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THE 


ANCIENT  HISTORY 


OF  THE 


EGYPTIANS, 
CARTHAGINIANS, 
ASSYRIANS, 
BABYLONIANS, 


MEDES  AND  PERSIANS, 
MACEDONIANS, 

AND 

GRECIANS. 


By  M.  ROLLIN, 


LATE  PRIKCIPAL  OF  THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  PABIS,   &C.  &C. 


TRANSLATED  FROM  THE  FRENCH, 


IN  EIGHT  VOLUMES. 
VOL.  VL 

REVISED,    CORRECTED,    AND    ILLUSTRATED    WITH 
A  NEW  SET  OF  MAPS. 


LONDON  : 

PRINTED  FOR  W.  SHARPE  &  SON,  W.  ALLASON,  C.  CÛAPPLE,  W.  ROBINSON 
&  SONS,  J.  MOLLISON,  T.  FISHER,  T.  M'LEAN,  J.  RUMPUS,  G.  &  J. 
OFFOR,  J.  CRANWELL,  J.  EVANS  &  ?ONS,  J.  MAYNARD,  E.  WILSON, 
T.  MASON,  J.  ROBINS  &  CO.  AND  W.  HARWOOD,  LONDON;  ALSO 
J.  ROBINSON,  W.  STEWART  &  CO.  AND  J.  CARFRAE,  EDINBURGH; 
AND  W.  TURNBULL,  AND  J.  SAWERS,  GLASGOW. 

1819. 


EDINBURGH  : 

Printed  by  William  Blair. 


Annex 


CONTENTS 


OF 


THE  SIXTH  VOLUME. 


BOOK  XVII. 

Page. 

The  History  of  Alexander  s  Successors 1 

CHAPTER  I. 

SECT.  i.  The  Jour  victorious  Pi'lnces  divide  the 
empire  of  Alexander  the  Great  into  as  many  Icing- 
doms.  Seleucns  builds  several  cities.  Athens  shuts 
her  gates  against  Demeti'ius.  He  reconciles  himself 
•with  Seleucus^  and  afterwards  with  Ptolemy,  The 
death  of  Cassander,  The  first  exploits  of  Pyrrhus. 
Athens  taJcen  by  Demetrius.  He  loses  almost  at  the 
same  time  all  he  possessed ibid. 

SECT.  II.  Dispute  between  the  two  sons  of  Cassander 
for  the  crown  of  Macedœiîa.  DemetHus.,  being  in- 
vited  to  the  assistance  of  Alexander^  finds  means  to 
destroy  him,  and  is  proclaimed  hing  by  the  Mace- 
donians. He  mdkes  great  preparations  for  the  con- 
quest of  Asia.  A  powerful  confederacy  is  formed 
against  him.  Pyrrhus  and  Lysimachus  deprive 
him  of  Macedœiia^  and  divide  it  betwee^i  themselves. 
Pyrrhus  is  soon  obliged  to  quit  those  territories.  Sad 
end  of  Demetrius,  who  dies  in  prison 13 

SECT.  III.    Ptolemy  Soter  resigns  his  kingdom  to 
his  son  Ptolemy  Philadelphus,     The  tower  of  Pha- 
VOL.  VI.  A 


ii  CONTENTS. 


Pag;?. 


ros  hu'ilt.  Tlie  image  of  S er apis  conveyed  to  Alex- 
andria. The  celebrated  lihrary  founded  in  that 
i'iiy^  "with  an  academy  of  learned  men.  Demetrius 
Phalereus  preside?,  over  both.  Death  of  Ptolemy 
Soter 24 

SECT.  IV.   The  magnificent  solemnity  at  the  inaugu- 
ration of  Ptolemy  Ph  iladelph  us,  king  of  Egypt 31 

SECT.  V.  Tlie  frst  transactions  of  the  reign  of 
Ptolemy  Ph  iladelph  us.  Th  e  death  ofDemetri  us  Plm- 
lereus.  Seleucus  resigns  his  queen  and  part  of  his 
empire  to  his  son  Antiochus.  The  war  between  Se- 
leucus and  Lysimachus  ;  the  latter  of  whom  is  slain 
in  a  battle.  Seleucus  is  assassinated  by  Ptolemy 
Ce?-aunus,  on  zchom  he  had  conferred  a  multitude  of 
obligations.  The  two  sons  qf  Arsinoe  are  murder- 
ed  by  their  uncle  Ceraunus,  who  also  banishes  that 
Princess.  Ceraunus  is  soon  pun ishedfor  those  crimes 
hy  the  irruption  of  the  Gauls,  by  whom  he  is  slain 
in  a  battle.  The  attempt  of  that  people  against  the 
temple  qf  Delphi.  Antigonus  establishes  himself  in 
Macedonia 44 

SECT.  VI.  Ptolemy  Philadelphus  causes  the  boohs  of 
the  Holy  Scriptuir,  preserved  by  the  Jews  with  the 
utmost  care,  to  be  translated  into  the  Greek'  lan- 
guage, as  an  ornament  to  his  library.  This  is 
called  the  Version  qf  th  e  Septuag  int  61 

SECT.  VII.  The  various  expeditions  qf  Pyrrhus: 
First,  into  Italy  ;  where  he  Jights  two  battles  with 
the  Romans.  The  character  and  conduct  ofCineas. 
Secondly,  into  Sicily;  and  then  into  Italy  again. 
His  third  engagement  with  the  Romans.,  wherein  he 
is  defeated.  His  expedition  into  Macedonia,  qf 
zc'hich  he  makes  himself  master  for  some  time,  after 
liaving overthrown  Antigonus.  His  expedition  into 
Peloponnesus.  He  forms  the  siege  qf  Sparta,  but 
without  success.  Is  slain  at  that  ofAigos.  The  de- 
putation from  Philadelphus  to  the  Romans,  and 
from  th  e  Romans  to  Ph  iladelph  us CT 


CONTENTS.  Ill 

Page. 
SECT.  VIII.  Athens  besieged  and  taken  by  Antigonus. 
The  just  punishment  inflicted  on  Sotades,  a  satiric 
poet.     The  revolt  of  Magas  from   Ph'dadeljjhus. 
The  death  of  Philetœrus,  fmmder  of  the  kingdom  of 
Pergamus.     The  death  of  Antiochus  Soter.    He  i» 
succeeded  by  his  son  Antiochus,  sur  named  Theos. 
The  wise  measures  taken  by  Ptolemy  for  the  im- 
provement of  commerce.    An  accommodation  effected 
between  Magas  and  Philadclphus.    The  death  of  the 
former.     The  war  between  Antiochus  and  Ptolemy. 
The  revolt  of  the  East  against  Antiochus.     Peace 
restored  betzveen  the  two  kings.     The  deaf  h  of  Pto- 
lemy Philadelphus  10*ï 

SECT.  IX.  Cha7'acter  and  qualities  of  Ptolemy  Phila- 
delphus , 1^5 


CHAPTER  II. 

SECT.  I.     Antiochus  Theos  is  poisoned  by  his  queen 
Laodice,  who  causes  Seleucus  Callinicus  to  be  decla- 
red king.    She  also  destroys  Berenice  and  her  son. 
Ptolemy  Euergetes  avenges  their  death,  by  that  of 
Laodice,  and  seizes  part  of  Asia.   Antiochus  HieraXy 
and  Seleucus  his  brother,   unite  against  Ptolemy. 
The  death  of  Antigonus  Gonatas,  king  of  Macedo- 
nia.    He  is  succeeded  by  his  son  Demetrius.     The 
war  between  the  two  bi'others,  Antiochus  aiid  Seleu- 
cus.     The  death  of  Eumenes,  king  of  Pergamus. 
Attains  succeeds  him.    The  establishment  of  the  Par- 
thian empire  by  Arsaces.     Antiochus  is  slain  by  rob- 
bers.    Seleucus  is  taken  prisoner  by  the  Parthians. 
Credit  of  Joseph,  the  nephew  of  Onias,  with  Ptole- 
my.    The  death  cf  Demetrius,  king  of  Macedonia. 
Antigonus  seizes  the  throne  of  that  prince.     The 
death  of  Seleucus  128 

SECT.  II.  The  establishment  of  the  republic  of  the 
Achœans.  Aratus  delivers  Sicyon  from  tyranny. 
The  character  c)f  that  young  Grecian.  He  is  ena- 
bled, by  the  liheralities  of  Ptolemy  Euer^etes^  to 


iv  CONTENTS. 

Page, 

check  a  sedition  ready  to  break  out  m  Sicyon.  Takes 
Corinth  from  Antigonus,  king  of  Macedonia.  Pre- 
vails on  the  cities  ofMegara^  Trœzene,  Epidaurus^ 
and  Megalopolis,  to  accede  to  the  Achœan  league  ; 
but  is  not  successful  with  respect  to  Argos 144! 

SECT.  III.  Agis  Vmg  of  Sparta  attempts  to  reform 
the  state,  and  endeavours  to  revive  the  ancient  insti- 
tutions of  Lycurgus  ;  in  ichich  he  partly  succeeds: 
but  finds  an  entire  change  in  Sparta,  at  his  return 
from  a  campaign  in  ichich  he  had  joined  Aratus 
against  the  JEtolians.  He  is  at  last  condemned  to 
die,  and  executed  accordingly 164 

SECT.  IV.  Cleom^nes  ascends  the  throne  of  Sparta, 
and  engages  in  a  zcar  against  the  Achœans,  over 
whom  he  obtains  several  advmitages.  He  reforms 
the  government  of  Sparta,  and  re-establishes  the  an- 
cient discipline.  Acqui?'es  new  advantages  over  Ara- 
tus and  the  Achœans.  Aratus  applies  for  succour  to 
Antigonus,  king  of  Macedonia,  by  whose  aid  the 
Aclweans  obtain  rejpeated  victories,  and  take  seve- 
ral places  from  the  enemy  184 

SECT.  V.  The  celebrated  battle  of  Selasia,  wherein 
Antigonus  defeats  Cleomencs,  who  retires  into  Egypt. 
Antigonus  makes  himself  master  of  Sparta,  and 
treats  that  city  withgj'eat  humanity.  The  death  of 
that  Prince,  who  is  succeeded  by  Philip,  the  son  of 
Demetrius.  The  death  of  Ptolemy  Euergetes,  to 
whose  throne  Ptolemy  Philopatcr  succeeds.  A  great 
earthquake  at  Rhodes.  The  noble  generosity  of  those 
princes  and  cities  who  contributed  to  the  rejxirafion 
of  the  losses  which  the  Rhodians  had  sustained  by 
that  calamity.     The  fate  of  the  famous  Colossnis 205 


BOOK  XVIII. 

The  History  of  Ale.va7uler''s  Successors , -, 218 


CONTENTS.  V 

Page, 
SECT.  I.  Ptolemy  Philopator  reigns  in  Egypt.  Tlie 
short  reign  of  Seleuciis  Cer annus.  He  is  succeeded 
by  his  brother  Antiochiis,  surnamed  the  Great.  Ach^ 
€0118^3  fidelity  to  him.  Hermias^  his  chief  minister  y 
first  removes  Epigenes,  the  ablest  of  all  his  gene- 
rals, arid  aftei'wards  puts  him  to  death.  Antiochus 
subdues  the  rebels  in  the  East.  He  rids  himself  of 
Hermias.  He  attempts  to  recover  Cœle-syria from, 
Ptolemy  Philopator^  and  possesses  himself  of  the 
strongest  cities  in  it.  After  a  short  truce^  a  war 
breaks  out  again  in  Syria.  Battle  of  Raphia,  in 
which  Antiochus  is  entirely  defeated.  The  anger 
and  revenge  of  Phihpator  against  the  Jews  for  re- 
fusing to  let  him  enter  the  Sanctuary.  AntiochiLS 
concludes  a  peace  with  Ptolemy.  He  turns  his  arms 
against  Achœus,  uho  had  rebelled.  He  at  last  seizes 
him  trecbcherously,  and  puts  him  to  death 218 

SECT.  II.  The  lEtolians  declare  against  the  Aclu 
œans.  Battle  ofCciphyœ  lost  by  Aratus.  The  Ach- 
œans  have  recourse  to  Philip,  who  undertaJces  their 
defence.  TroubUs  break  out  in  Lacedœmonia.  The 
unhappy  death  of  Cleomenes  in  Egypt.  Two  kings 
are  elected  in  Lacedœmonia.  That  republic  joins 
with  the  Mtolians 243 

SECT.  III.  Various  expeditions  of  Philip  against 
the  enemies  of  the  Achœans.  Apelles,  his  prime  mi- 
nister, abuses  his  confidence  in  an  extr'aoixlinary 
manner.  Pliilip  makes  an  ini'oad  into  JEtolia. 
Thermce  taken  zcithout  opposition.  Excesses  of  Phi- 
lip's soldiers  m  that  city.  Prudent  retreat  of  that 
Prince.  Tumults  in  the  camp.  Punishment  of  those 
wJw  had  occanoned  them.  Inroad  of  Philip  into 
Laconia.  The  conspirators  form  new  cabals.  Pu- 
nishment infiicted  on  them.  A  peace  is  proposed  be- 
tzveen  Philip  27id  the  Achœans  on  one  side,  and  the 
Mtolians  on  ée  other,  which  at  last  is  concluded....    253 

SECT.  IV.  Piilip  concludes  a  treaty  with  Hannibal, 
The  Romans  gain  a  considerable  victory  over  him 
at  ApollonicL    He  changes  his  conduct.    His  breach 


VÎ  CONTENTS. 

Page. 

qffaith  and  irregularities.  He  causes  Aratus  to  he 
poisoned.  The  j^toUans  conclude  an  alliance  with 
the  Romans.  Attalus,  king  of  Pergamus,  and  the 
Lacedœmonians,  accede  to  it.  Machanidas  usurps 
a  ti/rcmnical  power  at  Sparta.  Various  exjyeditlons 
of  Philip  and  Sulpitius  the  Roman  prcctor,  in  one 
of  which  Phïlopœmen  signalizes  himself 281 

SECT.  V.     Education  and  great  qualities  of  PhUo- 
pœmen , , 295 

SECT.  VI.  Various  eœpedHions  of  Philip  and  SidpL 
tius.  A  digression  of  Polyhius  ipon  signals  made 
hyjire 30d 

SECT.  VII.  Philopœnien  gains  a  famous  victory  near 
Mantinea,  over  Machanidas,  tyrant  of  Sparta.  The 
high  esteem  in  which  that  general  is  held:  Nahis 
succeeds  Machanidas.  Some  instances  of  his  ava- 
rice and  cruelty.  A  general  peace  coacluded  between 
Philip  and  the  Romans,  in  which  tie  Allies  on  both 
sides  are  included 319 

SECT.  VÎII.  The  glorious  expeditions  ofAntiochus 
into  Media,  Parthia,  Hyrcania,  and  as  far  as  India. 
At  his  return  to  Antioch,  he  receives  advice  of  Ptole- 
my Philopators  death 3(:}0 


BOOK  XIX. 

Sequel  to  the  History  of  Alexander'' s  Successors 336 

CHAPTER  I. 

SECT.  I.  Ptolemy  Epiphanes  succeeds  Philopator  his 

father  in  the  kingdom  of  Egypt.      Antiochus  and 

Philip  enter  into  an  alliance  to  invade  lis  dominions. 

The  Romans  become  guardians  of  tin  young  king. 


CONTENTS.  vii 

Page. 
Antiocliiis  subdues  Palestine  and  Cœle-syria.  The 
war  of  Philip  against  the  Athenians^  Attains^  and 
the  Èhodiaîîs.  He  besieges  Abydos.  The  unhappy 
fate  of  that  city.  The  Romans  declare  war  against 
Philip.    Sulpitius  the  cmisul  is  sent  into  Macedonia.    336 

SECT.  II.  Expeditiorcs  of  the  consul  Sidpitiifs  in  Ma- 
cedonia. The  jEtolians  wait  for  the  event,  in  order 
to  declare  themselves.  Philip  loses  a  battle.  Villius 
succeeds  Sulpitius.  No  considerable  transaction  hap- 
pens during  his  government.  Flamininus  succeeds 
him.  Antiochus  recovers  Cœle-syria,  of  which  he  had 
been  dispossessed  by  Aristomenes,  the  prime  minister 
ofEgjjpt.      Various  expeditions  of  the  consid  into 

^  Phocis.  The  Achœans,  after  long  debates,  declare 
for  the  Romans 848 

SECT.  III.  Flamininus  is  continued  in  the  command 
as  pj'oconsul.  He  has  a  fruitless  interview  with 
Philip  about  cwicluding  a  peace.  The  jEtoUans, 
and  Nabis,  tyî-ant  of  Sparta,  declare  for  the  Ro- 
mans. Sickness  and  death  of  Attcdus.  Flamininus 
defeats  Philip  in  a  battle  near  Scotussa  and  Cynos- 
cephale  in  Thessaly.  A  peace  concluded  with  Philip, 
wJiich  puts  an  end  to  the  Macedonian  war.  The 
extraordina7-y  joy  of  the  Greeks  at  the  Isthmian 
games,  when  proclamation  is  made  that  they  are  re- 
stored to  their  ancient  liberty  by  the  Romans 373 

SECT.  IV.  Complaints  being  made,  and  suspicions 
arising  concerning  Antiochus,  the  Romans  send  an 
embassy  to  him,  which  has  no  other  effect  than  to  dis- 
pose both  parties  for  an  open  rupture.  A  conspiracy 
is  formed  by  Scopas  the  jEtolian  against  Ptolemy. 
He  and  his  accomplices  are  put  to  death.  Hannibal 
7'etires  to  Antiochus.  War  of  Flamininus  against 
Nabis,  whom  he  besieges  in  Sparta  :  He  obliges 
him  to  sue  for  peace  and  grants  it  him.  He  enters 
Rome  in  triumph 396 

SECT.  V.  Universal  preparations  for  the  war  between 
Antiochus  and  the  Romans.    Mutual  embassies  and 


Viii  CONTENTS. 

interviezcs  on  both  sides,  which  come  to  nothing. 
Tlie  Romans  send  troops  against  Xabis,  who  had 
infringed  the  treaty.  Philopœmen  gains  a  victory 
over  him.  The  JE,tolians  implore  the  assistance  of 
Antiochus.  Nabis  is  killed.  Antiochus  goes  at  last 
to  Greece 413 

SECT.  VI.  Antiochus  endeavours  to  bring  over  the 
Achœans  to  his  interest,  but  in  vain.  He piossesses 
himself  of  Chalcis  and  all  Eubœa.      The  Romans 

proclaim  icar  against  him,  and  send  Manius  Acilius 
the  consid  into  Greece.  Antiochus  Tîiakes  an  ill  use  of 
HannibaTs  counsel. — He  is  defeated  near  Thermo- 

pylœ.     The  jEtoUans  submit  to  the  Romans 423 


BOOK  THE  SEVENTEENTH. 


THE 


HISTORY 


OF 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS. 


CHAP.  I. 


SECT.  I.  The  four  victorious  princes  divide  the  empire  of 
Alexander  the  Great  into  as  many  kingdoms.  Seleucus 
builds  sever a^  cities.  Athens  shuts  her  gates  against  Deme* 
trius.  He  reconciles  himself  with  Seleucus,  and  afterwards 
with  Ptolemy.  The  Death  of  Cassander.  The  first  exploits 
of  Pyrrhus.  Athens  taken  by  Demetrius.  He  loses  almost 
at  the  same  time  all  he  possessed. 

After  the  battle  of  Ipsus,  ^  the  four  confederate  prin- 
ces divided  the  dominions  of  Antigonus  among  them- 
selves, and  added  them  to  those  which  they  already 
possessed.  The  empire  of  Alexander  was  thus  divided 
into  four  kingdoms.  Ptolemy  had  Egypt,  Libya,  Ara- 
bia, Cœle-syria,  and  Palestine  :  Cassander  had  Mace- 
donia and  Greece  :  Lysimachus,  Thrace,  Bithynia,  and 
some  other  provinces  beyond  the  Hellespont,  and  the 
Bosphorus  ;  and  Seleucus  all  the  rest  of  Asia,  to  the 
other  side  of  the  Euphrates,  and  as  far  as  the  river  In- 
dus. The  dominions  of  this  last  prince  are  usually  call- 
ed the  kingdom  of  Syria,  because  Seleucus,  who  after- 
wards built  Antioch  in  that  province,  made  it  the  chief 

*  Plut,  in  Demetr.  p.  902.    Appian.  in  Syr.  p.  122,  123.    Polylj. 
1.  XV.  p.  572. 

VOL.  VI.  B 


Si  THE  HISTORY  OF 

seat  of  his  residence,  in  which  his  successors,  who  from 
his  name  were  called  Seleucidae,  followed  his  example. 
Tliis  kingdom,  however,  not  only  included  Syria,  but 
those  vast  and  fertile  pro^ânces  of  Upper  Asia,  which 
constituted  the  Persian  empire.  The  reign  of  twenty 
years,  which  I  have  assigned  to  Seleucus  Nicator,  com- 
mences at  this  period,  because  he  was  not  acknowledged 
as  king  till  after  the  battle  of  Ipsus  ;  and  if  we  add  to 
these  the  twelve  years,  dining  which  he  had  already 
exercised  the  regal  authority  without  the  title,  they  \N*ill 
make  out  the  reign  of  thirty-one  years  assigned  him  by 
Usher. 

These  four  kings  ^  are  the  four  horns  of  the  he-goat 
in  the  prophecy  of  Daniel,  which  came  up  in  the  place 
of  the  first  horn  that  was  broken.  The  first  horn  was 
Alexander,  king  of  Greece,  who  destroyed  the  empire 
of  the  ^Nledes  and  Persians,  designated  by  the  ram  with 
two  horns  ;  and  the  other  four  horns,  are  those  foiu: 
kings  who  rose  up  after  him,  and  divided  his  empire 
among  them,  but  they  were  not  of  his  posterity. 

