household and occasionally knights had helped in this
work without being recognized as public officials. To him, however,
is chiefly due the creation of a civil service^ — a complex system of
offices, with special functions for each, and with regular promotions
from the lowest to the highest. The knights alone were employed
in these duties. The emperor needed especially a great number of
revenue officials, for he had abolished the farming of taxes and had
undertaken to collect them directly. Remitting all taxes due on his
accession, he pubHcly burned the old accounts.
By his thorough reforms he put the machinery of government, as
well as the military system, in such good order that it continued to
run with little repair for more than a hundred years.
323. Antoninus Pius Emperor (138-161 A.D.). — An-to-ni'nus,
surnamed Pius, the heir of Hadrian, was a man of estimable character
who loved justice and peace. His reign is noted for humane legisla-
tion. Especially he limited the right of the master to torture his
slaves for the purpose of extorting evidence ; and he originated the
legal principle on which all trials are now conducted throughout the
civilized world, that an accused person should be considered inno-
cent till proved guilty. Enlarging on the charitable policy of Tra-
jan, he set aside an endowment for orphan girls, whom Jie called
Faus-tin-i-a'nae, after his wife Faus-ti'na. His long reign, unmarked
by events, was prosperous and happy.
324. Marcus Aurelius Antoninus Emperor (161-180A.D.). — When
he died the imperial powers passed to Marcus Au-re'li-us, his
adopted son. This emperor associated with himself as colleague
Lucius Ve'rus, his brother by adoption; so that Rome was ruled for
a time by two Augusti. Verus sought only pleasure ; Aurelius was a
Stoic philosopher, whose chief aim was to do his duty toward his
fellow-men. But he had little time to give to books and meditation ;
for the easy disposition of his predecessor had left him a great legacy
of troubles. On his accession, he found war brewing along the
4o6
The Five Good Emperors
northern and eastern frontiers. The troops of Syria had grown
too effeminate to resist the invading Parthians ; but fortunately there
were good generals in the East, the ablest of whom was A-vid'i-us
Cassius. A Syrian by birth, but of the old Roman type of severity,
he put the licentious troops on coarse rations, burned the dis-
Marcus Aurelius in his Triumphal Car
(Palace of the Conservatori, Rome)
obedient, and restored discipline. He defeated the Parthians, over-
ran their country, and compelled them to sue for peace. Rome
retained a part of Mes-o-pb-ta'mf-a.
Meantime a fearful pestilence was raging in the East ; and as the
troops returned from the war, they spread the disease over the eastern
Christianity 407
half of the empire and over Italy itself. It weakened the army ; in
some places, as in Italy, it carried off perhaps half the population ;
and the efforts to relieve it so drained the treasury that the prince
lacked funds for the defence of the empire. The enemies of Rome
were growing formidable. All Europe beyond the frontier was full
of restless tribes, which threatened the civilized countries of the
Mediterranean. The Parthian war was scarcely over when they
broke into the empire in a continuous line from northern Italy to
the farthest limits of Dacia. The leaders were the Mar-co-man'ni,
a powerful Teutonic nation who lived in what is now Bo-he 'mi-a, and
who gave their name to the war.
Both emperors took the field, and when Verus died in the follow-
ing year, Aurelius continued the war alone. After seven years of
hard fighting he won an honorable peace, which, however, was
broken while he was engaged in putting down a revolt of Avidius
Cassius in the East. As soon as he had finished this work, he re-
turned to the Danube, and reconquered the Marcomanni. He was
aboi^t to make their country into a province when death cut short
his work.
In his administration he followed the lines marked out by his prede-
cessor. Especially interesting is his treatment of the Christians.
325. Christianity and the Empire (to 180 A.D.). — Christianity
arose in Judea, but St. Peter carried it early to the " Gentiles," and
St. Paul preached it even in Rome. Everywhere the lower classes
eagerly accepted a faith which esteemed the slave equal to the
emperor. Under this dispensation the humblest on earth were the
greatest saints, and all who shared in it enjoyed the comforting hope
of eternal happiness.
During the first century of our era, the followers of Christ attracted
little attention. The learned and the powerful alike considered them
unworthy of notice, and the government, which protected the public
worship of all the races within the empire, and adopted many of
their gods as her own, included the Christians with the Jews. Under
^o8 The Five Good Emperors
the good emperors, however, as the Church grew more numerous and
powerful, it began to appear a menace to existing society and govern-
ment. Unhke the Romans, the Christians were intolerant of all
other forms of religion and exceedingly aggressive in making new
converts ; for they were under a commandment to bring the whole
world into their faith. To keep themselves free from idolatry they
refused to associate with others in social and public festivities, an
attitude which won for them the evil name of " haters of mankind."
In Hke manner their refusal to worship the Genius, or guardian spirit,
of the emperor was naturally construed as impiety and treason. The
government, always suspicious of secret meetings, could see nothing
but danger in those of the Christians, whose church was, in fact, a
great secret society with branches in every city and town. A class
of people, too, who objected to military service seemed useless to the
state. These were the chief reasons why they were persecuted.
The civil authorities throughout the empire proceeded, accordingly,
to punish the Christians for real or imaginary offences against law
and order. We find Trajan, however, giving instructions not to hunt
them down or to receive anonymous charges against them, but to
condemn those only who were openly known as Christians. Milder
treatment no one could expect. Hadrian discouraged persecution,
and made informers responsible for any outbreaks their accusations
might cause. His successor, the gentle Antoninus Pius, though a
restorer of the ancient religion, himself persecuted no one. Never-
theless in his reign popular hatred forced the magistrates in some
of the cities to torture and kill prominent Christians.
Under Marcus Aurelius a change came for the worse. As popular
dislike of the Christians excited tumults in many cities, he ordered
those who confessed the faith to be beaten to death. This measure
he regarded as necessary to the peace of the empire ; otherwise he
paid the Christians little attention. Their trouble came chiefly from
the people, whc regarded them with superstitious hatred. Pestilence,
famine, and other calamities demanded victims ; and accordingly the
Literature 409
mob raged at the Christians. Riots broke out against them in
Lyons. Here as elsewhere their enemies asserted, on mere rumor,
that in their religious meetings they were guilty of gross immorality
and feasted on children ! One of the new faith writes, " First we
were driven away from the baths, buildings, and all places open to
the public ; then we had to suffer the insults, blows, and violent acts
of an infuriated multitude." Holding the Christians responsible for
the disturbance, the authorities began to torture them and to throw
them to the beasts in the amphitheatre for the amusement of the
spectators. By this means many perished. One of the number,
Blan-di'na, a slave, who took the part of mother to her fellow-sufferers,
is now revered in Lyons as a saint. In other places similar scenes
were enacted. So far from helping the empire, however, or its
decaying gods, persecution strengthened the new faith and made 't
more aggressive.
Culture ^
326. Literature (96-180 A.D.). — The age of. the good emperors
produced the last great writers of classic Latin, Tac'i-tus and Ju 've-
nal. The Annals and the Histories ^ of Tacitus covered the period
from the death of Augustus to the death of Domitian. Besides these
larger works he wrote a monograph on the Life and Character of
Agricola^ the conqueror of Britain, and another, the Ger-mahti-a, on
the character and institutions of the Germans of his time. His expe-
rience as an army officer and a statesman gave him a clear under-
standing of military and political events. He was conscientious, too,
and we may trust his statement of all facts which were known to the
public. His style is exceedingly rapid, vivid, and energetic. His
1 Those teachers who wish to follow the political narrative without interruption
may omit §§ 326, 327.
2 Of the Annals we have Bks. i-iv, parts of v and vi, and xi-xvi, with gaps at
the beginning and end of this last group of boaks; of the Histories there remain
Bks. i-iv, and the first half of v.
4IO The Five Good Emperors
excellences as an historian, however, are balanced by serious defects.
He beloaged to the strictest circle of aristocrats, who looked upon
all the emperors from Tiberius to Domitian as usurpers and tyrants.
Hence he was unfair in judging the motives of these rulers. Like
the historian, Juvenal, author of Satires^ was powerful and dra-
matic. In the spirit of Tacitus he looked back to the society of
Rome under Nero and Domitian, to discover in it nothing but hid-
eous vice. But if we allow for his gross exaggeration, we shall find
his writings a storehouse of information about the manners, customs,
and morals of the age.
The Letters of PHny the Younger, a nephew of the elder Pliny, are
valuable for the study of the times, but show a decHne in style. The
Lives of the C(Bsars from Julius to Domitian, by Sue-to 'ni-us, Ha-
drian's secretary, is a chaotic mixture of useful facts and foolish gossip.
The Meditations of Marcus Aurelius is one of the best and noblest
of books. It contains the ripest fruit of Graeco-Roman philosophy.
A revival of Hellenic literature in this age produced some authors
of unusual merit. Ap'pi-an of Alexandria wrote a narrative History
of RomCy which we find very useful. In this age, too, Pausanias
compiled his Tour of Greece, which describes the classic monuments
of that country. " Above all Plutarch wrote his immortal Lives, per-
haps the most widely and permanently attractive book by one author
known to the world." ^ While the Greeks were producing litera
ture, they did not neglect science. Ga'len, a physician of Marcus
Aurelius, wrote many works on anatomy and medicine. Ptol'e-my
published a system of astronomy, in which he represented the earth as
the centre of the universe. His views were accepted for more than
a thousand years, till they were superseded by those of Co-per'ni-cus
(1473-1543 A.D.).
327. Public Works; Sculpture and Painting. — The activity of the
good emperors in erecting public works both at Rome and in the
provinces has already been noticed.*
1 Murray, Aiuient Greek Literature, p. 30$ i * 4 321 f.
c4
O
SI.
K I
o S
Architecture
411
From early times there were Romans who busied themselves with
sculpture and painting as well as with architecture. Few Roman
sculptors are known to us by name, though we possess a multitude
of their works. The reason is, that they aimed to express in bronze
and marble the personality of others rather than of themselves.
Among their most famous works are the busts and statues of em-
perors, statesmen, and other eminent persons. These portrait sculp-
tures are spirited and masterly, and so true to life that we may feel
A Roman BRmcE
(Toledo, Spain)
certain we know how the great men of Rome looked. Still more
characteristic of the nation are the narrative reUefs traced on public
buildings, triumphal arches, and columns ; they are chiselled picture-
books of Roman marches, sieges, and victories.
In painting the Romans surpassed the Greeks. The wall-paintings
of Pompeii must have been largely the work of artisans rather than
of artists ; and yet they show an endless variety of graceful forms
wrought with great skill and many of them delicately finished. Some
412 The Five Good Emperors
are mythical scenes, others are from daily life. The painting as well
as the architecture and sculpture of the Romans aids us greatly in
understanding their life and character.
Topics for Reading
I. The Prosperity of the Empire under the Antonines. — Gibbon, Decline
and Fall of the Roman Empire, ch. ii.
n. Hadrian's Travels. — Capes, Age of the Antoninesy '^^. 55-62; Duruy,
History of Rome, v. pp. 344-390.
III. Christianity and the Empire. — Capes, ch. vi : Duruy v. pp. 493-512.
IV. Architecture. — Reher, Mistory of Ancient Arty pp. 413-447; Hamlin,
History of Architecture, chs. viii, ix ; Fletcher, History of Architecture^ pp. 73-
112.
V. Sculpture. — Perry, Greek and Roman Sculpture, chs. xlviii-lv; Mar-
quand and Frothingham, History of Sculpture, ch. xiii; Wickhoff, Roman Art,
chs. ii, iii.
VI. Painting. — Wickhoff, Roman Art, chs. iv, v; Woltmann and Woer-
mann, History of Ancient, Early Christian, and Mediaeval Painting, pp. i lo-
142; Van Dyke, History of Painting, pp. 32-35.
Topics iv-vi are not restricted to a special period.
The Triumphal Arch of Skptimiljs Severus
CHAPTER XII
FROM COMMODUS TO AURELIAN (180-284 a.d.)
Rome begins to Decline — the Growth of Absolute Monarchy
328. Commodus (180-193) ; the Rule of the Pretorian Guard. —
Com'mo-dus, the son and successor of Aurelius, was a weak-minded
young man, easily misled by vile companions. While he pursued
base pleasures and fought wild beasts in the amphitheatre, the empire
began to decline. The soldiers lost discipline along with their re-
spect for their ruler. The provinces were misgoverned, and the
4.1a
^14 * From Commodus to Aurelian
capital was at the mercy of the pretorians, who were no longer
under control. After twelve years of such government, at once
weak and savage, Commodus was murdered. The pretorian guard,
established for the security of the prince,^ had now grown into a
large standing army. Gradually discovering their own importance,
these troops lost discipline and became haughty and violent.
They overawed the senate ; they terrorized Rome ; and the emperor
was at their mercy. Pampered especially by Commodus, they mur-
dered his successor, and then sold the vacant office to the highest
bidder. When news of this disgraceful event reached the soldiers
on the frontier, it made them indignant, for the emperor was their
general and they were the primary source of his power.^ Accord-
ingly the armies in Syria, on the Danube, and in Britain nominated
their own commanders to the office of emperor, and each prepared
to enforce its will by arms. Sep-tim'i-us Se-ve'rus, commander on
the Danube and nearest to Rome, won the prize.
329. Septimius Severus ( 193-2 ii) ; Caracalla (21 1-2 17 A.D.). —
Severus was a firm, clear-headed man who knew well the needs of
the empire. He restored order in Rome, conquered and killed his
rivals for the throne, and humbled foreign enemies. As his authority
rested upon the armies, he did not hesitate to slight the senate.
Under him, therefore, this body lost much of the influence it had
enjoyed in the preceding period ; in fact his reign marks an im-
portant step in the direction of absolute monarchy. His policy
was supported by the lawyers who formed his council. Pa-pin'i-an,
the ablest of Roman jurists, lived at this time, and held the office of
pretorian prefect. Ul'pi-an was scarcely less eminent. Through
them and their associates Roman law reached the height of
development.
^ § 308.
2 It must be borne in mind that the army had overthrown the republic, and had
placed its general {imperator) at the head of the government. The early em-
perors found constitutional support for their authority, but in the period which
we are now considering they were leaning more and more upon the armies.
Severus
415
The legislation of these great jurists benefited the whole empire ;
for even before the death of Severus most of the provincials were
Roman citizens under the protection of Roman law. This emperor
aimed to place the provinces on a level with Italy. Julius Caesar
had begun the policy of granting the citizenship freely to the pro-
vincials ; and though Augustus preferred to keep the provinces in-
ferior to Italy, Claudius
zealously followed in the
footsteps of Julius. The
emperors after Claudius
continued his liberal poHcy
till, at the death of Severus,
few non-citizens remained.
Car-a-caVla, son and
successor of Severus, com-
pleted the work of ce?ituries
by making all the freemen
of the empire Romans
(211 A.D.). Under Seve-
rus, however, military
service and special taxes
on citizens had grown
oppressive ; and the men
whom Caracalla made
Romans had to take upon
themselves the burdens of
citizenship in addition to those they had borne as subjects. Thus
the benefit was offset by disadvantages. In fact the author of the
reform cared only for his soldiers ; toward all others he was recklessly
brutal. He, too, was murdered.
330. Alexander Severus (222-235); ^^^ New Persian Empire. —
Passing by two emperors^ of litde importance, we come to Alex-
1 Ma-cri'nus (217-218) and El-a-gab'a-lus (218-222 B.C.).
Septimius Severus
(Capitoline Museum, Rome)
4i6
From Commodtis to Aurelian
ander Severus, an amiable youth and of excellent character. Not
only in his respect for the senate, but also in his patronage of educa-
tion, in his attention to the needs of the poor, and in his mildness
and justice, Alexander was a faint imitation of the good emperors.
He was too weak, however, to maintain discipline among the soldiers
or to defend the empire.
In his reign a new danger to the Roman world arose in the East.
From the time of Trajan the Parthian empire had declined. The
SAKCOiilAOUb Ui- ALEXaNDIlR SEVERUS AND HIS MOTHER
(Capitoline Museum, Rome)
Persians, still a vigorous race, asserted their independence, and in
227 A.D. Ar-tax-erx'es, their king, overthrew the Parthian monarch
and made the empire Persian. He had been instructed in the reH-
gion of Zoroaster ; * and the eighty thousand magians, or priests, of
this worship supported him in his effort to put down every other form
of religion throughout the empire." Their fervor strengthened the
monarch and inspired him with zeal for making conquests in the
1§28.
Anarchy 417
interest of his god. At the same time his talent for organization
gave him a military power which the East had not possessed for
many generations.
Ordered to give up his Asiatic provinces to this haughty king,
Alexander Severus went to war, but was disgracefully beaten. Hence-
forth the Persian empire threatened Rome ; it compelled her to
weaken the northern defences in order to mass troops on the
Euphrates, at a time when the German races were threatening
invasion.
After his conflict with Persia, Alexander took the field against the
Germans on the Rhine. There he was murdered by his soldiers.
The pretorian guard had already killed Ulpian, their prefect, and
were terrorizing the government as well as the residents of Rome.
Thus a reign, in some respects happy, ended in failure, — a pleasant
twihght before a period of gloom.
331. Drifting into Anarchy (235-284 A.D.). — During the half-
century which followed the death of Alexander, the government
suffered continual violence, as emperors rapidly rose and fell.
Sometimes two colleagues shared in harmony the imperial office ;
more frequently, rivals for the throne involved the empire in civil
war ; rarely did a wearer of the purple die a natural death. About
the middle of this period of confusion the empire seemed to be
falling into fragments ; each army nominated its commander to the
highest office, and these rival pretenders, wrongly numbered and
misnamed the "Thirty Tyrants," brought the Roman world to
anarchy.
While civil war wasted the empire and drew the armies from the
frontier, the enemies of Rome met with their first real success in
assailing her. On the north the Goths, a German race, after plun-
dering Moe'si-a and Macedonia, defeated and killed the emperor
Decius (268 A.D.). At nearly the same time their western kinsmen,
the Franks on the lower Rhine, pushed across the boundary and
desolated Gaul. Soon afterward. King Sa'por, the energetic son of
2£
4i8
From Commodus to Aurelian
Artaxerxes, took the emperor Va-le'ri-an captive. The civilized
world seemed defenceless. The Al-e-man'ni, of Germanic race,
flung themselves upon northern Italy, and in combination with
them a vast horde of Goths, including women and children, crossed
the Danube to seek homes within the provinces. Fortunately at
this crisis Rome found an able ruler in Marcus Aurelius Claudius
The Wall of Aurelian
(268-270 A.D.),who drove back the Alemanni and destroyed the
invading host of Goths.
His successor, Au-re'li-an (270-275 a.d.), withdrew the last
garrisons from Dacia, — which he gave over to the Goths, — and
brought the boundary once more to the Danube. This was the
first territory lost to the empire. As the barbarians began to
threaten the capital itself, he surrounded it with a wall, which is
still standing, — a magnificent work, yet a monument of the weak-
ness and decay of Rome. Two great fragments had recently broken
from the empire : in the East, Queen Ze-no'bi-a, from her splendid
Aurelian
419
court in Pal-my'ra, ruled Syria, Egypt, and a large part of Asia
Minor; in the West, the senator Tet'ri-cus was emperor of Gaul,
Britain, and northern Spain. By conquering both these pretenders,
however, Aurelian restored the unity of the Roman world. These
achievements brought the empire to a condition which enabled it
to endure for a few more years, till Di-o-cle'ti-an, a still abler man,
put on the purple.
Topics for Reading
Septimius Severus. — Gibbon, Decline and Fall of the Roman EmHre, ch. v;
Duruy, History of Rome, vi. pp. 476-577; see Indices of other histories of Rome.
A Capital from One of ihf Temi'lks in Palmyra
(Temple ruins in the background)
CHAPTER XIII
FROM DIOCLETIAN TO CONSTANTINE (284-337 A.D.)
Reconstruction of the Empire — Absolute Monarchy
332, Diocletian (284-305 A.D.). — A freedman's son and a soldier
by profession, Diocletian made his way to the imperial office by
genius and force of will. He devoted twenty-one laborious years to
the work of reorganizing and strengthening the empire.
He first chose as colleague Max-im'i-an, a rough but able soldier.
Although each emperor bore the title Augustus, Diocletian remained
superior. They divided the Roman world between them, Diocletian
taking the East and his colleague the West. Later two Caesars,
Ga-le'ri-us and Con-stan'ti-us Chlo'rus, were appointed as heirs of
the Augusti. Each of the Caesars received likewise the administra-
tion of a definite territory. Retaining the extreme East for himself,
Diocletian gave Galerius the provinces on and near the Danubian
boundary ; Maximian governed Italy, Africa, and Spain ; and Con-
stantius, Gaul and Britain. Thus the most dangerous and laborious
posts were assigned to the Caesars.
Each 1 of the four rulers chose a convenient city for his capital and appointed a
pretorian prefect to aid him in administering the civil affairs of his district, which
was named therefore a prefecture. They divided the four great prefectures into
twelve dioceses, which they placed under vicegerents. The dioceses consisted
each of several small provinces, of which there were now more than a hundred in
all. The provinces had their governors, who in turn commanded the service of
a host of lower officials. As a rule the provincial governors obeyed the vicegerents,
who received their orders from the prefects, each of whom, in turn, was under a
Caesar or an Augustus. Military and civil duties were now distinct. Correspond-
i§78»n. 2.
420
i
Diocletian
421
ing with the civil offices just mentioned were masters of troops, dukes, counts, and
lesser military officials. 'J'he nobles who filled the higher civil and military posi-
tions were the Honorable, the Respectable, and the Illustrious. Above the Illus-
trious was the rank of Caesar, and highest of all, Augustus was Most Sacred Lord.
The latter wore a crown and a silken robe which sparkled with jewels and gold.
He claimed to be a god, and compelled his subjects to prostrate themselves before
him. In this way he aimed to place his authority on the basis of divine right.
All parts of the empire were now politically equal. As Rome ceased to be the
capital, the senate became a city council, and Italy was divided into provinces.
The Triumphal Arch of Constantine
The new organization of the Roman government and society here outlined was
mainly the work of Diocletian, though it began before him and received additional
touches later from Con'stan-tine the Great.
The empire was enjoying peace and good order in 305 a.d., when
Diocletian resigned his authority and compelled Maximian, his col-
league, to do the same. Thereupon the two Caesars became Augusti,
and new Caesars were appointed to take the place ot the old. Im-
mediately Diocletian's system, in most respects admirable, proved
^22 From Diocletian to Constantine
defective in the provision for the succession. It appeared, too, that
the senior Augustus lacked the means of holding his colleague and
the Caesars to their respective duties. These high magistrates,
together with other aspirants for power who arose from time to
time, involved the Roman world in civil wars, till Constantine, known
to history as the Great, the son of Constantius Chlorus, became
emperor of the West and Licinius of the East (312 and 313 a.d.).
333. Constantine sole Emperor (323-337 A.D.) ; Christianity.
— A few years afterward Constantine put his colleague to death
and became sole emperor (323 a.d.). His reign was marked by two
important events, — the public recognition of Christianity, and the
selection of Byzantium as the capital of the empire.
Notwithstanding all opposition the Church had grown rapidly since
Marcus Aurelius. The last and severest persecution began under
Diocletian and was carried on by Galerius, his successor in the East.
When at length Galerius saw that he could by no means destroy the
Christians or suppress their faith, he granted them toleration and
requested their prayers for his welfare. On the other hand Con-
stantius Chlorus, emperor of the West, had favored them from the
beginning ; and his policy was inherited by his son. Though the
Christians still formed a small minority — possibly a twentieth —
of the population, for two reasons they were remarkably strong :
(i) whereas the pagans were lukewarm in the interest of their gods
and of their poUtical leaders, the Christians were energetic and zeal-
ous ; (2) they had a thorough organization y patterned after that of
the State.
In the beginning each congregation had been independent. It had its officers :
deacons, who cared for the poer; elders, or presbyters, who as the council of the
church looked after its interests; and an overseer, or bishop, the chief of the
presbyters. In course of time, as the church of a given city sent out branches to
neighboring towns and rural districts, the- bishop of the parent community came
to have authority over a group of congregations. Again, among the bishops of the
age of Constantine, some differences of rank and of influence were already appear-
ing, while the bishop of Rome was acquiring the greatest influence of all. In
Constantine 423
brief, the government of the Church was becoming a monarchy. In another way,
too, the Christian world was learning to act in unison. The religious officials of a
province frequently met in council; and sometimes a gathering represented a
much larger area. Thus the tendency to centralization was already strong m the
Church.
Constantine saw the advantage he might derive from the support
of this powerful organization. Accordingly he and Licinius, in
313 A.D., issued their famous Edict of Mi-lan\ which granted tolera-
tion to all religions, without exception, and raised Christianity to an
equal footing with paganism. Constantine himself professed the new
faith, and encouraged it rather than the old. Let us not imagine
that his avowed conversion improved his character. He continued
to be what he had been, — a man without heart or scruple, more
pagan perhaps than Christian, ready to serve himself by hypocrisy or
bloodshed. Nevertheless, as a far-sighted statesman, he worked con-
sistently for the best interests of the empire.
In his time the Church was becoming more and more distracted by quarrels
over points of belief. The leaders of the Church, especially in the East, were at-
tempting to build up an intricate theology, patterned after the philosophy of the
Greeks. Naturally they differed on many points. The chief of all controversies
was that between two Church officials of Egypt, — Atk-an-a'si-us a.nd A-ri'us, —
concerning the nature of Christ. Although both admitted that He was the son of
God, Arius maintained that the Son was by nature inferior to the Father. On
the other hand, Athanasius asserted absolute equality between the Son and the
Father. In order to strengthen the Church by securing uniformity of belief on
this as well as on other points, Constantine called a council of bishops f»-om all
parts of the world to meet at Ni-cae'a, a city in northwestern Asia Minor, to settle
the disputes and to decide upon a creed which all should accept. By adopting
the view of Athanasius, the council made it orthodox, while that of his opponent
became a heresy. The West readily accepted the Nicene Creed, as this decision
is called; and in this manner it has come down to the Roman Catholic Church
and to most of the Protestant denominations of to-day; but Arianism continued
widespread in the East.
The council of Nicaea was the first gathering which professed to represent the
entire Christian world. The institution of such a general council, to meet as oc-
casion demanded, added greatly to the power of the Church in its contest with
paganism.
^24 From Diocletian to Constantine
Constantine took a step next in importance to the recognition of
Christianity, when he chose as his residence the Greek city of Byzan-
tium, henceforth named Cons tan- ti-no' pie after himself. It was ad-
mirably situated for commerce, and was much nearer than Rome to
the frontiers of the Danube and the Euphrates, wnich especially
needed defence. As the East and the West were drifting apart, it
was necessary that each division should have a capital and a stable
government. The removal of the capital helped diminish the im-
portance of declining Rome.
334. Causes of the Decline of Rome : (i) Economic and Social. —
Diocletian and Constantine made the imperial government stronger
and more effective, but did nothing to arrest the economic and social
decay. As early as the Samnite Wars,^ slavery began to destroy the
freemen ; during the late republic and the empire foreign and civil
wars continued to thin the population, while the increasing burden
of taxation made life every day more wretched. Under Diocletian's
system the growing splendor of the imperial courts added to the bur-
den. With their scant means many found it impossible to support
families ; and even the slaves grew fewer. • Most of the lower classes,
free and slave, became hereditary serfs — coloni — bound to the soil
and to the payment of fixed dues to their lords.
But it was not only the poor who suffered. The cities had once
enjoyed freedom in local affairs, each governed by a senate, whose
members were the wealthier men of the community. Gradually the
emperors had encroached upon the liberty of these cities, till they
had converted even the privileges of the senators into intolerable
burdens. For as these officials were responsible for the taxes due
from their districts, many of them, unable to wring the required
amount from the poorer classes, were themselves reduced to poverty.
They were held for life by an iron hand to the work of collecting and
of paying oppressive taxes. Artisans and traders, too, were bound
strictly to their hereditary vocations, in order that the government
'§237.
Decline 425
might be sure of the dues to which they were subject. In brief, so-
ciety had been forced into a rigid caste system, which crushed free-
dom and made the hfe of rich and poor, bond and free, ahiiost
equally wretched.
335. Causes of the Decline of Rome: (2) The Germans and the
Christians. — Under these conditions the people, especially of the
interior provinces, had grown unwarlike, incapable of defending them-
selves against the barbarians. For centuries they had been unused to
arms. The government therefore found it more and more necessary
to make up the armies of Germans, who consequently settled in the
empire in ever increasing numbers. These people readily adopted
those features of Roman life and civiHzation which were suited to
their nature, but they were too independent to submit to the iron
government or to the rigid social system of Rome. At the same time
the Christians, who began to include many Germans, were naturally
hostile to a government and society based on idolatry. Gradually
they, like the Germans, began to undermine the worn-out parts of
the old system and to impress their own character on what remained.
In this way the Christians and Germans were transforming the
ancient pagan empire of the Romans into the mediaeval Christian
empire of the Germans.
In the period we are now considering (284-337 a.d.), this change
was going on quietly under the protection chiefly of German troops
on the outposts of the empire. But the wisest men could not know
how soon these defences would fall before the barbarian tempest
which was t^ oweep across the frontier.
The Decline of Culture
336. Language, Literature, and Art (after 180 A.D.). — The
Romans now lost both taste and creative ability. Their language
itself, mixed more and more with the German, began to decline.
In trying to speak Latin, the foreigners corrupted it into dialects.
420
From Diocletian to Constantine
which in time became the Romance languages, — chiefly the Italian,
French, Spanish, and Portuguese.
Apart from the Christian writers and the jurists there were no
eminent authors.
Public works, though still built on a grand scale, show the same
lack of creative power. As a type of Roman baths we may take
those of Diocletian. This structure covered an area of over twenty-
five acres. Besides the vast swimming tank it contained three
thousand marble basins, and included a library, club-rooms, gardens,
and gymnasia. Baths of this kind were a great temptation to idle-
The Basilica of Constantine
ness and dissipation. Much of this building has been destroyed;
but the ruins which remain have been converted into a churchy
charitable and educational institutions, and a museum of ancient
Roman art. .
Two triumphal arches of this period are still standing. That of
Septimius Severus at the northwest corner of the Forum is majestic
and original ; that of Constantine near the Colosseum is partly made
up of material stolen from an earlier work. Constantine's Basilica,
whose ruins stand on the north side of the Sacred Way,^ is the largest
^ p. 386.
Triumphal Arches
427
and grandest of the kind. Unfortunately this emperor encouraged
the practice of tearing down fine old public works for the material
they contained. This practice did more than anything else to
destroy the monuments of ancient Rome.
Topic for Reading
Christianity and the Empire. — Emerton, Introduction to the Middle Ages,
ch. ix; Hodgkin, Italy and her Invaders, ii. pp. 556-573; Duruy, History of
Rome, vii. pp. 472-520; Adams, Civilization during the Middle Ages, ch. iii ;
Bruce, Gesta Christi, chs. ii-x.
A Fountain
(Palace of the Conservatori, Rome)
i ' ' '^"'flHH^^^^^^'
•*^^
11^
The Roman Forum
(In the immediate foieground is the Temple of Vespasian ; beyond the road on the
left is the Arch of Septimius Severus : on the right the Temple of Saturn, beyond which
is the Basilica Julia, and still farther the three columns of the Temple of Castor and
Pollux ; above the latter are trees growing on the Palatine Mount. Near the Temple
of Castor and Pollux is the foundation of the Temple of Vesta, and farther, on the
top of the ridge, we can see the Arch of Titus.)
CHAPTER XIV
THE INVASION OF THE BARBARIANS AND THE FALL OF THE
EMPIRE IN THE WEST (337-476 A.D.)
337. The Sons of Constantine (337) ; Julian " the Apostate "
(361-363 A.D.). — Constantine was followed by his three sons, who
inherited the bad traits of their father without his ability. They
massacred nearly all their kinsmen to rid themselves of possible
rivals, and then turned against one another. One was killed by a
brother's hand ; another by a usurper ; and while the third devoted
himself to theology, the Persians, the Franks, and the Alemanni
invaded the empire. His cousin Ju'li-an, leaving his philosophic
428
Valentinian 429
studies at Athens, took command in Gaul, and routed the Alemanni
in a great battle at Strass'burg. He drove the barbarians from the
province and strengthened the frontier defences. The philosopher,
who thus proved his ability to rule, became sole emperor on the
'death of his cousin. Disgusted with the character of his Christian
kinsmen, he became a pagan, and strove to suppress Christianity.
He refrained from persecution, however, and his mild efforts to
restore the gods of the old world failed. He was still a young
man when, after a brilliant campaign against the Persians, he was
killed by an arrow of the enemy. In him the empire lost an able
ruler and defender.
Soon after his death the barbarians began to break through the
frontier and to settle permanently within the empire. Before taking
up the story of these invasions, however, we shall notice briefly the
more important rulers of the century between Julian and the dissolu-
tion of the empire in the West.
338. Valentinian (364-375) and Valens (364-378) ; Theodosius
(379-395 A.D.). — In the year after Julian's death, the army made
Val-en-tin'i-an emperor. Ferocious in temper, yet strong and just,
he was well adapted to command the imperial troops, most of whom
were now barbarians. Through the eleven years of his reign he
maintained the hard-pressed frontiers of Britain and Gaul, and even
crossed the Rhine to chastise the Alemanni in their own country.
His weak brother Va'lens, however, to whom he had given the
East, allowed a great host of Goths to cross the Danube and to
settle within the empire. They even defeated and killed him. The
eastern and western branches of the empire continued under sepa-
rate governments till The-o-do^si-us united them for a brief season.
This ruler distinguished himself, too, by making Christianity the sole
religion of the State. When he ordered the pagan temples closed,
those who carried out his edict destroyed many of the buildings and
broke the images. Though the pagans were forbidden to worship
their gods, some quietly persisted in their illegal devotion for at
430 The Invasion of the Barbarians
least a century longer. Theodosius was equally zealous for uni-
formity of Christian faith. By persecuting the A'ri-ans and other
heretical sects he hoped to establish the Nicene Creed ^ throughout
the East. Under him orthodox Christianity thus became intolerant
of all other faiths. It was chiefly this theological zeal which earned
for him the title of " the Great."
339. The Empire divided (395) ; End of the Empire in the West
(476 A.D.) . — At his death the empire was again divided ; Ar-ca'di-us,
one of his sons, received as his portion the East, and H^>-no'ri-us,
the other, was given the West. Though the Eastern branch main-
tained itself thereafter for more than a thousand years, the Western
gradually fell into the hands of the barbarians. At the same time
the government of the West came more and more under their influ-
ence. It was significant of this changing condition that Gal'la Pla-
cid'i-a, the beautiful, accomplished sister of Honorius, became the
wife of A'taulf, a Gothic chief who had been ravaging Italy and
who brought his bride rich gifts from the spoils of her people.
Placidia afterward returned to Rome, where as regent for her
young son she ruled the Western branch of the empire many
years.*
In the reign of Arcadius, John, whose eloquence won for him the surname
Chry-sos'tom — golden-mouthed — became patriarch of Constantinople. He had
forsaken the profession of law for a life of solitary devotion. After some years,
however, he left his mountain cave to preach in Antioch. When the fame of his
wonderful oratory reached the Christians of Constantinople, they forced him to
come to their city. Installed as patriarch, he applied himself with great energy
to the government of the Church. He compelled most of the religious officials
of the Eastern empire to bow to his will; he persecuted heretics; and he de-
nounced the sins of Christians, without sparing the nobles or even the empress
Eudoxia, wife of Arcadius. In revenge she plotted his ruin. By the decree of a
Church council she drove him into exile; and when he returned to continue his
denunciation of her vices, she again caused his banishment, this time to a deso-
late place on Mount Taurus. Some years after his death, which occurred in
cxUe, the authorities of the Church, to atone for their mistreatment of the great
*8 333. Ǥ345.
Romulus Augustulus 43 1
preacher, brought his bones to Constantinople and canonized him as a saint.
His sennons, still preserved, show a brilliant flow of language and a fervid zeal
for religion and pure morals.
Meanwhile barbarians were seizing provinces and Rome was growing
weaker. At length Ric'i-mer, an able, scheming German, gained con-
trol of the government ; and while he kept the power in his own
hands, he made and unmade emperors at pleasure. He called him-
self simply patrician, — a word Constantine the Great had been first
to bestow as a lifelong title. In Ricimer's case it meant a man who
was at once commander of the army and chief minister of his sover-
eign. Three years after the death of the tyrant Ricimer, 0-res'tes,
an Illyrian, became patrician of Italy. Refusing the imperial title for
himself, he permitted the soldiers to confer it on his young son
RomuluSy whom they now called Au-gus'tu-lus — "little emperor."
The boy had ruled but a few months, however, when 0-do-a'cer,
elected " king " by the Germans of the army, deposed him, and com-
pelled the senate to send the purple, with other imperial ornaments,
to Constantinople, in token of the reunion of the empire under one
head. As governor of Italy subject in name to the sole remaining
emperor, Odoacer contented himself with the title of patrician.
The date of the deposition of Romulus — 476 a.d. — better per-
haps than any other marks the " fall " of the empire in the West and
the transition from ancient to mediaeval history. For although the
idea, of the empire and of the sovereignty of the ruler in Constanti-
nople survived, as a matter of fact the Germans henceforth controlled
all the West, and were working out in their own way the destiny of
Europe. In turning from the Romans to the Germans, we pass from
ancient to mediaeval history.
340. The Germans. — While the Greeks and the Italians were
making great progress in civilization, the Germans,^ their northern
neighbors, remained barbarous ; for in their home in central Europe
1 Or Teutons; § 2, n. i.
432 The Invasion of the Barbarians
they had fewer means of learning the customs and the arts of settled
life. The Germania of Tacitus, composed about loo a.d., describes
their manners and institutions at that early time, before they came
under the influence of Rome and of Christianity.
They lived in miserable huts, and dressed in skins or in coarse cloth.
Though they were not untainted by vices, as drunkenness and gam-
bling, their morals were on the whole pure ; they respected women
more than the Greeks and the Romans ever did ; they were brave,
A German Village
dignified, and free. Before they learned of Christ, they worshipped
the powers of nature and had no temples or images.
Some tribes followed hereditary kings, others elected dukes to lead
them in war and on migrations. The chief men of a tribe met in a
council to settle questions of public interest. Important matters they
referred to the gathering of all the warriors, who showed their dis-
pleasure by a murmur or clashed their weapons in token of approval.
This assembly elected chiefs, tried offences of life and death, and
decided other important matters.
The life and institutions of the Germans were like those of the
The Germans
433
early Greeks and Italians-* As soon, however, as they came into con-
tact with the Romans, they began to learn from them more refined
habits and to desire more settled homes. This 'eagerness for homes
was perhaps their chief motive in attacking the empire.
In the time of Marius and Julius Caesar^ they endangered the em-
pire. In the reign of Augustus they destroyed an entire Roman
army.^ Henceforth they
grew more and more powerful,
chiefly by uniting their tribes
in large federations. Such
a union was that of the Franks
on the lower Rhine, and the
Alemanni — " men of all
races " — on the upper.
Farther east were the Goths,
who are said to have once
lived in Sweden. From the
Baltic to the Black Sea they
had journeyed, great swarms
of gigantic warriors, with
their women and children,
and their two-wheeled
wagons. Thereafter they
kept harassing the eastern
provinces by land and sea,
till Aurelian gave up Dacia to
them."* Those who now settled
in this province, who are termed West-Goths, or Vis'i-goths, acquired
much of the Roman civilization, and accepted Arian Christianity from
Bishop Ul'fil-as, who translated the Bible into their speech. Frag-
ments of this work still exist and are highly prized as specimens of
the first piece of German literature.
1 § 209; Botsford, Greece, pp. 1-3. 2 §§ 286, 298. ^ § 307. 4 § 331,
2F
The Baptism of Christ
On the right is John the Baptist, on the left the
River-god Jordan, around are the Twelve
Apostles.
(Mosaic in the Church ot Santa Maria in Cos-
nitdin, Ravenna, Fifth Century A.D.)
434 The Invasion of the Barbarians
341. The Visigoths to the Death of Theodosius (270-395 A.D.). —
For about a century the West- Goths lived quietly in Dacia as the
allies of the Roman people. With the progress of settled life they
became more and more distinct from their less civilized kinsmen,
the East-Goths — Os'tro-goths — who lived north of the Black Sea,
between Dacia and the Don River. Suddenly this peaceful life was
disturbed by the appearance of the Huns, a dark, dwarfish race of
savages, with little eyes and scarred, beardless faces. On horseback
they swept the country like a tempest, plundering and destroying
whatever they found and killing even the women and the children
without pity. Those of their enemies whom they chose to spare be-
came their slaves or subjects. They were an Asiatic race, usually
classed with the Turanians. Unlike the Germans, they had no wish
to settle in the conquered lands, but were content with roving and
remained savage. They conquered the East- Goths, and overthrew
the West-Gothic king, who lived in Dacia. Thereupon two hundred
thousand warriors of the defeated monarch, with their wives and
children, gathered on the north bank of the Danube, and implored
the Romans to let them cross for safety from their frightful pursuers.
The weak-minded Valens, of whom we have already heard,^ granted
their petition on the understanding that they should surrender their
arms and give their children as hostages. These were needless con-
ditions; for with their arms they would, in grateful loyalty, have
helped him defend the empire.
For many days the Roman ships were conveying the multitude
across the river (376 a.d.). But while the officers in charge of this
work were intent upon robbing the Goths, the warriors retained their
arms, and passed into the empire, burning with rage at the insults
and the wrongs they suffered from the depraved government of Con-
stantinople. When famine and further mistreatment goaded them
to rebellion, they spread murder and desolation over Thrace and
Macedonia. Valens rashly assailed them at Ha-dri-a-no'ple, and
^ § 338.
Alaric and Stilicho 435
perished with tworthirds of his men (378 a.d.). This was a grave
misfortune, for it taught the invading barbarians that they might
defeat Romans and slay emperors in open fight. For some time
after the battle the Goths roamed about at pleasure, but could not
take the fortified cities. From Theodosius,^ the successor of Valens,
they received homes in Thrace, while those Ostrogoths who had
followed them into the empire were settled in Phrygia. The barba-
rians became the allies of the Romans, and Theodosius remained
their firm friend.
342. Alaric and Stilicho (395-408 A.D.).— Soon after his death
the Visigoths, needing more land and wealth, hoisted one of the
most promising of their young nobles, named Al'a-ric, upon a
shield, as was their custom in electing a chieftain. Under his leader-
ship they rava'ged Greece till the minister of Arcadius, now emperor
of the East, bought the friendship of Alaric by making him gov-
ernor of Illyricum. This gave the barbarian chief means of supply-
ing his men with good arms ; so that in a few years he was ready for
a more important undertaking, — the invasion of Italy. He had
some idea of the value of civilization ; and it was his wish to find the
best country in which to settle his followers and organize a kingdom.
We are to think of him, accordingly, not as a mere destroyer, but as
the founder of the first German state which was to be estabHshed
within the limits of the empire.
It is a remarkable fact that not only the common soldiers but even
the best generals and ministers of the empire were now Germans.
Such was StiVi-cho, a fair and stately Vandal, who had married a
niece of Theodosius, and was at this time guardian and chief general
of the worthless Honorius, emperor in the West. Stilicho and Alaric
were well matched. Both were born leaders of men; both were
brave and energetic, with equal genius for war. But Stilicho had
the advantage of Roman organization. Hastily gathering troops
from Britain, from Gaul, from various parts in the West, he defeated
^ § 338.
436 The Invasion of the Barbarians
Alaric twice in northern Italy, and compelled him to return to
Illyricum. But Stilicho had a jealous enemy who never ceased
whispering in the ears of Honorius his tale, true or false, of the
Vandal's plotting. The miserable emperor at length gave way, and
ordered the death of the only man who was able to save the empire.
The Roman legionaries followed the example of their master by
murdering the wives and the children of the Germans in the army.
The enraged barbarians, thirty thousand strong, went off to the camp
of Alaric, and besought him to take vengeance by invading Italy.
343. Siege and Sack of Rome (408-410 A.D.) ; Death of Alaric. —
The Gothic king crossed the Alps and marched straight for Rome.
For the first time since the days of Camillus the eternal city was
besieged by barbarians.^ Afflicted with famine and pestilence, the
depraved citizens bought Alaric off by the payment of *an enormous
ransom. In the following year he appeared again before the walls,
this time demanding whole provinces for the settlement of his men.
Not gaining all they wished, the fierce Goths besieged Rome a
third time, burst in by surprise, and sacked the .city. They killed
many citizens and plundered the dweUings ; but as Christians they
spared the churches and all who took refuge in them.
The sack of Rome astonished mankind ; for all had supposed the
city inviolable, and in her fall they thought they saw the ruin of the
law and order of the world. It discouraged the Christians through-
out the empire, that so many holy shrines, so godly a city, should
be profaned by those whom they considered pagans. To console
them, St. Au-gus'tine wrote his City of God, to prove that the com-
munity of the Most High would last forever even though the greatest
city of earth had fallen.
St. Augustine, the most famous of the Christian Fathers, was born in Africa
in 354 A.D. After many years of wayward life he joined the heretical sect of
Manichaeans, and somewhat later accepted the orthodox Christian faith. Appointed
bishop of Hippo, a city near Carthage, he devoted the rest of his life to speaking
^ § 231.