They  are  likewise  shadowed  out  by  the  four  heads  of 
the  leopard,  which  form  part  of  another  vision  shown 
to  the  same  prophet,  f 

*  "^  And  as  I  was  considering,  behold,  an  he-goat  came  from  the 
West  on  the  face  of  the  whole  earth,  and  touched  not  the  ground  ; 
and  the  goat  had  a  notable  horn  between  his  eves.     And  he  came 
to  the  ram  that  had  two  horns,  which  I  had  seen  standing  before 
the  river,  and  ran  unto  him  in  the  fury  of  his  power.     And  I  saw 
him  come  close  unto  the  ram,  and  he  was  moved  with  choler  against 
him,  and  smote  the  ram,  and  brake  his  two  horns,  and  there  was  no 
power  in  the  ram  to  stand  before  him,  but  he  cast  him  down  to  the 
ground,  and  stamped  upon  him  :  and  there  was  none  that  could  de- 
liver the  ram  out  of  his  hand.     Therefore  the  he-goat  waxed  very 
great,  and  when  he  was  strong,  the  great  horn  was  broken;   and 
for  it  came  up  four  notable  ones,  towards  the  four  winds  of  hea- 
ven."    Dan.  chap.  viii.  ver.  5,  6,  7,  8.      God  afterfvards  explains  to 
his  propJiet  jvhat  he  had  seen  :  "  The  ram  which  thou  sawest  ha\*ing 
two  horns  are  the  kings  of  Media  and  Persia,  and  the  rough  goat  is 
the  king  of  Grecia,  and  the  great  horn  that  is  between  his  eyes,  is 
the  first  king.     Now  that  being  broken,  whereas  four  stood  up  for 
it,  four  kingdoms  shall  stand  up  out  of  the  nation,  but  not  in  his 
power."     Ibid.  ver.  20,  21,  22. 

t  ''  After  this  I  beheld,  and  lo,  another  like  a  leopard,  which  had 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  8 

These  prophecies  of  Daniel  were  exactly  accomplish- 
ed by  this  last  partition  of  Alexander's  empire  ;  other 
divisions  had,  indeed,  been  made  before  this,  but  they 
were  only  of  provinces,  which  were  consigned  to  go- 
vernors, under  the  brother  and  son  of  Alexander,  and 
none  but  the  last  was  a  partition  into  kingdoms.  Those 
prophecies,  therefore,  are  to  be  understood  of  this  alone, 
for  they  evidently  represent  these  four  successors  of 
Alexander,  as  four  kings,  four  stood  up  for  it.  But 
not  one  of  Alexander's  successors  obtained  the  regal 
dignity,  till  about  three  years  before  this  last  division  of 
the  empire.  And  even  then  this  dignity  was  precarious, 
as  being  assumed  by  each  of  the  several  parties,  merely 
by  his  own  authority,  and  not  acknowledged  by  any  of 
the  rest.  Whereas,  after  the  battle  of  Ipsus,  the  treaty 
made  between  the  four  confederates,  when  they  had  de- 
feated their  adversary,  and  divested  him  of  his  domi- 
nions, assigned  each  of  them  their  dominions,  under  the 
appellation  of  so  many  kingdoms,  and  authorised  and 
acknowledged  them  as  kings  and  sovereigns,  indepen- 
dent of  any  superior  power.  These  four  kings  are 
Ptolemy,  Seleucus,  Cassander,  and  Lysimachus. 

We  can  never  sufficiently  admire,  in  this  and  the 
other  places,  wherein  the  completion  of  the  prophecies 
of  Daniel  will  be  pointed  out,  the  strong  light  vdth 
which  the  prophet  penetrates  the  thick  gloom  of  futu- 
rity, at  a  time  when  there  was  not  the  least  appearance 
of  all  he  foretels.  With  how  much  certainty  and  ex- 
actness, even  amidst  the  variety  of  these  revolutions, 
and  this  chaos  of  singular  events,  does  he  determine 
each  particular  circumstance,  and  îiiii  the  number  of  the 
several  successors  !  How  expressly  has  he  pointed  out 
the  nation,  which  was  to  be  the  Grecian  ;  described 
the  countries  they  were  to  possess  ;  measured  the  dura- 
tion of  their  empires,  and  the  extent  of  their  power,  in- 
ferior to  that  of  Alexander  ;  in  a  word,  with  what  lively 
colours  has  he  drawn  the  characters  of  those  princes, 
and  specified  their  alliances,  treaties,  treachery,  mar- 

iipon  the  back  of  it  four  wings  of  a  fowl,  the  beast  had  also  four 
heads  ;  and  dominion  was  given  to  it,"     Dan.  vii.  6. 


4  THE  HISTORY  OF 

Tiages,  and  success  !  Can  any  one  possibly  ascribe  to 
chance,  or  human  foresight,  so  many  circumstantial  pre- 
dictions, which  at  the  time  of  their  being  denounced, 
were  so  remote  from  probability  ;  and  not  evidently  dis- 
cover in  them  the  character,  and  as  it  were  the  seal,  of 
the  Divinity,  to  whom  all  ages  are  present  in  one  view, 
and  who  alone  determines  at  his  will  the  fate  of  all  the 
kingdoms  and  empires  of  the  world  ?  But  it  is  now 
time  to  resume  the  thread  of  our  history. 

^Onias,  the  first  of  that  name,  and  high  priest  of  the 
Jews,  died  about  this  time,  and  was  succeeded  by  his 
son  Simon,  who,  for  the  sanctity  of  his  life,  and  the 
equity  af  all  his  actions,  was  surnamed  the  Just,  He 
enjoyed  the  pontificate  for  the  space  of  nine  years. 

^  Seleucus,  after  the  defeat  of  Antigonus,  made  him- 
self master  of  Upper  Spia,  where  he  built  Antioch  on 
the  Orontes,  and  gave  it  that  name,  either  from  his 
father,  or  his  son,  for  they  were  both  called  Antiochus. 
This  city,  where  the  Syrian  kings  afterwards  resided, 
was,  for  a  long  time,  the  capital  of  the  East,  and  still 
preserved  that  privilege  under  the  Roman  emperors. 
Antigonus  had  lately  built  a  city  at  a  small  distance 
from  this,  and  called  it  Antigonia;  but  Seleucus  caused 
it  to  be  entirely  demolished,  and  employed  the  mate- 
rials in  the  construction  of  his  own  city,  to  which  he 
aftenvards  transplanted  the  inhabitants  of  the  former. 

^  Among  several  other  cities  built  by  Seleucus  in  this 
country,  there  were  three  more  remarkable  than  the 
rest  :  the  first  was  called  Seleucia,  from  his  own  name  ; 
the  second,  Apamea,  from  the  name  of  his  consort,  who 
was  the  daughter  of  Artabazus  the  Persian  ;  the  third 
was  Laodicea,  so  denominated  from  his  mother.  Apa- 
mea and  Seleucia  were  situated  on  the  same  river  on 
which  Antioch  was  built,  and  Laodicea  was  on  the 
same  side  towards  the  south.  He  allowed  the  Jew^s  the 
same  privileges  and  immunities,  in  each  of  these  new 
cities,  as  were  enjoyed  by  the  Greeks  and  Macedonians, 

^  Joseph.  Antiq.  1.  xii.  c.  2.  ^  Strab.  1.  xvi.  p.  7^9^  750. 

Appian.  ia  Syr.  p.  124.    Justin.  1.  xv.  c.  4.    A.  M.  3704.    Ant.  J.  C» 
SOO.  ^  Strab.  1.  xvi.  p.  750. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  5 

and  especially  at  Antioch  in  Syria,  where  that  people 
settled  in  such  numbers,  that  they  possessed  as  consi- 
derable a  part  of  that  city  as  their  other  countrymen 
enjoyed  at  Alexandria. 

Demetrius  had  withdrawn  himself  to  Ephesus,  after 
the  battle  of  Ipsus,  and  from  thence  embarked  for 
Greece,  his  only  resource  being  the  affection  of  the 
Athenians,  with  whom  he  had  left  his  fleet,  money,  and 
wife  Deidamia.  But  he  was  strangely  sm*prised  and 
offended,  when  he  was  met  on  his  w^y  by  ambassadors 
from  the  Athenians,  who  came  to  acquaint  him  that  he 
could  not  be  admitted  into  their  city,  because  the  people 
had,  by  a  decree,  prohibited  the  reception  of  any  of  the 
kings  ;  they  also  informed  him,  that  his  consort  Dei- 
damia had  been  conducted  to  M  égara,  with  all  the  ho- 
nours and  attendance  due  to  her  rank.  Demetrius  was 
then  sensible  of  the  value  of  honours  and  homage  ex- 
torted by  fear,  and  which  did  not  proceed  from  the 
heart.  The  posture  of  his  affairs  not  permitting  him 
to  punish  the  perfidy  of  that  people,  he  contented  him- 
self with  intimating  his  complaints  to  them  in  a  mo- 
derate manner,  and  demanded  his  galleys,  among  which 
was  that  prodigious  galley  of  sixteen  benches  of  oars. 
As  soon  as  he  had  received  them,  he  sailed  towards  the 
Chersonesus  ;  and  having  committed  some  devastations 
in  the  territories  of  Lysimachus,  he  enriched  his  army 
with  the  spoils,  and  by  that  expedient  prevented  the 
desertion  of  his  troops,  who  now  began  to  recover  their 
vigour,  and  render  themselves  formidable  anew. 

Lysimachus,  king  of  Thrace,  in  order  to  strengthen 
himself  in  his  dominions,  entered  into  a  particular 
treaty  with  Ptolemy,  and  strengthened  the  alliance  be- 
tween them,  by  espousing  one  of  his  daughters,  named 
Arsinoe  ;  he  had  before  this  procured  another,  named 
Lysandra,  to  be  married  to  his  son  Agathocles. 

^This  alliance  between  Lysimachus  and  Ptolemy 
gave  umbrage  to  Seleucus,  who  thereupon  entered  into 
a  treaty  with  Demetrius,  and  espoused  Stratonice,  the 
daughter  of  that  prince,  by  Phila  the  sister  of  Cassan- 

;^  Plut,  in  Demetr.  p.  903.     A.  M.  3705.     Ant.  J.  C.  299- 


6  THE  HISTORY  OF 

der.  Tlie  beauty  of  Stratonice  had  induced  Seleucus 
to  demand  her  in  marriage  ;  and  as  the  affairs  of  De- 
metrius were  at  that  time  in  a  very  bad  condition,  so 
hon GUI-able  an  alliance  with  so  powerfid  a  prince  was 
exceedingly  agreeable  to  him.  In  consequence  of 
which,  he  immediately  conducted  his  daughter  with  all 
his  fleet  into  Sraa  from  Greece,  where  he  was  still  in 
possession  of  some  places.  During  his  passage  he  made 
a  descent  on  Cilicia,  which  then  belonged  to  Plistar- 
chus  the  brother  of  Cassander,  to  whom  it  had  been 
assigned  by  the  foiu*  kings,  who  divided  the  dominions 
of  Alexander  the  Great  after  the  death  of  Antigonus. 
Plistarchus  went  to  complain  of  this  proceeding  to  Se- 
leucus, and  to  reproach  him  for  contracting  an  alliance 
with  the  common  enemv,  ^rithout  the  consent  of  the 
other  kings,  which  he  considered  as  an  infraction  of  the 
treaty.  Demetrius  receiving  intelligence  of  this  jour- 
nev,  advanced  directly  to  the  city  of  Quinda,  where  the 
treasures  of  the  province,  amounting  to  twelve  hundred 
talents,  *  were  deposited.  These  he  carried  oflP  with  all 
expedition  to  his  fleet,  and  then  set  sail  for  Syria,  where 
he  found  Seleucus,  and  gave  him  the  princess  Strato- 
nice in  marriage.  Demetrius,  after  some  days  passed  in 
rejoicings  for  the  nuptials,  and  in  entertainments  given 
on  each  side,  retm^ned  to  Cilicia,  and  made  himself 
master  of  the  whole  province.  He  then  sent  his  wife 
Phila  to  Cassander,  in  order  to  excuse  this  proceeding. 
These  kings  imitated  the  princes  of  the  East,  with 
whom  it  is  customary  to  have  several  wives  at  the  same 
time. 

During  these  transactions,  Deidamia,  another  of  his 
wives,  who  had  taken  a  journey  to  meet  him  in  Greece, 
and  had  passed  some  time  with  him  in  that  country, 
was  seized  with  an  indisposition  that  ended  her  days. 
Demetrius  having  reconciled  himself  with  Ptolemy,  by 
the  mediation  of  Seleucus,  f  espoused  Ptolemais,  the 
daughter  of  Ptolemy,  by  which  means  his  aflPairs  began 
to  assume  a  better  aspect  ;  for  he  had  all  the  island  of 

*  Twelve  hundred  thousand  crowns, 
t  A.  M.  3706.     Ant.  J.  C.  298. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  7 

C3rpnis,  and  the  two  rich  and  powerful  cities  of  Tpe 
and  Sidon  in  Phœnicia,  besides  his  new  conquests  in 
Cilicia,  and  some  other  cities  in  Asia. 

It  was  ven'  imprudent  in  Seleucus  to  permit  so  dan- 
gerous an  enemy  to  establish  himself  at  so  small  a  dis- 
tance from  him.  and  to  usurp  from  one  of  his  allies  a 
province  so  near  his  own  dominions  as  Cilicia.  All 
this  shows  that  these  princes  had  no  established  rules 
and  principles  of  conduct,  and  were  even  ignorant  of 
the  true  interests  of  their  ambition.  For  as  to  since- 
rity, equity,  and  gratitude,  they  had  long  since  renoun- 
ced them  all,  and  only  reigned  for  the  unhappiness  of 
their  ]>eople.  as  the  author  of  the  first  book  of  Macca- 
bees has  observed.  * 

The  eyes  of  Seleucus  were,  however,  open  at  last  ; 
and,  in  order  to  prevent  his  having  a  neighbour  of  such 
abilities  on  each  side  of  his  dominions,  he  required  De- 
metrius to  surrender  Cilicia  to  him  for  a  very  consider- 
able sum  of  money  :  but  that  prince  not  being  disposed 
to  comply  ^rith  such  a  proposal,  Seleucus  insisted  upon 
his  returning  him  the  cities  of  Tyre  and  Sidon,  that 
were  dependencies  on  Syria,  of  which  he  was  king.  De- 
metrius, enraged  at  this  demand,  replied  very  abruptly, 
that  though  he  should  lose  several  other  battles  as  fatal 
to  him  as  that  of  Ipsus,  he  could  never  resolve  to  pur- 
chase the  friendship  of  Seleucus  at  so  high  a  price.  At 
the  same  time  he  sailed  to  those  two  cities,  reinforced 
their  garrisons,  and  furnished  them  ^snth  all  things  ne- 
cessary^ for  a  viororous  defence  :  bv  which  means  the  in- 
tention  of  Seleucus  to  take  them  from  him  was  render- 
ed ineffectual  at  that  time.  This  proceeding  of  Seleu- 
cus, though  sufficiently  conformable  to  the  rules  of  po- 
litical interest,  had  such  an  odious  aspect,  with  refe- 
rence to  the  maxims  of  honour,  that  it  shocked  all  man- 
kind, and  was  universally  condemned  :  for,  as  his  do- 
minions were  of  such  a  vast  extent  as  to  include  all  the 
countries  between  India  and  the  Mediterranean,  how 
insatiable  was  that  rigoiu:  and  avidity  which  woidd  not 

*  Chap.  i.  ver.  9* 


s  THE  HISTORY  OF 

permit  him  to  leave  his  father-in-law  the  peaceable  en- 
joyment of  the  shattered  remains  of  his  fortune  ! 

Cassander  died  about  this  time  *  of  a  dropsy,  after 
having  governed  Macedonia  for  the  space  of  nineteen 
years,  from  the  death  of  his  father  Antipater,  and  six  or 
seven  from  the  last  partition.  He  left  three  sons  by 
Thessalonica,  one  of  the  sisters  of  Alexander  the  Great. 
Philip,  who  succeeded  him,  dying  soon  after,  left  his 
crown  to  be  contested  by  his  two  brothers. 

^Pyrrhus,  the  famous  king  of  Epirus,  had  espoused 
Antigone,  a  relation  of  Ptolemy,  in  fcg}'pt.  This  young 
prince  was  the  son  of  .îlacides,  whom  the  Molossians, 
in  a  rebellion,  had  expelled  from  the  throne  ;  and  it  was 
with  great  difficulty  that  Pyrrhus  himself,  then  an  in- 
fant at  the  breast,  was  preserved  from  the  fury  of  the 
rebels,  who  pursued  him  with  intent  to  destroy  him. 
After  various  adventures,  he  was  conducted  to  the  court 
of  king  Glaucias  in  Ill}Tia,  where  he  was  taken  into  the 
protection  of  that  prince.  Cassander,  the  mortal  enemy 
of  iEacides,  solicited  the  king  to  deliver  the  young 
prince  into  his  hands,  and  offered  him  two  hundred  ta- 
lents on  that  occasion  ;  Glaucias,  however,  was  struck 
with  horror  at  such  a  proposal  ;  and  when  the  infant 
had  attained  the  twelfth  year  of  his  age,  he  conducted 
him  in  person  to  Epirus  wdth  a  powerful  army,  and  re- 
instated him  in  his  dominions  ;  by  which  means  the 
]\Iolossians  were  compelled  to  submit  to  force.  Justin 
tells  us,  that  their  hatred  being  softened  into  compas- 
sion, they  themselves  recalled  him,  and  assigned  him 
guardians  to  govern  the  kingdom  till  he  should  be  of 
age  hin^self  ;  but  there  seems  to  be  no  great  probability 
in  his  account. 

When  he  had  attained  his  seventeenth  year,  he  be- 
gan to  think  himself  sufficiently  established  on  the 
throne  ;  and  set  out  from  his  capital  city  for  Illyria,  in 
order  to  be  present  at  the  nuptials  of  one  of  the  sons  of 
Glaucias,  with  whom  he  had  been  brought  up.  The 
Molossians,  taking  advantage  of  his  absence,  revolted 

^  Plut,  in  Pyrrh.  p.  383—385. 
*  A.  M.  3707.     Ant.  J.  C.  297. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  9 

n  second  time,  drove  all  his  friends  out  of  the  kingdom, 
seized  all  his  treasures,  and  conferred  the  crown  on 
Neoptolemus,  his  great  uncle.  Pyrrhus  being  thus  di- 
vested of  his  dominions,  and  finding  himself  destitute 
of  all  succours,  retired  to  his  brother-in-law,  Demetrius, 
the  son  of  Antigonus,  who  had  espoused  his  sister  Dei- 
damia. 

This  young  prince  distinguished  himself  among  the 
bravest  in  the  battle  that  was  fought  on  the  plains  of 
Ipsus,  and  would  not  forsake  Demetrius  even  after  he 
w^as  defeated.  He  also  preserved  for  him  those  Gre- 
cian cities  which  that  prince  had  confided  to  him  ;  and 
when  a  treaty  of  peace  was  concluded  between  Ptolemy 
and  Demetrius,  by  the  mediation  of  Seleucus,  Pyrrhus 
went  into  Egypt  as  a  hostage  for  his  brotlier-in-law. 

During  his  continuance  at  the  court  of  Ptolemy,  he 
gave  sufficient  proofs  of  his  strength,  address,  and  ex- 
traordinary patience,  in  hunting,  martial  exercises,  and 
all  other  labours.  Observing,  that  of  all  the  wives  of 
Ptolemy,  Berenice  had  the  greatest  ascendant  over  him, 
and  that  she  surpassed  the  others  in  wit  and  prudence, 
as  well  as  beauty,  he  attached  himself  to  her  in  parti- 
cular ;  for  as  he  was  already  an  able  politician,  he  ne- 
glected no  opportunity  of  making  his  court  to  those  on 
whom  his  fortune  depended,  and  of  ingratiating  him- 
self with  such  persons  as  were  capable  of  being  useful 
to  him.  His  noble  and  engaging  demeanour  procured 
him  such  a  share  in  Ptolemy's  esteem,  that  he  gave  him 
Antigone,  the  daughter  of  Berenice  his  favourite  con- 
sort, in  preference  to  several  young  princes  who  de- 
manded her  in  marriage.  This  lady  was  the  daughter 
of  Berenice,  by  Philip  her  first  husband,  who  was  a 
Macedonian  nobleman,  little  known  with  respect  to  any 
other  particular.  When  Pyrrhus  had  espoused  Anti- 
gone, the  queen  had  so  much  influence  over  her  con- 
sort, as  to  induce  him  to  grant  his  son-in-law  a  fleet, 
with  a  supply  of  money,  which  enabled  him  to  repossess 
himself  of  his  dominions.  Plere  began  the  fortune  of 
an  exiled  prince,  who  was  afterwards  esteemed  the 
greatest  general  of  his  age  :  and  it  must  be  acknow- 


10  THE  HISTORY  OF 

ledged,  that  every  instance  of  his  early  conduct  denoted 
extraordinary  merit,  and  raised  great  expectations  of 
his  future  glory. 

g  Athens,  as  we  have  already  observed,  had  revolted 
from  Demetrius,  and  shut  her  gates  against  him.  But 
when  that  prince  thought  he  had  sufficiently  provided 
for  the  security  of  his  territories  in  Asia,  he  march- 
ed against  that  rebellious  and  ungrateful  city,  with  a 
resolution  to  punish  her  as  she  deserved. — The  first 
year  was  employed  in  the  reduction  of  the  JNIessenians, 
and  the  conquest  of  some  other  cities  who  had  quitted 
his  party  ;  and  he  returned  the  next  season  to  Athens, 
which  he  closely  blocked  up,  and  reduced  to  the  last 
extremity,  by  cutting  off  all  communication  of  provi- 
sions. *A  fleet  of  a  hundred  and  fifty  sail,  sent  by  king 
Ptolemy,  to  succom*  the  Athenians,  and  which  appear- 
ed on  the  coasts  of  -ï!.gina,  afforded  them  but  a  transient 
joy  ;  for  when  this  naval  force  saw  a  strong  fleet  arrive 
from  Peloponnesus  to  the  assistance  of  Demetrius,  be- 
sides a  gi*eat  number  of  other  vessels  from  Cyprus,  and 
that  the  whole  amounted  to  three  hundred,  they  w^eigh- 
ed  anchor,  and  fled. 

Although  the  Athenians  had  issued  a  decree,  by 
which  they  made  it  capital  for  any  person  even  to  men- 
tion a  peace  with  Demetrius,  the  extreme  necessity  to 
which  thev  were  reduced  by  want  of  provisions,  obliged 
them  to  open  their  gates  to  him. — When  he  entered 
the  city,  he  commanded  the  inhabitants  to  assemble  in 
the  theatre,  which  he  surrounded  with  armed  troops, 
and  posted  his  guards  on  each  side  of  the  stage  where 
the  dramatic  pieces  were  performed  ;  and  then  de- 
scending from  the  upper  part  of  the  theatre,  in  the 
manner  usual  \Ndth  the  actors,  he  showed  himself  to  that 
multitude,  who  seemed  rather  dead  than  alive,  and 
waited  for  the  event  in  inexpressible  terror,  expecting  it 
would  prove  the  sentence  for  their  destruction.  But 
he  dissipated  their  apprehensions  by  the  first  expres- 
sions he  uttered  ;  for  he  did  not  raise  his  voice  like  a 

g  Plut,  in  Demetr.  p.  904,  905.     A.  M.  5708.    Ant.  J.  C.  296. 
*  A.  M.  3709.     Ant.  J.  C.  295. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  11 

man  affected  with  the  emotions  of  rage,  nor  deliver 
himself  in  any  passionate  or  insulting  language  ;  but 
softened  the  tone  of  his  voice,  and  only  addressed  him- 
self to  them  in  gentle  complaints,  and  amicable  expos- 
tulations. He  pardoned  their  offence,  and  restored 
them  to  his  favour  ;  presenting  them,  at  the  same  time, 
with  a  hundred  thousand  measures  of  corn,  and  rein- 
stating such  magistrates  as  were  most  agreeable  to  them. 
The  joy  of  this  people  may  be  easily  conceived,  from  the 
terrors  with  which  they  were  before  affected  ;  and  how 
glorious  must  such  a  prince  be,  who  could  always  sup- 
port so  brilliant,  so  admirable  a  character  ! 