The Visigoths 437
and writing in defence of orthodox Christianity against both heresy and paganism.
By means of his voluminous works on theology he did much toward reducing the
teachings of Christians to a consistent philosophic system. He died in Hippo
in the seventy-sixth year of his age, while the Vandals were besieging that city;
cf. § 345-
As the Goths did not Hke to live in cities, they soon left Rome,
and wandered southward with their booty. They intended to cross
to Africa; but while they were making ready for this, Alaric died
— apparently from the fever-laden cHmate of southern Italy. To
prepare a safe resting-place for the deceased king, his followers com-
pelled some Italian captives to turn the Bu-sen'to from its course
and to dig a grave in the empty river-bed ; then when the burial
rites were oveV, and the river again flowed in its natural channel, they
killed the prisoners who had done the work, that no native might
discover their secret, so as to disturb the remains of their mighty
chieftain. Thus Alaric, the founder of the first Gothic state, died,
like Moses, before he could bring his people to their destined home.
344. The Visigothic Kingdom in Spain. — His brother-in-law,
Ataulf, succeeded him. This man had once wished to blot the
Romans out of existence and to substitute the Goths in their place ;
but as he saw his followers slow in adapting themselves to settled
life, he recognized the value of Rome for order and civilization.
Accordingly he became her champion ; and taking with him the
emperor's sister, whom he hoped to make his bride, he led his
nation from Italy to Gaul and Spain. These countries had already-
been plundered by Vandals, Sueves, and A'lans, whom the Goths
had to subdue in order to found their new state. Here their
wanderings ended. The country they occupied extended from the
Loire in Gaul over most of Spain, with Tou-louse' for its capital.
Their state lasted unimpaired till the Franks seized the Gallic part
of it, about 500 A.D. In Spain they continued independent for
two centuries longer, when the Mo-ham'me-dans swept over them
and destroyed their kingdom.^
^ § 358-
438 The Invasion of the Barbarians
The Visigoths are especially interesting as the " pioneers of the
German invasion"; and for that reason we have dwelt at some
length on their wanderings and on their relations with Rome. The
movements of the other barbarian races we shall follow more rapidly.
345. The Vandals in the Empire (335-435 A.D.).— The Van 'dais,
another German race, received permission from Constantine the
Great to settle in Pan-no 'ni-a, a province on the Danube. Here
under the influence of Rome, and of Christianity in its Arian form,
they made progress in orderly life. But in the time of Stilicho
and Alaric they abandoned their settlements and wandered to the
northwest, in the direction of the Rhine, joining to themselves on
the way the Germanic Sueves and the Alans, an Asiatic people
(406 A.D.). As Stilicho had withdrawn the garrisons from the
Rhine, to use against Alaric, they crossed to Gaul and ravaged
their way into Spain. Here, as we have seen, the Visigoths under
Ataulf found them. The Sueves were gradually pressed by the
newcomers into the northwestern corner of the peninsula, where
they established a small kingdom. The other two races retired
southward.
Thus far the Vandals had been driven about from place to place.
Now, however, they found their hero-king in GaVser-ic^ under whom
they, too, were to appear as a conquering nation. In contrast with
the majestic type of the German leader, Gaiseric was short and limp-
ing. He had, however, a cunning, nimble mind, and he was grasp-
ing, persistent, and bold. In addition to his desire to find lands for
his men and a kingdom for himself, he sought to humble Rome, and
as an Arian Christian, to destroy the Orthodox church.
The Vandal chief found his opportunity in a quarrel between two
Roman officers, A-e'ti-us and Bon'i-face. At this time Galla Placidia
was regent of the West. She allowed Aetius to work upon her feel-
ings against his rival, Count ^ Boniface, then commander in Africa.
Ordered to Rome on a groundless suspicion of treason, the count
* In Diocletian's system the count was a military officer below the duke; § 332.
Gaiseric
439
turned for revenge X'^ the Vandals, and invited them to invade his
provinces. The barbarians accepted the offer. Accordingly, as soon
as Gaiseric became chief, he crossed to Africa with the remnant of
his nation, numbering perhaps eighty thousand persons, including
women and children. In vain the penitent Boniface tried to send
him back ; Gaiseric was not the man to be swayed by Roman counts.
i
. , - , , ____■,_
^m ■ ^^"^^ ■ ;
The Tomb of Galla PLAcmiA, Ravenna
(Originally the Church of S. Nazario e Celso, built by Placidia about 440 ; it contains
her sarcophagus and that of Honorius.)
To him Africa was a tempting prize. Its large, fertile estates worked
by serfs had long supplied Rome with grain. The richest of its many
cities was " happy Carthage," prosperous now as before the Punic
Wars. The Vandals desolated the fields and took the fortified places
by siege or treachery. Meantime a treaty with Rome recognized
their kingdom in Africa, subject only to an annual tribute. How
weak must have been the Roman army when so few invading bar-
barians could seize the fairest provinces of the empire !
440 The Invasion of the Barbarians
346. Vandalism; The Sack of Rome (455 A.D.). — But Gaiseric's
followers were not so peaceful as those of Alaric. No sooner had they
gained the seaports than they built ships and took to piracy. Thus
they harassed Italy and all the neighboring shores. " Whither shall
we sail? " the pilot is said to have asked his chief at the beginning of
one of these expeditions. " To the dwellings of those with whom God
is angry," Gaiseric repHed. From their piracy, but more from their
pillage of the orthodox churches, wherever they found them, the
word Vandahsm, derived from the name of their race, has come to
signify the aimless, wanton destruction of property.
Deprived of her food supply by these pirates, Rome suffered from
famine, and was soon to see the destroyers in her own streets. The
emperor at this time was a certain Maximus, who had usurped the
throne and had forced Eu-dox'i-a, the widow of his predecessor,^ to
become his wife. She then requested Gaiseric to avenge her wrong
by plundering Rome. The Vandals gladly accepted the invitation.
For a fortnight they pillaged the city and stored in their vessels all
the movable property they considered of sufficient value. Their
leader, however, had promised the great Leo, then bishop of Rome, to
refrain from bloodshed and from burning the houses ; and he kept
his word. Besides their shiploads of booty, the Vandals carried away
many captives into slavery.
For many years Gaiseric ruled successfully, and extended his lord-
ship over the neighboring islands. Though at his death the glory
of his kingdom passed away, it maintained its independence for more
than a half-century longer, when it was annexed by the Eastern
branch of the empire (534 a.d.).
347, The Burgundians. — Meantime the Bur-gun 'di-ans, another
German race from the country about the Baltic, made their way into
Gaul, where they founded a kingdom in the valley of the Rhone and
Saone (pron. Son) rivers. A writer of the fifth century a.d. speaks
of the " gormandizing sons of Bur'gun-dy who smear their yellow
1 Valenttnian III.
The Franks 441
hair with rancid butter." Like other Germans, these greasy giants
had a taste for poetry ; from an earHer Norse myth, their bards elab-
orated the Nibelungenlied, an epic song of their national heroes.
Their laws, too, are of interest for the light they throw on the rela-
tions between the barbarian invaders and the Romans. Though
their kingdom soon fell under the Franks, the name has survived in
the modern Burgundy.
348. The Franks and the Huns. — The Franks had crossed the
Rhine and had occupied a wide territory on the left bank of the
river, extending from Mainz to the sea. Thus by the middle of
the fifth century a.d. the Germans had come to possess much of the
Western empire, — x^frica, Spain, and parts of Gaul. Nominally
dependent on the emperor, their kingdoms were virtually free. Cen-
tral Gaul was still held for Rome by an able governor, Aetius. He
and The-od'o-ric, king of the West-Goths, were enemies, as each
tried to extend his territory at the expense of the other. But we
shall now see them bring the Germans and the Romans into one
army to repel the great enemy of civilization, — Afti-la the Hun.
Since their victory over the Goths, the Huns had grown formi-
dable.^ It is said that Attila, their king, from his log-cabin capital in
Hungary commanded the barbarians of Europe and of Asia, and
threatened Persia as well as the Roman empire. After desolating
the provinces of the East and terrorizing Constantinople, he
brought the storm of his wrath upon Gaul. Wasted fields and ruined
cities marked his path. At this trying time, the union of Germans
and Romans in defence of their common country was a happy omen
for the future of Europe. Theodoric and Aetius met Attila at
some distance from Cha-lons', in one of the fiercest conflicts known
to history (451 a.d.). The slaughter was vast. We are even told
that the blood from the thousands of wounds swelled to a torrent the
brook which flowed through the field of battle. Theodoric fell,
but the Hun was routed. Had he gained the day, it might hare
^ § 341.
442 The Invasian of the Barbarians
taken years, possibly centuries, to redeem Europe from the desola-
tion and the barbarism which he, as victor, would have spread over
the continent. Such was the importance of this battle.^
Though Attila withdrew from Gaul, the next year he appeared in
Italy on his errand of destruction. He visited Aq-ui-lei'a with fire
and sword. The miserable remnant of the population, joined by
refugees from other ruined towns, fled to a cluster of islands along
the Adriatic shore. In time their wretched settlement became the
The Good Shepherd
(Mosaic in the Tomb of Galla Placidia, Ravenna, Fifth Century A.D.)
famous city of Ven'ice, which was to help defend Europe against
Attila's kinsmen, the Turks. As the Huns threatened Rome, Bishop
Leo came to their chief, and persuaded him to spare the city.^
Such, at least, is the story; and it is difficult to see what else
1 Three years afterward Valentinian III, jealous of the fame of Aetius, invited
the great commander into the imperial palace, and killed him there with his own
hand.
' This was three years before Gaiseric's plunder of Rome, — which the same
Leo tried to prevent, but could only soften.
Odoacer 443
induced the savage to withdraw from Italy. Attila died soon after
his departure, and with his death the Hunnish empire broke into
pieces.
349. Why the Empire in the West " feU " (476 A.D.). — We are
now in a position to understand why the Western branch of the
empire "fell." Before the year 476 a.d., the date of this event,
most of the provinces had come into the hands of the barbarians, so
that little more than Italy was left under the direct rule of the
emperor. The native Italians no longer had the courage or the
resources necessary for defending their country. Further, most of
the emperors of the fifth century a.d. were weaklings, hke Honorius,
httle more than puppets of their German commander-in-chief, who
made and deposed them at pleasure. Thence it came about that
the title " patrician," which the chief general bore, carried more
weight with the German soldiers in the service than even that of
emperor. Although no barbarian people had yet, as a body, made
their permanent home in Italy, a continual stream of foreigners was
pouring in to recruit the army. Among these soldiers of fortune
came Odoacer, of whom we have already heard.^ He was a bold,
clever man, respected by the German troops. They clamored for
a third of the land in Italy; and when the father of the young
emperor Romulus refused their demand, they hoisted Odoacer on
their shield, thus making him their. king.
How he then brought the hne of Western emperors to a formal
close has been explained. In fact their power had already declined
so completely that no one living at the time saw in the event of
476 A.D. anything worthy of notice. No one supposed that any
part of the empire had fallen. Indeed, the continuance of the
emperors in the East satisfied in some degree a want which Rome
had left in the hearts of the barbarians as well as of her native
citizens, — a longing for a central power which, in the midst of
chaos, should stand for law and order throughout the world. Ac
^ § 339.
444 ^^^ Invasion of the Barbarians
cordingly, most men, even in the West, whatever their race or
condition, thought of the Eastern emperor as their own. It is
evident, therefore, that the term "fall" is somewhat misleading.
In theory, the event of the year was the reunion of the East and
West under one head ; at the same time, it pointed to an accom-
plished fact, — the dissolution of the empire in the West.
The happenings of 476 a.d. had this important result, that as
Italy ceased to be the home of emperors, the bishop of Rome
became the most respected and most influential person in the
West, — the pope succeeded to the throne of the deposed Augustus.
Topics for Reading
I. Life of the Early Germans. — Tacitus, Germania (English translation);
Gibbon, Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, ch. ix; Gummere, Germanic
Origins, chs. iii-xv.
II. Alaric. — Emerton, Introduction to the Middle Ages, pp. 28-32; Hodg-
kin, Italy and her Invaders, I. chs. v-vii; Gibbon, chs. xxx, xxxi.
III. The Year 476 A. D.— Emerton, ch. vi. § i; Gibbon, ch. xxxvi (near
end); Oman, European History, ch. i; B«ry, Lmter Roman Empire, Bk. III.
CHAPTER XV
THE NEW GERMAN STATES AND THE EMPIRE OF CHARLEMAGNE'
(476-800 A.D.>
350. The Condition of Europe (476 A.D.). — At the time when
the sceptre fell from the hands of the boy-emperor, Romulus-
" Augustulus," the entire West was still in chaos. In Gaul and
Spain the Burgundians, and more especially the Visigoths, were
making some progress toward settled life and orderly government.
The Vandals of Africa, remaining barbarous, persecuted and op-
pressed their Roman subjects, while in northern Gaul the Franks
were still pagan, httle touched by the civilization of Rome. The
An'gles and ^he Sax'ons, who were already invading Britain, and of
whom we have yet to hear, were not only pagans, but wholly
ignorant of Roman ways of life. Italy, as we have seen, continued
Roman till Odoacer gave a third of her land to his German soldiers.
Under these circumstances, it is easy to understand why all the West;
was in confusion and conflict, — each invading race against the other,
German against Roman, pagan against Christian, and Arian against
Catholic. In this chapter we shall see how chaos gradually gave
way to order, and how the various conflicting forces finally har-
monized in one civilization, one religion, and one empire.
Extending along the ancient frontier on the north, just outside the empire,
a line of barbarous races pressed upon the heels of their kinsmen who had crossed
the border. On the shore of the North Sea between the Rhine and the Elbe were
the Fris'i-ans, farther south the Thu-rin gi-ans and the Alemanni. Eastward
along the Danube were the Ru'gi-ans, Lombards, and Gep i-dae in order, and
beyond them the Slavs. "All these tribes, like their brethren who had gone
before them, were showing a general tendency to press west and south, and take-
their share in the plunder of the dismembered empire." Oman, European His-
iory, p. 6.
446
The New German States
351. The Ostrogoths or East-Goths ; Theodoric the Great (476-
526 A.D.). — The first of the great forces which helped bring about
this change was the East-Gothic nation. When Attila died, it threw
off the Hunnish yoke,^ and settled in Moesia as an ally of the
emperor at Constantinople. Between these barbarians and the em-
peror there was much trouble, which ended in their migration to
Italy.
The leader of the movement was Theodoric, known as the Great
' §§ 341, 348.
Church of San Apollinare Nuovo, Ravenna
(Built by Theodoric.)
Theodoric 447
the ablest and most statesmanlike of all the German chieftains whom
we have thus far met. He brought his entire nation, women and
children as well as warriors, over the Alps, and fought three battles
with Odoacer. After conquering his opponent, he put him to death,
and then proceeded to take another third of the land of Italy from
the owners to give to his men.
Here his violence ceased ; the conqueror became the statesman.
His just laws, borrowed from the Roman code, reconciled the native
Italians to their new German neighbors. While he himself remained
master of all, he employed his Goths for war, the educated Romans
as advisers, and the Italian commons for the humbler works of
peace. With remarkable tact he adapted himself to his new position
as king of Italy. Though he could neither read nor write, he
encouraged education ; a barbarian, he yet appreciated the value of
Roman law and civilization ; an Arian, he tolerated the orthodox
Cathohcs. In this way he aimed to reduce the various classes of
his subjects to order and harmony. Under him Italy was secure
from invasion, and more prosperous than she had been for centuries.
The great cities could now repair their decayed public works and
erect new ones. Among the king's buildings in Ra-ven'na, his capital,
was a beautiful church in the style of a basilica, which is still
standing.
His influence was felt outside of Italy : on the one hand, he con-
tinued subject in name to the emperor in Constantinople ; on the
other, he connected himself by marriages of his relatives with most
of the German kings of the West. By such means he brought the
warring races of the broken empire into some degree of friendly
relation, which crudely foreshadowed the present state-system of
Europe.
In his later years, however, there were intrigues to rid Italy of the
Goths and to bring the country under the emperor. This trouble
led Theodoric to put to death on a charge of conspiracy the two
most eminent men of his court, — Bo-e'thi-us, the renowned philoso-
448 The New German States
pher, and Sym'ma-chus, also a noted scholar. Suspecting the pope
of disloyalty, the king threw him into prison, where he soon died.
Theodoric himself did not long survive his victims. Thus a glorious
reign ended in sadness; and no one after Theodoric was able to
carry on his great work.
352. Justinian (527-565 A.D.) ; his Wars. — In the year after
Theodoric's death Jus-tin'i-an became emperor at Constantinople.
Though his ancestors were rude peasants, he received, in addition
to great natural ability, the best education which the Eastern capital
afforded.
His ambition was " to restore the grandeur of the empire " by
legislation, by great public works, and especially by conquering the
German kingdoms of the West. He had the rare faculty of choosing
the most competent person for each special service. His wife, the
empress The-o-do'ra, was a brilliant woman who increased the
splendor of the court while she tyrannized over nobles and magis-
trates. At the same time she was charitable to the poor ; and once
in a riot her firmness saved the throne for her husband. So in
Bel-i-sa'ri-us the emperor found a commander of remarkable genius,
well quahfied to lead in the work of conquest. This general sub-
dued the Vandals of Africa in one short campaign (533-534 a.d.) ;
for after the death of Gaiseric they had declined, and their Roman
subjects welcomed the army of the East as a deliverer from oppres-
sion.
Next year Belisarius attacked the Ostrogothic kingdom, which
included Sicily as well as Italy. He met with Httle opposition till
he had entered Rome. There the Goths besieged him for a year ;
meantime Wit'i-gis, their king, cut off the water supply, so that Rome
lacked pure water till some of the aqueducts were restored a thou-
sand years afterward. When the siege was at length raised, Belisa-
rius, on his part, found it difficult to take the strong cities of northern
Italy. By negotiation, however, he finally secured possession of the
king and of the entire country. As the Roman rule was oppressive,
Justinian 449
the Goths immediately revolted; but after a long, fierce struggle
(540-553 A.D.) the remnant of their number bade farewell to Italy
and dispersed among various barbarian tribes. The peninsula came
wholly under the emperor, and was governed for him by an officer
termed ex'arch whose capital was Ravenna. Still later, Justinian
gained a foothold in southeastern Spain, but failed to conquer the
entire West-Gothic kingdom.
While the emperor was subduing Italy he was struggling to protect
the empire from the Persians, who were as mighty as ever. More
than once he had to purchase peace by the payment of tribute. It
was well for Europe, however, that he was able to accomplish even
that ; and we should never lose sight of the fact that the German
nations were free to work out the destiny of the continent only
because the empire formed their bulwark against the powers of Asia.
Such it continued to be for hundreds of years longer, till Constanti-
nople fell into the hands of the Turks (1453 a.d.).
The legal adviser of Belisarius in his campaigns was a Greek named Pro-
co' pi-US, who wrote an admirable history of the wars — De Bellis — of Justinian.
Though this work shows due respect for the emperor and empress, it is evident
that in his heart the author disapproved their character. In his later years,
accordingly, he composed a secret history — An-ec'do-ta — of the scandals and
immorahties of the imperial court, whose corruption his anger and disgust
exaggerated. This last work did not come to light till after the author's
death.
353. Justinian's Internal Improvements. — Like the earlier Ro-
man emperors, Justinian was a great builder of roads, fortifications,
aqueducts, and other public works. The most splendid of his many
churches was the dome-covered cathedral of St. Sophia, now a
mosque. In his reign two Christian missionaries brought eggs of
the silk-worm from China to Constantinople, and taught the Euro-
peans the culture of silk. Agriculture, commerce, and the skilled
industries still flourished throughout the empire; but the produce
went to support the oppressive Church, State, and army. Justinian
is most noted, however, as the emperor who finally codified the
2C
450
The New German States
Roman law. Under his authority Tri-bo'ni-an, an eminent jurist,
aided by several associates, drew up first the Code^ containing twelve
books of statutes, and second the Digest^ which summarized the
legal decisions of all the most learned lawyers. To these they
added a third work, the Institutes, a treatise on the principles of law
for the use of students. These writings together form the Civil Law,
the most precious gift of Rome to the modern world.
In Justinian we find another factor which made for law and order
Cathedral of St. Sophia, Constantinople
(Built by Justinian)
throughout the world. Especially his conquests brought the Western
nations into closer contact with Roman civilization, and further
impressed upon the minds of the Germans that they, too, were
included in the empire.
354. The Lombards in Italy (568-774 A.D.). — The rule of the
emperors, however, was financially too burdensome to be long
endured in Italy. For twelve years after its conquest the peninsula
The Lombards 45 1
was governed by Nar'ses, an ambitious man, whose public improve-
ments weighed heavily upon the taxpayers. The story is that when
the Itahans grew weary of his rule, and the successor of Justinian
ordered him, accordingly, to return to Constantinople, he besought
the Lombards to save him by invading the country. They were a
German tribe who had recently settled in Pannonia. In reply to
the alleged invitation, their king Al'boin led them into Italy. Though
warlike they seem to have been few, so that they never succeeded in
conquering the whole country. Their capital was Pavia ; and the
district they held in the Po Valley still bears the name of Lombardy.
Besides this, they occupied a territory in central Italy northeast of
Rome, and another in the south of the peninsula.
Alboin did not live long after his conquest of Italy. At a banquet he once
bade Rosamond, his wife, drink from a goblet made of the skull of her own
father, whom the Lombard king had killed in battle. She obeyed, but afterward
had him murdered. Becoming the wife of one of the assassins, she gave her
second husband poisoned liquor, and he, discovering the treachery, compelled
her to finish the fatal draught. The annals of the German invaders abound in
such stories of intrigue and violence.
Lacking a strong central government, the Lombards soon divided
into a number of duchies, whose dukes were constantly fighting
against one another, against the king, — when they had one, — and
against the still unconquered districts. The Italians feared and
hated them, for they were far harsher and more barbarous than the
Goths had been ; in fact, it was only with the lapse of centuries that
they gained some degree of Roman refinement.
Meantime their occupation of Italy had a far-reaching effect upon
the history of the peninsula and of Europe. Their possessions were
so distributed as to leave the unconquered territory cut up into
duchies of varying size, with scarcely any means of communication
with one another. Though these duchies still looked to the emperor
as their sovereign, most of them were practically independent.
Thus the Lombard invasion destroyed the unity of Italy. In time,
the country fell into a condition somewhat like that of ancient
452 The New German States
Greece, with her brilliant independent cities, jealous of one another
and constantly at war. It is only in recent years that Italy has
become completely, and we may hope permanently, united and
free.
As a second result of the Lombard conquest, the pope of Rome,
isolated from the exarch of Ravenna and from the emperor in the
East, began to acquire, in addition to his priesthood, the character
of a political ruler. The possessions of the papal office, or see,
came to include, under the title of the Patrimony of St. Peter,
many estates throughout Italy and Sicily, which, could they have
been massed together, would have made a considerable kingdom.
As the administrator of the Patrimony, the pope gained something
of the power of an earthly, or temporal, prince. The man who did
most to bring this about was Gregory the Great, an eminent states-
man as well as priest, who became pope in 590 a.d. We shall see
how, many years later, the pope was made wholly independent of
the Eastern emperor, and how his temporal power was greatly
increased and placed on a lasting basis by the favor of a Frankish
king.^
355. The Anglo-Saxons in Britain (beginning 449 A.D.). — Before
beginning the story of the Franks, it is necessary to learn something
of the conquest of Britain by the Angles and the Saxons. Though
Roman civilization and Christianity took no deep hold upon this
island, the yoke of Rome had made the Celtic population weak and
cowardly. Hence, when Honorius recalled his troops from Britain
(411 A.D.), the inhabitants of that part which had been subject to
Rome could not defend themselves against the barbarians who
assailed them on every side. Scots from Ireland, Picts from Scot-
land, and Jute and Saxon pirates grievously distressed them, and
threatened, in fact, to overrun the whole country. At length they
called upon the Jutes, a German tribe, to help them against the
Picts. The defenders became conquerors; and their example was
' § 359.
Britain 453
followed by their more numerous kinsmen, the Angles and the
Saxons, who in time subdued and settled all- the Romanized part
of the island. The Britons who survived were pushed back or
reduced to serfdom, so that little trace of them is left in the Eng-
land which resulted from the conquest j on the other hand, Wales,
Scotland, and Ireland remained Celtic. The leaders of the invading
bands became kings, each of the small district he had subdued.
In time arose seven states, — the so-called Heptarchy, — which
finally united in one kingdom.
As the Angles and the Saxons, before the conquest, had lived in
northern Germany, far away from the empire, they knew nothing
of Christianity or of Roman civilization. Under them, therefore,
Britain again became bai'harous and pagan. The invaders brought
to their new home the manners and institutions which had been
theirs in the fatherland, and from which the English people of
to-day have derived their government and law, scarcely touched by
the influence of Rome. As to the religion of the Anglo-Saxon
conquerors, the case was quite different. Pope Gregory the Great
sent them missionaries, and others came to them from Ireland,
which had already been Christianized. As there was some differ-
ence between the Irish and Roman churches, strife ensued, in
which Rome at length triumphed ; so that England became subject
to the Roman church, acknowledging the pope as her supreme
spiritual authority. It was no little gain to the cause of peace and
civilization that when Britain was forever broken from the empire,
religion reunited it to Rome.
356. The Franks ; Clovis (481-51 1 A.D.).— It remains to follow
the story of the Franks.
Toward the end of the fifth century a.d., when the Franks were
about to enter upon their great political career, they occupied both
banks of the middle and lower Rhine. Not given to wandering as
were the other Germans, they had contented themselves with grad-
ually extending their territory. We find them divided into a number
454 T^^ -^^^ German States
of tribes, each under a chief. One of these petty soveieigns was
Clo'vis. His hfe-work was to be the founding of a united f rankish
kingdom, embracing most of Gaul, together with a part of western
Germany.
Near him were the Romans, who still held a district in northern
Gaul ; to the southeast dwelt the Burgundians, and to the south the
Visigoths, whose territory included not only a large portion of Gaul,
but most of Spain. The Vandals held Africa ; and Tneodoric the
Ostrogoth was soon to conquer Italy. Such was "the condition of
southwestern Europe at this time.
In a battle at Soissons (pron. Sw'ds-son^) Clovis conquered his
Roman neighbors (486 a.d.). He then defeated the Burgundians,
and made them tributary. In another war he brought under his rule
most of the West-Goths who lived in Gaul. Many years he was
engaged in these conquests. Meantime he was plotting against the
chiefs of the other Frankish tribes. By having them murdered, one
after another, he finally united in his own hands the authority of all.
Thus through war and intrigue he did much to weld Celts, Romans,
and Germans into the great Frankish nation.
In the beginning of his reign he and his subjects were pagan. But
he married the Burgundian princess Clo-til'da, who chanced to
belong to the Roman church; and when, somewhat later, he per-
suaded himself that her God had helped him win a battle, he and
three thousand of his warriors were baptized into her faith. It
was as an orthodox Catholic that he conquered the Burgundians
and the Visigoths, who were heretical Arians. This close alliance
between the Frankish throne and the orthodox church was to
have an important effect upon the whole history of the middle
ages.
Clovis was a barbarian; though converted to Christianity, he
remained treacherous and cruel to the end. Nevertheless, as the
maker of a strong, influential nation, he did a priceless service to
civilization.
Charles Martel 455
357. The Merovingians to the Death of Dagobert (511-638 A.D.).
— His descendants, who ruled for nearly two and a half centuries
after him, carried on his work. They are called Mer-o-vin'gi-ans,
from Mer'o-vig, grandfather of Clovis. For a time the members of
the dynasty were able and energetic. The kingdom of the Franks
prospered, and several German nations submitted to them. Then
their conquests ceased; instead of consolidating the great kingdom,
rival heirs to the throne of Clovis began to murder one another and
to waste the country in civil war. Their cruelty fills nearly a century
of their country's history. Sometimes the heirs divided the prov-
inces among themselves, and again a strong ruler would reunite the
kingdom. The tendency was to a division into three loosely con-
nected states, — Aus-tra'si-a, which was thoroughly German ; Neus'-
tri-a, whose population contained an influential Roman element ; and
Burgundy. The last important Merovingian king was Dag'o-bert,
whose reign ended in 638. Thereafter the rulers of this dynasty
were so weak and worthless as to earn the title of do-nothing
kings.
358. Charles Martel and the Mohammedans (to 732 A.D.). — As
these rulers grew more and more feeble, the steward of the royal
household, termed Mayor of the Palace, gradually took the manage-
ment of pubhc affairs into his own hands and became prime minister.
In Austrasia the position came to be hereditary in a powerful family
known to history as Car-o-lin'gi-an, from Charles the Great, its most
illustrious member. The achievement of the early Carolingians was
to reunite the Prankish nation. This work was completed by Mayor
Charles, afterward surnamed Mar-tel'. It was an especially fortunate
event, for the Franks needed their combined strength against the
Mohammedans, who had recently conquered Spain and were now
threatening all Europe.
The Mohammedans were followers of Mo-ham'med, who was
born about 571 a.d., in Mec'ca, the holy city of Arabia. Before his
time the Arabs were idolaters, but he presented himself to them as
456 The New German States
the prophet of the one God. With a marvellous personality and a
deep knowledge of the religious and moral needs of his people, he
wrote and spoke as one inspired. His writings, which afterward
composed the Ko'ran, he asserted to be a revelation from God ; to
his followers they were what the Bible was to the Christians. As his
church grew strong, he proclaimed that the faith should be forced
upon unbelievers. " The sword," he declared, " is the key of heaven
and hell ; a drop of blood shed in the cause of God, a night spent in
arms, avails more than two months of fasting and prayer ; whosoever
falls in battle, his sins are forgiven; at the day of judgment his
wounds shall be resplendent as vermilion, and odoriferous as musk ;
and the loss of Hmbs shall be supplied by the wings of angels." ^
Henceforth his followers rapidly increased. Some \vere attracted by
faith, others by fear, and others by hope of conquest and plunder.
Soon the army of believers spread the faith over Arabia, Syria, Persia,
and as far into Asia as Alexander the Great had marched. But when
they tried to conquer the Roman empire in the East, the walls of
Constantinople withstood them. On the south shore of the Mediter-
ranean, however, they met with Httle resistance. They conquered
Egypt, and in the course of the seventh century a.d. the entire
African coast to the Strait of Gi-bral'tar. Fierce religious enthusiasm
swept them impatiently on. Early in the eighth century they crossed
to Spain and readily overran the decayed kingdom of the Visigoths.
Their empire now lay along the Mediterranean in a stupendous
crescent, whose horns threatened Christian Europe east and west.
When they invaded France, at first with their usual success,
Christianity seemed doomed; but a power existed with which the
Saracens 2 had not reckoned, — the fresh, manly nation of Franks
lately united under Mayor Charles. At his call, thousands of stalwart
warriors gathered to repel the danger. The hosts met in battle near
Poitiers (pron. Pwd-te-a!) in 732 a.d. All day the light cavalry of
the invaders dashed in vain against the immovable ranks of Frankisb
* CL Gibbon, Roman Empire, ch. 1. 2 /.^.^ the Mohammedana.
Pippin 457
infantry. The Mohammedans lost vast numbers, including their able
commander. They saw at once that they had met their superiors,
and deserting their camp they retreated southward. The victory
saved western Europe from conquest by the Mohammedans ; though
they were still able to annoy, they were no longer dangerous. To
Charles, the victor, after ages gave the name Martel — the Hammer —
in remembrance of his blows which crushed all enemies.
359. Pippin (741-768 A.D.). — Charles died in 741 a.d., and
was succeeded by his son Pip'pin. Father and son pursued the same
methods of building up the power of the Franks ; and we need not
separate their work here. Outlying provinces which had revolted
they reduced to submission; they further strengthened the central
authority by engaging the nobles in their service ; they brought the
churches of the realm into one religious system, which, however, they
held subordinate to the State ; and with the aid of religion they
strove to uplift the morals of their people.
Charles remained simply mayor to his death ; but Pippin deposed
the royal Merovingian puppet, and himself became king by a double
ceremony : the Franks elected him in their own fashion, and the
Church anointed him with holy oil according to bibHcal usage.
Thus he ascended the throne with the consent of the pope. In fact
the relations between the papal see and the Frankish throne had
been friendly from the days of Clovis, and now ripened into a close
alliance. Charles Martel had been asked for help against the Lom-
bards, who were besieging the pope in Rome. When another pope
found himself threatened by the Lombards, he called on Pippin for
aid. Thereupon the king of the Franks twice invaded Italy, took from
the Lombards the country about Ravenna, — a territory they had
wrested from the emperor, — and instead of restoring it to the rightful
owner, he placed it under the rule of the pope. This dominion
came to the pope in addition to the actual landed property of his
office included under the term Patrimony of St. Peter. As he was
now able to throw off all allegiance to the emperor, and as the gift of
458 The New German States
Pippin was indeed vast, this donation rather than the earlier Patri-
mony ^ is generally considered the beginning of the pope's temporal
power. The head of the Church now possessed great revenues, an
army, and an influential place among the princes of this world. His
temporal power lasted till 1870, when his dominions passed to Victor
Em-man 'u-el, king of Italy.
360. Charles the Great; King of the Franks (768-800 A.D.).—
Charles, who succeeded his father Pippin in 768, is known to us as
Charles the Great — Charlemagne (pron. Shar-le-man^) , From the
fact that he stamped his character upon western Europe, and gave
direction to the current of its history for centuries, we reckon him
among the most eminent men of all time.
He was a tall, strong man, with large, bright eyes and happy face.
A tireless worker, he attended in person to all the duties of govern-
ment, learned the needs of his subjects, and saw that every one had
justice. His ability in government was directed by a well-considered
purpose of educating his people and improving their religious and
moral condition.
One of his aims was to round out his kingdom on the east by the
conquest of Saxony. Early in his reign, accordingly, he began the
war, which lasted with many interruptions more than thirty years
(772-803 A.D.). To conquer an enemy who would not meet him in
open fight, who loved freedom and kindred above every law or
treaty obligation, was a wearisome task. At length, however, it was
done; the Saxons accepted Christianity and the firm, just rule of
Charlemagne. Early in the Saxon war, in an interval of quiet,
Charlemagne invaded Spain to support a faction of Mohammedans
against the central government (778 a.d.). The campaign was a
failure ; and while recrossing the Alps the army fell into an ambus-
cade which the mountain Basques had laid for it in a gorge at Ron-
ces-val'les. The king lost his baggage-train and many men. Among
the officers killed was one who under the name of Roland afterward
^ § 354.
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Charles the Great
459
became a famous hero of romance. Notwithstanding the failure of
this expedition, later efforts pushed the Frankish border some dis-
tance south of the Pyrenees.
A few years before the Spanish campaign he conquered the
Lombards, in response to another call of the pope for help against
them. Charlemagne himself put on the iron crown of Lombardy,
though he still remained king of the Franks (774 a.d.).
361. Charles, Emperor of the Romans (800-814 A.D.). — On
Christmas Day, 800 a.d., while he was kneeling at prayer in the
IHE Iron Crown of Lombardy
The inner circle of iron said to have been made from a nail of the True Cross
(Cathedral of Monza)
Church of St. Peter, Pope Leo III crowned him Emperor of the
Romans. In one sense this was a revival of the Roman empire of
the West: Roman learning, law, and government continued in it.
In another sense it was Germanic : the dominant race was German ;
the Frankish nation, which had brought about this union of the
races, remained the most thoroughly German of all the invaders;
^50 The New German States
much of the strength, the vitality, and the free life of the Germans
animated this empire, at once new and old. For a capital, so far
as he needed one, Charlemagne preferred Aa'chen, — Aix-la-Cha-
pelle', — or some other German city, to Rome. His heart was
German ; his mind only was Roman. In his system, too, the idea
of Christendom largely supplanted that of the Roman world. His
dominion was not the same in extent as the empire of the West ;
for it left out Britain, most of Spain, all Africa, and a part of Italy ;
on the other hand, it included Germany, as far at least as the Elbe,
— a vast territory Rome had tried in vain to conquer. Not least
among his services, Charlemagne so massed the strength of the
Germans that they could ward off the Slavs and the Turanians, who
pressed upon them from the east.
The most interesting feature of his government was his relation to
the pope. Following the example of his forefathers, Charlemagne
made himself temporal head of the Church as thoroughly as of the
State. He controlled the clergy and presided over the rehgious
councils which regulated sacred affairs. The pope was spiritual
adviser, whose religious sanctions added weight to the acts of the
emperor. Thus the Church was still subordinate to the State ; the
struggle for supremacy between the emperor and the pope belonged
to the future.
Though some years after his death his country was divided, the
idea and the influence of the empire were permanent. Thereafter
men held persistently to the belief in a unity of Christian nations
under one head, — this was the controlling idea of the Middle Ages.
Formally the empire of Charlemagne continued till Napoleon Bona-
parte destroyed it in 1806, a thousand years after its founding.
362. The Empire in the East after Justinian ; Wars with the Persians
and the Mohammedans (565-718 A.D.). — While the German nations were
establishing themselves in the West, preparatory to their union under Charle-
magne, the empire in the East was slowly decaying. Wars and excessive taxes
still weakened it. The barbarians continued their invasions. Hordes of Slavs
•nade their homes in the provinces south of the Danube.
Persians and Mohammedans
461
Meanwhile the Persians overran the eastern provinces, and the emperors
could do nothing to stay their advance. The crisis came in the reign of Her-a-
cli'us (610-641 A.D.). For ten years after his accession the Persians gained
ground. They not only held Mesopotamia, Syria, and Asia Minor, but even
seized Jerusalem and conquered Egypt. The loss of the rich valley of the Nile
seemed fatal to the empire; but the capture of the holy city roused the Chris-
tians to a crusade for its recovery. In violation of court etiquette, Her-a-cli'us
took the field in person, and in a succession of campaigns displayed a military
genius the empire had not seen since Julius Caesar. He recovered the lost
provinces, and compelled Persia to sue for peace.
In the following year the Mohammedans first assailed the empire, and at the
jame time attacked Persia. Neither of the great powers could withstand the
Persian Warriors
(National Museum, Naples)
fierce onset of the Arabs. Year after year the fanatics of the desert renewed
their attacks in greater numbers and with increasing fury, till Persia was forever
humbled, and Heraclius, old and feeble from sickness, saw the dreaded enem.y
in possession of Mesopotamia, Syria, and even Egypt. After his death, the
Moslems, while sweeping over northern Africa into Spain, advanced their empire
to the gates of Constantinople. Early in the eighth century a hundred thousand
Mohammedans marched to besiege the capital of the empire, and a thousand of
their ships blockaded the Bosporus. Leo the I-sau'ri-an (717-741 A.D.), who
came to the throne at this time, was equal to the emergency. While his Greek
fire burned a great part of their armada, he drove their land forces back with
462 The New German States
terrible slaughter. Thus Leo in 718, as Charles Martel fourteen years afterward,
saved Christendom from being overwhelmed by the Moslems.
363. Image-breaking. — After the victory l.eo applied himself to adminis-
tration. To purify the Christian religion from what he considered superstition,
he ordered all holy images to be removed or destroyed, and all pictures on
church walls to be obliterated. Hence he is called the first i-con-o-clas'tic or
image-breaking emperor. Although Italy defied the order, he enforced it against
great opposition throughout the East. The three following rulers, who were of
his dynasty, continued the war alike upon the Saracens and upon images. This
zeal caused a rupture between the churches of the East and West, for the pope
of Rome and the. Western clergy favored the use of images. But when the
empress Irene took the reins of government, at first as regent for her son Con-
stantine VI,i she revived image-worship. The Slavs and the Saracens ravaged
her country, and Charlemagne set up a rival empire in the W^est.
But her empire was naturally strong. Roman organization, discipline, and
experience in administration accumulated through hundreds of years, kept the
state alive for centuries after Irene, amid wars and barbarian invasions: and the
state on its part preserved for the modern world a remnant of the vast treasure
of ancient civilization.
Topics for Reading
I. Mohammed. — Emerton, Introduction to the Middle Ages, pp. 122-126;
Oilman, Saracens {Story of the Nations), chs. iv-xx; Oman, European History,
pp. 213-220; Gibbon, Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, c\\. 1.
II. Charlemagne. — Emerton, chs. xiii; xiv; Adams, Growth of the French
Nation, ch. iv ; Oman, European History, chs. xx-xxii ; Davis, Charlemagne,
(^Heroes of the Nations).
1 Constantine VI, 780-797 ; Irene, 797-802 A.D.
Peristyle of a House in Pompeii
(House of the Vetti)
CHAPTER XVI
PRIVATE AND SOCIAL LIFE
In the Late Republic and Early Empire
364. The Family. — The greatness of Rome in the best days of
the republic was largely due to the character of the family. As in
Sparta, strong, healthy children alone were permitted to live. Father ^
and mother were careful to train them in the stern, simple virtues
which made good soldiers and great citizens. In the early republic
girls and boys received all their instruction from their parents ; but
in course of time private schools were opened. After the children
had learned reading, writing, and arithmetic, they advanced to the
study of literature, including Greek and Latin authors ; and finally
the boy was instructed in composition and oratory as a preparation
1 On the power of the father, see § 222.
463
464 Private and Social Life
for public life. Toward the end of the republic there were in
wealthy families educated slaves and paid rhetoricians and philoso-
phers who attended to the various grades of instruction till the
youth was ready to put the finishing touches to his education in the
schools of Athens, Rhodes, or some other cultured Hellenic city.
The customs and ceremonies of marriage closely resembled those
of Greece. Though early usage placed the wife in the power of her
husband, she went freely into society, attended the theatrq^ and
public games, taught her children, and sometimes aided her husband
in his political career. Her position as mistress of the household
commanded respect from the government as well as from society.
Under the empire the father came to have less power over the
members of his family ; children were treated more kindly at home
and in school ; but the strict moraHty of old Rome had disappeared.
Roman society became thoroughly corrupt : men and women sought
pleasure not only in extravagant luxuries, but even in monstrous
vices and crimes. Morals were probably at their worst in the early
empire. In the reign of Vespasian society was already growing
better.
365. The House.— -The private life of the Romans was far more
secluded from public view than ours is. The traveller who walks the
narrow streets of Pompeii sees on both sides plain walls with no win-
dows on the first floor. Two thousand years ago a visitor at one of
these houses came first to the vestibule, a narrow entrance court from
which a hall led to the heavy oaken door. As the visitor approached,
the porter, roused from a nap in his little lodge, opened the door.
The dog growled, or in place of the living animal, the guest perhaps
saw the creature represented in mosaic on the pavement, with the
words, " Beware of the dog — cave canem ! "
The guest entered the a'tri-um, where he found the lord of the
house ready to welcome him. This room was roofed over, with
the exception of an opening in the centre, which admitted the light
and through which the rain poured into a square basin in the floor.
The House
465
In the middle of the basin was a fountain adorned with beautiful
reliefs ; and the entire atrium was richly decorated with costly pillars,
statues, paintings, and purple hangings. On the floor were fine
mosaics-
Adjoining the atrium and in various quarters of the house were
dining rooms termed tri-clin'i-a, each containing at least one table.
Three sides of the table were occupied by couches on which the
A Roman Meal
luxurious Romans reclined while eating their sumptuous repasts. A
board on the fourth side held the costly vases and curiosities of the
proprietor ; and the whole room was lavishly adorned with works of
art.
The per'i-style was an inner court planted with trees and flowers,
and surrounded by a colonnade. Round this court were the sleeping
rooms and other private apartments of the women,- whereas those of
the men were grouped about the atrium. There were also a kitchen,
bathrooms, and sometimes a library. This description applies to the
466
Private and Social Life
first floor. The upper rooms are not so well known, and they were
certainly less attractive. . ...^
366. The Slaves, t— The care of a lordly residence required the
service of a multitude of slaves. Many were needed to admit the
guests, many to care for the baths,, bedrooms, kitchen, and dining
rooms, as well as for the personal service of the various members of
the family. On going out the master or mistress was accompanied
House Furniture
(From Pompeii)
'jy a throng of servants, whose number and splendid livery advertised
the rank and wealth of their owner. Other companies of slaves spun
wool, made clothes, kept the house in repair, and cared for the sick.
There were some whose task was to enforce order and quiet among
the rest.
As a nile the master treated his slaves with great cruelty. For the
slightest offences he whipped, tortured, or crucified them. In the
country they often worked in gangs chained together, and slept in
crowded, filthy dungeons. Under the empire, however, men and
Social Life
467
women gradually learned to treat their slaves with greater kindness.
Claudius and other emperors after him made laws to protect them,
till at last they came to be regarded as human beings. Con-
stantine the Great forbade the separation of slave families.
It often happened that a slave won his freedom by faithful service
or purchased it with his savings. He then became a cHent of his
former master, whose business he usually helped manage. The
freedmen formed a large, intelligent
class, socially inferior to freemen,
but very enterprising and in-
fluential.