When  he  had  regulated  the  state  of  affairs  in  Athens, 
he  determined  to  reduce  the  Lacedaemonians,  Archi- 
damus,  their  king,  advanced  as  far  as  M  an  tinea  to  meet 
him  :  but  Demetrius  defeated  him  in  a  great  battle, 
and  obliged  him  to  have  recourse  to  flight  ;  after  which 
he  advanced  into  I^aconia,  and  fought  another  battle 
in  the  very  sight  of  Sparta.  He  was  again  victorious  ; 
five  hundred  of  his  enemies  were  made  prisoners,  and 
two  hundred  killed  upon  the  spot,  so  that  he  was  al- 
ready considered  as  master  of  the  city,  which  had  never 
been  taken  before. 

But  at  this  important  moment  he  received  two  pieces 
of  intelligence,  which  compelled  him  to  direct  his  at- 
tention to  a  quite  different  quarter.  The  first  was,  that 
Lysimachus  had  lately  divested  him  of  all  his  territo- 
ries in  Asia  ;  and  the  other,  that  Ptolemy  had  made  a 
<lescent  on  Cyprus,  and  conquered  all  the  island,  ex- 
cept Salamis,  where  the  mother  of  Demetrius,  with  his 
wife  and  children,  had  retired  ;  and  that  the  king  of 
Egypt  carried  on  the  siege  of  that  city  with  great  vi- 
gour. Demetrius  left  all  to  fly  to  their  assistance,  but 
was  soon  informed  that  the  place  had  surrendered. 
Ptolemy  had  the  generosity  to  give  the  mother,  wife, 
and  children  of  his  enemy,  their  liberty  without  any 
ransom  ;  and  to  dismiss  them  with  all  their  attendants 
and  effects.  He  even  made  them  magnificent  presents 
at  their  departure,  which  he  accompanied  with  all  ima- 
ginable marks  of  honour. 


3  2  THE  HISTORY  OF 

The  loss  of  Cyprus  was  soon  succeeded  by  that  of 
Tyre  and  Sidoii  ;  and  Seleucus  dispossessed  him  of  Ci- 
licia  on  another  side.  Thus,  in  a  very  short  time,  he 
saw  himself  divested  of  all  his  dominions,  vdthout  any 
resource  or  hopes  for  the  future. 

SECT.  II.  Dispute  between  the  tzco  sons  of  Cassanàer  for  the 
crown  of  Macedwiia.  Demetrius,  being  invited  to  the  as- 
sistance of  Alexander,  Jinds  7neans  to  destroy  him,  and  is 
prodaimed  Ving  by  the  Macedonians.  He  makes  great  pre- 
parations for  the  cojiquest  of  Asia.  A  powerful  confederacy 
is  formed  against  him.  Pyrrhus  and  Lysimachus  deprive 
him  of  Macedonia,  and  divide  it  hetzceen  themselves.  Pyr- 
rhus is  soon  obliged  to  quit  those  territories.  Sad  end  ofDe^ 
metrius,  who  dies  in  prisœi. 

^o  prince  was  ever  obnoxious  to  greater  vicissitudes  of 
fortune,  nor  ever  experienced  more  sudden  changes,  than 
Demetiius.  He  exposed  himself  to  these  events  by  his 
imprudence,  amusing  himself  with  inconsiderable  con- 
quests, while  he  abandoned  his  provinces  to  the  first  in- 
vader. His  greatest  successes  were  immediately  follow- 
ed by  his  being  dispossessed  of  all  his  dominions,  and 
almost  reduced  to  despair,  when  suddenly  an  unexpect- 
ed resource  offered  itself  from  a  quarter  from  whence  he 
had  not  the  least  room  to  expect  it. 

^  In  the  quan'el  between  the  two  sons  of  Cassander 
for  the  crown,  Thessalonica,  their  mother,  favoiu*ed 
Alexander,  who  was  the  youngest  ;  which  so  enraged 
Antipater,  the  eldest  son,  that  he  killed  her  with  his 
own  hands,  though  she  conjured  him  by  the  breasts 
which  had  nourished  him,  to  spare  her  life.  Alexander, 
in  order  to  avenge  this  unnatural  barbarity,  solicited 
the  assistance  of  Pyn-hus  and  Demetrius,  the  former  of 
whom  was  in  Epirus,  and  the  latter  in  Peloponnesus. 
Pyrrhus  arrived  the  fu*st,  and  made  himself  master  of 
several  cities  in  jNIacedonia,  part  of  which  he  retained 
as  a  compensation  for  the  aid  he  had  given  Alexander  ; 
and  he  returned  to  his  ovm  dominions,  after  he  had  re- 

^  Plut,  in  Dcmetr.  p.  905.  in  Pyrrh.  p.  S^Q*    Justin.  1,  xvi  c.  1. 
A.  M.  3710.     Ant.  J.C.  294. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  13 

conciled  the  two  brothers.     Demetrius  came  up  at  the 
same  instant,  upon  which  Alexander  advanced  to  meet 
him  ;  and  testified,  at  the  interview  between  them,  all 
imaginable  gratitude  and  friendship;  but  represented 
to  him,  at  the  same  time,  that  the  state  of  his  affairs 
was  changed,  and  that  he  no  longer  had  any  need  of  his 
assistance.     Demetrius  was  displeased  with  this  com- 
pliment, whilst  Alexander,  who  dreaded  the  greatness 
of  his  power,  was  apprehensive  of  subjecting  himself  to 
a  master,  should  he  admit  him  into  his  dominions. 
They,  however,  conversed  together  with  an  external  air 
of  friendship,  and  entertained  each  other  with  recipro- 
cal feasts  ;  till  at  last,  Demetrius,  upon  some  intelli- 
gence, either  true  or  fictitious,  that  Alexander  intend- 
ed to  destroy  him,  prevented  the  execution  of  that  de- 
sign, and  killed  him.     This  murder  armed  the  Mace- 
donians against  him  at  first  ;  but  when  he  had  acquaint- 
ed them  with  all  the  particulars  that  influenced  his 
conduct,  the  aversion  they  entertained  for  Antipater, 
the  infamous   murderer  of  his  own  mother,  induced 
them  to  declare  for  Demetrius,   and  they  accordingly 
proclaimed  him  king  of  Macedonia.    Demetrius  possess- 
ed this  crown  for  the  space  of  seven  years,  and  Anti- 
pater  fled  into  Thrace,  where  he  did  not  long  survive 
the  loss  of  his  kingdom. 

One  of  the  branches  of  the  royal  family  of  Philip, 
king  of  Macedonia,  became  entirely  extinct  by  the  death 
of  Thessalonica  and  her  two  sons  ;  as  the  other  branch 
from  Alexander  the  Great  had  been  before  by  the  death 
of  the  young  Alexander  and  Hercules,  his  two  sons. 
Thus  these  two  princes,  who  by  their  unjust  wars  had 
spread  desolation  through  so  many  provinces,  and  de- 
stroyed such  a  number  of  royal  families,  experienced, 
by  a  just  decree  of  Providence,  the  same  calamities  in 
their  own  families,  as  they  had  occasioned  to  others. 
Philip  and  Alexander,  with  their  wives,  and  all  their 
descendants,  perished  by  violent  deaths. 

^  Much  about  this  time  Seleucus  built  the  city  of  Se- 

i  Strab.  1.  xvi.  p.  738  &  743.-    Plin.  1.  ri.  c.  26.      A.M.  3711. 
Ant.  J.  C.  293. 


J  4  THE  HISTORY  OF 

leucia,  on  the  banks  of  the  Tigris,  at  the  distance  of 
forty  miles  from  Babylon.  It  became  very  populous  in 
a  short  time,  and  Pliny  tells  us  it  was  inhabited  by  six 
hundred  thousand  persons.  The  dykes  of  the  Euphra- 
tes being  broken  down,  spread  such  an  inundation  over 
the  country,  and  the  l?ranch  of  that  river,  which  passed 
through  Babylon,  was  sunk  so  low  by  this  evacuation, 
as  to  be  rendered  unnavigable,  by  which  means  that 
city  became  so  incommodious,  that  as  soon  as  Seleucia 
w^as  built,  all  its  inhabitants  withdrew  thither.  This 
circumstance  prepared  the  way  for  the  accomplishment 
of  that  celebrated  prophecy  of  Isaiah,  who,  at  a  time 
when  this  city  w^as  in  the  most  flourishing  condition, 
had  foretold,  that  it  should  one  day  become  entirely  de- 
sert and  uninhabited.  ^  I  have  observed  elsewhere,  by 
what  manner  and  degrees  this  prediction  was  fully  ac- 
complished. 

^  Simon,  surnamed  the  Just,  the  high-priest  of  the 
Jews,  died  at  the  close  of  the  ninth  year  of  his  pontifi- 
cate, and  left  a  young  son,  named  Onias.  As  he  was 
of  too  tender  an  age  to  take  upon  himself  the  exercise 
of  that  dignity,  it  was  consigned  to  Eleazar  the  brother 
of  Simon,  who  discharged  the  functions  of  it  for  the 
space  of  fifteen  years. 

"^  I  here  pass  over  some  events  of  small  importance, 
and  proceed  to  Demetrius,  who,  believing  his  power 
sufficiently  established  in  Greece  and  Macedonia,  be- 
gan to  make  great  preparations  for  regaining  the  em- 
pire of  his  father  in  Asia.  With  this  view  he  raised 
an  army  of  above  a  hundred  thousand  men,  and  fitted 
out  a  fleet  of  five  hundred  sail.  So  great  an  armament 
had  never  been  seen  since  the  time  of  Alexander  the 
Great.  Demetrius  animated  the  workmen  by  his  pre- 
sence and  instructions,  visited  them  in  person,  directed 
them  how  to  act,  and  even  assisted  them  in  their  la- 
bours.    The  number  of  his  galleys,  and  their  extraor- 

^  Vol.  ii.  p.  210,  &:c.     At  the  taking  of  Babylon  by  Cyrus. 
*  Joseph.  Antiq.  1.  xii.  c.  2.      A.  M.  3712.     Ànt.  J.  C.  292. 
"  Plut,  in  Oemetr.  p.  909,  &  in  Pyrrh.  p.  386.     Justin.  1.  xvi. 
c.  2.     A.  M.  3716.     Ant.  J.  C.  288. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  15 

dinary  dimensions,  created  an  universal  astonishment  ; 
for  no  ships  of  sixteen,  or  even  fifteen  benches  of  oars, 
had  ever  been  seen  till  then  ;  and  it  was  not  till  many 
years  after  this  period  that  Ptolemy  Philopator  built 
one  of  forty  benches,*  but , then  it  was  only  for  pomp 
and  ostentation,  whereas  those  which  Demetrius  built 
were  extremely  useful  in  battle,  and  more  admirable 
for  their  lightness  and  agility  than  their  size  and  mag- 
nificence. 

f  Ptolemy,  Lysimachus,  and  Seleucus,  receiving  in- 
telligence of  these  formidable  preparations  of  Deme- 
trius, immediately  caught  the  alarm  ;  and,  in  order  to 
frustrate  their  effect,  renewed  their  alliance,  in  which 
they  likevsdse  engaged  Pyrrhus,  king  of  Epirus  ;  in  con- 
sequence of  which,  when  Lysimachus  began  to  invade 
Macedonia  on  one  side,  Pyrrhus  did  the  same  on  the 
other.     Demetrius,  who  was  then  making  preparations 
in  Greece  for  his  intended  expedition  into  Asia,  advan- 
ced with  all  speed  to  defend  his  own  dominions  ;  but 
before  he  was  able  to  ai*rive  there,  Pyrrhus  had  taken 
Beraea,  one  of  the  most  considerable  cities  in  Macedo- 
nia, where  he  found  the  wives,  children,  and  effects  of 
a  great  number  of  soldiers  belonging  to  Demetrius. 
This  news  caused  so  great  a  tumult  in  the  army  of  that 
prince,  that  a  considerable  part  of  his  troops  absolutely 
refused  to  follow  him,  and  declared,  with  an  air  of  mu- 
tiny and  sedition,  that  they  would  return  to  defend 
their  families  and  effects.     In  a  word,  things  were  car- 
ried to  such  an  extremity,  that  Demetrius,  perceiving 
he  no  longer  had  any  influence  over  them,  fled  to  Greece 
in  the  disguise  of  a  common  soldier,  and  his  troops 
went  over  to  Pyrrhus,  whom  they  proclaimed  king  of 
Macedonia. 

The  different  characters  of  these  two  princes  greatly 

*  This  galley  was  two  hundred  and  eighty  cubits  (about  four 
hundred  and  twenty  feet)  in  length/and  twenty-eight  cubits  (seven- 
ty-two feet)  from  the  keel  to  the  top  of  the  poop.  It  carried  four 
hundred  sailors,  besides  four  thousand  rowers,  and  near  three  thou- 
sand soldiers,  who  were  disposed  in  the  spaces  between  the  rowers> 
and  on  the  lower  deck.     Plut,  in  the  life  of  Demetrius. 

t  A.  M,  3717.     Ant.  J.  C.  287. 


16  THE  HISTORY  OF 

contributed  to  this  sudden  revolution.  Demetrius^ 
who  considered  vain  pomp  and  superb  magnificence  as 
true  grandeur,  rendered  himself  contemptible  to  the 
Macedonians,  in  the  very  circumstance  by  which  he 
thought  to  obtain  their  esteem.  He  ambitiously  en- 
circled his  head  with  a  double  diadem,  like  a  theatrical 
monarch,  and  wore  purple  robes,  enriched  with  a  pro-» 
fusion  of  gold.  The  ornaments  of  his  feet  were  alto- 
gether extraordinary  ;  and  he  had  long  employed  artists 
to  make  him  a  mantle,  on  which  the  system  of  the 
world,  with  all  the  stars  visible  in  the  firmament,  were 
to  be  embroidered  in  gold.  The  change  of  his  fortune 
prevented  the  finishing  of  this  work,  and  no  future  king 
would  presume  to  wear  it. 

But  that  which  rendered  him  still  more  odious,  was 
his  being  so  difiicult  of  access.  He  was  either  so  im- 
perious and  disdainful,  as  not  to  allow  those  who  had 
any  affairs  to  transact  ^^^th  him  the  liberty  of  speech  ; 
or  else  he  treated  them  with  so  much  rudeness,  as  obli- 
ged them  to  quit  his  presence  with  disgust.  One  day, 
when  he  came  out  of  his  palace,  and  walked  through 
the  streets  with  a  mien  of  more  affability  than  it  was 
usual  for  him  to  assume,  some  persons  were  encouraged 
to  present  a  few  petitions  to  him.  He  received  them 
with  a  gracious  air,  and  placed  them  in  one  of  tlie  folds 
of  his  robe  ;  but  as  he  was  passing  over  a  bridge  on  the 
river  Axius,  *  he  threw  all  those  petitions  into  the 
stream.  A  prince  must  certainly  know  very  little  of 
mankind,  not  to  be  sensible  that  such  a  contemptuous 
behaviour  is  sufficient  to  disgust  his  subjects.  On  this 
occasion,  an  action  of  the  great  Philip  was  recollected, 
which  has  been  related  among  the  events  of  his  reign. 
— That  prince  had  several  times  refused  audience  to  a 
poor  woman,  under  pretence  that  he  wanted  leisure  to 
hear  her.  *'  Be  no  longer  king  then,"  replied  she  with 
some  emotion  ;  and  Philip,  from  thenceforth,  made  it  a 
maxim  with  himself  to  grant  his  subjects  long  and  fre- 
quent audiences.  For,  as  Plutarch  observes  on  that  oc- 
casion, THE  MOST  INDISPKN SABLE  DUTY  OF  A  KING, 

*  A  river  of  Upper  Macedonia. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSOUS.  17 

IS  TO  EXERT  HIMSELF  IN  THE  ADMINISTRATION  OP 
JUSTICE.  * 

The  Macedonians  had  formed  a  very  different  idea 
of  Pyrrhus  They  had  heard  it  reported,  and  were 
sensible  by  their  own  experience,  that  he  was  naturally 
affable,  and  that  he  was  always  mild  and  accessible  ; 
they  were  convinced  of  his  promptitude  to  recompense 
the  services  rendered  him,  and  that  he  was  slow^  to 
anger  and  severity.  Some  young  officers,  over  their 
liquor,  had  vented  several  offensive  pleasantries  against 
him.  The  particulars  of  their  conversation  were  re- 
lated to  Pyrrhus  himself,  who  ordered  them  to  be 
brought  into  his  presence,  and  then  asked  them,  if  they 
had  expressed  themselves  in  the  manner  he  had  heard. 
"  Yes,  my  lord,"  replied  one  of  the  company,  "  and  we 
should  have  added  a  great  deal  more,  if  we  had  had 
more  wine."  Pyrrhus  could  not  forbear  laughing  at 
this  facetious  and  sprightly  turn,  and  dismissed  them 
from  his  presence  without  further  notice. 

The  Macedonians  thought  him  much  superior  to  De- 
metrius, even  in  military  merit.  He  had  beaten  them 
on  several  occasions,  but  their  admiration  of  his  bravery 
was  greater  than  their  resentment  for  their  defeat.  It 
was  a  common  expression  with  them,  that  other  princes 
imitated  Alexander  in  nothing  but  their  purple  robes, 
the  number  of  their  guards,  the  affectation  of  inclining 
their  heads  like  his,  and  their  imperious  manner  of 
speaking  ;  but  that  Pyrrhus  was  the  only  one  who  re- 
presented that  monarch  in  his  great  and  laudable  qua- 
lities. Pyrrhus  himself  was  not  altogether  free  from 
vanity,  with  respect  to  the  resemblance  of  his  own  fea- 
tures to  those  of  Alexander  ;  j-  but  a  good  matron  of 

Uvâiv  yoip  nT&fç  tea  fèxtnXîi  Tr^oc-yix-ov,  coi;  Tû  tv\<;  oik'/ic  epyflv. 
t  A  set  of  flatterers  had  really  persuaded  Pyrrhus,  that  he  resem- 
bled Alexander  in  the  features  of  his  face.  With  this  belief  he  sent 
for  the  pictures  of  Philip,  Perdiccas,  Alexander,  Cassander,  and  some 
other  princes,  and  then  desired  a  woman  of  Larissa,  with  whom  he 
then  lodged,  to  tell  him  which  of  those  princes  he  most  resembled. 
She  refused  to  answer  him  for  a  considerable  time,  till  at  last  he 
pressed  her  very  earnestly  to  satisfy  his  curiosity  ;  upon  which  she 
VOL.  YI.  C 


18  THE  HISTORY  OF 

Larissa,  in  whose  house  he  once  lodged,  had  undeceived 
him  in  that  particular,  hy  an  answer,  perhaps,  not  at 
all  agreeable  to  him.  The  Macedonians,  however, 
thought  they  discovered  in  him  the  aspect  of  that  prince  ; 
vvith  all  the  fire  of  his  eyes,  and  the  vivacity,  prompti- 
tude, and  impetuosity,  vnth  which  he  charged  his  ene- 
mies, and  bore  do\Mi  all  who  presumed  to  oppose  him  : 
but  with  respect  to  the  military  art,  and  ability  in 
drawing  up  an  army  in  battle,  and  knowing  how  to 
take  advantage  of  circumstances,  they  thought  none 
comparable  to  Pyrrhus. 

It  cannot,  therefore,  be  thought  surprising,  that  the 
^Macedonians,  who  entertained  prepossessions  so  favour- 
able to  the  one,  and  so  disadvantageous  to  the  other, 
should  easily  quit  the  party  of  Demetrius  to  espouse 
that  of  Pyirhus  :  and  one  may  see  by  this  instance, 
and  a  thousand  others,  of  what  importance  it  is  for 
princes  to  attach  their  people  to  their  interests,  by  the 
gentle  ties  of  affection  and  gratitude  ;  by  treating  them 
with  mildness  and  affability;  and  by  entertaining  a 
real  love  for  them,  which  is  the  only  means  of  acquiring 
their  love,  which  constitutes  their  most  solid  glory,  their 
most  essential  obligation,  and  at  the  same  time  their 
greatest  security. 

"As  Lysimachus  happened  to  arrive  immediately 
after  Pyrrhus  had  been  declared  king  of  Macedonia,  he 
pretended  that  he  had  contributed  as  much  as  that 
prince  to  the  flight  of  Demetrius,  and  that  he  conse- 
quently ought  to  have  a  share  in  that  kingdom.  Pyr- 
rhus, who,  in  this  conjuncture,  was  not  entirely  certain 
of  the  fidelity  of  the  Macedonians,  readily  acquiesced 
in  the  pretensions  of  I^ysimachus,  and  the  cities  and 
provinces  were  accordingly  shared  between  them  :  but 
this  agreement  was  so  far  from  miiting  them  vaih  each 
other,  that  it  was  rather  the  constant  source  of  animo- 
sities and  divisions  :  for,  as  Plutarch  observes,  when 
neither  seas  nor  mountains,  nor  uninhabitable  deserts, 

replied,  that  she  thought  him  very  like  Batrachion,  who  was  a  noted 
cook  in  that  city.     Lucian.  advers.  indoct,  p.  552,  553. 
"  Plut.  in  Pyrrh.  p.  389,  390. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  19 

could  suffice  as  barriers  to  the  avarice  and  ambition  of 
these  princes,  and  when  theil*  desires  were  not  to  be 
bounded  by  those  limits  which  separate  Europe  from 
Asia,  how  could  they  possibly  continue  in  a  state  of 
tranquillity,  and  refrain  from  the  injustice  of  invading 
domains  which  lay  so  near  and  so  commodious  to  them  ? 
This  was  not  to  be  expected  ;  and  a  perpetual  war  be- 
tween them  became  inevitable,  from  the  malignant  seeds 
of  envy  and  usurpation  that  had  taken  root  in  their 
minds.  The  names  of  peace  and  war  were  considered 
by  them  as  two  species  of  coin,  to  which  they  themselves 
had  given  currency,  merely  for  their  own  interest,  and 
without  the  least  regard  to  justice. — Still,  continues 
the  same  author,  they  act  more  laudably,  when  they 
engage  in  an  open  war,  than  when  they  use  the  sacred 
names  of  justice,  friendship,  and  peace,  for  what,  in  re- 
ality, is  no  more  than  a  truce,  or  transient  suspension 
of  their  unjust  views. 

The  whole  history  of  Alexander's  successors  justifies 
these  reflections  of  Plutarch.  Never  were  more  treaties 
and  alliances  made,  and  never  were  they  violated  with 
less  disguise  and  more  impunity.  Would  to  God  that 
those  complaints  were  never  applicable  to  any  princes 
or  times  but  those  we  are  treating  of  at  present  ! 

Pyrrhus  finding  the  Macedonians  more  tractable  and 
submissive,  when  he  led  them  to  war,  than  when  he 
permitted  them  to  enjoy  a  state  of  repose,  and  being 
himself  not  much  addicted  to  tranquillity,  nor  capable 
of  satisfaction  in  the  calm  of  a  long  peace,  was  daily 
forming  new  enterprises,  without  much  regard  to  sparing 
either  his  subjects  or  allies.  Lysimachus  took  advan- 
tage of  the  army's  disaffection  to  Pyrrhus,  and  inflamed 
them  still  more  by  his  emissaries,  who  artfully  insinua- 
ted that  they  had  acted  most  shamefully  in  choosing  a 
stranger  for  their  master,  whom  interest,  and  not  affec- 
tion, had  attached  to  Macedonia.  These  reproaches 
drew  in  the  greatest  part  of  the  soldiers  ;  upon  which 
Pyrrhus,  who  fean  d  tlie  consequences  of  this  alienation, 
retired  with  the  E[)irots  and  the  troops  of  his  allies,  and 
lost  Macedonia  in  the  same  manner  he  had  fçained  it. 