367. Social Life and Amuse-
ments.— The imperial household,
like that of any noble, depended
on the labor of slaves and freed-
men. In the morning the emperor
received the magistrates, senators,
courtiers, and friends. In the same
manner the nobles received their
clients, who if poor were given
their daily allowance of twenty-five
as^ses, — the equivalent of a dinner ;
candidates for office came likewise
to ask for the favor of the rich
nian's influence. Every morn-
ing, accordingly, the streets were
thronged with these crowds of early
callers. In the afternoon the master of a house entertained his
friends at dinner, or perhaps accepted an invitation to dine out.
The banquet of the Romans resembled that of Greece, but was
far more magnificent and expensive. Though the wealthy Romans
occasionally attended the theatres, they preferred to spend their time
in the public baths or at the races in the Circus Maximus or at the
Cinerary Urn
(Vatican Museum, Rome)
^68 Private and Social Life
gladiatorial fights in the Colosseum. In the hot season all who
could afford it forsook the city, some for their villas, others for the
seaside resorts, the most famous of which was Bai'ae.
368. Death. — At some time a man had to give up his business
or pleasure, and die. Kinsmen and friends took part in the funeral
procession. The dancers, the music, the acting of the mimes, whose
leader mimicked the deceased, the waxen masks worn by persons
dressed to represent the ancestors, the wailing of hired mourners —
all combined to make the ceremony at once solemn and grotesque.
A near kinsman pronounced a eulogy on the deceased ; the corpse
was burned on the funeral pyre ; and an urn containing the ashes was
deposited in the family tomb.
Summary of Ancient History
Ancient history is a unit comprising three closely related parts, —
the Orient, Greece, and Rome. It was the task of the Oriental
peoples in the remote past to make a beginning of political organiza-
tion, of the useful and fine arts, of all the elements of civilization.
Their work, as that of beginners, was necessarily imperfect. The
Greeks, improving upon their ideas and inventions, developed the
first European civilization. They excelled in industry and com-
merce, in literature, art, and education, and in the creation of ideals ;
the most valuable of all their productions is the ideal of political and
intellectual liberty. In Greece the individual and the free city reached
a many-sided and almost perfect development. Falling at last under
the power of the Romans, Greece led her conquerors captive, trained
them in her immortal ideas, and enriched their lives with her culture.
After taking these lessons of the Greeks, the Romans became teachers
of the European nations. Though they were stern masters, often
selfish and unscrupulous, the training they gave was most valuable.
From them Europe learned the arts of peace as well as of war, —
lessons in building good dwellings and substantial public works, in
nrq >
Summary
469
forming courts of justice and municipal governments, lessons in law,
in administration, in obedience to authority, and finally intellectual
education and the Christian religion. As Rome grew old and declined
in power, her influence extended and deepened ; and when she fell,
the heritage of her civilization and discipline passed equally to Romans
and Teutons — her children by birth and adoption. Grown to man-
hood, these sons of Rome and Germania form to-day the great family
of Christian nations in Europe and the Americas.
Topics for Reading
I. The House. — Preston and Dodge, P^'ivate Life of the Romans, ch. ii;
Becker, Gallus, Scene ii; Guhl and Koner, Life of the Greeks and Romans, § 75 f.;
Mau, Pompeii, its Life and Art, Pi. ii (Pompeian Houses).
II. Roman Dress. — Preston and Dodge, ch. iv; Becker, Scene vi and excursus.
Scene viii and excursus; Inge, Society in Rome under the Caesars, pp. 258-262;
Guhl and Koner, § 95.
III. Schools and Books. — Preston and Dodge, pp. 58-66; Inge, pp. 172-
178; Thomas, Roman Life under the Caesars, ch. ix ; Church, Roman Life in
the Days of Cicero, chs. i, ii ; Becker, Callus, Scene iii and excursus i-iii.
A Well-curb
(Vatican Museum, Rome)
CHIEF EVENTS IN ANCIENT HISTORY
(The great periods are in italics.
THE ORIENT
B.C.
4800 First dynasty in
Egypt.
3800 Sargon, king of
Accad in Chal-
dea.
2778-2565 Twelfth dy-
nasty in Egypt.
1587-1328 Eighteenth
dynasty in
Egypt.
1 150 The Hebrews con-
quer Canaan.
1 125 Tiglath-Pileser I,
king of Assyria.
1122-256 Chow dynas-
ty in China.
1000 Tyre becomes
prominent.
Most dates before 1000 B.C. are more or less approximatCc
GREECE ROME
B.C.
1 500-1 000 Mycenaean
Age; first pe-
riod of coloni-
zation.
[ 000-700 Epic Age.
B.C.
of
776 1 First Olympiad
753 ( ?) Founding
Rome.
^ This is the point from which tne Greeks reckoned time, as we do from the
birth of Christ. An Olympiad — period of four years — was the period between
two successive festivals at Olympia.
470
Events
m
-tHE ORIENT
GREECE
ROME
Bx:.
722-705 Sargon, king
of Assyria.
604-562 Nebuchad-
nezzar, king of
Babylon.
553-529 Cyrusjkingof
Persia.
B.C.
750-550 Second pe-
riod of colojii-
zatio7i.
621 Draco codifies the
laws of Athens.
594 Solon archon of
Athens.
5 60-5 1 o Pisi stratus
and his sons ty-
rants ofAtJie7is.
550 Sparta head of
Peloponnese.
508 Cleisthenes re-
forms the gov-
ernment of
Athens.
499-494 Ionic revolt
490-479 Great war between Greece and Persia.
490 Battle of Marathon.
480 Battle of Thermopylae, of Artemisium, of
Salamis, and of Himera.
479 Battle of Plataea and of Mycale.
477-454 ( ?) Confeder-
acy of Delos.
461-431 Age of Peri-
cles.
454 (?) The Confed-
eracy of Delos
becomes the
Athenian em-
pire.
753 (?)~509 The seven
kings of Rome.
509-264 First period
of the republic ;
Ronie becomes su-
preme in Italy.
451-449 The Decemvirs.
4/2
Chief Events m Ancient History
THE ORIENT
GREECE
J.C. B.C.
445 Thirty Years'
Truce between
Athens and
Sparta.
43 1 -404 Peloponne-
sian War.
421 Peace of Nicias.
415-413 Sicilian Ex-
pedition.
411 Rule of the Four
Hundred at
Athens.
405 Battle of Aegos-
potami.
404 Peace between
Athens and
Sparta.
404-371 Supremacy of
Sparta.
404-403 The Thirty
at Athens.
401 Expedition of Cyrus the younger.
395-387 The Corin-
ROME
B.C.
443 First censors.
431 Battle of Mt. Al<
gidus.
405 (O-396 Siege of
Veil.
thian War.
387 Treaty of Antalcidas.
371 Battle of Leuctra.
371-362 Thebes at-
tempts to lead
the Greeks.
362 Battle of Mantin-
eia;endofThe-
ban greatness.
359-336 Philip, king
of Macedon.
338 Battle of Chaero-
neia.
390 Sack of Rome by
the Gauls.
367 The Licinian-Sex-
tian Laws.
342-341 First Samnite
War.
340-338 Great Latin
War.
THE ORIENT
Events
GREECE
473
B.C.
336-323 Alexander,
333 Battle of Issus. king of Mace-
331 Battle of Arbela. don.
301 Battle of Ipsus
ROME
B.C.
326-304 Second Sam-
nite War.
298-290 Third Samnite
War.
287 The Hort'ensian
Law.
281-272 War between
Rome and Taren-
tum.
264-133 Second period
of the republic ;
the expajision of
Rome outside of
Italy and the
growth of phitoc-
racy.
264-241 First Punic
War.
218-201 Second Punic
War.
218 Battle of the Ticinus
and of the Trebia.
217 Battle of Lake Tras-
imene.
216 Battle of Cannae.
207 Battle of the Metau-
rus.
202 Battle of Zama.
201 Peace between
Rome and Car-
thage.
474 Chief Events in Ancient History
GREECE Ain> ROME
197 Battle of Cynoscephalae.
198 Battle of Magnesia.
168 Battle of Pydna.
146 The Romans destroy Carthage and Corir th.
ROME
133 The Romans destroy Numantia in Spair .
I33~27. Third period of the republic; the revolution from republic to
empire.
133 Tiberius Gracchus tribune of the plebs.
123-122 Gaius Gracchus tribune of the plebs.
91-88 The Social War.
82-79 Sulla dictator.
63 Cicero consul ; the conspiracy of Catilt c.
58-50 Conquest of Gaul.
48 Battle of Pharsalus.
31 Battle of Actium.
27 B.C.-41 A.D. Julian emperors', dyarchy,
27 B.C. -14 A.D. Augustus emperor.
A.D.
9 Overthrow of Varus by the Germans.
14-37 Tiberius emperor.
41-96 The Claudian and Flavian emperors from dyarchy to mon-
archy.
41-54 Claudius emperor.
54-68 Nero emperor.
69-79 Vespasian emperor.
79 Eruption of Vesuvius.
96-180 The Good Emperors ] limited monarchy
98-117 Trajan emperor.
1 17-138 Hadrian emperor.
138-161 Antoninus Pius emperor.
161-180 Marcus Aurelius Antoninus emperor.
Events 475
180-284 From Cojmnodus to Aurelian ; decline of the e?npire ; gf^owth
of absolute monarchy.
21 1-2 1 7 Caracalla emperor; all freemen of the empire become Roman
citizens.
222-235 Alexander Severus emperor ; the new Persian empire founded.
284-337 From Diocletian to Cojistantine ; reconsti^uction of the e77ipire -
absolute inonarchy.
284-305 Diocletian emperor.
313 Edict of Milan granting the Christians toleration.
324-327 Constantine sole emperor.
325 The council of Nicaea.
337-476 The invasions of the barbarians', the dissolution of the empire
in the West.
376 The Visigoths cross the Danube.
395 Division of the empire between Arcadius and Honorius, sons of
Theodosius.
408-410 Alaric besieges and plunders Rome.
410 The Vandals and Sueves settle in Spain.
418 The Visigoths settle in Gaul.
429 The Vandals invade Africa.
449 The Saxons invade Britain.
451 Attila the Hun invades Gaul; battle of Chalons.
476 Romulus " Augustulus" deposed ; reunion of the East and West ;
Odoacer patrician and king of Italy.
476-800 The new German nations to the founding of the empire of
Charlemagne.
493-453 Ostrogothic kingdom in Italy.
496 Clovis accepts Christianity.
527-565 Justinian I emperor.
568 The Lombards invade Italy.
610-641 Heraclius emperor.
622 Mohammed flees from Mecca to Medina (the Hegira^).
711 The Mohammedans invade Spain.
732 Battle of Poitiers (Tours) .
768-800 Charles the Great king of the Franks.
3oo Charles the Great crowned emperor of the Romans.
1 The date of the Hegira — flight of Mohammed — is the point from which the
Mohammedans reckop tin^e.
INDEX
(The numbers refer to the pages.)
colo-
147;
Aa'chen, 460.
A'bra-ham, 28.
Ab'sa-lom, 29.
Academy, 229.
A-car-na'ni-a, 44.
Ac'cad, 16, 19.
Ac-ca'di-ans, see Sumerians.
A-chae'a, A-chae'ans, 46, 53, 243;
nies of, 66; alliance with Athens
Achaean League, 243, 330, 332.
A-chil'les, 59.
Ac'ra-gas (Ag-ri-gen'tum), 67; taken by
Carthaginians, 191.
A-crop'o-lis of Athens, 56 ; seized by Cy-
lon, 82; by Pisistratus, 89; besieged by
Cleomenes, 92; by Athenian commons,
82,93; beautified by Pericles, 154; Ital-
ian, 256.
Ac'ti-um, battle of, 375.
Ad-her'bal, 318.
A-dras'tus, 56.
Ae'diles, plebeian, 301 ; curule, 309, 342.
Ae-e'tes, 58.
Ae-ga'ti-an Islands, battle of the, 319.
Ae-ge'an Sea, 26; navigation in, 65; col-
onies about, 69 ; an Athenian lake, 147.
Ae-gi'na, jealousy of Athens, 119; con-
quered by Athens, 145, 147 ; Aeginetans
at Salamis, 130.
Ae-gos-pot'a-mi, battle of, 184.
Ae-gyp'tus, 53.
Ae-mil'i-us (father), 324; Lucius A. Paulus
(son), 331.
Ae-ne'as, 265, 387.
Ae-o'li-ans, 52, 65.
Ae'qui-ans, 262, n.
mans, 281, 283.
Aes'chy-lus, 157.
I, 280: wars with Ro-
Aes-cu-la'pi-us, 313.
Ae'sis River, 296.
A-e'ti-us, 438, 441.
Ae-to'li-a, 43, 242; Aetolian League, 243.
Af 'ri-ca, Roman province, 334, 337, 438.
Ag-a-mem'non, 59, 60.
Ages, Stone, Bronze, etc, i.
A-ges-i-la'us, 202-205, 209, 213.
A'gis, 176, 180.
A-gra'ri-an Law of Cassius, 301 ; of Lici-
nius, 308 ; of Tiberius Gracchus, 350.
Ag-ric'o-la, 398.
Agrigentum, see Acragas.
A-grip'pa, 375, 386.
A-grip-pi'na, 393.
Ah'ri-man, 34.
A-hu'ra-Maz'da, 34.
A'lans, 438.
Al'a-ric, 435-437-
Al'ba Lon'ga, 258, 265.
Al'boin, 451.
Al-cae'us, 107.
Al-ci-bi'a-des, 169, 172-175, 179-183.
Alc-me-on'i-dae, a family (genos) of
Athens, 82, 93.
Al-e-man'ni, 418, 428, 433.
Al-ex-an'derof Macedon, 233-240; ascends
the throne, 233 ; invades Asia, 234 ; at
Arbela, 236; achievements, 239.
Al-ex-an'dri-a, founded, 236; culture of,
245-247; Caesar in, 370.
Al'gi-dus, Mt., 281, 283.
Alien residents at Athens, 153, 200.
Alphabet, Egyptian, 4; cuneiform, 18;
Phoenician, 27; Chinese, 37.
Al-phei'us River, 77.
Alps crossed by Hannibal, 321.
A-ma'sis, 7.
^76
Index
477
Am-bra'ci-ots defeated, i66.
A-men'em-hai' III, 7,
Am'nion, temple of, 7, 8.
Am-phic'ty-on, 52.
Am-phic'ty-o-ny, see League, religious.
Am-phip'o-lis, 167.
A-myn'tas, 220.
Aft-ab'a-sis of Xenophon, 202, 228.
An-ax-ag'o-ras, 158, 159.
An'cus Mar'ti-us, 267.
An'dro-cles, 180.
An'gles, 445, 452.
An'glo-Sax'ons in Britain, 452.
An'i-o River, 258.
An-tal'ci-das, treaty of, 205, ao8.
An-tig'o-nus, 240.
An'ti-och, 241.
An-ti'o-chus III, 330.
An-tip'a-ter, 242.
An'ti-um, 286.
An-to-ni'nus Pi'us, 405.
An'to-ny, Mark, 370, 373-375.
An'u, 19.
Ap'en-nines Mts., 263.
Aph-ro-di'te (Latin Venus), 51; adopted
by Romans, 313.
A'pis, 13.
A-pol'lo, 51; father of Ion, 73; Delphic,
74-76, 92; adopted by Romans, 262,313.
Ap'pi-an, 410.
Ap'pi-an Way, 290, 311, 379; Aqueduct,
311-
Aq'uae Sex'ti-ae, battle of, 355.
Aqueduct, 347, 384, 403, 449 ; of Pisistratus,
91; Appian, 311, 379; Claudian, 393,
Aq-ui-lei'a, 442.
A-ra'bi-a, 15; home of the Semites, 27;
Roman province, 401.
A-ra'bi-an Gulf, 15.
Ar'abs, 2, n. i, 27, 455.
Ar-a-mae'ans, 2, n. i, 26, 29.
A-ra'tus, 243.
Ar-be'la, battle of, 236.
Ar-ca'di-a, 45; joins Peloponnesian
League, 102; inhabitants, 102, 213;
Arcadian League, 214.
Ar-ca'di-us, 430, 435.
Arches, triumphal, 426.
Ar-chi-da'mus, 142, 163.
Ar-chil'o-chus, 107.
Ar-chi-me'des, 326.
Architecture, Egyptian, 5, 7, 8 ; Chaldean
and Assyrian, 21-24; Persian, 32-34;
early Greek, 109; orders of Greek, 109,
155; under Pericles, 154-156; in Pelo-
ponnesian War, 187 ; in fourth century,
230; Roman, beginnings, 275,378; late
republican, 379; Augustan, 384-386;
Flavian, 397; under Trajan, 403; Ha-
drian, 404; late imperial, 426, 449.
Ar'chons of Athens, 79, 87, 94; change in
mode of appointment, 123; decline of,
123, 150.
A-re-op'a-gus, council of, 79; fall of, 142,
150; hill in Athens, 83.
A'res (Latin Mars), 51.
Ar-gi-nu'sae, battle of, 183.
Ar'go, Ar'go-nauts, voyage of, 58.
Ar-gol'ic Gulf, 46.
Ar'go-lis, 46; 'settlement of, 53; League
of, 76.
Ar'gos, 46, 140; head of Argolis, 76; war
with Sparta, 103; in Persian War, 119,
126; alliance with Athens, 145, 147, 169.-
A-ri-ad'ne, 57.
A-rim'i-num, 323, 343.
A-ri-o-vis'tus, 368.
Ar-is-tag'o-ras, 115.
Ar-is-tei'des, character, 123, 140, 143; op-
poses Themistocles, 124, 140; embassy
to Sparta, 135; wins naval leadership
for Athens, 137; his assessment, 138.
Ar-is-toc'ra-cy, early Greek, 63; Athenian,
79-88; Lacedaemonian, loi ; Roman,
311-
Ar-is-to-de'mus, 55.
Ar-is-to-gei'ton, 91.
Ar-is-toph'a-nes, 172, 187.
Ar'is-tot-le, 234, 245.
A-ri'us, or A'ri-us, 423; Arianism, 423,
430. 433-
Ar-me'ni-a, 401.
Ar-min'i-us, 382.
Arms, Greek, 97, n. 2; Roman, 276, 285.
Army, Egyptian, 11; Assyrian, 21; Per-
sian, 125; Athenian, 87, 105, 121, 163,
204; Spartan (Peloponnesian), 99, 105,
127, 131, 163, 204; Theban, 210; Mace-
donian, 225 ; Roman, 272; Servian, 276;
reformed by Camillus, 285, 287; by Ma-
rius, 355 ; of Hannibal, 321.
Ar-re'ti-um, 323.
478
Index
Art, Egyptian, 5, 8, 13; Chaldean and As-
syrian, 21-25; Phoenician, 26 ; Persian,
32-34; Chinese, 39; early Greek, 109;
under Pericles, 154-157 ; in Peloponne-
sian War, 187; in fourth century, 230-
232; Hellenistic, 245; Etruscan, 260;
Roman, beginnings of, 347, 378; late
republican, 379; Augustan, 384-386;
Flavian, 397; under the good emperors,
410-412 ; late imperial, 426. See Archi-
tecture, Painting, Sculpture.
Ar-ta-pher'nes, 120.
Ar-tax-erx'es (fourth century B.C.), 201,
205; (third century A. D.), 416.
Ar'te-mis (Latin Diana), 51.
Ar-te-mis'i-um, battle of, 126, 128.
A'ry-ans, 2, n. i, 3, 32, 35, 39, 254.
As (Roman coin), 303, 312, 467.
As'cu-lum, battle of, 294. •
A'si-a, Roman province, 337.
Asia Minor, country and people, 16 ; under
Roman protectorate, 330.
As-pa'si-a, 159.
Assembly, prehistoric Greek, 62; early
Athenian, 81; under Solon, 86, 87;
under Cleisthenes, 95; under Pericles,
151; Spartan, loi, 163; Roman, see
Comitia ; German, 432.
As'shur, 21.
As'shur-ijan'i-pal, 18.
As-syr'i-ans, 2, n. i; conquer Egypt, 9;
country of, 15; supremacy, 17; political
organization, 17, 25; civilization, 18-25;
cruelty of kings, 25.
As-tar'te, see Ishtar.
Astronomy, Egyptian, 14; Chaldean, 24.
A'taulf, 430, 437.
Ath-a-na'si-us, 423.
A-the'na, Pallas, 51; goddess of Athens,
57. 155. 157; o^ Boeotian League, 76;
altar on Athenian Acropolis, 82; patron
of Pisistratus, 89 ; temples of, on Acropo-
lis, 158.
Ath'ens, heroes of, 56; includes all Attica,
76; kingship in, 79; aristocracy, 79-85
laws codified, 82; under Solon, 85-88
under Pisistratus and his sons, 89-92;
under Cleisthenes, 93-95; joins Pelo-
ponnesian League, 105 ; in Ionic revolt,
116-118; in Persian War, 120-132 ; for-
tified, 135-137, 140; head of Delian Con-
federacy, 137-144; under Pericles, 145-
160; in Peloponnesian War, 161-186;
under the Thirty, 200; in Corinthian
War, 203 ; second confederacy of, 208 ;
at war with Philip, 221-226; under
Demosthenes, 222 ; loses battle of Chae-
roneia, 227 ; ally of Rome, 328.
A'tri-um, 464.
At'ti-ca, 45; united under Athens, 76; in-
vaded by Peloponnesians, 104, 163.
At'ti-la, 441-443.
Au'fi-dus River, 324.
Au'gurs, Au'spi-ces, 275.
Au-gus'tine, St., 436.
Au-gus'tu-lus, 431.
Au-gus'tus, 375, 381-389 ; provinces under,
382; public works, 384-387; literature,
388; imperial title, 375, 405, 420, 431,
444; see Octavius.
Au'lis, 59.
Au-re'li-an, 418.
Au-re'li-us, Marcus, 405-409, 410.
Aus-tra'si-a, 455.
Av'en-tine Mt., 276.
A-ves'ta, 35.
Bab'y-lon, 16, 31 ; conquered by Assyria,
17 ; supremacy, 18 ; civilization, 18-25 ;
rebuilt by Nebuchadnezzar, 23; yields
to Alexander, 238.
Bac'chus, 347.
Bac'tri-a, 238.
Bai'ae, 468.
Bal-lis'ta, 193.
Banquet, Athenian, 251 ; Roman, 467.
Ba-sil'i-ca, Julian, 385; of Constantine^
426.
Basques, 458.
Bel, 19; temple of, 24.
Bel'gi-ans, 368.
Bel-i-sa'ri-us, 448.
Bel-shaz'zar, 31.
Ben-e-ven'tum, battle of, 294.
Ben'ja-min, tribe of, 28.
Bible, 19, 30, 246, 433.
Bishop, 422.
Bi-thyn'i-a, 330, 364.
Black Sea (Eux'ine) , 69.
Blan-di'na, 409.
Boe'o-tarchs, 208.