20  THE  HISTORY  OF 

He  greatly  complained  of  the  inconstancy  of  this 
people,  and  their  disaffection  to  his  person;  but,  as 
Plutarch  again  observes,  kings  have  no  reason  to  blame 
other  persons  for  sometimes  changing  their  party  ac- 
cording to  their  interest,  as  in  acting  so  they  only  imi- 
tate their  own  example,  and  practise  the  lessons  of  in- 
fidelity and  treason,  which  they  have  learned  from  the 
whole  of  their  own  conduct,  which,  upon  all  occasions, 
demonstrates  an  utter  disregard  for  justice,  veracity, 
and  sincerity,  in  the  observance  of  engagements. 

oAs  to  Demetrius,  when  he  found  himself  deserted 
by  his  troops,  he  had  retired  to  the  city  of  Cassandria,* 
where  his  consort  Phila  resided  :  this  lady  was  so  af- 
flicted at  the  calamitous  state  in  which  she  beheld  her 
husband,  and  was  so  terrified  at  the  misfortunes  to 
which  she  herself  was  exposed  by  the  declension  of  his 
affairs,  that  she  had  recourse  to  a  draught  of  poison,  by 
which  she  ended  a  life  that  was  become  more  insupport- 
able to  her  than  death  itself. 

Demetrius  thinking  to  gather  up  some  remains  of 
his  shattered  fortune,  returned  to  Greece,  where  several 
cities  still  continued  devoted  to  him  ;  and  when  he  had 
disposed  his  affairs  in  the  best  order  he  was  able,  he 
left  the  government  of  those  places  to  his  son  Antigo- 
nus  ;  and  assembling  all  the  troops  he  could  raise  in 
that  country,  which  amounted  to  between  ten  and  eleven 
thousand  men,  he  embarked  for  Asia,  with  a  resolution 
to  make  a  desperate  attempt  to  retrieve  his  good  for- 
tune. Eurydice,  the  sister  of  his  late  wife  Phila,  re- 
ceived him  at  Miletus,  where  she  lived  with  the  prin- 
cess Ptolemais,  her  daughter  by  Ptolemy,  whose  mar- 
riage with  Demetrius  had  been  agreed  upour  by  the 
mediation  of  Seleucus. — Eurydice  accordingly  present- 
ed the  princess  to  him,  and  this  alliance  gave  birth  to 
Demetrius,  who  afterwards  reigned  in  Cyrene. 

p  Demetrius,  immediately  after  the  celebration  of  his 
nuptials,  entered  Caria  and  Lydia,  where  he  took  se- 

°  Plut,  in  Demetr.  p.  9 10,  911. 

P  Plut,  in  Demetr.  p   912—915. 

^  A  city  on  the  frontiers  of  Thrace,  and  in  Upper  Macedonia. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  21 

veral  places  from  Lysimachus,  and  considerably  aug- 
mented his  forces,  and  at  length  made  himself  master 
of  Sardis  ;  but,  as  soon  as  Agathocles,  the  son  of  Lysi- 
machus, appeared  at  the  head  of  an  army,  he  abandon- 
ed all  his  conquests,  and  marched  into  the  East.  His 
design  in  taking  this  route  was  to  surprise  Armenia  and 
Media  ;  but  Agathocles,  who  followed  him  close,  cut 
off  his  provisions  and  forage  so  effectually,  that  a  sick- 
ness spread  through  his  army,  and  weakened  it  extreme- 
ly ;-  and  when  he  at  last  made  an  attempt  to  march  over 
mount  Taurus  with  the  small  remains  of  his  troops,  he 
found  all  the  passes  guarded  by  the  enemies,  which 
obliged  him  to  fall  back  to  Tarsus  in  Cilicia. 

From  thence  he  represented  to  Seleucus,  to  whom 
that  city  belonged,  the  melancholy  situation  of  his  af- 
fairs, and  entreated  him,  in  a  very  moving  manner,  to 
afford  him  the  necessary  subsistence  for  himself  and  the 
remainder  of  his  troops.     Seleucus  was  touched  with 
compassion  at  first,  and  despatched  orders  to  his  lieu- 
tenants, to  furnish  him  with  all  he  should  want.     But 
when  remonstrances  were  afterwards  made  to  him  upon 
the  valour  and  abilities  of  Demetrius,  his  genius  for 
resource  and  stratagem,  and  his  intrepidity  in  the  exe- 
cution of  his  designs,  whenever  the  least  opportunity 
for  acting  presented  itself;  he  thought  it  impossible  to 
reinstate  a  prince  of  that  character,  without  exposing 
himself  to  danger.     For  which  reason,  instead  of  con- 
tinuing to  support  him,  he  resolved  upon  his  destruc- 
tion, and  immediately  placed  himself  at  the  head  of 
a  numerous  army,  with  an  intention  to  attack   him. 
Demetrius,  who  had  received  intelligence  of  these  mea- 
sures, posted  his  troops  in  those  parts  of  mount  Taurus 
where  he  imagined  it  would  be  very  difficult  to  force 
them,  and  sent  to  Seleucus  a  second  time,  to  implore 
his  permission  to  pass  into  the  East,  in  order  to  esta- 
blish himself  in  some  country  belonging  to  the  barba- 
rians, where  he  might  end  his  days  in  tranquillity  :  but 
if  he  should  not  be  inclined  to  grant  him  that  favour, 
he  entreated  him  to  allow  him  to  take  up  his  winter- 
quarters  in  his  dominions  ;  and  begged  that  prince  not 


2I[  THE  HISTORY  OF 

to  expose  him,  by  driving  him  from  thence,  to  famine, 
and  the  rigours  of  the  season,  as  that  would  be  dehver- 
ing  him  up  defenceless  to  the  discretion  of  his  enemies. 

Seleucus  was  so  prejudiced  against  the  design  which 
Demetrius  had  formed  against  the  East,  that  this  pro- 
posal only  tended  to  increase  his  distrust  ;  and  he  con- 
sented to  nothing  more  than  his  taking  up  his  quarters 
in  Cataonia,  a  province  adjacent  to  Cappadocia,  during 
the  two  severest  months  of  the  winter  ;  after  which  he 
was  immediately  to  evacuate  that  country.  Seleucus, 
during  this  négociation,  had  placed  strong  guards  at  all 
the  passes  from  Cilicia  into  Syria,  which  obliged  De- 
metrius to  have  recourse  to  arms,  in  order  to  disengage 
himself.  He  accordingly  made  such  a  vigorous  attack 
on  the  troops  who  guarded  the  passes  in  the  mountains, 
that  he  dislodged  them  from  thence,  and  opened  him- 
self a  passage  into  Syria,  which  he  immediately  entered. 

His  own  courage,  and  the  hoj^es  of  his  soldiers,  re- 
viving from  this  success,  he  took  all  possible  measures 
for  making  a  last  effort  for  the  re-establishment  of  his 
affairs  ;  but  he  had  the  misfortune  to  be  suddenly  seized 
with  a  severe  distemper,  which  disconcerted  all  his  mea- 
sures. *  During  the  forty  days  that  he  continued  sick, 
most  of  his  soldiers  deserted  :  and  when  he  at  last  re- 
covered his  health,  so  as  to  be  capable  of  action,  he  found 
himself  reduced  to  the  desperate  necessity  of  attempt- 
ing to  surprise  Seleucus  in  his  camp  by  night,  with  the 
handful  of  men  who  still  continued  in  his  service.  A 
deserter  gave  Seleucus  intelligence  of  this  design  time 
enough  to  prevent  its  effect  ;  and  the  desertion  of  De- 
metrius's  troops  increased  upon  this  disappointment. 
He  then  endeavoured,  as  his  last  resource,  to  regain  the 
mountains,  and  join  his  fleet  ;  but  he  found  the  passes 
so  well  guarded,  that  he  was  obliged  to  conceal  himself 
in  the  woods  ;  from  whence  he  was  soon  dislodged  by 
hunger,  and  compelled  to  surrender  himself  to  Seleucus, 
who  caused  him  to  be  conducted  under  a  strong  guard 
to  the  Chersonesus  of  Syria  near  Laodicea,  where  he 

*  A.  M.  3718.     Ant.  J.  C.  286. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  2S 

was  detained  prisoner.  He,  however,  was  allowed  the 
liberty  of  a  park  for  hunting,  and  all  the  conveniences 
of  life  in  abundance. 

When  Antigonus  received  intelligence  of  his  father's 
captivity,  he  was  affected  with  the  utmost  sorrow  ;  and 
wrote  to  all  the  kings,  and  even  to  Seleucus  himself,  to 
obtain  his  release,  offering,  at  the  same  time,  his  own 
person  as  a  hostage  for  him,  and  consenting  to  part 
with  all  his  remaining  dominions,  as  the  price  of  his 
liberty.  Several  cities,  and  a  great  number  of  princes, 
joined  4iheir  solicitations  in  favour  of  the  captive  prince  { 
but  Lysimachus  offered  a  large  sum  of  money  to  Se- 
leucus, provided  he  would  cause  his  prisoner  to  be  put 
to  death.  Seleucus  was  struck  with  horror  at  so  bar- 
barous and  inhuman  a  proposal  ;  and,  in  order  to  grant 
a  favour  solicited  from  so  many  different  quarters,  he 
seemed  only  to  wait  the  arrival  of  his  son  Antigonus, 
and  Stratonice,  that  Demetrius  might  owe  the  obliga- 
tion of  his  liberty  to  them. 

In  the  mean  time,  that  unhappy  prince  supported  his 
misfortunes  with  patience  and  magnanimity  :  and  be- 
came at  last  so  habituated  to  them,  that  they  no  longer 
seemed  to  affect  him.  He  exercised  himself  in  racing, 
walking,  and  hunting  ;  and  might  have  been  infinitely 
more  happy,  had  he  made  a  true  estimate  of  his  condi- 
tion, than  whilst  hurried  over  lands  and  seas  by  the 
phrensy  of  ambition.  For  what  other  fruit  do  these 
pretended  heroes,  who  are  called  conquerors,  derive  from 
all  their  labours  and  wars,  and  from  all  the  dangers  to 
which  they  expose  themselves,  than  that  of  tormenting 
themselves,  while  they  render  others  miserable  ;  and 
constantly  turning  their  backs  on  tranquillity  and  hap- 
piness, which,  if  they  maybe  believed,  are  the  sole  ends 
of  all  their  motions?  But  Demetrius  was  gradually 
seized  with  melancholy  ;  and  no  longer  amused  him- 
self with  his  former  exercises  :  he  grew  corpulent,  and 
entirely  abandoned  hiriîself  to  drinking  and  gaming  at 
dice,  to  which  he  devoted  whole  days,  undoubtedly  en- 
deavouring by  these  methods  to  banish  the  melancholy 
thoughts  of  his  condition.    When  he  hud  continued  i» 


24  THE  HISTORY  OF 

his  captivity  for  the  space  of  three  years,  he  was  seized 
with  a  severe  distemper,  occasioned  by  his  inactivity, 
and  int'^mperance  in  eating  and  drinking,  and  died  at 
the  age  of  fifty-four  years.  His  son  Antigonus,  to 
whom  the  urn  which  enclosed  his  ashes  was  transmitted, 
celebrated  his  funeral  with  great  magnificence.  We 
shall  see,  in  the  sequel  of  the  present  history,  that  this 
Antigonus,  who  was  surnamed  Gonatas,  continued 
peaceable  possessor  of  the  kingdom  of  Macedonia  ;  and 
the  race  of  this  prince  enjoyed  the  crown  for  several 
generations,  in  a  direct  line  from  father  to  son,  till  the 
reign  of  Perseus,  who  was  the  last  of  that  family,  and 
was  divested  of  Macedonia  by  the  Romans. 


SECT.  III.  Ptolemy  Soter  resigns  his  lî'ingdom  to  his  son 
Ptolemy  Philadelphus.  The  toiver  of  Pharos  built.  The 
image  of  Serapis  conveyed  to  Alexandria.  The  celebrated 
library  founded  in  thai  city^  with  an  academy  of  leaimed 
men.  Demetrius  Phalereus  presides  over  both.  Death  of 
Ptolemy  Soter. 

Ptolemy  Soter, ^  the  son  of  Lagus,  after  a  reign  of 
twenty  years  in  Egypt,  with  the  title  of  king,  and  of 
near  thirty-nine  from  the  death  of  Alexander,  was  de- 
sirous of  transmitting  the  throne  to  Ptolemy  Philadel- 
phus,  *  one  of  his  sons  by  Berenice.  He  had  likewise 
several  children  by  his  other  wives,  and  among  them, 
Ptolemy,  surnamed  Ceraunus^  or  The  Thunder;  who 
being  the  son  of  Eurydice,  the  daughter  of  Antipater, 
and  the  eldest  of  the  male  issue,  considered  the  crown 
as  his  right,  after  the  death  of  his  father.  But  Bere- 
nice, who  came  into  Egypt,  merely  to  accompany  Eu- 
rydice, at  the  time  of  her  espousals  with  Ptolemy,  had 
so  charmed  that  prince  with  her  beauty,  that  he  mar.- 

'i  Justin.  1.  xvi.     A.  M.  3719-     Ant.  J.  C.  285. 

*  The  word  signifies,  a  lover  of  his  brethren  ;  but  Ptolemy  received 
this  surname,  agreeably  to  a  figure  of  speech  called  aniij)hramf  be- 
cause he  charged  two  of  his  brothers  with  forming  designs  against 
his  life,  and  then  caused  them  to  be  destroyed.     Pausan.  I.i.p.  12. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  25 

ried  her  ;  and  so  great  was  her  ascendant  over  him, 
that  she  caused  him  to  prefer  her  son  to  all  his  issue 
by  the  otlier  queens.  In  order,  therefore,  to  prevent 
all  disputes  and  wars  that  might  ensue  after  his  death, 
which  he  was  sensible  could  not  be  very  remote,  as'  he 
was  then  fourscore  years  of  age  ;  he  resolved  to  have 
him  crowned  in  his  own  life-time,  intending,  at  the 
same  time,  to  resign  all  his  dominions  to  him  ;  decla- 
ring, that  to  create  a  king  was  more  glorious  than  to 
be  so  one's  self.  The  coronation  of  Philadelphus  was 
celebrated  with  the  most  splendid  festival  that  had  ever 
been  seen  :  but  I  reserve  the  description  of  it  to  the  end 
of  this  Section. 

Ptolemy  Ceraunus  quitted  the  court,  and  retired  to 
Lysimachus,  whose  son  Agatbocles  had  espoused  Ly- 
sandra,  the  sister  of  Ceraunus,  both  by  father  and  mo- 
ther ;  and,  after  the  death  of  Agathocles,  be  removed 
to  the  court  of  Seleucus,  who  received  him  with  a  ge- 
nerosity entirely  uncommon,  for  which  he  was  after- 
wards repaid  with  the  blackest  ingratitude,  as  will  ap- 
pear in  the  sequel  of  this  history. 

^  In  the  first  year  of  the  reign  of  Ptolemy  Philadel- 
phus, which  was  also  the  first  year  of  the  J2Hh  Olym- 
piad, the  famous  watch-tower  in  the  isle  of  Pharos  was 
completed.  It  was  usually  called  the  tower  of  Pharos, 
and  has  been  reputed  one  of  the  seven  wonders  of  the 
world.  It  was  a  large  square  structure  built  of  white 
marble,  on  the  top  of  which  a  fire  was  constantly  kept 
burning,  in  order  to  guide  ships  in  their  course.  It 
cost  eight  hundred  talents,  which,  estimated  by  the 
Athenian  money,  are  equal  to  two  hundred  thousand 
pounds,  but  amount  to  almost  double  that  sum  if  com- 
puted by  the  coin  of  Alexandria.  The  architect  of  the 
«difice  was  Sostratus  of  Cnidus,  who,  to  pei-petuate  the 
whole  honour  of  it  to  himself,  had  recourse  to  the  arti- 
fice I  have  mentioned  before.*  Pharos  was  originally 
a  real  island,  at  the  distance  of  seven  furlongs  from  the 

^  Plin.  1.  xxxvi.  c.  12.     Strab.  1.  xvii,  p.  791.     Suid.  in  Çu^o^. 
*  See  Vol.  I.     hi  the  Hulorif  of  E^ypU 


26  THE  HISTORY  OF 

continent  ;  but  was  afterwards  joined  to  it  by  a  cause- 
way like  that  of  Tyre. 

s  JNIuch  about  this  time  the  image  of  the  god  Sera- 
pis  was  brought  from  Pontus  to  Alexandria.  Ptole- 
my had  been  induced  by  a  dream  to  demand  it,  by  an 
embassy,  of  the  king  of  Sinope,  a  city  of  Pontus,  where 
it  was  kept.  It  was,  however,  refused  him  for  the 
space  of  two  years,  till  at  last  the  inhabitants  of  Sinope 
suffered  such  extremities  from  a  famine,  that  they  con- 
sented to  resign  this  god  to  Ptolemy  for  a  supply  of 
corn,  which  he  transmitted  to  them  ;  and  the  statue 
was  then  conveyed  to  Alexandria,  and  placed  in  one  of 
the  suburbs,  called  Rhacotis,  where  it  was  adored  by 
the  name  of  Serapis  ;  and  a  famous  temple,  called  the 
Serapion,  was  afterwards  erected  for  it  in  that  place. 
This  structure,  according  to  Ammianus  Marcellinus,  *^ 
surpassed,  in  beauty  and  magnificence,  all  the  temples 
in  the  world,  except  the  Capitol  at  Rome.  This  tem- 
ple had  also  a  library,  which  became  famous  in  all  suc- 
ceeding ages,  for  the  number  and  value  of  the  books  it 
contained. 

"  Ptolemy  Soter  had  been  careftd  to  improve  him- 
self in  polite  literature,  as  was  evident  by  his  compiling 
the  life  of  Alexander,  which  was  greatly  esteemed  by 
the  ancients,  but  is  now  entirely  lost.  In  order  to  en- 
courage the  cultivation  of  the  sciences,  which  he  much 
admired,  he  founded  an  academy  at  Alexandria,  called 
the  Museum,  w^here  a  society  of  learned  men  devoted 
themselves  to  philosophic  studies,  and  the  improvement 
of  all  other  sciences,  almost  in  the  same  manner  as 
those  of  London  and  Paris.  For  this  piU7)ose,  he  be- 
gan by  giving  them  a  library,  which  was  prodigiously 
increased  by  his  successors. 

*  His  son  Philadelphus  left  a  hundred  thousand  vo- 
lumes in  it  at  the  time  of  his  death,  and  the  succeed- 

5  Tacit,  hist.  1.  iv.  c.  83  &  84.  Plut,  de  Isid.  &  Osir.  p.  S6l. 
Clem.  Alex.  inProtrept.  p.  31.     A.  M.  3720.  Ant.  J.  C.  284. 

*  Amm.  MarceU.  1.  xxii.  c.  1 6.  ^  Arrian.  in  prœf.  Plut,  in 

Alex.  p.  691.  Q.  Curt.  1.  ix.  c.  8.  Strab.  1.  xvii.  p.  793.  Plut,  in 
Moral,  p.  1095.  ^  Euseb.  in  Chron. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  2!7 

îiîg  princes  of  that  race  enlarged  it  still  more,  till  at 
last  it  consisted  of  seven  hundred  thousand  volumes. 

y  This  library  was  formed  by  the  following  method. 
All  the  Greek  and  other  books  that  were  brought  into 
Egypt  were  seized,  and  sent  to  the  Museum,  where 
they  were  transcribed  by  persons  employed  for  that  pur- 
pose. The  copies  were  then  delivered  to  the  proprie- 
tors, and  the  originals  were  deposited  in  the  library. 
Ptolemy  Euergetes,  for  instance,  borrowed  the  works  of 
Sophocles,  Euripides,  and  jEschylus,  of  the  Athenians, 
and  only  returned  them  the  copies,  which  he  caused  to 
be  transcribed  in  as  beautiful  a  manner  as  possible  ;  and 
he  likewise  presented  them  with  fifteen  talents  (equal 
to  fifteen  thousand  crowns)  for  the  originals  which  he 
kept. 

As  the  Museum  w^as  at  first  in  that  quarter  of  the 
city  which  was  called  Bruchion,  and  near  the  royal 
palace,  the  library  was  founded  in  the  same  place,  and 
it  soon  drew  vast  numbers  thither  ;  but  when  it  was  so 
much  augmented,  as  to  contain  four  hundred  thousand 
volumes,  they  began  to  deposit  the  additional  books  in 
the  Serapion.  This  last  library  was  a  supplement  to 
the  former,  for  which  reason  it  received  the  appellation 
of  its  Daughter,  and  in  process  of  time  had  in  it  three 
hundred  thousand  volumes. 

2  In  Caesar's  war  with  the  inhabitants  of  Alexan- 
dria, a  fire,  occasioned  by  those  hostilities,  consumed 
the  library  of  Bruchion,  with  its  four  hundred  thousand 
volumes.  Seneca  seems  to  me  to  be  out  of  humour,  * 
when,  speaking  of  the  conflagration,  he  bestows  his 
censures,  both  on  the  library  itself,  and  the  eulogium 
made  on  it  by  Livy,  who  styles  it  an  illustrious  monu- 

y  Galen.  »  Plut,  in  Caesar,  p.  732.  in  Anton,  p.  943.  Amm. 

Marcell.  1.  xxii.  c.  16*.    Dion.  Cass.  1.  xlii.  p.  202. 

*  "  Quadringenta  mil  lia  librorum  AlexandrisB  arserunt,  pulcherri- 
mum  regiae  opulentiae  monumentum.  Alius  laudaverit,  sicut  Livius, 
qui  elegantiae  reg-um  curaeque  egregium  id  opus  ait  fuisse.  Non  fuit 
elegantia  illud,  aut  cura,  sed  studiosa  luxuria  :  iino,  ne  studiosa  qui- 
dera,  quoniam  non  in  studium,  sed  in  spectaculum  comparaverant. — 
Paretur  itaque  librorum  quantum  sit,  nihil  in  apparatum."  Senec. 
de  tranqidll,  anim,  c.  ix. 


28  THE  HISTORY  OF 

ment  of  the  opulence  of  the  Egyptian  kings,  and  of 
their  judicious  attention  to  the  improvement  of  the 
sciences.  Seneca,  instead  of  allowing  it  to  he  such, 
would  have  it  considered  only  as  a  work  resulting  from 
the  pride  and  vanity  of  those  monarchs,  who  had 
amassed  such  a  number  of  books,  not  for  their  own  use, 
but  merely  for  pomp  and  ostentation.  This  reflection, 
however,  seems  to  discover  very  little  sagacity  ;  for  is  it 
not  evident  beyond  contradiction,  that  none  but  kings 
are  capable  of  founding  these  magnificent  libraries, 
which  iDecome  a  necessary  treasure  to  the  learned,  and 
do  infinite  honour  to  those  states  in  w^hich  they  are  es- 
tablished ? 