Boe-o'ti-a, 44, 55; ally of Lacedaemon,
htdex
479
163; overrun by Phocians, 222; Boeo-
tian League, 76, 146.
Bo-e'thi-us, 448.
Bon'i-lace, 438.
Bos'po-rus, 69; bridged by Darius, 114.
Bou-le', see Council, Greek.
Boy, Spartan, 98 ; Athenian, 248 ; Roman,
463; see Children.
Bras'i-das, 167.
Bren'nus, 284.
Britain, tin from, 27; conquered by Romans,
369, 393, 398 ; fortified, 404 ; abandoned
by Romans, 435, 452; settled by Anglo-
Saxons, 452.
Brotherhoods (phratries), Greek, 73, 80;
(curiae) Roman, 271.
Bru'tus, Lucius Junius, 269; Marcus, 373.
Bud'dha, 37, 38.
Bur-gun'di-ans, 440, 454.
Bur'rus, 393.
By-zan'ti-um (Constantinople), founded,
69 ; siege of, 137 ; revolt of, 221 ; capital
of Roman empire, 424.
Cad-mei'a, 205.
Cad'mus, 55.
Cae'li-an Hill, 267.
Cae're, 286.
Cae'sar, 367, 373; conquers Gaul, 368; at
war with Pompey, 370; his government,
372; writings, 377; imperial title, 390, 420.
Cal-e-do'ni-a (Scotland), 398.
Ca-lig'u-la, 390.
Cal-li'nus, 106.
Cam-a-ri'na, 192.
Cam-bu'ni-an Mts., 43.
Cam-by'ses, 32, 114, 125.
Ca-mil'lus, 283-286.
Cam-pa'ni-a, 260, 263, 287; under Rome,
288.
Cnm'pus Mar'ti-us, 299, 386.
Ca'naan, 26; conquest of, 27; promised to
Abraham, 28.
Can'nae, battle of, 324.
Can-u-lei'us, law of, 305.
Cap'i-to-line Mt., 269, 275.
Cap'ri, 390.
Cap'u-a, 287, 325.
Car-a-cal'la, 415.
Ca'ri-a, Ca'ri-ans, 66, 138, 147.
Car-o-lin'gi-ans, 455.
Car'thage, founded, 27; colonies of, in
Sicily, 68; war in Sicily, 132, 191-197;
treaty with Rome, 280, 319, 328; great
power, 280, 296, 315 ; first war with
Rome, 315-319; second, 321-328; third,
332-334 ; destroyed, 334 ; again flourish-
ing, 439-
Cas-san'der, 240.
Cas'si-us, Spurius, 280, 301 ; Quintus, 370;
Caius, 373, 374; Avidius, 406.
Castes of India, 36; see Ranks, Social.
Cat'a-na, 175.
Cat'i-line, 365.
Ca'to, the Elder (censor), 332, 345--347;
the Younger, 371.
Ca-tul'lus, 378.
Cat'u-lus (third century), 319; colleague of
Marius, 355.
Cau-cas'i-an race, 2.
Cau'dine Pass, 289.
Cavalry, Athenian, 87 ; Thessalian, 146,
293; Boeotian, 210; Macedonian, 225;
Roman, 272, 285; Aetolian, 329; see
Knights.
Ce-cil'i-a Me-tel'la, 379.
Ce-cro'pi-a, Ce'crops, 56, 57.
Celts, 2, n. I ; see Gauls.
Cen'sors, 306, 341, 343, 346; under Augus-
tus, 383.
Census, Greek, 81, 87, 94; Roman, 276.
Cen'taur, 58.
Centuries, in Roman army, 277 ; in assem-
bly, 299.
Cen-tu'ri-on, 300, n. 3.
Ce-phis'sus River (Attic), 45; in Ptiocis
and Boeotia, 44.
Cer'be-rus, 50, 55.
Chae-ro-nei'a, battle of, 226.
Chal-cid'i-ce, described, 69; invaded by
Brasidas, 167; ally of Philip, 222; towns
of, destroyed, 224; Chalcidic League,
205, 221.
Chal'cis, colonies of, 67, 69; joins Sparta
against Athens, 104.
Chal-de'a, Chal-de'ans, 2, n. i, 15 ; suprem-
acy of, 16; civilization, 18-25.
ChA-lons', battle of, 441,
Cham-pol'li-on {Skam-),^,
Charles Mar-tel'. 455-457; the Great
(Char-le-magne'), 458-460.
Cha'ron, 50.
48o
Index
Cher-so-nese', 114.
Chi Hwang-ti, 38.
Children, Greek, 204; in Roman empire,
403. 405. 464.
Chi'na, Chinese, 2, 37-39.
Chi'os, 65 ; ally of Athens, 148, 163 ; revolt
of, 179, 221.
Chorus, Greek, 108.
Chow Dy'nas-ty, 37.
Christ (Messiah) , 30, 389, 396, 423.
Christianity, 39 ; publicly recognized, 422 ;
opposed by Julian, 429; see word below.
Christians, in the empire, 395, 407-409;
under Constaniine, 422-424, 425.
Chry-sos'tom, John, 430.
Church, Christian, 408; organization of, 422.
Cic'e-ro, 365-367, 373 ; his writings, 378.
Ci-li'ci-a, 72, 364.
Cim'bri, 355, 359.
Ci-min'i-an Hill, 283; Forest, 287, 290.
Ci'mon, 123, 137; Age of, 135-144; lead-
ing admiral, 138; ostracism, 144; in
politics, 140, 142; character, 143, 144,
147 ; his death, 147.
Cin-cin-na'tus, 281.
Cin'e-as, 293.
Cin'na, 359.
Cir'cus Max'i-mus, 276.
Cis-al'pine Gaul, 334, 367.
Ci-thae'ron Mt., 45, 129.
Citizenship at Athens, 152, 153; Roman,
277, 286, 288, 338; given the Italians,
357; the provincials, 372, 392, 415.
City-state {po'lis), sacred hearth of, 71;
religion, 71, 73; organization, 73; su-
premacy of, ended, 218; Italian, 256;
limitations of, 336.
Civil service, Chinese, 38; Roman, 405.
Civilization, earliest, i ; Egyptian, 4, 9-14 ;
Oriental, 9; Chaldean and Assyrian,
18-25 ; Phoenician, 26 ; Hebrew, 29-31 ;
Persian, 32-35; Hindoo, 36; Chinese,
37-39; Prehistoric Greek, 49-51, 61-64;
Ionian, 112; Asiatic and European, con-
trasted, 122; Athenian, under Cimon,
144; under Pericles, 154-160; in fourth
century, 227, 232, 245 ; Hellenistic, 239,
245-247; Etruscan, 260; Italian, 255;
early Roman, 270-279, 312-314, 347;
imperial, 384-389, 399, 407-412; Ger-
man, 431-433.
Classes, census, at Athens, 81, 87, 94; at
Rome, 276; in comitia centuriata, 299.
See Ranks, Social.
Claudius, Appius C. Caecus, 290, 293, 311 ;
Appius (decemvir), 303; Publius, 318;
emperor, 392.
Cla-zom'e-nae, 205.
Cleis'the-nes, 92-95.
Cle-om'e-nes (sixth century), 92, 104, 115;
the reformer, 244.
Cle'on, 164-168.
Cle-o-pa'tra, 371, 375.
Client, 272, 300, 302, 340, 348, 353, 467.
Clo-a'ca Max'i-ma, 275.
Clo-til'da, 454.
Clo'vis, 454.
Cly-tem-nes'tra, 60.
Cni'dus, battle off, 204.
Cnos'sus, 57.
Co'drus, 79.
Coinage, of Athens, 88 ; of Rome, 312.
Col'chis, 58.
Col-la-ti'nus, Tar-quin'i-us, 269.
College, Roman, 269, 272, 309, n. 2.
Col'line Gate, battle of the, 360.
Co-lo'ni, 424.
Colonies, Phoenician, 27, 68; Greek, 42;
before 1000, 65 ; Achaean and Locrian,
66; Ionic and Doric, 67; organization
of, 71 ; Athenian, 105 ; Alexander's, 239 ;
Seleucid, 241 ; Roman, 286, 294; Latin,
286, 295, 325; of G. Gracchus, 353;
Augustan, 384.
Col-os-se'um, 397.
Co-mi'ti-a (assembly), 300, 341; curiata,
272, 299; centuriata, 298-300, 310, 343,
361 ; tributa, 302, 304, 310, 356, 361.
Co-mi'ti-um, 272, 276.
Commerce, Egyptian, 4; Syrian, 13; be-
tween Asia and Europe, 16, 26; Baby-
lonian, 25; Phoenician, 26; Hebrew, 30;
prehistoric Greek, 62 ; Ionian, 66; Mas-
salian,7o; Athenian, 88, 137, 171 ; Lace-
daemonian, 97; Roman, 270, 304, 311;
among provinces, 338.
Com'mo-dus, 413.
Commons, Egyptian, 9; Hindoo, 36; pre-
historic Greek, 62; Athenian, 81. 83, 88,
94 ; in Athenian empire, 149, 165 ; Etrus-
can, 260; Alban, 267; Roman, see Ple-
beians.
Index
481
Con-cor'di-a, temple of, 310.
Confederacy of De'los, see Delos, Con-
federacy of; Athenian maritime (fourth
century), 208.
Con-fu'ci-us, 37.
Congress, Peloponnesian, 103, 162, 185;
Hellenic, 126, 233.
Co'non, 185, 203.
Conservatives at Athens, 124, 140, 146, 149.
Con'stan-tine the Great, 421-425, 426 ; sons
of, 428.
Con-stan-ti-no'ple, see Byzantium.
Con-stan'ti-us Chlo'rus, 420, 422.
Constitution, see Government.
Con'suls, 270, 280, 297 ; under Augustus,
383 ; under Trajan, 402.
Convention, Hellenic Peace, 208.
Co-pa'is, Lake, 44.
Cor-cy'ra, 161, 173.
Cor-cy-rae'ans, in Persian War, 126, 133;
navy of, 162.
Cor-fin'i-um, 357.
Cor'inth, 46 ; colonies of, 67, 69 ; joins Pel-
oponnesian League, 103 ; favors Athens,
104, 150 ; M^ar with Athens, 145 ; and Cor-
cyra, 161 ; incites Sparta against Athens,
162, 185 ; war with Sparta, 203 ; destroyed
by Rome, 332.
Cor-in'thi-an War, 203-206.
Cor-ne'Ii-a, 349, 354.
Cor'si-ca, 319, 335, n. i, 337.
Cos, 221.
Council, Greek (Bou-le'), prehistoric, 62;
of Areopagus, 79, 80, 83, 87, 94 ; of Four
Hundred and One, 81; of Four Hun-
dred, 86, 87, 93; of Five Hundred, 94,
151, 182; Spartan, loi ; of Nicaea, 423 ;
German, 432. See Senate, Roman.
Count, Roman, 421.
Courts of Homicide at Athens, 83 ; popu-
lar supreme (Hel-i-ae'a), 86, 87, 95, 150.
Cras'sus, 363, 367, 369.
Cres-phon'tes, 55.
Crete, 27, 57.
Cri-mi'sus River, battle of the, 196.
Cri'sa, 44.
Crit'i-as, 200.
Croe'sus, 113.
Cro'ton, 67.
Cu'mae, 67, 261 ; Sibyl of, 268.
Cu-nax'a, battle of, 201.
Cu'nei-form, see Alphabet.
Cu'ri-a, 271.
Cu'rule chair, 273, 297; offices, 297, n. 2,
309. 341.
Cyb'e-le, 347.
Cy'clops, 54, 274.
Cy'lon, 81.
Cyn-os-ceph'a-lae, battle of, 329.
Cy-nu'ri-a, 104.
Cy'prus, 27, 70.
Cy-re'ne, 70.
Cy'rus the Great, 31 ; conquers Lydia, 113 ;
the Younger, 183, 201.
Cy-the'ra, 104, 167.
Cyz'i-cus, battle of, 182.
Da'ci-a, 401, 418.
Dag'o-bert, 455.
Da'na-us, 53.
Dan'ube River, crossed by Darius, 114;
Roman frontier, 381, 401, 404.
Da-ri'us I, his organization of empire, 32;
Scythian expedition, 114; angered at
Athens, 116; plans to conquer Greece,
118; sends Datis, 120; further prepara-
tion, 125 ; Nothus, 183, 201 ; Codoman-
nus, 235, 237.
Da'tis, 120.
Da'vid, 28.
Dec'ar-chies, 199, 201.
Dec-e-lei'a, 176.
De-cem'virs, 303.
De'ci-us (consul), 292; emperor, 417.
De-la'tions, De-la'tors, 390.
De'li-um, battle of, 167, 210.
De'los, Confederacy of, 137-139; changed
to empire, 148.
Del'phi, 44; see Oracle.
De-me'ter (Latin Ceres), 51, 173.
De-moc'ra-cy at Athens, 88, 95, 143, 180,
190; strengthened, 124; Greek, 133; in
Peloponnesian League, 140 ; in Boeotia,
T47; in Athenian empire, 149; under
Pericles, 150-153, 159 ; in western Greece,
170; at Rome, 311, 351.
De-mos'the-nes (general), 166, 177; ora-
tor, 223, 227, 228, 242.
Den-ta'tus, Man'i-us Cu'ri-us, 292, 313.
Deu-ca'li-on, 52.
Dic-ta'tor, 281, 289, 298, 360, 372.
Di'o-ces-es, 42Q.
482
Index
Di-o-cle'ti-an, 419-421; baths of, 426.
Di-o-nys'i-us, 192-196.
Di-o-ny'sus, 347.
Do-do'na, 42.
Do-nii'ti-an, 398.
Do'ri-ans, 52; migration of, 52, 55, 65; in
Italy and Sicily, 67-69, 171; in Africa,
70.
Do'ris, 53, 222.
Dra'co, 82.
Dramei, under Pericles, 157; in Pelopon-
nesian War, 187.
Dru'sus, Mar'cus Liv'i-us, 356; son of
Livia, 381.
Du-il'i-us, 317.
Duke, Roman, 421.
Du-um'vi-ri per-du-el-li-o'nis, 298.
Dy'ar-chy, 381-391 ; defined, 383 ; changed
to monarchy, 392-399.
Dy'nas-ty, Fourth Egyptian, 5; Twelfth, 6;
Eighteenth, 7.
E'a, 19.
Ec-cle'si-a, see Assembly, Athenian.
Ec'no-mus, battle off, 317.
Education, Spartan, 98-101; Athenian,
248 ; Roman, 313, 463.
E'gypt, 3-14; geography, 3; history, 5-9;
civilization, 4, 9-14; conquered by As-
syria, 9; independent, 9, 18; influence
on Greece, 53, 70; revolts against Per-
sia, 125, 147; yields to Alexander, 236;
under the Ptolemies, 240, 241 ; ally of
Rome, 296.
E-gyp'ti-ans, 2, n. i.
E'lam, 16.
Elegy, Greek, 106.
E-leu'sis, 45 ; mysteries of, 173.
E'lis, 46, 55; games in, 'jt, joins Pelopon-
nesian League, 103 ; ally of Athens, 169.
E-lys'i-um, 50.
Elmperor, defined, 372, 383, 414, n. 2.
Empire, Egyptian, 5-9; Chaldean, Assyr-
ian, and Babylonian, 16-25; Persian,
31-35; see Persians; Chinese, 37-39;
Athenian maritime, 124, 147, 148-150,
163; Alexander's, 239; Carthaginian',
315; Roman. 337,381-462; divided, 430;
end of, in West, 431, 443; eastern branch
of. 448-450, 460-462. See Contents.
Ep-am-in-on'das, 206; in peace conven-
tion, 208 ; at Leuctra, 209; invades Pelo
ponnese, 214-217.
E-pei'rus, 42 ; plundered by Romans, 331.
Eph'e-sus, battle near, 116.
Eph-i-al'tes, 142, 143.
Eph'ors, 101, 136, 185, 200, 212; in Per-
sian War, 126; and Pausanias, 141.
Epic, Greek, 61, 106 ; Age, 63.
E-pis'ta-tes, 95.
Erc'te, Mt., 318.
E'rech, 19.
E-rech-thei'um, 57, 155, 187.
E-rech'theus, 57.
E-re'tri-a, harbors Pisistratus, 90; aids
lonians, 116; destroyed, 120.
E'ryx, Mt., 319.
E'sar-had'don, 18.
E-thi-o'pi-a, 6, 7.
E-tru'ri-a, 260, 263; invaded by Gauls,
283 ; ravaged by Romans, 290.
E-trus'cans, 256, 260; wars with Rome,
280, 286, 290.
Eu-dox'i-a, 430, 440.
Eu-phra'tes River, basin of, 15-25.
Eu-rip'i-des, 187.
Eu-ro'pa, 55.
Eu-ro'tas River, 47, 99.
Eu-ry-bi'a-des, 127.
Eu-rym'e-don River, battle of the, 138.
Eu.^'ine, see Black Sea.
Ex'arch, 449.
Fa'bi-us (consul and censor), 290, 292, 312 ;
Cunctator, 324.
Factions, local, in Attica, 81, 89, 93.
Family, Roman, 271.
Faus-ti'na, Faus-tin-i-a'nae, 405.
Fay-um', 7.
Federation, Athenian Continental, 147 ; see
Leagues.
Fla'men, 271, 274.
Fla-min'i-an Way, 343, 385.
Flam-i-ni'nus, 329.
Pla-min'i-us, Gaius, 323, 343.
Fleet, see Navy.
Flood, Greek tradition of, 52.
Fo'.rum, Roman, 275, 284; Julian, 385;
Augustan, 386.
Four Hundred, oligarchy of, 181.
Franks, 417, 428, 433, 445, 452, 453-460.
Freedmen, 340, 372, 393, 467.
Index
483
Frieze, defined, 11 1.
Frontier, under Augustus, 381 ; Claudius,
393; Domitian, 398; Trajan, 401; A.
Severus, 417 ; broken through, 429; un-
der Valentinian, 429.
Fujieral Oration of Pericles, 164.
i-'uries, 82, n. i.
Ga-bin'i-us, 364.
Ga'des, 27.
Gai'ser-ic, 438-440.
Gal'ba, 395.
Ga'len, 410.
Ga-le'ri-us,420, 422.
Gal'la Pla-cid'i-a, 430, 437, 438.
Games, Greek national, 'jj, 108.
Gaul, colonized by Greeks, 70; crossed by
Hannibal, 321 ; conquered by Caesar,
367-369 ; ravaged by Franks, 417 ; by
Vandals, 438 ; Cisalpine, 334, 373.
Gauls, in Thrace, 241 ; in Italy, 262, 334,
343 ; on the Allia, 283 ; sack Rome, 284 ;
at Sentinum, 292; under Rome, 296; in
Hannibal's army, 322, 324; civilization
of, 368 ; receive citizenship, 372.
Ge-dro'si-an Desert, 238.
Ge'la, 192.
Ge'lon, 126.
Generals, Athenian, under Cleisthenes, 94 ;
at Marathon, 121 ; chief magistrates, 124,
152; at Arginusae, 183.
Gens {Greek ge?tos, family), Athenian, 80;
Roman, see Family,
Ge-nu'ci-an Law, 310, n. i,
Ger-man'i-cus, 389.
Germans, cross the Rhine, 368; civiliza-
tion of, 368, 431-433 ; and Augustus, 381 ;
and Domitian, 398 ; cause decline of
Rome, 425; migrations, 433 ; in Roman
army, 425, 436, 443 ; invasions of empire,
433-444; new states of, 445-460 ; outside
the empire, 445, n. i; Alemanni, 418,
433; Angles, 445, 453; Burgundians, 440,
445 ; Franks, 417, 428, 433, 445, 453-460 ;
Goths, 417, 433-438, 446-449 ; Jutes, 452 ;
Lombards, 450-452; Marcomanni, 407 ;
Saxons, 445,452; Sueves, 438; Vandals,
435. 437. 438-440. 445. 448.
Gi-bral'tar, Strait of, 72.
Girls, Spartan, loi ; Athenian, 248. See
Children.
Gi'zeh((7(f<?-), pyramids at, 5.
Glad'i-a-tors, 348, 389, 397.
Glau'ci-a, 356.
Gods, see Religion.
Gor'di-um, 235.
Gor'go, 116.
Gor'gons, 54.
Goths, 417; cross the Danube, 418, 429,
434; in Italy, 430, 436, 446-449; in
Spain, 437; East, 433, 445, 446-449;
West, 433, 437, 454, 456.
Government, Egyptian, 5; Assyrian, 17,
25; Hebrew, 28; Persian, 32; Chinese,
37,38; prehistoric Greek, 55; colonial,
63 ; of city-state, 73 ; early Athenian, 79-
85; under Solon, 85- 88; under Pisistra-
tus and his sons, 89-92; reformed by
Cleisthenes, 93-95 ; under Pericles, 150-
153; of the Four Hundred, 181; Lace-
daemonian, loi; early Roman, 255, 257,
266; regal, 271-273; early republican,
297-300; development of, 300-312; in
time of Punic Wars, 340-343 ; of G.
Gracchus, 353; Sulla, 360; Caesar, 372;
Augustus, 383; Trajan, 402; Hadrian,
404; Diocletian, 420-422; German, 432;
of Charlemagne, 460.
Governor, provincial, 337, 338, 372, 420.
Grac'chus,348; Tiberius, 349-351 ; Gaius,
352-354-
Gra-ni'cus River, battle of the, 234.
Greece (Hel'las), defined, 46, 66, 72; ge-
ography of, 41-48 ; relation with Orient,
42; climate and products, 47; Great
(Magna Graecia), 67, 194, 197; West-
ern, 69; expansion of, 71 ; condition of,
500 B.C., 105; war with Persia, 120-134;
conquered by Rome, 328-332. See Con-
tents.
Greeks, 2, n. i; in Egypt, 9, 70; in Asia
Minor, 16, 31, 52, 65; character, 42, 127,
329; western, 66-69, 169-178, 191-198,
261 ; in Alexandria, 245-247. See Con-
tents.
Greg'o-ry the Great, 452, 453.
Gy-Iip'pus, 175.
Gym-na'si-um, 249.
Gym-no-pae'di-ae, 212,
Ha'des, 50,
Ha'dri-an, 403-405 ; Wall of, 404,
484
Index
Ha-dri-a-no'ple, battle of, 434.
Hal-i-car-nas'sus, 158.
Ha'lys River, 31, 113.
Ha-mil'car (king), 133, 191; Barca, 318-
320.
Ham'ites, 2, n. i, 3, 4, 32.
Han'ni-bal (king), 191; Barca, 320-328;
character, 320, 322; crosses the Alps,
321; victories, 322-324; defeated at
Zama, 328; death, 330.
Har-mo'di-us, 91.
Har'most, 199.
Har'pa-gus, 113.
Heahh, temple of, 346.
He'brews, 2, n. i, 26; in Egypt, 9; his-
tory, 27-29 ; religion and literature, 29-31.
Hec-te'mo-ri, see Tenants.
Hec'tor, 59.
He'ge-mo-ny, or He-gem'o-ny, 76.
Hel'en, 59.
Hel-i-ae'a, see Courts, popular supreme.
Hel'las. see Greece.
Hel'len, 52.
Hel-le'nes, see Greeks.
Hel-len'i-ca of Xenophon, 228.
Hel-len-is'tic Age, 245-247.
Hel'les-pont, 69, 125, 182, 184.
He'Iots, 97; revolt of, 141, 214.
Hel-ve'ri-ans, 368.
He-phaes'tus, 51, 59, 156.
Hep'tar-^chy, 453.
He'ra (Latin Juno), 51.
Her-a-clei'a, battle of, 293.
Her-a-clei'dae, 55.
Her'a-cles, 19, 54 ; Pillars of, 72.
Her-a-cli'us, 461.
Her-cu-la'ne-um, 398.
Her'mes, 51 ; mutilation of images of, 173.
Her'ni-cans, 262, n. i, 280, 286.
He-rod'o-tus, 158.
Heroes, Greek, 53.
Hes'i-od, 106.
Hes'ti-a (Latin Vesta), 51.
Hi'e-ron, 317, 325.
Him'e-ra, battle of, 132; destroyed, 191.
Hi-mil'con, 191, 193,
Hin'doos, 2, n. i, 35-37.
Hip-par'chus (son of Pisistratus) , 91;
kinsman of Hippias, 117, 123.
Hip'pi-as, 91, 104, 105, 116, 121.
His-ti-ae'us, 114.
Hit'tites, 7, 9.
Ho'mer, 43, 61, 106; edited, 246; in
school, 249.
Homicide, in prehistoric Greece 62; ir
Draco's code, 83.
Ho-no'ri-us, 430, 435, 452.
Honors, career of, 342.
Hor'ace, 387. ^
Ho-ra'ti-us, and Valerius, yat^,
Hor-ten'si-an Law, 310, 341.
Ho'rus, 12.
House, Roman, 464.
Huns, 434, 441-443.
Hyk'sos, 7.
Hy-met'tus, Mt., 45.
Hyph'a-sis River, 239.
Iambic verse, 107.
I-a-pyg'i-ans, 262, n. i.
I-con-o-clas'tic emperors, 462.
Jl'i-ad, 61.
I-lis'sus River, 45.
Il-Iyr'i-an pirates, 328 ; wars, 331.
Il-lyr'i-cum, 335, n. i, 367, 373.
Im'bros, 205.
Im-per-a'tor, 372,, 383, 414,11. 2; see Era-
peror.
Im-pe'ri-um, 273, 299.
In'di-a, 35-37 ; invaded by Alexander, 238 ;
see Hindoos.
In'dus River, 238.
Industry, Egyptian, 13; Chaldean and
Assyrian, 24; Phoenician, 26; Persian,
34; Chinese, 39; early Greek, 62;
Ionian, 66; Athenian, 88; Lacedaemo-
nian, 97 ; Roman, 304, 311 ; in the prov-
inces, 338.
In-ter-reg'num, In'ter-rex, 273.
I-ol'cus, 43, 58.
I'on, 52, 73.
I-o'ni-a, 66.
I-o'ni-an Sea, 66, 174.
lonians, 52, 65; character, 66, 112; con-
quered by Persians, 113; revolt of, 114-
117.
I-phic'ra-tes, 204.
Ip'sus, battle of, 240.
I-ra'ni-ans, 2, n. i.
I-re'ne, 462.
I-sag'o-ras, 92.
Index
485
.^n'tar (As-tar'te), 19.
I'sis, 13.
Is'ra-el, 28.
Is'ra-el-ites, see Hebrews.
Is'siis, battle of, 235.
I-tal'i-ans, 2, n. i ; migration to Italy, 254;
races of, 262, n. i ; revolt, 357.
I-tal'i-ca, 357.
It'a-ly, Greek colonies in, 66-69; tyrants
in, 105, 170; end of Greek freedom in,
191-198 ; country and people, 254-264;
races of, 262, n. i ; organization under
Rome, 262, 294-296,316,336; decline of,
339; under Caesar, 372 ; Augustus, 384;
Trajan, 402; Aurelius, 407 ; invaded by
Alemanni, 418; by West Goths, 436; by
East Goths, 447; by Lombards, 450-
452; divided into provinces, 421.
Ith'a-ca, 60.
I-tho'me, Mt., 47, 142, 143, 214.
Iz-du-bar', 19.
Ja'cob (Israel), 28.
Ja-nic'u-lum, Mt., 267.
Ja'nus, 273, 398.
Ja'son, 58.
Jax-ar'tes River, 239.
Je-ho'vah, 28 ; temple of, 29 ; religion of,
29-31.
Je-ru'sa-lem, 28, 31 ; destroyed, 396.
Jews, 29; in Alexandria, 242, 246; in
Rome, 395, 407; revolt of, 396.
Jo-cas'ta, 56.
Jon'a-than, 28.
Jo-se'phus, 30.
Ju'dah, tribe of, 28.
Ju'da-ism, 39.
Ju-de'a, 364.
Judges, of Israel, 28; Greek, in under-
world, 50; in Olympic games, 78; Athe-
nian, 80, 85; local (justices), 91, 150;
Roman, 297, 298.
Ju'ge-rum, 309, n. i.
Ju-gur'tha, 354.
Ju'li-an, 428.
Ju'no, 265, 271, 274.
Ju've-nal, 410.
Ju'pi-ter, 258, 269, 274.
Ju'rors, Athenian, 143, 150.
Jus-tin'i-an, 448-450.
Jutes, 452.
Khu'fu, 5.
Kings, Egyptian, 5-9; Chaldean and As-
syrian, 16-18 ; Hebrew, 28 ; Persian, 31-
33; prehistoric Greek, 62; Athenian, 79;
as archons, 80; Lacedaemonian, 55, 99^
101 ; Roman, 265-279.
Knights, Athenian, 87; Roman, 285, 340,
393; recruited by Vespasian, 396; in
civil service, 405.
Ko'ran, 456.
Lac-e-dae'mon, defined, 47, n. 2, loi ; a
great state, 76; government, loi ; con-
quers Messenia, 102; relations with
Croesus, 113; character in war, 127; in
Persian War, 121, 126-132; interference
in Athenian affairs, 135-137; trouble
with Pausanias, 140; with the helots,
141 ; rupture with Athens, 143, 145 ; in
Peloponnesian War, 161-186 ; supremacy
of, 199-21 1 ; war with Persia (fourth cen-
tury) , 202 ; in Corinthian War, 203 ; vio-
lence of, 205 ; defeated at Leuctra, 209 ; at
Mantineia, 215 ; under Cleomenes, 244.
La-co'ni-a, 47, 97 ; settlement of, 53 ; con-
quered by Sparta, 76; invaded by
Epaminondas, 214, 216.
La'de, battle off, 116.
Lam'a-chus, 173-175.
La'mi-an War, 242.
Land holding in Attica, 84; in Sparta, 97,
98 ; under Rome, 307.
La'res, 271.
Lars Por'se-na, 260, 280.
Latin colony, 286, 291; town (city), 258,
286.
Latin War, the Great, 287.
Latins, 256 ; under Rome, 268, 278 ; revolt
of, 280, 286, 287 ; treaty with Rome, 280 ;
organized under Rome, 295; Latin
League, 258, 280, 288.
La-ti'nus, 265.
La'ti-um, 256; under Rome, 268, 278;
overrun by hillmen, 281-283.
Lau-ren'tum, 288.
Lau'ri-um (or Lau-rei'um), 124.
La-vin'i-um, 265.
Laws of Draco, 82; of Solon, 88; of the
Twelve Tables, 302-304; codification of
the Roman, 450.
League, of lonians, 66; religious (Ainr
4^6
tnde^
phic'ty-o-ny), 73; Delphic, 74, 221;
political, 76; Boeotian, 76, 146; Argolic,
76; Peloponnesian, 102-106; Chalcidic,
205,221; Arcadian, 214; Hellenic, 227;
■ Aetolian, 243 ; Achaean, 243; Latin, 258,
280.
Leb'a-non, Mt., 26,
Legion, 277, 285, 329.
Legislation, at Athens, 151; at Rome, see
Comitia.
Legislators, Athenian (Thesmothetae) , 80,
(Nomothetae), 151.
Lem'nos, 205.
Le'o, bishop of Rome, 440. 442; III,
459 ; the Isaurian, 461.
Le-on'i-das, 126.
Le-on-ti'ni, 171, 191.
Lep'i-dus, 374,
Les'bos, 52; home of the ballad, 107 ; ally
of Athens, 148, 163 ; revolt of, 165.
Leuc'tra, battle of, 209; effects, 212,
213.
Library at Nineveh, 24.
Lib'y-a, 317, 328.
Lib'y-ans, 2, n. i.
Li-cin'i-us, and Sextius, Laws of, 307-310;
emperor, 422.
Lie' tors, 273, 297.
Life, Ionian, 61 ; Spartan, 98-101 ; Athe-
nian, 152, 153, 159, 248-253; Roman,
270-272, 463-468.
Li-gu'ri-ans, 262, n. i ; wars with Romans,
334.
Lil-y-bae'um, 318.
Li'ris River, 287.
Literature, Egyptian, 13; Chaldean and
Assyrian, 18; Hebrew, 30; Persian, 35;
Chinese, 37; Greek, epic, 61, 106; per-
sonal poetry, 106-108; under Pericles,
157; in Peloponnesian War, 187; in
fourth century, 227-230; Hellenistic,
245; under Rome, 410; early Roman,
347; late republican, 377; Augustan,
386 ; Flavian, 399 ; under good emperors,
409; decline of, 425; German, 433.
Liv'i-a, 381, n. i, 389.
Liv'y, 386.
Lo'cri, 67.
Lo'cris. 43 ; colonies of, 66 ; ally of Lace-
daemon, 163 ; overrun by Phocians, 222.
Lom'bards, 445, n. i, 450-452; conquered
by Franks, 457 ; Lombardy, Iron CroWli
of, 459.
Lu-ca'ni-ans, 194, 291.
Lu-cre'ti-a, 269.
Lu-cre'ti-us, 378.
Lu-cul'lus, 365.
Ly-cur'gus, 55, 98, n. 1, 100.
Lyd'i-ans, 16; conquered by C)n:Tis, 31;
under Croesus, 113.
Ly'ons, 409.
Lyric poetry, 107.
Ly-san'der, 183; at Aegospotami, 184; en-
ters Peiraeus, 186; policy of, 199, 201,
205 ; death, 204.
Ly'si-as, 195, 228.
Ly-sim'a-chus, 240.
Mac'e-don, Mac-e-do'ni-a, under Theban
influence, 214, 220; a territorial state, 218 ;
country and people, 219; rise of, 219-
227 ; under Alexander, 233-240 ; Cassan-
der, 240; Antipater, 242; Philip ¥,244,
325, 328; wars with Rome, 328,330; Ro-
man province, 332, 337; plundered by
Goths, 434.
Mae'li-us, Spu'ri-us, 306.
Ma'gi, 33, 416.
Magistrates, early Roman, 297; in Punic
Wars, 341-343; under Sulla, 361; see
Archon, Consul, Praetor, etc.
Mag-ne'si-a (Thessalian), 127; (in Asia
Minor), battle of, 330.
Ma'go, 323.
Ma-har'bal, 325.
Mam'er-tines, 316.
Man'e-tho, 5.
Maniple, 285, 328.
Man'li-us, Mar'cus, 308.
Man-tin-ei'a, first battle of, 169 ; destroyed,
205 ; rebuilt, 213 ; second battle of, 215-
217.
Mar'a-thon, 45, 90; battle of, 121-123.
Mar-cel'lus, 325.
Mar-co-man 'ni, 407.
Mar-do'ni-us, 118, 130-132.
Ma'ri-us, Gains, 354-359; reforms ttia
army, 355; conflict with Sulla, 358,
Marriage, Athenian, 249; Roman, 271
464.
Mars, 265, 274, 386; sons of, 256, 316,'
priests of, 274.
hidex
48;
Mar'si-ans, 256.
Mas-i-nis'sa, 328, 332.
Masks, waxen, 306.
Mas-sa'li-a, 70.
Max-im'i-an, 420.
Max'i-mus, 440.
Mayor of the Palace, 455.
Mec'ca, 455.
Me-dei'a, 58, 187.
Medes, 2, n. 1, 15, 122; empire of, 31; see
Persians.
Me'don, 79.
Me-don'ti-dae, 79.
Me-du'sa, 54, iii.
Meg'a-cles, 82.
Meg'a-ra, 45 ; colonies of, 69 ; under a des-
pot,82; in Peloponnesian League, 104, 163.
Me'Jos, 169, 185.
Mem 'phis, 5.
Men-e-la'us, 59.
Me-neph'tha, 9.
Me'nes, 5.
Mercenaries (hired troops), of Theagenes,
82; Pisistratus, 90; Carthage, 133; Cam-
panian, 316.
Mer-o-vin'gi-ans, 455.
Mes-o-po-ta'mi-a, 406.
Mes-sa'pi-ans, 263.
Mes-se'ne (Latin Mes-sa'na), (yj, 194, 316 ;
in Peloponnese, 214.
Mes-se'ni-a, 47 ; Dorian settlement of, 53,
55 ; conquered by Lacedaemon, 102; re-
volt of, 142; liberated, 214.
Messes, Spartan (Sys-si'ti-a), icxx
Me-tel'lus, 354.
Me-thym'na, 165.
Metics, see Alien Residents,
Met'o-pe, III, 156.
Mi-lan', Edict of, 423.
Mi-le'tus, 66, 115; colonies of, 69; de-
stroyed, 117.
Mil-ti'a-des, 114; flees to Athens, 117; at
Marathon, 121 ; end of, 123.
Mi-ner'va, 274.
Mi'nos, 57.
Min'o-taur, 57.
Mith-ri-da'tes, 358, 364.
Moe'si-a, 417.
Mo-ham'med, 455.
Mo-ham'me-dans (Sar'i-cens) , 39, 445-457,
Monarchy, see Kings.
Mon-go'li-an race, 2.
Mo' ra, 204.
Morals, Egyptian, 14; Assyrian, 21; He-
brew, 30; Persian, 35; of Buddha, 37;
prehistoric Greek, 51,61; of the Delphi*-
oracle, 75 ; Roman, 348 ; in early empire
390; German, 432.
Mo'ses, 28.
Mum'mi-us, 332.
Mun'da, battle of, 372.
Mu-ni-cip'i-um, 286, 294; under Trajan
402 ; in late empire, 424,
Mu-nych'i-a, 242.
Muses, 245.
Mu-se'um, Alexandrian, 247,
Myc'a-le, battle of, 132.
My-ce'nae, 47 ; prehistoric tombs, 50; kings
of, so, 54, 59 ; Mycenaean Age, 63; head
of Argolis, 76.
My'lae, battle off, 317.
My-ro'ni-des, 147.
Mysteries, Eleusinian, 173.
Myths, of Greece, 52-64; value of, 63.
Myt-i-le'ne, revolt of, 165.
Na'ples, 288 ; Bay of, (fj,
Nar-bo-nen'sis, 355, 367.
Nar'ses, 451.
Nau'crar-ies, see Townships.
Nau'cra-tis, 70.
Nau-pac'tus, 147.
Navy, Phoenician, 117, 125, 180; Athenian
105, 118, 124, 129, 174, 176; Persian, 125,
127; Greek, 127, 130, 132; Syracusan,
175, 180, 193; Carthaginian, 194, 317;
destroyed, 328 ; Roman, 317.
Nax'os, 115; revolt of, 139.
Ne-ar'chus, 238.
Neb-u-chad-nez'zar, 18, 23, 29.
Ne'me-a, games at, tj,
Ne-o-bu'le, 107.
Ne'pos, 377.
Ne'ro, 393-395*
Ner'va, 400.
Ner'vi-i, 368.
Neus'tri-a, 455.
Ni-cae'a, council of, 423.
Nic'i-as, 166-168, 172-177; Peace of, 168.
Nile River, 3, 7.
Nin'e-veh, 17, 33 ; palace at, 23.
488
Index
Nobles, prehistoric Greek, 62; Athenian,
79-85, 88; flee from Pisistratus, 90; in
Cleisthenean organization, 94, 95 ; Spar-
tan, loi; Lesbian, 165; Etruscan, 259;
Alban, 267; Roman, see Patricians;
new nobility, 309, 342; and Tiberius,
389; and Claudius, 393; recruited by
Vespasian, 396.
No-moth'e-tae, 151.
Nu'ma, 267, 273.
Nu-man'ti-a, 334.
Nu-mid'i-a, 328, 332, 354.
Obelisk, 12, n. 2.
Oc-ta'vi-a, 374.
Oc-ta'vi-us (tribune), 351; consul, 359;
Octavianus (Augustus). 372-376; see
Augustus.
0-do-a'cer, 431, 443, 447.
O-dys'seus, 60.
Od'ys-sey, 61.
Oed'i-pus, 56, 157.
Oe-noph'y-ta, battle of, 147.
Ol'i-garchs, at Athens, 146, 159, 186 ; con-
spiracy of, 180 ; in Boeotia, 147 , in Athe-
nian empire, 149, 165; under Spartan
protection, 103, 199.
Ol'i-gar-chy, defined, 103, n. i; favored by
Sparta, 103; of the Four Hundred, 181;
of the Thirty, 200; Theban, 206-208 ; see
Aristocracy, Plutocracy.
O-lym'pi-a, 46 ; games at, y^,
O-lym'pi-as, 233.
O-lym'pus, Mt., 43 ; gods of, 51.
O-lyn'thus, 222, 224.
O-pim'i-us, 353.
Oracle, at Dodona, 42; at Delphi, 44, 74-
76; in Persian War. 75, 129; favors
Cleisther^es, 92, 104; as to Arcadia,
102.
Oratory at Athens, 228.
Or-chom'e-nus, 44 ; prehistoric tombs, 50 ;
rival of Thebes, 76.
O-res'tes (patrician), 431.
O'ri-ent, the, 1-40; civilization rf, 9.
Or-tyg'i-a, 67.
O-si'ris, 12, 13.
Os'sa, Mt., 43.
Os'ti-a, 267.
Os'tra-cism, 95 ; cases of, 123, 124, 141, 143,
149.
Os'tro-goths (East-Goths), see Got&b.
O'tho, 395.
Pa-ga-sae'an Gulf, 43.
Painting;, Roman, 347, 411.
Pal'a-tine Mt., 259, 265, 266, 275,
Pa-les'tra, 249.
Pal-my'ra, 419.
Pam-phyl'i-a, 138.
Pan, 264.
Pan-ath-e-na'ic festival, 91.
Pan-do'ra, 52.
Pan-gae'us, Mt., mines of, 90, 22I.
Pan-no'ni-a, 438.
Pa-nor'mus, 133 ; battle of, 318.
Pan-the'on, 386.
Pa-pin'i-an, 414.
Pa-pir'i-us, 284 ; Lucius P. Cursor, 289.
Pa-py'rus, 13.
Par'a-lus, 185.
Par'is, -9.
Par-me'ni-on, 236, 237,
Par-nas'sus, Mt., 44, 52, 74,
Par'nes, Mt., 200.
Par'non, Mt., 47, 104.
Pa'ros, 107, 123.
Par'the-non, 154.
Par'thi-ans, 364, 369, 406; conquered by
Trajan, 401 ; fall of empire, 416.
Parties at Athens, republican, 118, 123;
tyrant's, 117; democratic, 124; conserva-
tive, 124, 140, 146, 149; at Rome, see
Patricians, Plebeians, Nobles.
Pa-sar'ga-dae, 33.
Pa-tri'ci-ans, 272; magistrates and sena-
tors, 298; oppress the commons, 300;
alone know the laws, 302 ; intermarriage
with plebs, 305 ; equality with plebs, 310,
341; title under Constantine, 431; see
Nobles.
Pat'ri-mo-ny of St. Peter, 452, 457.
Pa'tron, 272.
Pa'trum Auc-tor'i-tas, 273.
Pau-sa'ni-as (regent), 131; treason of,
137, 140 ; king, 201 ; author, 410.
Pa'vi-a, 451.
Pay for public service, 86, 140, 143,
151.
Peace, see Treaty.
Ped'i-ment, defined, iii.
Pei-raeus, harbors of, 117; fortifications
Index
489
137; and Long Walls, 146; plague in,
164; naval preparations in, 172.
Pe'li-on, Mt., 43, 58.
Pe-lop'i-das, 206-208, 210, 217,
Pel-o-pon-nese', 42, 45-47.
Peloponnesian League, 102-106; in Per-
sian War, 119; enlarged, 126, 167;
democracy in, 140; Athens deserts, 144,
145; at war with Athens, 161-186,
?eloponnesian War, 161-186; causes, 161-
163; to peace of Nicias, 163-168; mid-
dle period, 168-178 ; closing years, 179-
186.
Pe-na'tes, 271.
Pe-nei'us River, 43.
Pen-tel'i-cus, Mt., 45, 154.
Per-dic'cas, 240.
Per'i-cles, 143; Age of, 145-160; imperial
policy, 148; his democracy, 150-153;
improvement of city, 154-157 ; literature
under, 157-160; in Peloponnesian War,
161-164.
Per-i-oe'ci, 97, 142.
Per'i-style, 465.
Per-sep'o-lis, 33; taken by Alexander,
238.
Per'seus, 54, iii ; king of Macedon, 330.
Per'si-ans, 2, n. i, 15; history, 31; civiliza-
tion, 32-35 ; conquer lonians, 113 ; in-
vade Europe, 114; Ionic revolt against,
114; great war with Greece, 120-134;
dislodged from Aegean, 139; peace
with Athens, 148 ; aid Sparta against
Athens, 179-183; expedition of Cyrus,
201 ; war with Lacedaemon, 202-204; i"
treaty of Antalcidas, 204; conquered by
Alexander, 234-239 ; new empire of, 415-
417, 428, 429, 461.
t*ha'lanx, Spartan, 99, n. i; Theban, 210;
Macedonian, 224, 276, 293, 329; early
Roman, 276, 281, 285, 324.
Pha-le'rum, 117, 146.
Pha'raohs, 5-9, 10.
Phar-na-ba'zus, 179.
Phar'na-ces, 371.
Phar-sa'lus, battle of, 37a
Phei'di-as, 156, 159.
Phei'don, 104.
Phi-dip'pi-des, 121.