The  library  of  Serapion  did  not  sustain  any  damage, 
and  it  was  undoubtedly  there,  that  Cleopatra  deposi- 
ted those  two  hundred  thousand  volumes  from  that  of 
Pergamus,  which  were  presented  to  her  by  Antony. 
This  addition,  with  other  enlargements  that  were  made 
from  time  to  time,  rendered  the  new  library  of  Alex- 
andria more  numerous  and  considerable  than  the  first  ; 
and  though  it  was  ransacked  more  than  once,  during 
the  troubles  and  revolutions  which  happened  in  the 
Roman  empire,  it  always  retrieved  its  losses,  and  re- 
covered its  number  of  volumes.  In  this  condition  it 
subsisted  for  many  ages,  displaying  its  treasures  to  the 
learned  and  curious,  till  the  seventh  century,  when  it 
suffered  the  same  fate  with  its  parent,  and  was  burnt 
by  the  Saracens,  when  they  took  that  city  in  the  year 
of  our  Lord  642.  The  manner  by  which  this  misfor- 
tune happened  is  too  singular  to  be  passed  over  in  si- 
lence. 

^  John,  sumamed  the  Grammarian,  a  famous  follow- 
er of  Aristotle,  happened  to  be  at  Alexandria,  when  the 
city  was  taken  ;  and  as  he  w  as  much  esteemed  by 
Amri  Ebnol  As,  the  general  of  the  Saracen  troops,  he 
entreated  that  commander  to  bestow  upon  him  the 
Alexandrian  library.  Amri  replied,  that  it  was  not  in 
his  power  to  gi-ant  such  a  request  ;  but  that  he  would 
wi'ite  to  the  Khalif,  or  emperor  of  the  Saracens,  for  his 
^  Abul-Pharagius,  in  hist.  Dynast.  IX. 


ALEXANDER  s  SUCCESSORS.  ^9 

orders  on  that  head,  without  which  he  could  not  pre- 
sume to  dispose  of  the  library.  He  accordingly  writ  to 
Omar,  the  then  Khalif,  whose  answer  was,  that  if 
those  books  contained  the  same  doctrine  with  the  Ko- 
ran, they  could  not  be  of  any  use,  because  the  Koran 
was  sufficient  in  itself,  and  comprehended  all  necessary 
truths  ;  but  if  they  contained  any  particulars  contrary 
to  that  book,  they  ought  to  be  destroyed.  In  conse- 
quence of  this  answer,  they  were  all  condemned  to  the 
flames,  without  any  further  examination  ;  and,  for  that 
purpose,  were  distributed  among  the  public  baths  ; 
where,  for  the  space  of  six  months,  they  were  used  for 
fuel  instead  of  wood.  We  may  from  hence  form  a  just 
idea  of  the  prodigious  number  of  books  contained  in 
that  library  ;  and  thus  was  this  inestimable  treasure  of 
learning  destroyed  ! 

The  Museum  of  Bruchion  was  not  burnt  with  the 
library  which  was  attached  to  it.  ^  Strabo  acquaints  us, 
in  his  description  of  it,  that  it  was  a  very  large  struc- 
ture near  the  palace,  and  fronting  the  port  ;  and  that  it 
was  surrounded  with  a  portico,  in  which  the  philoso- 
phers walked.  He  adds,  that  the  members  of  this  so- 
ciety were  governed  by  a  president,  whose  station  was 
so  honourable  and  important,  that,  in  the  time  of  the 
Ptolemies,  he  was  always  chosen  by  the  king  himself, 
and  afterwards  by  the  Roman  emperor  ;  and  that  they 
had  a  hall  where  the  whole  society  ate  together  at  the 
expense  of  the  public,  by  whom  they  were  supported  in 
a  very  plentiful  manner. 

Alexandria  was  undoubtedly  indebted  to  this  JVIu- 
seum,  for  the  advantage  she  long  enjoyed  of  being  the 
greatest  school  in  all  that  part  of  the  world,  and  of  ha- 
ving trained  up  a  vast  number  of  men  who  excelled  in 
literature.  It  is  from  thence,  in  particular,  that  the 
church  has  received  some  of  its  most  illustrious  doc- 
tors ;  as  Clemens  Alexandrinus,  Ammonius,  Origen, 
Anatolius,  Athanasius,  and  many  others  ;  for  all  these 
studied  in  that  seminary. 

Demetrius  Phalereus  was  probably  the  first  presi- 

^  Strab.  1.  xvii.  p.  792. 


30  THE  HISTORY  OF 

dent  of  this  seat  of  learning  :  it  is  certain,  indeed,  tbat 
he  had  the  siiperin tendency  of  the  library.  ^  Plutarch 
informs  us,  that  it  was  he  who  proposed  to  Ptolemy 
the  establishment  of  a  library  of  such  authors  as  treat- 
ed of  civil  polity  and  government,  assuring  him,  that 
these  would  always  supply  him  with  such  counsels  as 
none  of  his  friends  would  presume  to  offer  him. — In 
fact,  this  is  almost  the  only  expedient  for  introducing 
truth  to  princes,  and  showing  them,  under  borrowed 
names,  their  duties  as  well  as  their  defects.  When 
the  king  had  relished  this  excellent  advice,  and  mea- 
sures were  taken  to  procure  all  such  books  as  were  re- 
quisite in  this  first  view,  it  may  easily  be  imagined  that 
Demetrius  carried  the  affair  to  a  much  greater  length, 
and  prevailed  upon  the  king  to  collect  all  sorts  of  other 
books  for  the  libraiT  we  have  mentioned.  Who  could 
better  assist  that  prince  in  the  accomplishment  of  so 
noble  and  magnilicent  a  plan  than  Demetrius  Phale- 
reus,  who  was  himself  a  learned  man  of  the  first  rank, 
as  well  as  a  very  able  politician  ? 

^  We  have  formerly  seen  what  inducements  brouorht 
Demetrius  to  the  court  of  this  prince.  He  wa^  recei- 
ved vdih  open  arms  by  Ptolemy  Soter,  who  heaped  a 
profusion  of  honours  upon  him,  and  made  him  his  con- 
fidant. He  consulted  him,  in  preference  to  all  his 
other  counsellors,  in  the  most  important  affairs,  and 
particularly  those  which  related  to  the  succession  to  the 
crown.  This  prince,  two  years  before  his  death,*  had 
formed  a  resolution  to  abdicate  his  crown  in  favour  of 
one  of  his  children.  Demetrius  endeavoured  to  dis- 
suade him  from  that  design,  by  representing  to  him, 
that  he  must  no  longer  expect  to  enjoy  any  authority, 
if  he  divested  himself  of  his  dignity  in  such  a  manner, 
and  that  it  would  be  dangerous  to  create  himself  a 
master.  But  when  he  found  him  absolutely  determin- 
ed on  this  abdication,  he  advised  him  to  regulate  his 
choice  by  the  order   prescribed  by  nature,  which  was 

Plut,  in  Apophth.  p.  IS 9. 


^Plut 
*  A.  M 


in  Demetr.  p.  892.    Diog.  Laert.  in  Demetr.  Phal. 
.3719-    Ant.  J.  C.  285. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  31 

generally  followed  by  all  nations  :  in  consequence  of 
which  it  would  be  incumbent  on  him  to  prefer  liis  ekl- 
est  son  by  Eurydice,  his  first  wife.  But  the  iniîuence 
of  Berenice  prevailed  over  this  equitable  and  prudent  ad- 
vice, which,  in  a  short  time,  proved  fatal  to  its  author. 

Toward  the  close  of  this  year  died  Ptolemy  Soter,  * 
king  of  Egypt,  in  the  eighty-fourth  year  of  his  age,  and 
two  years  after  his  resignation  of  the  empire  to  his  son. 
He  was  the  most  able  and  worthy  man  of  all  his  race, 
and  left  behind  him  such  examples  of  prudence,  jus- 
tice, and  clemency,  as  very  few  of  his  successors  were  in- 
dustrious to  imitate.  During  the  space  of  near  forty 
years,  in  which  he  governed  Egypt  after  the  death  of 
Alexander,  he  raised  it  to  such  an  height  of  grandeur 
and  power,  as  rendered  it  superior  to  the  other  king- 
doms. He  retained  upon  the  throne  the  same  fond- 
ness for  simplicity  of  manners,  and  the  same  aversion 
for  ostentatious  pomp,  as  he  discovered  when  he  first 
ascended  it. — He  was  accessible  to  his  subjects,  even  to 
a  degree  of  familiarity.  He  frequently  ate  with  them 
at  their  own  houses  ;  and,  when  he  gave  any  entertain- 
ment himself,  he  thought  it  no  disgrace  to  borrow  plate 
from  the  rich,  because  he  had  but  very  little  of  his  own, 
and  no  more  than  was  necessary  for  his  common  use. 
^  And  when  some  persons  represented  to  him  that  the 
regal  dignity  seemed  to  require  an  air  of  greater  opu- 
lence, his  answer  was,  "  That  the  true  grandeur  of  a 
king  consisted  in  enriching  others,  not  in  being  rich 
himself." 

SECT.  IV.     The  magnificent  solemnity^  at  the  inauguration 
of  Ptolemy  Philadelphus,  King  of  Egypt. 

Ptolemy  Philadelphus,  after  his  father  had  abdi- 
cated the  crown  in  his  favour,  entertained  the  people, 
when  he  ascended  the  throne,  with  the  most  splendid 
festival  mentioned  in  ancient  history.  Athenaeus  has 
left  us  a  long  description  of  it,  transcribed  from  Cal- 
lixenes,  the  Rhodian,  who  compiled  a  history  of  Alex- 
*  A.  M.  3721.   Ant.  J.  C.  283.  <^  Plut,  in  Apoph.  x).  18  J . 


32  THE  HISTORY  OF 

andria,  and  Montfaucon  relates  it  in  his  Antiquities. 
I  shall  insert  the  particulars  of  it  in  this  place,  because 
they  are  well  calculated  to  give  us  an  idea  of  the  riches 
and  opulence  of  Egypt.  I  may  add  too,  that  as  ancient 
authors  speak  very  often  of  «acred  pomp,  processions, 
and  solemn  festivals,  in  honour  of  their  gods,  I  thought 
it  incumbent  on  me  to  give  some  idea  of  them  for  once, 
by  describing  one  of  the  most  celebrated  solemnities 
that  was  ever  known.  Plutarch,  who  is  perpetually 
mentioning  triumphs  among  the  Romans,  has  the  ap- 
probation of  his  readers  for  his  particular  description  of 
that  of  Paulus  ^îLmilius,  which  was  one  of  the  most 
magnificent.  But  if  the  account  I  shall  now  give  should 
appear  unseasonable,  or  too  prolix,  it  may  be  passed  over, 
without  interrupting  the  series  of  this  history  ;  for  I  de- 
clare beforehand,  that  the  relation  will  be  something 
tedious. 

^This  pompous  solemnity  continued  a  whole  day, 
and  was  conducted  through  the  whole  extent  of  the  city 
of  Alexandria.  It  was  divided  into  several  parts,  and 
formed  a  variety  of  separate  processions.  Beside  those 
of  the  king's  father  and  mother,  the  gods  had,  each  of 
them,  a  distinct  cavalcade,  the  decorations  of  which  were 
descriptive  of  their  history. 

Athenaeus  had  related  only  the  particulars  of  that 
of  Bacchus,  by  which  a  judgment  may  be  formed  of  the 
magnificence  of  the  rest. 

The  procession  began  with  a  troop  of  Sileni,  some 
habited  in  purple,  others  in  robes  of  a  deep  red  ;  their 
employment  was  to  keep  off  the  crowd,  and  make  way. 

Next  to  the  Sileni  came  a  band  of  Satyrs,  composed 
of  twenty  in  two  ranks,  each  carrying  a  gilded  lamp. 

These  were  succeeded  by  Victories,  with  golden  wings, 
carrying  vases,  in  which  perfumes  were  burning,  nine 
feet  in  height,  partly  gilt,  and  partly  adonied  with  the 
leaves  of  ivy.  Their  habits  were  embroidered  with  the 
figures  of  animals,  and  every  pait  of  them  glittered  with 
gold. 

After  these  came  a  double  altar,  nine  feet  in  height* 

[  Athen.  1.  v.  p.  197—203. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  22 

and  covered  with  a  luxuriant  foliage  of  ivy,  intermixed 
with  ornaments  of  gold.  It  was  also  beautified  witii  a 
golden  crown,  composed  of  vine  leaves,  and  adorned  on 
all  sides  with  certain  white  fillets. 

A  hundred  and  twenty  youths  advanced  next,  clothed 
in  purple  vests  ;  each  of  them  bearing  a  golden  vase  of 
incense,  myrrh,  and  saffron. 

They  were  followed  by  forty  Satyrs,  wearing  crowns 
of  gold  which  represented  the  leaves  of  ivy  ;  and  in  the 
right  hand  of  each  was  another  crown  of  the  same  metal, 
adorned  with  vine  leaves.  Their  habits  were  diversi- 
fied with  a  variety  of  colours. 

In  the  rear  of  these  marched  two  Sileni,  arrayed  in 
purple  mantles,  and  white  drawers  ;  one  of  them  w^ore 
a  kind  of  hat,  and  carried  a  golden  caduceus  in  his 
hand  ;  the  other  had  a  trumpet.  Between  these  two 
was  a  man,  six  feet  in  height,  masked  and  habited  like 
a  tragedian  He  also  carried  a  golden  cornucopia,  and 
was  distinguished  by  the  appellation  of  The  Year. 

This  person  preceded  a  very  beautiful  woman,  as  tall 
as  himself,  dressed  in  a  magnificent  manner,  and  glitter- 
ing all  over  with  gold.  She  held,  in  one  hand,  a  crown 
composed  of  the  leaves  of  the  peach-tree,  and  in  the 
other  a  branch  of  palm.     She  was  called  Penteteris.* 

The  next  in  the  procession  were  the  Genii  of  the 
four  seasons,  wearing  characteristic  ornaments,  and  sup- 
porting two  golden  vases  of  odours,  adorned  with  ivy 
leaves.  In  the  midst  of  them  was  a  square  altar  of 
gold. 

A  band  of  Satyrs  then  appeared,  wearing  golden 
crowns,  fashioned  like  the  leaves  of  ivy,  and  arrayed  in 
red  habits.  Some  bore  vessels  filled  with  wine,  others 
carried  drinking  cups. 

Immediately  after  these  came  Philiscus,  the  poet  and 
priest  of  Bacchus,  attended  by  comedians,  musicians, 
dancers,  and  other  persons  of  that  class. 

Two  tripods  were  carried  next,  as  prizes  for  the  victors 

*  This  word  signifies  the  space  of  five  years,  because,  at  the  ex- 
piration of  every  fourth  year,  the  feast  of  Bacchus  was  celebrated  at 
the  beginning  of  the  next,  which  was  the  fifth, 

VOL.  VI.  D 


34  THE  HISTORY  OF 

at  the  athletic  combats  and  exercises.  One  of  these 
tiîpods,  being  thirteen  feet  and  a  half  in  height,  was  in- 
tended for  the  youths  ;  the  other,  which  was  eighteen 
feet  high,  was  designed  for  the  men. 

A  car  of  an  extraordinary  size  followed  these.  It  had 
four  wheels,*  was  twenty-one  feet  in  length,  and  twelve 
in  breadth,  and  was  drawn  by  one  hundred  and  eighty 
men.  In  this  car  was  a  figure  representing  Bacchus, 
fifteen  feet  in  height,  in  the  attitude  of  performing  liba- 
tions with  a  large  cup  of  gold.  He  was  arrayed  in  a 
robe  of  brocade  purple,  which  flowed  do^^^l  to  his  feet. 
Over  this  was  a  transparent  vest  of  a  saffron  colour,  and 
above  that  a  large  pui-ple  mantle  embroidered  with  gold. 
Before  him  was  a  great  vessel  of  gold,  formed  in  the 
Lacedaemonian  fashion,  and  containing  fifteen  measures, 
called  metretes.  f  This  was  accompanied  with  a  golden 
tripod,  on  which  were  placed  a  golden  vase  of  odours, 
with  two  cups  of  the  same  metal  full  of  cinnamon  and 
saffron.  Bacchus  was  seated  under  the  shade  of  ivy  and 
vine  leaves,  intermixed  with  the  foliage  of  fruit-trees  ; 
and  from  these  hung  several  cro\\Tis,  fillets,  and  thyrsi, 
with  timbrels,  ribands,  and  a  variety  of  satiric,  comic, 
and  tragic  masks.  In  the  same  car  were  the  priests 
and  priestesses  of  that  deity,  with  the  other  ministers, 
and  interj^reters  of  mysteries,  dancers  of  all  classes,  and 
women  bearing  vans.  % 

These  were  followed  by  the  Bacchantes,  who  marched 
with  their  hair  dishevelled,  and  wore  crowns  composed, 
some  of  serpents,  others  of  branches  of  the  yew,  the  vine, 
or  the  ivy.  Some  of  these  women  carried  knives  in  their 
hands,  others  grasped  seqients. 

After  these  advanced  another  car,  twelve  feet  in 
breadth,  and  dra\Mi  by  sixty  men.  In  this  was  the  sta- 
tue of  Xyssa,  or  Nysa,  sitting,  ||  twelve  feet  high,  and 

*  AH  the  cars  of  which  mention  will  be  made  in  the  sequel  of 
this  relation,  had  2\so  four  wheels. 

t  This  word  is  frequently  used  in  the  present  description  ;  it  i& 
the  name  of  a  Greet  measure,  which  corresponds  most  with  the  Ro- 
man amphora,  but  was  somewhat  larger.    It  contained  nine  gallons. 

:|:  M^stica  va?mus  lacchi.     Virg. 

J[  She  is  thought  to  have  been  the  nurse  of  Bacchus. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  3 


c: 


clothed  with  a  yellow  vest  embroidered  with  gold,  over 
which  was  another  Laconic  habit.  The  statue  rose  by 
the  aid  of  some  macliines,  without  being  touched  by 
any  person;  and  after  it  had  poured  milk  out  of  a  golden 
cup,  it  resumed  its  former  seat.  Its  left  hand  held  a 
th}TSUs  adorned  with  ribands  :  and  it  wore  a  golden 
crown,  on  which  were  represented  leaves  of  ivy,  with 
clusters  of  grapes,  composed  of  various  gems.  It  was 
covered  with  a  deep  shade,  formed  by  a  blended  foliage, 
and  a  gilded  lamp  hung  at  each  corner  of  the  car. 

After  this  came  another  car,  thirty- six  feet  in  length, 
and  twenty-four  in  breadth,  drawn  by  three  hundred 
men.  On  this  was  placed  a  wine-press,  also  thirty- six 
feet  long,  and  twenty-two  and  a  half  broad  ;  this  was  full 
of  the  produce  of  the  vintage.  Sixty  Satyrs  trod  the 
grapes,  to  the  sound  of  the  flute,  and  sung  such  airs  as 
corresponded  with  the  action  in  which  they  were  em- 
ployed. Silenus  was  the  chief  of  the  band,  and  streams 
of  wine  flowed  from  the  chariot,  throughout  the  whole 
procession. 

Another  car  of  the  same  magnitude,  was  drawm  by 
six  hundred  men.  This  carried  a  vat  of  a  prodigious 
size,  made  of  leopards'  skins  sewed  together.  The  vessel 
contained  three  thousand  measures,  and  shed  a  constant 
effusion  of  wine  during  the  procession. 

This  car  was  followed  by  a  hundred  and  twenty  crovMi- 
ed  Satyrs  and  Sileni,  carrying  pots,  flagons,  and  large 
cups,  all  of  gold. 

This  troop  was  immediately  succeeded  by  a  silver  vat, 
containing  six  hundred  metretes^  placed  on  a  car  drawn 
by  the  same  number  of  men.  The  vessel  was  adorned 
with  chased  work,  and  the  rim,  together  with  the  two 
handles  and  the  base,  were  enibellished  with  the  figures 
of  animals.  The  middle  part  of  it  was  encompassed 
with  a  golden  crown  adorned  with  jewels. 

Next  appeared  two  silver  bowls,  eighteen  feet  in 
diameter,  and  nine  in  height.  The  upper  part  of  their 
circumference  was  adorned  with  studs,  and  the  bottom 
with  several  animals,  three  of  which  were  a  foot  and  a 
half  high,  and  many  more  of  a  lesser  size. 


36  THE  HISTORY  OF 

These  were  followed  by  ten  great  vats,  and  sixteen 
other  vessels,  the  largest  of  which  contained  thirty  me- 
tretes,  and  the  least  live  :  there  were  likewise  ten  caul- 
drons, twenty-four  vases  with  two  handles,  disposed  on 
five  salvers  ;  two  silver  wine-presses,  on  which  were 
placed  twenty-four  goblets;  a  table  of  massy  silver, 
eighteen  feet  in  length,  and  thirty  more  of  six  feet  ; 
four  tripods,  one  of  which  was  of  massy  silver,  and  had 
a  circimiference  of  twentv-four  feet  ;  the  other  three  that 
were  smaller,  were  adorned  with  precious  stones  in  the 
middle. 

Then  came  eighty  Delphic  tripods,  all  of  silver,  some- 
thing less  than  the  preceding.  They  were  likewise  ac- 
companied with  twenty-six  ewers,  sixteen  flagons,  and 
a  hundred  and  sixty  other  vessels,  the  largest  of  which 
contained  six  metretes,  and  the  smallest  two.  All  these 
vessels  were  of  silver. 

After  these  came  the  golden  vessels  ;  foiu*  of  which, 
called  Laconic,  were  crovaied  with  vine  leaves  ;  there 
were  likewise  two  Corinthian  vases,  whose  rims  and 
middle  circumference  were  embellished  with  the  figures 
of  animals  ;  these  contained  eight  metretes  :  a  wine- 
press, on  which  ten  goblets  were  placed  :  two  other 
vases,  each  of  which  contained  five  metretes:  and  two 
more  that  held  a  couple  of  measures  ;  twenty- tw^o  vessels 
for  preserving  liquors  cool,  the  largest  of  which  contain- 
ed thirty  metretes^  and  the  least  one  :  four  golden  tri- 
pods of  an  extraordinary  size  :  a  kind  of  golden  basket, 
intended  as  a  repository  for  vessels  of  the  same  metal  ; 
this  was  enriched  with  jewels,  and  was  fifteen  feet  in 
length  ;  it  was  likewise  di\âded  into  six  partitions,  one 
above  another,  adorned  with  various  figures  of  animals, 
above  three  feet  in  height  ;  two  goblets,  and  two  glass 
bowls  with  golden  ornaments  ;  two  salvers  of  gold,  four 
cubits  in  diameter,  and  three  others  of  less  dimensions  ; 
ten  ewers  ;  an  altar,  foiu*  feet  and  a  half  high  ;  and 
twenty-five  dishes. 

After  this  rich  equipage,  marched  sixteen  hundred 
youths,  habited  in  white  vests,  and  crowned,  some  of 
them  with  ivy,  others  with  branches  of  the  pine.     Two 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  S7 

hundred  and  fifty  of  this  band  carried  golden  vases,  and 
four  hundred  of  them  vases  of  silver.  Three  hundred 
more  carried  silver  vessels,  made  to  keep  liquors  cool. 

After  these  appeared  another  troop  bearing  large 
drinking  vessels,  twenty  of  which  were  of  gold,  fifty  of 
silver,  and  three  hundred  diversified  with  various  co- 
lours. 