Philip of Macedon, 220-227, 233; ascends
the throne, 220 ; wars witk Athens, 221-
225,227; character, 224 ; death, 233; V,
244, 325, 328.
Phi-lip'pi, battles of, 374.
Phil-ip'pics of Demosthenes, 224; of
Cicero, 373.
Phi-lis'tines, 28.
Philosophy, early Greek, 109; under
Pericles, 158; in Peloponnesian War,
188-190 ; in fourth century B.C., 229, 245 ;
Stoicism, 393, 405.
Phi-lox'e-nus, 195.
Pho-cae'ans, 70.
Pho'cis, 44; in sacred war, 221, 225.
Phoe-ni'cians, 2, n, i, 25-27; commerce,
26; alphabet, 27; colonies in Sicily, 68;
in Spain, 71; in Persian service, 117; at
Salamis, 130; develop military spirit, 132.
Phra'try, see Brotherhood.
Phryg'i-a, 235, 240; settled by Goths, 435.
Phy'le, see Tribe.
Phy'le (a place in Attica), 200.
Pi-ce'num, 343.
Picts, 452.
Pi'la, 285.
Pin'dar, 68, 108, 234.
Pirates, war against, 363.
Pi-sis'tra-tus, 89-91.
Plague (Pestilence), at Athens, 164; in
Roman empire, 406,
Pla-tae'a, ally of Athens, 122, 148, 163;
battle of, 131 ; taken by siege, 166.
Pla'to, 195, 229.
Plau'tus, 347, n. I.
Ple-bei'ans, 272; enter the cavalry, 285;
win their rights, 297-314; first secession,
300; organization, 301; intermarriage
with patricians, 305; eligible to consul-
ship, 308; of city, 310-312; equal with
patricians, 310, 341.
Plin'y the Elder, 399; the Younger, 410.
Plo-ti'na, 403.
Plu'tarch, 410.
Plu-toc'ra-cy, growth of, in Rome, 336-
348 ; defined, 343, n. 2.
Po River, 262 ; valley, 322, 343.
Poetry, epic, 61, 106; personal, 106-108
lyric, 107; dramatic, 157, 187; Roman,
347, 378, 387-
Poitiers {Pwd-te-a') , battle of, 456.
Pol'e-march, Athenian, 80, 121, 124;
Boeotian, 206.
490
Index
Pol' is, see City-state.
Po-lyb'i-iis, 332, 347, n. 1.
Pom-pei'i, 398, 411, 464.
Pom'pey, Gnae'us, 362-367, 369-371; in
the East, 364; a triumvir, 367; at war
with Caesar. 370.
Pon'tiff (Pon'ti-fex), 275, 310, 372.
Pon ti-us, 289.
Pon'tus, 358, 364.
Pope, 444, 452; temporal prince, 452;
and Pippin, 457; and Charlemagne, 459.
Po-sei'don, 51, 77, n. 2; contends with
Athena, 57; temple of, no.
Po-si-do'ni-a, no.
Pot-i-dae'a, 69, 162.
Prae-nes'te, 258, 288, 295.
Prae'tor, 309, 337, 361.
Pre'fect, 286,288; pretorian, 390, 417, 420.
Pre'fec-ture, 294, 420.
Pres'by-ters, 422.
Pre-to'ri-an Guard, Pretorians, 384, 392,
400; violence of, 414, 417.
Pri'am, 59.
Priests, Egyptian, 10, 70; Chaldean and
Assyrian, 21; Hebrew, 30; Persian
(ma'gi),33; Greek, Delphic, 75; Roman,
271, 274; priest-king, Athenian, 80, 84;
Roman, 298.
Prince (emperor), 383.
Pro-co'pi-us, 449.
Pro-magistrate (proconsul, propraetor),
327, n. I, 337, 342, 361; proconsular
power, 383.
Pro-me'theus, 52.
Provinces, Assyrian, 17; Persian, 32;
Chinese, 38 ; Roman, 319, 335, 337-339,
345; under Caesar, 372; Augustus, 382;
Tiberius, 389; Claudius, 392; Nero,
394; Vespasian, 396; Domitian, 398;
Trajan, 402; equal with Rome, 415;
under Hadrian, 404; Diocletian, 420.
Pryt'a-neis, Pryt'a-ny, 94, 152.
Psam-met'i-chus, 9, 70.
Ptah, 13.
Ptol*
e-my, 240, 241, 245, 371 ; astronomer.
410.
Pub-lil'i-us, Quin'tus P. Phi'lo, 289, 310;
Vo'le-ro, 302.
Punic War, First, 315-319; Second, 321-
328; Third, 332-334; see Carthage.
Pyd'na, battle of, 331.
Py'los, captured, 166.
Pyr'rha, 52.
Pyr'rhus, 197, 293, 315.
Py-thag'o-ras, 109.
Pyth'i-a, 74.
Quaes'tors, 298, 304, 337, 342, 361; mili-
tary, 307.
Quin'que-remes, 193, 317.
Quin-til'i-an, 399.
Qui-ri'nal, 267.
Ra, 12.
Races of mankind, 2.
Ra-me'ses 1 1 , 7-9.
Ram'man, 19.
Ranks, social, Egyptian, 9; Hindoo
(castes), 36; Lacedaemonian, 97-101 ;
Lesbian, 165; Alban, 267; Roman, 272.
See Commons, Nobles.
Ra-ven'na, 447.
Red Sea, 15.
Re-gil'lus, Lake, battle of, 280.
Reg'u-lus, 317.
Religion, Egyptian, 12; Chaldean and
Assyrian, 19-21 ; Hebrew, 29-31 ; Per-
sian, 34, 416; Hindoo, 36; Chinese,
38 ; Greek, 49-52 ; of city-state, 73 ; of
Apollo, 74-76; influence on art, 156;
Roman, 273-275, 347, 388; Carthagin-
ian, 316.
Re'mus, 265.
Republic, Roman, founded, 278, 280. See
Contents.
Republicans, Athenian, 117, 123.
Revolution from republic to empire, 349-
380.
Rex Sa-cro'rum, 298.
Rhe'pj'-um, 67, 171.
Rhetoric, 249.
Rhine River, frontier of, 369, 381, 404.
Rhodes, 27, 221.
Rhone River, crossed by Hannibal, 321,
Ric'i-mer, Count, 431.
Rig Ve'da, 36,
Roads, Roman 291 ; Appian, 290, 296, 311 ;
Flaminian, 343 ; under Augustus, 383.
Ro'land, 458.
Rcmai colony, 286.
Ro-mance' languages, 425.
Romans, character, early, 270, 277, 287 ; in
Index
491
golden age, 313; in Punic Wars, 337;
in early empire, 390 ; see word below.
Rome, culture of, from Greeks, 67 ; con-
quers southern Italy and Sicily, 197;
conquers Greece, 244; founded, 258,
266; place in history, 263; under kings,
265-'279; policy of conquest, 277; early
republic, 280-314; organizes territory,
286, 294-296; changes in constitution,
297-314; first war with Carthage, 315-
319; second, 321-328 ; third, 334; grows
illiberal, 340; under the emperors, 381-
460 ; great fire in, 395 ; causes of decline,
424; sacked by Goths, 436; by Vandals,
439. See Contents.
Rom'u-lus (king), 265-267, 273; Augus-
tulus, 431.
Ron-ces-val'les, 458.
Ro'sa-mond, 451.
Ro-set'ta stone, 5.
Rii'bi-con River, 361 ; Caesar crosses, 37a
Sa-bel'li-ans, 255, 357.
Sa'bines, 255, 263; myth of women, 266;
wars with Rome, 268, 281.
Sacred Band, 210, 227.
Sacred Mount, 301, 304.
Sacred Way (Via Sacra), 282, 426, map
of, 386.
Sa-gun'tum, 321.
Sal'lust, 378.
Sam'ni-um, 255; wars with Rome, 287-
293.
Sa'mos, revolt against Persia, 132; ally of
Athens, 148 ; revolt, 149 ; independent,
180 ; Athenian army at, 182.
San'skrit, 3, n. i, 36.
Sa'por, 417.
Sappho {Saf'/o), 107.
Sar'a-cens, see Mohammedans.
Sar-din'i-a, 319, 335, n. i, 337, 345.
Sar'dis, 116, 125, 201.
Sar'gon, 18, 22.
Sa'trap, Sa'tra-py, 32, 179.
Sat'urn, 274; temple of, 298.
Sat-ur-ni'nus, 355.
Saul, king of Israel, 28.
Sax'ons, 445, 452,
Sax'o-ny, 458.
Scaev'o-la, Mu'ci-us, 350^
Sea-man' der, 92.
School, Athenian, 249.
Science, Egyptian, 13; Chaldean and As-
syrian, 24; Greek, 70, 245; see Philos-
ophy.
Scip'i-o, Pub'li-us (father), 322, 326; Pub-
lius Scipio Africanus (son), 327, 328,
344; Gnaeus, 326; Lucius, 330; Publius
Scipio Aemilianus, 334, 348, 351.
Scots, 452.
Sculpture, Egyptian, 8 ; Assyrian, 23 ; Per-
sian, 33 ; early Greek, 109 ; under Peri-
cles, 156 ; in fourth century, 231 ; Roman,
347. 411-
Scy'ros, 205.
Scyth'i-ans, 18, 114.
Se-ges'ta, 170, 174, 191.
Se-ja'nus, 390.
Se-leu'ci-a, 241.
Se-leu'ci-dae, Se-leu'cus, 240, 241, 296;
Seleucid empire, 330.
Se-li'nus, ruins at, no; threatens Segesta,
170, 191.
Sem'ites, 2, n. i, 3; original home, 15;
about Tigris and Euphrates, 16-25;
Syrian, 25-31 ; achievements, 39.
Sem-pro'ni-us, 322.
Sen'ate, Roman, under kings, 273; in early
republic, 241, 304, 310; in Punic Wars,
325, 335, 341; strengthened by Sulla.
360 ; under Caesar, 372 ; Augustus, 383 ;
Domitian, 398; Nerva, 400; Trajan,
402; Diocletian, 421.
Sen'e-ca, 393-395. 399-
Sen-nach'e-rib, 18, 23.
Se-no'nes, 296.
Sen-ti'num, battle of, 292.
Sep'tu-a-gint, 246.
Ser-to'ri-us, 362.
Ser-vil'i-us, 307.
Ser'vi-us Tul'li-us, 268, 281 ; his army and
tribes, 276.
Set'i, 7.
Se'ti-a, 286.
Se-ve'rus, Sep-tim'i-us, 414; Alexander,
415-417-
Sex'ti-us, 308.
Sha'mash, 19.
Shell-fish, purple, 26.
Sib'yl of Cumae, 268.
Sib'yl-line books, 268, 309, n. 2*
Sic'els, 192.
492
Index
Si-cil'i-an expedition, 172-178; effects of,
179.
Sic'i-Iy, Greek colonies in, 67-69 ; tyrants
in, 105, 170; invaded by Carthaginians,
132, 191-197; end of Greek freedom in,
191-198 ; by Athenians, 169-177 ; in First
Punic War, 316-319.
Sic'y-on {Sish-), 103, 243.
Si'don, 26.
Si-gei'um, 92, 105.
Silk-culture, 37 ; brought from China, 449.
Sin (Chaldean god), 19.
Si'nai, Mt., 28.
Slaves, prehistoric Greek, 5c, 62 ; Athenian,
252; Roman, 293, 312. 340, 424, 466; in
provinces, 338 ; under Claudius, 393 ;
Nero, 394; Antoninus, 405 ; in late em-
pire, 424, 466.
Slavs, 2, n. I, 460.
Social War, Athenian, 221 ; Italian, 357.
Soc'ra-tes, 188-190; Memoirs of, 228.
Sog-di-a'na, 238.
Soissons {Swas-son'), battle of, 454.
Sol'o-mon, 29.
So'lon, 85-88.
So'phi-a (or So-phi'a), St., cathedral of,
449.
Soph'isls, 158, i'88.
Soph'o-cles, 157.
Spain, Phoenicians and Greeks in, 27, 71;
Hamilcar in, 320; conquered by Rome,
326, 327, 328, 334 ; provinces of, 335, n.
I, 337 ; conquered by Visigoths, 437 ; by
Mohammedans, 456.
Spar'ta, 47 ; under Lycurgus, 55 ; conquers
Laconia, 76,97 ; dependants, 97 ; govern-
ment, loi ; head of Peloponnese, 102-
106 ; conflict with Argos, 103 ; relations
with Hippias, 104; in Persian War, 119,
121, 126-132; interferes in Athenian af-
fairs, 135-137; trouble with Pausanias,
140; with helots, 141; earthquake at,
142; rupture with Athens, 143, 145; in
Peloponnesian ^Var, 161-185; suprem-
acy of, 199-21 1 ; defeated at Mantineia,
-217; aloof from Macedon, 233; under
Cleomenes, 244; see Spartans.
Spar'ta-cus, 363.
Spar' tans, colonies of, 67 ; training, 98-101 ;
army, 99 ; government, loi ; see Sparta.
Sphac-te'ri-a, 166.
Sphinx of Gizeh, 6.
Stil'i-cho, 435.
Sto'ic philosophy, 393, 405.
Strass'burg, battle of, 429.
Stry'mon River, 114.
Styx River in underworld, 50.
Sue-to'ni-us, 410.
Sueves, 438.
Sul'la, Lu'ci-us Cor-ne'li-us, 358-361.
Su-me'ri-ans (or Ac-ca'di-ans), 16, 19.
Suppliant, 82, n. 2.
Su'sa, 32, 114; taken by Alexander, 238.
Su'tri-um, 286.
Syb'a-ris, 67.
Sym'ma-chus, 448.
Sym-po'si-um, 251.
Syr-a-cuse', founded, 67; wars with Car-
thage, 132, 191- 197; head of western
Greece, 133, 170-172 ; besieged by Athe-
nians, 175-178 ; under Dionysius, 192-
196 ; under Timoleon, 196 ; ally of Rome,
317; plundered by Rome, 325.
Syr'i-ans, 2, n. i ; country, 15, 25 ; com-
merce, 7, 13, 15, 26; conquered by
Elam, 16; peoples of, 25-31 ; petty king-
dom of, 330 ; Roman province, 364, 369,
406.
Sys-si'ti-a, see Messes, Spartan.
Tac'i-tus, 409.
Tal'mud, 31.
Tan'a-gra, battle of, 146.
Ta'o-ism, 38.
Ta-ren'tum, founded, 67 ; war with Rome,
197, 293 ; revolt of, 325.
Tar'quin, 267-270, 27b ; Tar-quin'i-us Pris'-
cus, 267 ; Su-per'bus, 268-270 ; Col-la-ti'-
nus, 269.
Tar-quin'i-i, 267.
Tau'rus, Mt., 7, 330, 335.
Taxes, Tribute, Assyrian, 17; Hebrew, 29;
Persian, 32, 179; early Athenian, 81, 87 ;
of Athenian allies, 138, 139, 149, 167;
under Pisistratus, 91; Cleon, 164;
Roman, 296, 337; under Caesar, 372;
Vespasian, 397; Hadrian, 405; Severus,
415 ; Diocletian, 424 ; in eastern empire,
450, 460.
Ta-yg'e-tus, Mt., 47, 98.
Tem'pe, Vale of, 43, 126.
Temple, of Ammon, 8 ; Chaldean and As-
Index
493
Syrian, 21; of Jehovah, 29, 396; of Bel,
24; of Poseidon, no; of Athena, 154;
of Janus, 273; of Capitoline Jupiter,
276, 384; of Mars the Avenger, 386.
Tenants, Athenian (hec-te'mo-ri), 83-85;
Roman, 300.
Ter'ence, 347, n. i.
Ter-en-til'i-us, 302.
Tet'ri-cus, 419.
Teu'to-berg Forest, 382.
Teu'tons, 2, n. i ; German tribe, 355.
Tha'les, 109.
Thap'sus, battle of, 371.
Tha'sos, 139.
The-ag'e-nes, 82.
Theatre, Greek, 230; of Pompey, 384; see
Drama.
Thebes, Egyptian, 6; Greek, 44; heroes
of, 55; head of Boeotia, 76, 146; joins
Sparta against Athens, 104; in Corin-
thian War, 203; under Sparta, 205; lib-
erated, 207; in peace convention, 208;
wins battle of Leuctra, 209; leading city
of Greece, 212-218 ; defeated at Chaero-
neia, 227; destrovt^d, 234.
Tlie-mis'to-cles, archon, 117; character,
123-125, 140; at Salamis, 129-131 ; for-
tifies Athens, 135-137; Peiraeus, 137;
fate of, 140.
Thi-^-oc'ri-tus, 246.
The-o-do'ra, 448.
The-od'o-ric (West-Goth), 441; East-
Goth, 447.
The-o-do'si-us, 429, 435.
The-og'nis, 249.
Ther-mop'y-lae, 222, 242; battle of, 126.
The-sei'um, 155.
The'sjus, 57. 155.
Thes-moth'e-tae (legislators), 80.
Thes'sa-ly, 42, 43, 47; in Persian War,
126; ally of Athens, 145, 146, 163; under
Philip, 222, 224.
Thirty, the, at Athens, 200.
Thoth'mes 111,7.
Thrace, 90; conquered by Darius, 117;
under Philip, 224; Lysimachus, 240;
plundered by Goths, 434.
Thras-y-bu'lus, 200.
Thu-cyd'i-des, son of Melesias, 149; the
historian, 188.
Thu'ri-i, 175.
Tiber River, 256, 258, 270.
Ti-be'ri-us, 381, 389-391.
Ti'bur, 258, 288, 295.
Ti-ci'nus, battle of the, 322.
Tig'lath-pi-ie'ser I and II, 17.
I'i'gris River, b<isin of the, 15-25; Roman
frontier, 402.
Ti-mo'le-on, 196.
Tir-i-ba'zus, 205.
Tir'yns, 46, 76.
Tis-sa-pher'nes, 179, 183, 202.
Ti'tus (emperor), 397; Ta'ti-us, 267.
Townships of Attica (nau'cra-ries), 81, 82,
87; (demes) 93.
Tra'jan, 400-403.
Transmigration of souls, 12, n. i, 36.
Tras'i-mene, Lake, battle of, 323, 343.
Treason, Law of, 389, 393, 400.
Treasury, Delphic, 75, 222; of Delian Con-
federacy, 138, 148; of Athens, 164; of
Rome, 298.
Tre.ity, between Egypt and Hittites, 7;
Greek, for Five Years, 147 ; for Thirty
Years, 148, 161; of Nicias, 168; closing
Peloponnesian War, 185 ; between Dio-
nysius and Carthage, 192, 194; of Antal-
cidas, 204, 208; Roman, with Latins,
280; with Carthage, 280, 319, 328; with
Samnites, 287, 290; of Caudine Pas?
289 ; with Egypt, 296 ; with Mithridates,
359, 365 ; with Dacians, 398.
Treb'i-a, battle of the, 322.
Tribal Age, 63.
Tribes, Greek (phylae), 73, 80; four Ionic,
73; in Attica, 81, 87; ten Cleisthenean,
93, 94; Italian, 257; Roman (tri'bus),
271, 286; Servian (local), 276,294,311,
358; German, 432.
Tri-bo'ni-an, 450.
Trib'unes of the plebs, instituted, 301;
struggle for rights, 301-309; tools of
senate, 311; military with consular
power, 305, 308; restricted by Sulla, 358,
361 ; authority of, 383 ; under Augustus,
383-
Tribute, see Taxes.
Tri-clin'i-a, 465.
Trit'ty-es, 93, 94.
Triumph, Roman, 282.
Tri-um'vi-rate, First, 366-369 ; Second, 374.
Troe'zen, 147.
494
Index
Troy, 59, 63, 265; Trojan War, 59, 63.
Truce for Five Years, 147; for Thirty
Years, 148, 161 ; see Treaty.
Tul'ius Hos-tii'i-us, 267.
Tu-ra'ni-an race, 2, 16, 27-
Tus'cu-lum, 286.
Tyrants, defined, 89; Pisistratus, 89-91;
Hippias, 91; Ionian, 114; in western
Greece, 105, 170; Dionysius, 192-196;
" Thirty " at Rome, 417.
Tyre, 26 ; destroyed, 236.
Tyr-ihe'ni-an Sea, 260.
Tyr-tae'us, 107.
Ul'fi-las, 433.
Ul'pi-an, 414, 417.
Um'bri-ans, 256, 290, 291,
Ur, 16, 19, 28.
U'ti-ca, 333.
Va'lens, 429, 434.
Val-en-tin'i-an, 429.
Va-le'ri-an, 418.
Va-le'ri-us and Horatius, Laws of, 304-
Van'dals, 435, 437, 438-440, 445.
Var'ro, 324, 344.
Va'rus, 381.
Vei'i, siege of, 283.
Ven'e-ti, 369,
Ven-e'ti-ans, 262, n. I.
Ven'ice, 442,
Ve'nus, 265, 274, 386.
<fQx'g\\, 387.
Ve'rus, Lu'ci-us, 405.
Ves-pa'si-an, 395.
Ves'ta, 271.
Vestal Virgin, 265, 274.
Ve-su'vi-us, eruption of, 398.
Veto of tribunes, 305, 311.
Vice-ge'rent, 420.
Vis'i-goths, see Goths,
Vol'sci-ans, 262, n. i, 280;
Romans, 282, 286.
Vurcan, 274.
wars with
Wall, Great, of China, 38 ; Servian, 268,
276,379; of Hadrian, 404; of Aurelian,
418.
Walls, Long, 164; built, 145; destroyed,
186; rebuilt, 204.
Wit'i-gis, 448.
Women, in prehistoric Greece, 6t. ; Ionian,
66; Spartan, loi ; Athenian, 249-251;
Roman, 271, 464.
Xan-thip'pus (Athenian), 123; (Lacedae-
monian), 318.
Xen'o-phon, 202, 227.
Xerx'es, 125-132.
Za'gros Mts., 15.
Za'ma, battle of, 32J.
Zan'cle, 67.
Ze-no'bi-a, 418.
Zeus, 51.
Zor-o-as'ter, 34, 416.
i^rinted in the United States of America.
T^HE following pages contain advercisements of a
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A HISTORY OF GREECE
For High Schools and Academies
By GEORGE WILLIS BOTSFORD, Ph.D.
Instructor in the History of Greece and Rome in Harvard University
8vo. Half Leather. $i.io
" Dr. Botsford's ' History of Greece ' has the conspicuous merits which only a text-booT<
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and very suggestive as to the right method of teaching and study. The style is delightful.
For simple, unpretentious narrative and elegant English the book is a model. In my judg-
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has yet appeared. Its value is enriched by the illustrations, as also by the reference lists and
the suggestive studies. It will greatly aid in the new movement to encourage modern scien-
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A HISTORY OF ROME
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