There  were  likewise  several  tables,  six  feet  in  length, 
and  supporting  a  variety  of  remarkable  objects.  On  one 
was  represented  the  bed  of  Semele,  on  which  were  dis- 
posed several  vests,  some  of  golden  brocade,  others 
-adorned  with  precious  stones. 

We  must  not  omit  a  car  thirty-three  feet  in  length, 
and  twenty-one  in  breadth,  drawn  by  five  hundred  men. 
In  this  was  the  representation  of  a  deep  cavern,  shroud- 
ed with  ivy  and  vine-leaves  ;  from  which  several  pigeons, 
ring-doves,  and  turtles,  issued  out  and  flew  about. 
Little  bands  were  fastened  to  their  feet,  that  they 
might  be  caught  by  the  people  around  them.  Two 
fountains,  likewise,  one  of  milk  and  the  other  of  wine, 
flowed  out  of  the  cavern.  All  the  nymphs  who  stood 
round  it  wore  crowns  of  gold.  Mercury  was  also  seen, 
with  a  golden  caduceus  in  his  hand,  and  clothed  in  a 
splendid  manner. 

The  expedition  of  Bacchus  into  the  Indies  was  ex- 
hibited in  an  another  car,  where  the  god  was  represent- 
ed by  a  statue,  eighteen  feet  in  height,  and  mounted 
upon  an  elephant.  He  was  arrayed  in  purple,  and  wore 
a  golden  crown,  intermixed  with  twining  ivy  and  vine 
leaves.  A  long  thyrsus  of  gold  was  in  his  hand,  and 
his  sandals  were  of  the  same  metal.  On  the  neck  of 
the  elephant  was  seated  a  Satyr  above  seven  feet  high, 
with  a  crown  of  gold  on  his  head,  formed  in  imitation 
of  pine-branches,  and  blowing  a  kind  of  trumpet  made 
of  a  goat's  horn.  The  trappings  of  the  elephant  were 
of  gold,  and  his  neck  was  adorned  with  the  crown  of 
that  metal  shaped  like  the  foliage  of  ivy. 

This  car  was  followed  by  five  hundred  young  virgins, 
adorned  with  purple  vests  and  golden  zones.  A  hun- 
dred and  twenty  of  them,  who  commanded  the  i*est,  wore 


38  THE  HISTORY  OF 

cro\nis  of  gold  that  seemed  to  be  composed  of  the  branches 
of  pine. 

Next  to  these  came  a  hundred  and  twenty  Sat\Ts, 
armed  at  all  points,  some  in  silver,  and  others  in  copper 
arms. 

To  these  succeeded  five  troops  of  Sileni,  and  Satyrs 
with  crowns  on  their  heads,  mounted  on  asses,  some  of 
wliom  were  entirely  harnessed  \Wth  gold,  the  rest  with 
silver. 

After  this  troop  appeared  a  long  train  of  chariots, 
twenty  four  of  wliich  were  drawn  by  elephants  ;  sixty 
bv  he-goats  ;  twelve  by  lions  ;  six  by  oryges,  a  species 
of  goats  :  fifteen  by  buffaloes  ;  fom*  by  wild  asses  ;  eight 
by  ostriches  :  and  seven  by  stags.  In  these  chariots 
were  little  youths  habited  like  charioteers,  and  wearing 
liats  with  broad  brims.  They  were  accompanied  by 
others  of  a  less  stature,  armed  with  little  bucklers,  and 
long  thyrsi,  and  clothed  in  mantles  embroidered  with 
gold.  The  boys  who  performed  the  ofibceof  charioteers, 
were  crouned  with  branches  of  pine,  and  the  lesser 
youths  with  ivy. 

On  each  side  of  these  v;ere  three  cars  drawn  bv  camels, 
and  followed  by  others  drawn  by  mules.  In  these  cars 
were  several  tents,  resembling  those  of  the  Barbarians, 
with  Indian  women,  and  those  of  other  nations,  habited 
like  slaves.  Some  of  these  camels  carried  three  hun- 
dred pounds  weight  of  incense  ;  others  two  hundred  of 
saffron,  cinnamon,  iris,  and  other  odoriferous  spices. 

At  a  little  distance  from  these,  marched  a  band  of 
^îLthiopians,  arnjed  with  pikes.  One  body  of  these 
carried  six  hundred  elephants*  teeth  ;  another,  two 
thousand  branches  of  ebony  :  a  third,  sixty  cups  of  gold 
and  silver,  ^rith  a  large  quantity  of  gold  dust. 

After  these,  came  two  hunters  carrying  gilded  darts, 
and  marching  at  the  head  of  two  thousand  four  hundred 
dogs  of  the  Indian.  Hyrcanian,  and  Molossian  breed, 
besides  a  variety  of  other  species. 

They  were  succeeded  by  one  hundred  and  fifty  men 
supporting  trees,  to  which  were  fastened  several  species 
01  birds  and  deer.     Cages  were  also  carried,  in  which 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  39 

were  parrots,  peacocks,  turkey  hens,  pheasants,  and  a 
great  number  of  ^Ethiopian  birds.  After  these  appear- 
ed a  hundred  and  thirty  sheep  of  that  country  ;  three 
hundred  of  the  Arabian  breed  ;  twenty  of  the  island  of 
Eubœa;  twenty-six  white  Indian  oxen,  eight  of  the 
iE.thiopian  species  ;  also  a  large  white  bear  ;  fourteen 
leopards  ;  sixteen  panthers  ;  four  lynxes  ;  three  small 
bears  ;  a  camelopard,  *  and  an  ^Ethiopian  rhinoceros. 

Bacchus  advanced  next,  seated  in  a  car,  and  wearing 
a  golden  crown  embellished  with  ivy  leaves.  He  was 
represented  as  taking  sanctuary  at  the  altar  of  Rhea, 
from  the  persecution  of  Juno.  Priapus  was  placed  near 
him,  with  the  crown  of  gold  formed  like  the  leaves  of 
ivy.  The  statue  of  Juno  was  crowned  with  a  golden 
diadem  ;  and  those  of  Alexander  and  Ptolemy  wore 
crowns  of  fine  gold,  representing  ivy  leaves.  The  image 
of  Virtue  was  placed  near  that  of  Ptolemy,  and  on  her 
head  was  a  crown  of  gold  made  in  imitation  of  olive- 
branches.  Another  statue,  representing  the  city  of 
Corinth,  was  also  near  Ptolemy,  with  a  golden  diadem 
on  its  head.  At  a  little  distance  from  each  of  these 
was  a  great  vase  filled  with  golden  cups,  with  a  large 
bowl  of  the  same  metal,  which  contained  five  metretes. 

This  car  was  followed  by  several  women  richly  ar- 
rayed, and  bearing  the  names  of  the  Ionian,  and  other 
Greek  cities  in  Asia  ;  with  the  islands  which  had  for- 
merly been  conquered  by  the  Persians.  All  this  train 
wore  crowns  of  gold. 

In  another  car  was  a  golden  thyrsus,  a  hundred  and 
thirty-five  feet  in  length,  and  a  silver  lance  ninety  feet 
long. 

In  this  part  of  the  procession  were  a  variety  of  wild 
beasts  and  horses,  and  twenty-four  lions  of  a  prodigious 
size  ;  and  also  a  great  number  of  cars,  in  which  were 
not  only  the  statues  of  kings,  but  those  of  several  dei- 
ties. 

After  these  came  a  chorus  of  six  hundred  men,  amono: 
whom  were  three  hundred  who  played  on  gilded  harps, 

*  This  animal,  whether  real  or  fabulous^  is  mentioned  by  Horace  : 
Diversuvi  confusa  genus  panthera  camelo. 


40  THE  HISTORY  OF 

and  wore  golden  crowns.  At  a  small  distance  li-om 
this  band  marched  two  thousand  bulls,  all  of  the  same 
colour,  and  adorned  with  golden  frontlets,  in  the  middle 
of  which  Tose  a  crown  of  the  same  metal.  They  were 
also  adorned  with  a  collar,  and  an  aegis  *  hung  on  the 
breast  of  each.     All  these  trappings  were  of  gold. 

The  procession  of  Jupiter,  and  a  great  number  of 
other  deities,  advanced  next  ;  and  after  all  the  rest,  that 
of  Alexander,  whose  statue  of  massy  gold  was  placed 
in  a  car  drawn  by  elephants  :  on  one  side  of  this  statue 
stood  Mctorv,  and  on  the  other  JMineiTa. 

The  procession  was  graced  with  several  thrones  of 
gold  and  ivory,  on  one  of  which  was  a  large  diadem  of 
gold,  and  on  another  a  horn  of  the  same  metal.  A 
third  supported  a  crown  ;  and  a  fourth  a  honi  of  solid 
gold.  On  the  throne  of  Ptolemy  Soter,  the  father  of 
the  reigning  prince,  was  a  golden  crown,  which  weighed 
ten  thousand  pieces  of  gold,  f 

In  this  procession  were  likewise  three  hundred  golden 
Teases,  in  which  perfumes  w  ere  to  be  bunit  ;  fifty  gilded 
altars,  encompassed  with  golden  crowns.  Four  torches 
of  gold,  fifteen  feet  in  height,  were  fastened  to  one  of 
these  altars.  There  were  likewise  twelve  gilded  hearts, 
one  of  which  was  eighteen  feet  in  circumference,  and 
sixty  in  height  ;  and  another  was  only  twenty-two  feet 
and  a  half  high.  Nine  Delphic  tripods  of  gold  appear- 
ed next,  six  feet  in  height  :  and  there  were  six  others, 
nine  feet  high.  The  largest  of  all  was  forty-five  feet 
high  :  on  which  were  placed  several  animals  in  gold, 
seven  feet  and  a  half  high,  and  its  upper  part  was  en- 
compassed with  a  golden  crown,  fonned  of  a  foliage  of 
vine  leaves. 

After  these  were  seen  several  gilded  palms,  twelve 
feet  in  length,  together  with  a  caduceus,  gilt  also,  sixty- 

*  A  kind  of  buckler  which  covered  the  breast,  on  the  middle  of 
which  was  embossed  the  Gorgon's  head. 

t  The  Attic  Slater,  usually  called  x^vo-i'.,  was  equal  to  ten  livres 
of  French  monev  ;  the  value  therefore  of  this  sin^rle  crown  amount- 
«d  to  a  hundred  thousand  French  li^Tes,  which  are  about  five  thou- 
sand pounds  sterling. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  41 

^îx  feet  long;  a  gilded  thunderbolt,  in  length  sixty 
feet  ;  a  gilded  temple,  sixty  feet  in  circumference  ;  a 
-douMe  horn  twelve  feet  long  ;  a  vast  number  of  gilded 
animals,  several  of  which  were  eighteen  feet  in  height. 
To  these  were  added  several  deer  of  a  stupendous  size, 
and  a  set  of  eagles  thirty  feet  high. 

Three  thousand  and  two  hundred  crowns  of  gold 
were  likewise  carried  in  this  procession  ;  together  with 
a  consecrated  crown,  of  a  hundred  and  twenty  feet, 
most  probably,  in  circumference  ;  it  was  likewise  adorn- 
ed with  a  profusion  of  gems,  and  surrounded  the  en- 
trance into  the  temple  of  Berenice.  There  was  also 
another  golden  aegis.  Several  large  crowns  of  gold 
were  also  supported  by  young  virgins  richly  habited. 
One  of  these  crowns  was  three  feet  in  height,  and  twen- 
ty-four in  circumference. 

In  this  procession  were  also  carried  a  golden  cuirass, 
eighteen  feet  in  height  ;  and  another  of  silver,  twenty- 
seven  feet  high,  on  which  latter  was  the  representation 
of  two  thunderbolts  of  gold,  eighteen  feet  in  length  : 
an  oaken  crown  embellished  with  jewels  ;  twenty  golden 
bucklers  ;  sixty- four  complete  suits  of  golden  annour  ; 
two  boots  of  the  same  metal,  four  feet  and  a  half  in 
length  ;  twelve  golden  basons  ;  a  great  number  of  fla- 
gons ;  ten  large  vases  of  perfumes  for  the  baths  ;  twelve 
ewers  ;  fifty  dishes,  and  a  large  number  of  tables  ;  all 
these  were  of  gold.  There  were  likewise  live  tables  co- 
vered with  golden  goblets  ;  and  a  horn  of  solid  gold, 
forty- five  feet  in  length.  All  these  golden  vessels  and 
other  ornaments,  were  in  a  separate  procession  from  that 
of  Bacchus,  which  has  been  already  described. 

There  were  likewise  four  hundred  chariots  laden  with 
vessels,  and  other  works  of  silver  ;  twenty  others  filled 
with  golden  vessels,  and  eight  hundred  more  appropria- 
ted to  the  carriage  of  aromatic  spices. 

The  troops  that  guarded  this  procession  were  com- 
posed of  fifty-seven  thousand  and  six  hundred  foot,  and 
twenty-three  thousand  two  hundred  horse,  all  dressed 
and  armed  in  a  magnificent  manner. 

During  the  games  and  public  combats,  which  con- 


4t^  THE  HISTORY  OF 

tinned  for  some  days  after  this  pompous  solemnity, 
Ptolemy  Soter  presented  the  victors  with  twenty  crowns 
of  gold,  and  they  received  twenty- three  from  his  con- 
sort Berenice.  It  appeared,  by  the  registers  of  the  pa- 
lace, that  these  last  cro^Mis  were  valued  at  two  thou- 
sand two  hundred  and  thirty  talents,  and  fifty  minaî, 
about  three  hundred  and  thirty-four  thousand  four 
hundred  })ounds  sterling  :  from  whence  some  judgment 
may  be  formed  of  the  immense  sums  to  which  all  the 
gold  and  silver  employed  in  this  splendid  ceremonial 
amounted. 

Such  was  the  pageant  (shall  I  call  it  religious,  or 
rather  theatrical  and  comic?)  exhibited  by  Ptolemy 
Philadelphus  at  his  coronation.  If  Fabricius,  the  fa- 
mous Roman,  whom  I  have  formerly  mentioned,  so  re- 
markable for  his  contempt  of  gold  and  silver,  had  been 
a  spectator  of  it,  I  am  persuaded  that  he  would  not 
have  been  able  to  endure  the  sight  of  the  procession  till 
it  closed,  and  have  no  doubt  that  he  would  have  thought 
and  spoken  like  the  emperor  Vespasian,  upon  an  occa- 
sion which  had  some  resemblance  to  this.  He  and  his 
son  Titus  made  a  triumphant  entry  into  Rome,  after 
the  capture  of  Jerusalem  ;  but  finding  himself  fatigued 
with  the  excessive  length  of  that  pompous  procession, 
he  could  not  conceal  his  displeasure,  and  declared  that 
he  was  justly  punished,  by  that  tedious  ceremony,  for  his 
weakness  in  desiring  a  triumph  at  his  advanced  age.* 

In  this  festival,  given  by  Ptolemy  Philadelphus,  no 
part  of  it  seems  to  have  been  conducted  with  any  ele- 
gance, or  to  have  had  the  least  air  of  taste  and  genius. 
An  amazing  profusion  of  gold  and  silver  was  lavished, 
which  makes  me  recollect  a  passage  in  Sallust,  the 
beauty  and  force  of  which  I  have  the  mortification  not 
to  be  able  to  render  in  our  language.  Catiline  wishes 
to  represent  the  immoderate  luxurv'  of  the  Romans  his 
contemporaries,  who  lavished  immense  sums  in  the  pur- 

*  "  Adeo  nihil  omamentorum  extrinsecus  cupide  appetivit,  ut  tri- 
■umphi  die  fatigatus  tarditate  et  taedio  pompae,  non  reticuerit  merito 
se  plecti,  qui  triumphum— tarn  inepte  senex  concupisset."— Suetox. 
in  Fe^pas.  c.  xii 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  43 

chase  of  pictures,  statues,  wrought  plate,  and  superb 
buildings.  "  They  draw  out  (says  he)  and  torment 
their  gold  and  silver  by  all  imaginable  methods,"  (I 
must  entreat  the  reader's  excuse  for  this  literal  transla- 
tion,) "  and  yet  this  excess  of  prodigality  is  incapable  of 
exhausting  and  overcoming  their  riches,"  Omnihus  mo- 
dis  pecuniam  trahunt,vexa7it;*  tamen  snmma  luhidine 
divitias  suas  vincere  nequeunt.  In  such  profusion  as 
this  did  the  whole  merit  of  Philadelphus  consist  on  this 
occasion. 

In  fact,  what  is  there  truly  great  or  admirable  in  this 
vain  ostentation  of  riches,  and  this  waste  of  such  im- 
mense treasure  in  a  bottomless  abyss,  after  they  had 
cost  the  people  so  much  fatigue  and  labour,  and  per- 
haps bad  been  amassed  by  a  long  series  of  violent  ex- 
actions ?  The  spoils  of  whole  provinces  and  cities  were 
sacrificed  to  the  curiosity  of  a  single  day,  and  displayed 
to  public  view  only  to  raise  the  frivolous  admiration  of 
a  stupid  populace,  without  conducing  to  the  least  real 
advantage  or  utility.  Nothing  ever  argued  a  more  pro- 
found ignorance  of  the  true  use  of  riches  and  solid  glory, 
and  of  whatever  else  has  any  just  pretensions  to  the 
esteem  of  mankind. 

But  what  can  we  say,  when  we  behold  a  sacred  pro- 
cession, and  a  solemnity  of  religion  converted  into  a 
public  school  of  intemperance  and  licentiousness,  cal- 
culated only  to  excite  the  most  shameful  passions  in  the 
spectators,  and  induce  an  utter  depravity  of  manners  ; 
by  presenting  to  their  view  all  the  instruments  of  ex- 
cess and  debauch,  with  the  most  powerful  allurements 
to  indulge  them,  and  that  under  pretext  of  paying  ado- 
ration to  the  gods  !  What  divinities  must  those  be,  that 

*  These  metaphorical  terms,  trahunl,  vexant,  vincere  nequeunt,  may 
possibly  be  derived  from  the  combats  of  the  Athletse,  wherein,  after 
one  of  them  has  thrown  his  adversary,  and  imagines  himself  victori- 
ous, he  drags  him  along  the  Arena,  in  sight  of  the  spectators,  twists, 
shakes,  and  torments  him,  without  being  able  to  extort  a  confession 
from  him  of  his  defeat.  In  this  contest,  therefore,  wherein  the  Ro- 
man author  represents  luxury  and  riches  as  engaged,  all  the  profu- 
sion of  the  former  is  incapable  of  exhausting  and  overcoming  her 
wealth. 


44  THE  HISTORY  OF 

would  suffer,  and  even  exact,  so  scandalous  a  pomp  in 
their  worship! 


SECT.  V.  The  first  transactions  c)f  the  reign  of  Ptolemy 
Philadelphus.  The  death  of  Demetrius  Phalerens.  Seleu- 
cus  resigns  his  queen  and  part  of  his  empire  to  his  son  An- 
tiochtcs.  The  war  between  Seleucus  and  Lysimachus  ;  the 
latter  of  whom  h  slain  in  a  battle.  Seleucus  is  assassinated 
by  Ptolemy  Ceraunus,  on  wlwm  he  had  conferred  a  multitude 
of  obligations.  The  two  sons  of  Arsinoe  are  murdered  by 
tJieir  uncle  Cei'aunus^  wlw  also  banishes  that  princess.  Ce- 
raunus  is  soon  punished  for  those  crimes  by  the  irruption  of 
Hie  Gauls,  by  whom  lie  is  slain  in  a  battle.  The  attempt 
of  that  people  against  the  temple  of  Delphi.  Antigonus  esta- 
blishes himself  in  Macedonia. 

Ptolemy  Philadelphus,  ^  after  the  death  of  his 
father,  became  sole  master  of  all  his  dominions,  which 
were  composed  of  Egypt,  and  many  provinces  dependent 
on  it;  that  is  to  say,  Phoenicia,  Cœle-syria,  Arabia,  Libya, 
^Ethiopia,  the  island  of  Cyprus,  Pamphylia,  Cilicia, 
Lycia,  Caria,  and  the  isles  called  the  Cyclades. 

During  the  life  of  Ptolemy  Soter,  Philadelphus  had 
concealed  his  resentment  against  Demetrius  Phalereus, 
for  the  advice  he  had  given  his  father,  when  he  was 
deliberating  on  the  choice  of  a  successor.  But  as  soon 
as  he  saw  himself  sole  master,  he  caused  that  philoso- 
pher to  be  seized,  and  sent  with  a  strong  guard  to  a 
remote  fortress,  where  he  ordered  him  to  be  confined, 
till  he  should  determine  in  what  manner  to  treat  him. 
§The  bite  of  an  aspic  put  a  period  to  the  life  of  that 
great  man,  who  merited  a  better  fate. 

The  testimonies  in  his  favour,  which  are  adduced  by 
Cicero,  Strabo,  Plutarch,  Diodorus  Siculus,  and  many 
others,  leave  no  room  to  doubt  of  the  probity  and  wis- 
dom of  his  government  ;  we  therefore  shall  consider 
only  what  has  been  observed  with  respect  to  his  elo- 
quence. 

^  Theocrit.  Idyll,  xvii.     A.  M.  3721.     Ant.  J.  C.  283. 

s  Diog.  Laert.  in  Demetr.    Cic.  in  orat.  pro  Rabir.  Post.  n.  23. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  45 

The  characteristics  of  his  writings,  as  Cicero  observes 
in  several  places,  *  were  sw  eetness,  elegance,  beauty, 
grace,  and  ornament  ;  so  that  it  was  easy  to  distinguish 
in  them  the  disciple  of  Theophrastus.  He  excelled  in 
that  species  of  eloquence,  which  is  called  the  temperate 
and  florid.  His  style,  in  other  respects  gentle  and 
calm,  was  adorned  and  ennobled  with  bold  and  shining 
metaphors,  that  enlivened  the  subject  of  his  discourse, 
though  otherwise  not  enriched  in  any  great  degree  with 
noble  sentiments,  and  those  beauties  that  constitute  the 
great  and  the  sublime.  He  was  rather  to  be  considered 
as  a  wrestler,  formed  in  the  shade  and  tranquillity,  for 
public  games  and  spectacles,  than  as  a  soldier  inured  to 
arms  by  exercise,  and  quitting  his  tent  to  attack  an 
enemy.  His  discourse  had,  indeed,  the  faculty  of  af- 
fecting his  hearers  with' something  soft  and  tender,  but 
it  wanted  energy  to  inspire  that  force  and  ardour  that 
inflame  the  mind,  and  only  left  in  it  at  most  an  agree- 
able remembrance  of  some  transient  sweetness  and  gi*aces, 
not  unlike  that  which  we  retain  after  hearing  the  most 
harmonious  concerts. 

It  must  be  confessed,  this  species  of  eloquence  has  its 
merit,  when  confined  within  just  bounds  ;  but  as  it  is 
very  difficult  and  unusual  to  preserve  this  due  modera- 
tion, and  to  suppress  the  sallies  of  a  fertile  and  lively 
imagination,  not  always  guided  by  the  judgment  ;  this 
kind  of  eloquence  is  apt,  therefore,  to  degenerate,  and 
to  become,  even  from  its  very  beauties,  a  pernicious  de- 
licacy, which  at  length  vitiates  and  depraves  the  taste. 

*  "  Demetrius  Phalereus  in  hoc  numéro  haberi  potest  :  disputator 
subtilis,  orator  parum  vehemens^  dulcis  tamen,  ut  Theophrasti  disci- 
pulum  possis  agnoscere."     Offic.  1.  i.  n.  3. 

"  Demetrius  Phalereus,  eruditissimus  ille  quidem,  sed  non  tarn 
armis  institutus,  quam  palaestra.  Itaque  delectabat  magis  Athenien- 
ses,  quam  inflammabat.  Processerat  enim  in  solem  et  pulverem, 
non  ut  e  militari  tabernaculo,  sed  ut  e  Theophrasti,  doctissimi  ho- 

minis,  umbraculis Suavis  videri  maluit,  quam  gravis  ;  sed  suavi- 

tate  ea,  qua  perfunderet  animos^  non  qua  perfringeret  :  et  tantum 
ut  memoriam  concinnitatis  suœ,  non  (quemadmodum  de  Pericle  scrip- 
git  Eupolis)  cum  delectatione  aculeos  etiam  relinqueret  in  animi? 
eorum  a  quibus  esset  auditus."     De  Clar.  Oral.  n.  37  &  .38. 


46  THE  HISTOUY  OF 

This  was  the  effect,  according  to  Cicero  and  Quintilian, 
who  were  good  judges  in  this  point,  of  the  florid  and 
studied  graces  pecuhar  to  the  style  of  Demetrius. 
Athens,  till  his  time,*  had  been  accustomed  to  a  noble 
and  majestic  eloquence,  whose  characteristic  was  a  na- 
tural beauty  without  paint  and  glitter.  Demetrius  was 
the  first  that  impaired  this  manly  and  solid  eloquence, 
to  which  he  substituted  a  soft  and  languishing  species, 
if  1  may  use  the  expression,  that  abated  the  vigour  of 
the  mind,  and  at  length  rendered  false  taste  predomi- 
nant. 

After  the  death  of  Ptolemy,  two  of  Alexander's  cap- 
tains still  survived,  Lysimachus  and  Seleucus,  who,  till 
then,  had  always  been  united  by  interest  and  friendship, 
and  were  engaged  to  each  other  by  treaties  and  con- 
federations :  as  they  were  now  advancing  to  the  period 
of  their  days  (for  each  of  them  had  exceeded  fourscore 
years  of  age,)  one  would  have  thought  they  should  have 
been  desirous  of  ending  their  lives  in  the  union  which 
had  so  long  subsisted  between  them  :  instead  of  which, 
they  thought  only  of  making  war  against,  and  destroy- 
ing, each  other.  Their  quarrel  arose  on  the  following 
occasion. 

Lysimachus,  after  the  marriage  of  his  son  Agathocles 
with  Lysandra,  one  of  the  daughters  of  Ptolemy,  espous- 
ed another  himself,  whose  name  was  Arsinoe,  and  had 
several  children  by  her.  ^The  different  interests  of 
these  two  sisters  led  them  into  all  sorts  of  intrigues,  to 
form  a  powerful  party  in  their  favour,  upon  the  death 
of  Lysimachus.  What  are  ambitious  wives  and  mothers 
not  capable  of  attempting  !  Their  opposition  to  each 
other  was  not  the  mere  effect  of  personal  interest,  but 
was  chiefly  fomented  by  the  disputes  of  their  mothers. 
Lysandra  was  the  daughter  of  Emydice,  and  Arsinoe 

*  "  Hsec  aetas  efFudit  hanc  copiam  ;  et,  ut  opinio  mea  fert,  succus 
ille  et  sanguis  incorruptus  usque  ad  hanc  aetatem  oratorum  fuit  in 
qua  naturalis  inesset,  non  fucatus,  nitor — Hie  (Phalereus)  primus 
inflexit  orationem,  et  earn  mollem  teneramque  reddidit."  De  clar. 
Orat.  n.  36 — 38. 

^  Justin.  1.  xvii.  e.  ] .     Appian.  in  Syriac.    Pausan.  in  Attic,  p.  18. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  47 

of  Berenice.  The  arrival  of  Ptolemy  Ceraunus,  the 
brother  of  Philadelphus,  at  his  court,  made  Arsinoe 
apprehensive  that  his  interest  would  strengthen  too 
much  the  party  of  Lysandra,  who  was  his  sister  by  the 
same  mother  ;  and  that  they  would  accomplish  the  de- 
struction of  herself,  and  her  own  children,  at  the  death 
of  Lysimachus.  This  calamity  she  was  determined  to 
prevent,  by  sacrificing  Agathocles  to  her  suspicions; 
and  she  succeeded  in  her  design,  by  representing  him 
to  her  husband,  as  one  who  had  formed  a  conspiracy 
against  his  life  and  crown,  by  which  she  so  much  in- 
censed him  against  his  own  son,  that  he  caused  him  to 
be  imprisoned  and  put  to  death.  Lysandra  and  her 
children,  with  her  brother  Ceraunus,  and  Alexander, 
another  son  of  Lysimachus,  took  sanctuary  in  the  court 
of  Seleucus,  and  prevailed  upon  him  to  declare  war 
against  Lysimachus.  Several  of  Lysimachus's  princi- 
pal officers,  and  even  those  who  had  been  most  devoted 
to  his  interest,  were  struck  with  so  much  horror  at  the 
murder  of  his  son,  that  they  entirely  abandoned  him, 
and  retired  to  the  court  of  Seleucus,  where  they  strength- 
ened the  remonstrances  of  Lysandra  by  their  own  com- 
plaints. Seleucus  was  easily  induced  to  undertake  this 
war,  for  which  he  was  already  sufficiently  disposed  by 
views  of  interest. 

^Before  he  engaged  in  this  enterprise,  he  resigned 
his  queen  Stratonice  to  his  son  Antiochus,  for  a  reason  I 
shall  soon  relate,  and  consigned  to  him,  at  the  same  time. 
a  considerable  part  of  his  empire,  reserving  to  himself 
no  other  territories  than  the  provinces  between  the 
Euphrates  and  the  sea. 

Antiochus  was  seized  with  a  lingering  distemper,  of 
which  the  physicians  were  incapable  of  discovering  the 
cause  ;  for  which  reason  his  condition  was  thought  en- 
tirely desperate.  It  is  easy  to  conceive  the  grief  and 
anxiety  of  a  father,  who  beheld  himself  on  the  point  of 
losing  his  son  in  the  flower  of  his  age  ;  whom  he  had  in- 
tended for  his  successor  in  his  \ast  dom.inions,  and  in 

^  Plut,  in  Demetr.  p.  906,  907.  Appian.  in  Syr.  p.  126—128, 
A.M.  3722.     Ant.  J.  C.  282. 


^8  THE  HISTOHY  OF 

whom  all  the  happiness  of  his  life  consisted.  Erasis- 
tratus,  the  most  attentive  and  most  skilful  of  all  the 
physicians,  having  carefully  considered  every  syni])tom 
with  which  the  indisposition  of  the  young  prince  was- 
attended,  believed  at  last  that  he  had  discovered  its 
true  cause,  and  that  it  proceeded  from  love  ;  in  which 
conjecture  he  was  not  deceived.  It  was,  however,  more 
difficult  to  discover  the  object  of  this  passion,  which  was 
the  more  violent  from  the  secrecy  in  which  it  remained. 
The  physician,  therefore,  to  assure  himself  fully  of  what 
he  surmised,  passed  whole  days  in  the  apartment  of  his 
patient,  and  when  he  saw  any  lady  enter,  he  carefully  ob- 
served the  countenance  of  the  prince,  and  never  dis- 
covered the  least  emotion  in  him,  except  when  Strato- 
nice  came  into  the  chamber,  either  alone,  or  with  the 
king  her  consort  ;  at  which  times  the  young  prince  was,, 
as  Plutarch  observes,  always  affected  with  the  symptoms 
described  by  Sappho,  as  so  many  indications  of  a  violent 
passion  :  such,  for  instance,  as  a  suppression  of  voice  ; 
burning  blushes  ;  dimness  of  sight  ;  cold  sweat  ;  a  sensi- 
ble inequality  and  disorder  of  pulse  ;  with  a  varietv  of 
the  like  symptoms.  When  the  physician  was  after- 
W'ards  alone  with  his  patient,  he  managed  his  enquiries 
with  so  much  dexterity,  as  at  last  drew  the  secret  from 
him.  Antiochus  confessed  his  passion  for  queen  Stra- 
tonice  his  mother-in-law,  and  declared  that  he  liad  in 
vain  employed  all  his  efforts  to  vanquish  it  :  he  added, 
that  he  had  a  thousand  times  had  recourse  to  every  con- 
sideration that  could  be  represented  to  his  thougiits  in 
such  a  conjuncture  ;  particularly  the  respect  due  from 
him  to  a  father  and  sovereign,  ])y  whom  he  was  tender- 
ly beloved  ;  the  shame  of  indulging  a  passion  altogether 
unjustifiable,  and  contrary  to  all  the  rules  of  decency 
and  honour  ;  the  folly  of  harboujing  a  desire  he  ought 
never  to  be  desirous  of  gratifying  ;  but  that  his  reason, 
in  its  present  state  of  distraction,  entirely  engrossed  by 
one  object,  would  hearken  to  nothing.  And  he  con- 
cluded with  declaring,  that  to  punish  himself,  for  de- 
sires involuntary  in  one  sense,  but  criminal  in  every 
other,  he  had  resolved  to  pine  to  death,  by  discontinu- 


ALK!^AN'DEIl*S  SUCCESSORS.  49 

îng  all  care  of  his  health,  and  abstaining  from  every 
kind  of  food. 

The  physician  gained  a  very  considerable  point,  by 
penetrating  into  the  source  of  his  patient's  disorder  ; 
but  the  application  of  the  proper  remedy  was  much 
more  difficult  to  be  accomplished  ;  and  how  could  a 
proposal  of  this  kind  be  made  to  a  parent  and  king  ! 
When  next  Seleucus  enquired  after  his  son's  health, 
Erasistratus  replied,  that  his  distemper  was  incurable, 
because  it  arose  from  a  secret  passion  which  could  never 
be  gratified,  as  the  lady  he  loved  was  not  to  be  obtained. 
The  father,  surprised  and  afflicted  at  this  answer,  de- 
sired to  know  why  the  lady  was  not  to  be  obtained  ? 
"  Because  she  is  my  wife,"  replied  the  physician,  "  and 
I  am  not  disposed  to  yield  her  up  to  the  embraces  of 
another."—"  And  will  you  not  part  with  her  then,"  re- 
plied the  king,  "  to  preserve  the  life  of  a  son  I  so  ten- 
derly love  ?  Is  this  the  friendship  you  profess  for  me  ?" 
— "  Let  me  entreat  you,  my  lord,"  said  Erasistratus, 
"  to  imagine  yourself  for  one  moment  in  my  place  ; 
would  you  resign  your  Stratonice  to  his  arms  ?  If  you, 
therefore,  who  are  a  father,  would  not  consent  to  such  a 
sacrifice  for  the  welfare  of  a  son  so  dear  to  vou,  how  can 
you  expect  another  should  do  it  ?" — '•  Would  to  God," 
exclaimed  Seleucus,  "  that  the  cure  of  my  son  depended 
only  on  my  acquiescence,  1  would  resign  both  Strato- 
nice and  my  empire  to  him  with  all  my  soul  !" — "  Your 
majesty,  then,"  replied  the  physician,  "  has  the  remedy 
in  your  own  hands  ;  for  it  is  Stratonice  whom  he  loves." 
The  father  did  not  hesitate  a  moment  after  this  declar- 
ation, and  easily  obtained  the  consent  of  his  consort  : 
and  his  son  and  that  princess  were  crowned  king  and 
queen  of  Upper  Asia.  ^Julian  the  apostate  relates,  in 
a  fragment  of  his  writings  still  extant,  that  Antiochus 
would  not  espouse  Stratonice  till  after  the  death  of  his 
father. 

Whatever  traces  of  reserve,  moderation,  and  even 
modesty,  appear  in  the  conduct  of  this  young  prince, 
his  example  shows  us  the  misfortune  of  suffering  an  \\\\- 

^  In  Misopog. 
VOL.  VI.  E 


50  THE  HISTORY  OF 

lawful  passion,  capable  of  discomposing  all  the  happi- 
ness and  tranquiUity  of  life,  to  gain  the  least  entrance 
into  the  heart. 

^  Seleucus  being  now  eased  of  his  inquietude,  thought 
of  nothing  but  marching  against  Lysimachus.  He 
tl^eretbre  put  himself  at  the  head  of  a  fine  army,  and 
aflvanced  into  Asia  jNIinor.  All  the  country  submit- 
ted to  him  as  far  as  Sardis,  which  he  besieged  and  took  ; 
by  which  means  he  became  master  of  all  the  treasures 
of  Lysimachus. 

The  latter  having  passed  the  Hellespont,  in  order  to 
check  the  progress  of  Seleucus,  gave  him  battle  in  Phry- 
gia,  *  but  was  defeated  and  slain  ;  in  consequence  of 
which,  Seleucus  made  himself  master  of  all  his  dominions. 
His  greatest  pleasure  f  on  this  occasion  resulted  from 
his  being  the  only  siu*vivor  of  all  the  captains  of  Alex- 
ander, and,  by  the  event  of  this  battle,  victorious  over 
conquerors  themselves,  (for  that  was  the  expression  he 
thought  fit  to  use,)  and  this  advantage  was  considered 
by  liim  as  the  effect  of  a  peculiar  providence  in  his  fa- 
vour. This  last  victory  was  undoubtedly  the  best  justi- 
fication of  the  title  of  Nicator,  or  the  conqueror,  which 
he  had  already  assumed,  and  which  is  usually  given  him 
by  the  historians,  in  order  to  distinguish  him  from  the 
other  princes  of  the  name  of  Seleucus  who  reigned 
after  him  in  Syria. 

i  His  triumph  on  this  occasion  was  of  no  long  con- 
tinuance ;  for  when  he  went  seven  months  after  his  vic- 
tory to  take  possession  of  Macedonia,  where  he  propo- 

*  Justin.  L  xvii.  c.  1,  2.  Appian.  in  Sjt.  p.  128.  Menmonis  Ex- 
cerpta  apud  Phot.  c.  ix.  Pausan.  in  Attic,  p.  18.  Oros.  323.  Po- 
lysen.  4 —  Q* 

*  A.  M.  3723.  Ant.  J.  C.  281. — Porphyry  is  the  only  author  who 
has  pointed  out  the  real  place  where  this  battle  was  fought^  and 
which  Kusebius,  by  an  e^^dent  mistake,  calls  Ko^vfri^iùv,  instead  of 
Kveo::i}i«v,  the  field  of  Cyrus;  mentioned  by  Strabo,  1.  xiii.  p.  629* 

t  "  Laetus  ea  victoria  Seleucus,  et  quod  majus  ea  victoria  putabat^ 
solum  se  de  cohorte  Alexandri  remansisse,  victoremque  victorum  ex- 
titisse,  non  hiunanum  esse  opus,  sed  divinum  munus,  gloriabatur  : 
ignanim  prorsus,  non  multo  post  fragilitatis  humanse  se  ipsum  exem- 
plum  futurum."     Justin.  1.  xvii.  c.  2. 

J  A.  M.  3724.    Ant.  J.  C.  280. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  51 

sed  to  pass  the  remainder  of  his  days  in  the  bosom  of 
his  native  country,  he  was  basely  assassinated  by  C-rau- 
nus,  on  whom  he  had  conferred  innumerable  honours 
and  obligations  :  for  he  had  received  him  into  his  court, 
when  he  fled  from  his  own  country,  and  had  treated  him 
suitably  to  his  rank.  He  had  also  carried  that  prince 
with  him  in  this  expedition  ;  intending,  when  it  should 
be  completed,  to  employ  the  same  forces  for  his  esta- 
blishment on  the  throne  of  his  father  in  Egypt.  But 
this  wretch,  insensible  of  all  the  favours  he  had  received, 
had  the  villany  to  conspire  against  his  benefactor,  and 
assassinate  him. 

He  had  reigned  twenty  years,  from  the  battle  of  Ipsus, 
when  the  title  of  king  was  secured  to  him  ;  and  thirty- 
one,  if  the  commencement  of  his  reign  be  fixed  twelve 
years  after  the  death  of  Alexander,  when  he  became 
master  of  Asia  ;  from  which  time  the  aera  of  the  Seleu- 
cidae  commences. 

^  A  late  dissertation  of  Monsieur  de  la  Nauze  gives 
him  a  reign  of  more  than  fifty  years,  by  adding  to  it  the 
nineteen  years  of  his  son  Antiochus  Soter.  The  author 
pretends,  that  Seleucus  Nicator  did  not  entirely  divest 
himself  of  the  government  ;  but  began  with  making  a 
partition  of  his  dominions  ;  and  that  he  afterwards  re- 
united them,  even  in  the  lifetime  of  his  son.  He  ]ia$ 
produced  probable  reasons  in  favour  of  his  opinion  ;  but 
as  I  never  engage  in  contests  of  this  nature,  I  shall  con- 
fine myself  to  the  chronology  of  Usher,  which  has  been 
my  usual  guide,  and  which  assigns,  with  Father  Petau 
and  Monsieur  Vaillant,  thirty-one  years  to  the  reign  of 
Seleucus  Nicator. 

This  prince  had  extraordinary  qualities  ;  and,  without 
mentioning  his  military  accomplishments,  it  may  be  just- 
ly said,  that  he  distinguished  himself  among  the  other 
kings,  by  his  great  love  of  justice,  a  benevolence  and 
clemency  that  endeared  him  to  the  people,  and  a  pecu- 
liar regard  to  religion.  He  had  likewise  a  taste  for  po- 
lite literature,  and  made  it  a  circumstance  of  pleasure 

™  Tom.  VII.  des  Mem.  de  I'Acaderaie  des  Inscrip.  et  Belles 
Tvettres. 


5â  THE  HISTORY  OF 

and  glory  to  himself,  to  send  back  to  the  Athenians  the 
library  wliich  Xerxes  had  carried  away,  and  which  he 
found'  in  Persia.  He  also  accompanied  that  present 
with  the  statues  of  Harmodius  and  Aristogiton,  whom 
the  Athenians  honoured  as  their  deliverers. 

The  friends  of  Lysimachus,  with  those  who  had  served 
under  that  prince,  at  first  considered  Ceraunus  as  the 
avenger  of  his  death,  and  acknowledged  him  for  their 
king  ;  but  his  conduct  soon  caused  them  to  change  theh* 
sentiments. 

°  He  did  not  expect  to  possess  the  dominions  of  Lysi- 
machus in  peace,  while  his  sister  Arsinoe  and  the  chil- 
dren she  had  by  Lysimachus  were  li\'ing  ;  for  which 
reason  he  determined  to  rid  himself  at  once  of  them 
and  the  apprehensions  they  gave  him.  The  greatest 
crimes  cost  the  ambitious  no  remorse.  Ceraunus  feigned 
a  passion  for  his  sister,  and  demanded  her  hand  in  mar- 
riao-e  ;  and  as  these  incestuous  marriages  were  frequent 
and  allowed  in  Egypt,  Arsinoe,  who  was  well  acquaint- 
ed ^^ith  the  natural  disposition  of  her  brother,  protract- 
ed, as  much  as  possible,  the  conclusion  of  that  affair, 
the  consequences  of  which  she  feared  would  be  fatal  to 
herself  and  children.  But  the  more  she  delayed  and 
concealed  her  repugnance  under  plausible  pretexts,  the 
more  warmly  he  pressed  her  to  gratify  his  passion  ;  and 
in  order  to  remove  all  suspicion,  he  repaired  to  that 
temple  which  the  Macedonians  held  in  the  greatest  ve- 
neration, and  there,  in  the  presence  of  one  of  her  confi- 
dential friends,-  w^hom  she  had  sent  to  him,  he  called 
the  tutelar  gods  of  the  countiy  to  witness,  embracing 
their  statues  at  the  same  time,  and  protesting,  with  the 
most  dreadful  oaths  and  imprecations,  that  his  views, 
with  respect  to  the  marriage  he  solicited^  were  perfectly 
pure  and  innocent. 

Arsinoe  placed  but  little  confidence  in  these  promises, 
though  they  were  uttered  before  the  altars,  and  had 
been  ratified  with  the  awful  seal  of  religion  ;  but  she 
was  apprehensive,  at  the  same  time,  that  persisting  in 
an  obstinate  refusal  would  be  fatal  to  her  children,  for 

°  Justin.  1.  xxiv.  c.  2—4. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSOHS.  53 

whose  welfare  she  was  more  solicitous  than  her  own. 
She,  therefore,  consented  at  last  ;  and  the  nuptials  were 
celebrated  with  the  greatest  magnificence,  and  with  all 
the  indications  of  the  most  unaffected  joy  and  tender- 
ness. Ceraunus  placed  the  diadem  on  the  head  of  his 
sister,  and  declared  her  queen,  in  the  presence  of  the 
whole  army.  Arsinoc  felt  a  real  joy,  when  she  beheld 
herself  so  gloriously  re-established  in  the  privileges  of 
which  she  had  been  divested  by  the  death  of  Lysimachus, 
her  first  husband  ;  and  she  invited  her  new  spouse  to  re- 
side with  her  in  her  own  city  of  Cassandria,  to  which 
she  first  repaired  herself,  in  order  to  make  the  neces- 
sary preparations  for  his  arrival.  The  temples,  on  that 
occasion,  with  all  the  public  squares  and  private  houses, 
were  magnificently  adorned  ;  and  nothing  was  to  be  seen 
but  altars  and  victims  ready  for  sacrifice.  The  two  sons 
of  Arsinoe,  Lysimachus,  who  was  then  sixteen  years  of 
age,  and  Philip,  who  was  thirteen,  both  princes  of  ad- 
mirable beauty  and  majestic  mien,  advanced  to  meet 
the  king,  with  crowns  on  their  heads,  it  being  a  day  of 
so  much  solemnity  and  joy.  Ceraunus  threw  his  arms 
round  their  necks,  and  embraced  them  with  as  much 
tenderness  as  could  well  be  expressed  by  the  fondest  of 
fathers. 

The  comic  part  ended  here,  and  was  presently  suc- 
ceeded by  a  bloody  tragedy.  As  soon  as  he  entered 
the  city,  he  seized  the  citadel,  and  ordered  the  two 
brothers  to  be  murdered.  Those  unfortunate  princes 
fled  for  refuge  to  the  queen,  who  clasped  them  in  her 
arms,  and  vainly  endeavoured,  by  covering  them  with 
her  body,  to  save  them  from  the  daggers  of  their  mur- 
derers, who  killed  them  in  the  bosom  of  their  mother. 
Instead  of  being  allowed  the  sad  consolation  of  render- 
ing the  last  offices  to  her  children,  she  was  first  dragged 
out  of  the  city,  with  her  robes  all  rent,  and  her  hair 
dishevelled,  and  then  banished  into  Samothrace,  with 
only  two  female  servants  to  attend  her,  mournfully  con- 
sidering her  surviving  the  princes  her  sons,  as  the  com- 
pletion of  all  her  calamities. 


5^  THE  HISTORY  OF 


^  Providence  would  not  suffer  such  crimes  to  go  long 
unpunished,  but  called  forth  a  distant  people  to  be  the 
ministers  of  its  vengeance. 

The  Gauls,  finding  their  own  country  too  populous, 
sent  out  a  prodigious  number  of  people  to  seek  a  new 
settlement  in  some  other  land.  This  swarm  of  foreign- 
ers came  from  the  extremity  of  the  ocean,  and  after 
proceeding  along  the  Danube,  arrived  at  the  outlet  of 
the  Save,  and  then  divided  themselves  into  three  bo- 
dies. The  first,  commanded  by  Brennus  and  Acicho- 
rius,  entered  Pannonia,  now  known  by  the  name  of 
Hungary  ;  the  second  marched  into  Thrace,  under  Ce- 
rethrius  ;  and  Belgius  led  the  third  into  Illyrium  and 
Macedonia. 

All  the  nations  near  whose  territories  this  people 
approached,  were  struck  with  so  much  terror,  that  in- 
îstead  of  waiting  till  they  were  subdued,  they  despatched 
ambassadors  to  the  Gauls,  and  thought  themselves  ex- 
ceedingly happy  in  purchasing  a  peace  with  money. 
Ptolemy  Ceraunus,  *  king  of  Macedonia,  was  the  only 
prince  who  was  undismayed  at  the  tidings  of  this  for- 
midable irruption  ;  and  running  headlong  of  himself 
on  the  punishment  the  divine  vengeance  was  preparing 
to  infîict  upon  him  for  the  murders  he  had  perpetrated, 
he  advanced  to  meet  the  Gaids  with  a  small  body  of 
imdisciplined  troops,  as  if  it  had  been  as  easy  for  him 
to  fight  battles  as  it  was  to  commit  crimes.  He  had 
even  the  imprudence  to  refuse  a  jsupply  of  twenty  thou- 
sand men,  which  the  Dardanians,  a  neighbouring  people 
to  Macedonia,  offered  him  ;  and  answered,  with  an  in- 
sulting air,  that  Macedonia  would  be  much  to  be  pitied, 
if,  after  it  had  conquered  all  the  East  by  itself  alone,  it 
could  need  the  aid  of  the  Dardanians  to  defend  its  fron- 

**  Justin.  1.  xxiv.  et  xxv.  Pausan.  1.  x.  p.  643 — 645.  Memn. 
Exc  apud  Photium.  Eclogae  Diod.  Sic.  1.  xxii.  Callim.  hynan.  in 
Delum,  et  schol.  ad  eundem.    Suidas  in  raXxTxi,    A.  M.  3725.  Ant. 

J.  c.  279. 

*  *'  Solus  rex  Macedoniae  Ptolemaeus  adventum  Gallorum  intre- 
pidus  audivàt,  hisque  cum  paucLs  et  incompositis,  quasi  bella  non  dif- 
iicilius  quam  scelera  patrarentur,  parricidiorum  furiis  agitatns,  oc- 
currit."     Justin. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  55 

tiers  ;  to  which  he  added,  with  a  haughty  tone  of  tri- 
umph, that  he  would  face  the  enemy  with  the  children 
of  those  who,  under  the  ensigns  of  Alexander,  had  sub- 
dued the  universe. 

He  expressed  himself  in  the  same  imperious  strain 
to  the  Gauls,  who  first  offered  him  peace  by  a  deputa- 
tion, in  case  he  would  purchase  it  ;  but,  conceiving  this 
offer  the  result  of  fear,  he  replied,  that  he  Vvould  never 
enter  into  any  treaty  of  peace  with  them,  unless  they 
would  deliver  up  some  of  the  principal  persons  of  their 
nation  to  him  as  hostages  ;  and  that  t  hey  must  like- 
wise send  him  their  arms,  before  he  would  place  any  con- 
fidence in  their  promises.  This  answer  was  received 
mth  contempt  by  the  Gauls  ;  and  we  may,  from  hence, 
observe  the  methods  usually  employed  by  the  Deity,  in 
chastising  the  pride  and  injustice  of  princes  :  he  first 
deprives  them  of  reason  and  counsel,  and  then  abandons 
them  to  their  vain  imaginations. 

A  few  days  after  this  event,  a  battle  was  fought, 
wherein  the  Macedonians  were  entirely  defeated  and 
cut  to  pieces  :  Ptolemy,  covered  with  wounds,  was  taken 
prisoner  by  the  Gauls  ;  who,  after  they  had  cut  off  his 
head,  fixed  it  on  a  lance,  and  showed  it  to  the  enemy 
in  derision.  A  very  inconsiderable  number  of  Mace- 
donians saved  themselves  by  flight,  but  all  the  rest  were 
either  slain  or  made  prisoners.  The  Gauls  dispersed 
themselves,  after  this  victory,  in  order  to  pillage  the  ad- 
jacent country  ;  upon  which  Sosthenes,  one  of  the  prin- 
cipal persons  among  the  Macedonians,  collected  some 
few  troops,  and  taking  advantage  of  the  disorder  in 
which  they  then  were,  destroyed  a  great  number  of 
their  men,  and  obliged  the  rest  to  quit  the  country. 

Brennus  then  advanced  into  Macedonia  with  his 
troop  :  but  this  leader  is  not  to  be  confounded  with  that 
other  Brennus,  who  took  the  city  of  Rome,  about  a 
century  before.  Upon  the  intelligence  he  had  received 
of  the  first  success  of  Belgius,  and  the  great  booty  he 
had  acquired,  he  envied  him  the  spoils  of  so  rich  a 
country,  and  immediately  formed  a  resolution  to  have 
a  part.     When  he  received  the  news  of  that  gQuemV^ 


56  THE  HISTORY  OF 

defeat,  it  oiilv  served  as  a  new  motive  to  hasten  his 
inarch  ;  his  impatience  to  revenge  his  coimtrymen  unit- 
ing with  his  desire  to  enrich  himself.  Authors  have 
not  informed  us  what  hecame  of  Belgius  and  his  troop  ; 
but  in  all  probability  he  was  killed  in  the  second  en- 
gagement, after  which  the  remains  of  his  army  were  in- 
corporated into  that  of  Brennus.  However  that  may 
be,  Brennus  and  Acichorius  quitted  Pannonia,  with  an 
army  of  a  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  foot  and  fifteen 
thousand  horse,  and  entered  lUyrium,  in  order  to  pass 
into  IMacedonia  and  Greece. 

During  a  sedition  which  happened  in  their  march,  a 
body  of  twenty  thousand  men  drew  off  from  the  main 
army,  and  marched,  under  Leonor  and  Lutarius,  whom 
they  chose  for  their  commanders,  into  Thrace,  where 
they  joined  those  whom  Cerethrius  had  already  led  into 
that  country  ;  after  which  they  made  themselves  masters 
of  Byzantium,  and  the  western  coasts  of  the  Propontis, 
and  then  laid  the  adjacent  country  under  contribution. 

^  This  desertion  did  not  prevent  Brennus  and  Aci- 
chorius from  continuing  their  march  ;  and  they  drew, 
either  from  Illyrium  or  their  countrymen  the  Gaids, 
such  numerous  reinforcements,  as  increased  their  army 
to  a  hundred  and  fifty-two  thousand  foot  and  sixty-one 
thousand  two  hundred  horse.  The  hopes  of  booty,  and 
some  advantageous  settlement,  caused  a  vast  number  of 
soldiers  to  join  them  in  this  expedition,  and  with  this 
army  they  marched  directly  to  Àlacedonia,  where  they 
overpowered  Sosthenes  ^^^th  their  multitudes,  and  ra- 
vaged all  the  country.  It  will  soon  appear  by  the  se- 
quel, that  Antigonus  reigned  in  IMacedonia,  after  the 
death  of  Sosthenes. 

The  Gauls  next  advanced  to  the  straits  of  Thermo- 
pylae, with  an  intention  to  enter  Greece  ;  but  were  stop- 
ped for  some  time  by  the  troops  who  had  been  posted 
there,  to  defend  that  important  pass  :  till  at  last  they 
discovered  the  circuitous  path  which  the  army  of  Xerxes 
had  formerly  taken  in  their  passage  over  these  moun- 
tains ;  and  the  Greeks,  to  avoid  being  surrounded  by 

*  A.  M.  S726.     Ant.  J.  C.  278. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSOHS.  57 

the  troops  detached  against  them  by  the  Gauls  for  that 
purpose,  were  obliged  to  retire  and  leave  them  a  free 
passage. 

Brennus  advanced  with  the  main  body  of  the  army  to- 
wards Delphi,  in  order  to  pillage  the  immense  riches 
of  the  temple  of  Apollo,  and  ordered  Acichorius  to 
follow  him  with  the  troops  under  his  command  ;  say- 
ing, at  the  same  time,  with  an  air  of  raillery,  "  that  the 
gods  ought  in  reason  to  impart  some  of  their  riches  to 
men,  who  had  more  occasion  for  them  than  themselves, 
and  employed  them  in  a  better  manner."  p  Authors 
have  here  taken  an  opportunity  to  relate  very  astonish- 
ing and  marvellous  events  :  for  they  tell  us,  that  when 
Brennus  approached  the  temple  of  Delphi,  the  skies 
were  blackened  with  a  dreadful  tempest,  and  that  great 
numbers  of  his  men  were  destroyed  by  hail  and  thun- 
der. To  which  they  add,  that  this  storm  was  attended 
by  an  earthquake,  that  rent  the  mountains,  and  threw 
down  vast  fragments  of  the  rocks,  which  crushed  the 
Gauls  by  hundreds  at  a  time  ;  and  that  the  remaining 
troops  were  seized  with  such  a  panic*  the  ensuing 
night,  as  caused  them  to  mistake  their  own  men  for 
the  enemy's  ;  in  consequence  of  which  they  destroyed 
one  another  in  such  a  manner,  that  before  the  day 
grew  light  enough  for  them  to  distinguish  each  other, 
above  half  of  the  army  perished  by  that  means. 

The  Greeks,  whom  the  danger  of  a  temple  so  re- 
vered among  them  had  drawn  from  all  parts  to  pre- 
serve it  from  being  plundered,  were  animated  by  an 
event  in  which  heaven  itself  seemed  to  declare  in  their 
favour,  and  charged  the  Gauls  with  so  much  impetuo- 
sity, that  though  Acichorius  had  joined  Brennus,  they 
were  unable  to  sustain  the  shock,  and  were  slaughtered 
in  vast  numbers.  Though  Brennus  had  received  many 
wounds  in  several  parts  of  his  body,  yet  none  of  them 
were  mortal  :  but   when  he  saw  that  all  was  lost,  and 

P  Justin.  1.  xxiv.  c.  6 — 8.     Pausan.  1.  x  p.  652 — ^54. 

*  The  ancients  thouglit  these  kint^s  of  terrors  were  infused  into 
the  mind  by  the  god  Pan.  Other  reasons  are  likewise  assigned  for 
that  name. 


58  THE  HISTORY  OF 

that  the  grand  design  he  had  formed  ended  only  in  the 
destruction  of  his  army,  he  was  seized  with  such  de- 
spair, as  made  him  resolve  not  to  sm'vive  his  losses. 
He  accordingly  sent  for  all  the  officers  that  could  be  as- 
sembled, amidst  the  confusion  which  reigned  among 
them,  and  ad^dsed  them  to  kill  all  the  woimded  men, 
and  make  the  best  retreat  in  their  power.  After  this,  > 
he  drank  as  much  wine  as  he  could,  plunged  his  dag- 
ger into  his  bosom,  and  expired  upon  the  spot. 

Acichorius  took  the  command  in  chief  upon  himself, 
and  endeavomed  to  regain  the  straits  of  Thermopylae, 
in  order  to  march  out  of  Greece,  and  conduct  the  sad 
remains  of  the  anny  into  their  own  country.  But  as 
he  was  obliged  to  pass  tiirough  a  large  extent  of  the 
enemy's  territories,  and  to  hazard  a  battle  every  time 
he  wanted  provisions  for  his  troops  ;  and  as  these  were 
reduced  to  the  necessity  of  almost  always  lying  on  the 
ground,  though  it  was  then  the  winter  season  ;  in  a  word, 
as  they  were  constantly  harassed  from  every  quarter,  by 
the  inhabitants  of  the  countries  through  which  they 
marched,  they  were  all  destroyed,  either  by  famine,  cold, 
distempers,  or  the  sword  ;  and  of  all  that  prodigious 
number  of  men  who  engaged  in  this  expedition,  not  one 
escaped  with  life. 

Some  fabulous  exaggerations  may  possibly  be  blend- 
ed with  the  other  circiunstances  of  this  event  ;  and 
chiefly  with  relation  to  the  sudden  tempest  that  arose 
when  the  Gauls  approached  Delphi,  and  the  immense 
masses  of  rock  miraciQously  detached  from  the  moun- 
tains to  crush  the  sacrilegious  troops.  Perhaps  the 
whole  might  be  no  more  than  a  thick  flight  of  arrows 
shot  by  the  enemies,  who  might  likewise  roll  down  upon 
the  Gauls  huge  stones  from  the  tops  of  the  mountains. 
Such  events  are  entirely  natural  and  customary  in  at- 
tacks like  this,  which  the  priests,  whose  interest  it  was 
to  magnify  the  power  of  their  god,  might  represent  as 
a  prodigy,  and  as  a  miraculous  interposition  ;  and  which 
the  credulity  of  the  people,  who  are  always  fond  of  ,the 
mar\'ellous,  would  readily  have  credited,  without  a  scru- 
pulous examination  into  the  truth  of  the  account. 


ALEXANDEU'S  SUCCESSOHS.  59 

On  the  other  hand,  we  have  no  sufficient  reason  to 
disbelieve  any  thing  whicli  history  relates  of  this  event. 
The  enterprise  of  Brennus  was  undoubtedly  a  sacrile- 
gious impiety,  and  injurious  to  religion,  as  well  as  to 
the  Deity  himself;  for  he  spoke  and  acted  in  the  man- 
ner already  represented,  not  from  any  conviction  that 
those  gods  were  the  mere  offspring  of  fable  (for  he  did 
not  think  better  on  that  subject  than  the  Greeks  them- 
selves,) but  from  an  absolute  contempt  of  a  divinity  in 
general.     The  idea  of  a  God  is  impressed  on  the  hearts 
of  all  men,  and  they  have,  through  all  ages  and  in  all 
countries,  believed  it  to  be  their  duty  to  render  certain 
honours  to  him.     The  Pagans  were  deceived  in  their 
application  of  this  principle,  but  all  acknowledged  the 
necessity  of  it.     The  Deity,  therefore,  in  mere  good- 
ness to  mankind,  may  have  caused  his  vengeance  to  be 
displayed  from  time  to  time  against  those,  even  among 
the  heathens,  who  testified  an  open  contempt  of  a  Su- 
preme Being,  in  order  to  preserve  the  traces  and  prin- 
ciples of  religion  in  their  minds,  by  some  extraordinary 
indications  of  his  anger,  till  it  pleased  him  to  afford 
them  clearer  lights  by  the  ministration  of  the  ISIediator, 
at  the  appointed  time,  to  whom  was  reserved  the  in- 
struction of  mankind  in  that  pure  worship  which  the 
only  true  God  required  from  them.     We  likewise  see 
that  the  Divine  Being,  in  order  to  preserve  among  men 
a  due  respect  for  his  providence,  and  a  belief  of  his  pe- 
culiar attention  to  all  their  actions,  has  been  careful, 
from  time  to  time,  to  punish  perjuries  and  other  heinous 
offences  in  a  singular  manner,  even  among  the  Pagans 
themselves.     By  which  means  the  belief  of  that  capital 
article,  the  first  tie  which  connects  man  with  God,  was 
maintained  amidst  all  the  darkness  of  Paganism,  and 
the  profligacy  of  manners  which  then  prevailed.    But  it 
is  now  time  to  return  to  the  Gauls. 

^  Leonor  and  Lutarius,  who  had  formed  a  separate 
body,  and  had  established  themselves  on  the  Propontis, 
advanced  to  the  Hellespont,  and  siu'prised  Lysimachia, 
after  which  they  made  themselves  masters  of  all  the 

^  Livt  1.  sxxviii.  n,  l6. 


60  THE  HISTORY  OF 

Thracian  Chersonesus  ;  but  a  diiference  arising  between 
the  two  chiefs,  they  separated  from  each  other.  I^u- 
tarius  continued  his  march  along  the  Hellespont,  and 
Leonor  returned  to  Byzantium  with  the  greatest  part 
of  the  army. 

The  latter  having  afterwards  passed  the  Bosphorus, 
and  the  other  the  Hellespont,  they  met  again  in  Asia, 
where  a  reconciliation  being  effected  between  them,  they 
rejoined  their  forces,  and  entered  into  the  service  of  Ni- 
comedes  king  of  Bithynia.  This  prince,  after  he  had 
reduced  his  brother  Zypetes  by  their  assistance,  and  re- 
gained the  possession  of  all  his  father's  dominions,  as- 
signed to  them,  for  their  settlement,  that  part  of  Asia 
Minor  which  took  from  them  the  denomination  of  Gallo- 
Graecia,  or  Galatia.  The  canonical  epistle  of  St  Paul 
to  the  Galatians  was  ^Titten  to  the  descendants  of  this 
people  ;  and  St  Jerom,  above  six  hundred  years  after  the 
time  of  which  w^e  are  now  speaking,  declared,  that  they 
continued  to  speak  the  same  language  he  had  heard  at 
Treves. 

The  remainder  of  those  who  continued  in  Thrace  en- 
gaged afterwards  in  a  war  with  Antigonus  Gonatas,  who 
reigned  in  Macedonia,  and  most  of  them  were  then  de- 
stroyed. Those  few  who  escaped,  either  passed  into  Asia, 
and  rejoined  their  countrymen  in  Galatia,  or  dispersed 
themselves  into  other  regions,  where  no  further  mention 
is  made  of  them.  In  this  manner  ended  that  terrible 
inundation  of  barbarians,  which  had  threatened  Mace- 
donia and  all  Greece  with  entire  destruction. 

^  After  the  death  of  Sosthenes,  who  had  defeated  the 
Gauls,  and  reigned  for  some  time  in  ]Macedonia,  Anti- 
ochus,  the  son  of  Seleucus  Nicator,  and  Antigonus  Go- 
natas, the  son  of  Demetrius  Poliorcetes,  formed  pre- 
tensions to  that  crown,  which  their  fathers  had  enjoyed, 
one  after  the  other.  Antigonus,  who,  after  the  fatal 
expedition  of  his  father  into  Asia,  had  reigned  ten 
years  in  Greece,  finding  the  state  of  his  affairs  more 
favourable  than  those  of  his  competitor,  was  the  first 
who  ascended  the  throne  ;  but  each  of  them  raised  great 

'  Memnon.  apud  Phot,  c.  xix.     A.  M.  3728.     Ant.  J.  C,  276. 


ALEXANDEU'S  SUCCESSORS.  61 

armies,  and  contracted  powerful  allianceSj  the  one  to 
support  himself  in  his  new  conquest,  and  the  other  to 
dispossess  him.  Nicomedes,  king  of  Bithynia,  having 
espoused  the  party  of  Antigonus  on  this  occasion,  An- 
tiochus,  when  he  was  preparing  to  enter  Macedonia, 
was  unwilling  to  leave  so  powerful  an  enemy  in  his 
rear.  Instead,  therefore,  of  passing  the  Hellespont,  he 
suddenly  poured  his  troops  into  Bithynia,  which  then 
became  the  theatre  of  the  war.  The  forces  were  at  first 
so  equal,  that  neither  party  v/ould  presume  to  attack 
the  other,  and  continued  for  some  time  in  that  state  of 
inaction  ;  during  which  a  treaty  was  concerted,  in  con- 
sequence of  which  Antigonus  espoused  Phila,  the 
daughter  of  Stratonice  and  Seleucus,  and  Antiochus 
resigned  to  him  his  pretensions  to  the  throne  of  Mace- 
donia. In  this  manner  he  remained  in  peaceable  pos- 
session of  it,  and  transmitted  it  to  his  posterity,  who 
enjoyed  it  for  several  generations,  to  the  time  of  Perseus, 
the  last  of  this  race,  who  was  defeated  by  Paulus  Emi- 
lius,  and  divested  of  his  dominions,  which  the  Romans, 
a  few  years  after,  formed  into  a  province  of  the  empire. 

*  Antiochus,  having  thus  disengaged  himself  from 
this  war,  marched  against  the  Gauls,  who,  after  settling 
in  the  land  granted  them  by  Nicomedes,  w^ere  continu- 
ally making  incursions  on  all  sides,  by  which  they  ex- 
tremely incommoded  their  neighbours.  Antiochus  de- 
feated them  with  great  slaughter,  and  delivered  the 
country  from  their  oppression.  This  action  acquired 
him  the  title  of  Soter,  which  signifies  a  deliverer. 


SECT.  VI.  Ptolemy  Philadelplms  causes  the  hooks  of  the  Holif 
Scripture,  preserved  hy  the  Jews  with  the  utmost  care,  to  he 
translated  into  the  Greek  language,  as  an  ornament  to  his 
lihrary.     This  is  called  the  Version  of  the  Septuagint. 

f  The  tumult  of  the  wars,  which  a  diversity  of  interests 
had  kindled  among  the  successors  of  Alexander  through- 

*  A.  M.  3729.     Ant.  J.  C.  275. 
f  A.  M.  3727.     Ant.  J.  C.  277. 


62  THE  HISTORY  OF 

out  the  whole  extent  of  their  territories,  did  not  pre- 
vent Ptolemy  Philadelphus  from  devoting  his  utmost 
attention  to  the  noble  librarv  which  he  had  founded  in 
Alexandria,  wherein  he  deposited  the  most  valuable 
and  curious  books  he  was  capable  of  collecting  from  all 
parts  of  the  world.     This  prince  being  informed,  that 
the  Jews  possessed  a  w^ork  which  contained  the  laws  of 
INIoses  and  the  history  of  that  people,  formed  the  de- 
sign of  having  it  translated  out  of  the  Hebrew  language 
into  tlie  Greek,  in  order  to  enrich  his  library  with  that 
performance.      To  accomplish   this  design,  it  became 
necessar}^  for  him  to  address  himself  to  the  high-priest 
of  the  Jewish   nation  ;  but  the  affair  happened  to  be 
attended  with  great  difficulty.    There  was  at  that  time 
a  very  considerable  number  of  Jews  in  Egypt,  who  had 
been  reduced  to  a  state  of  slavery  by  Ptolemy  So  ter, 
during  the  invasions  of  Judaea  in  his  time  ;  and  it  w^as 
represented  to  the  king,  that  there  would  be  no  proba- 
bility of  obtaining  from  that  people  either  a  copy,  or  a 
faithful  translation  of  their  law,  while  he  suffered  such 
a  number  of  their  countrymen  to  continue  in  their  pre- 
sent servitude.     Ptolemy,  who  always  acted  with  the 
utmost  generosity,  and  was  extremely  solicitous  to  en- 
large his  library,  did  not  hesitate  a  moment,  but  issued 
a  decree  for  restoring  all  the  Jewish  slaves  in  his  do- 
minions to  their  liberty  ;  with  orders  to  his  treasurer 
to  pay  twenty  drachmas  *  a  head  to  their  masters,  for 
their  ransom.      The  sum  expended  on   this  occasion 
amounted  to  four  hundred  talents  ;  f  whence  it  appears, 
that  a  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  Jews  recovered 
their  freedom.    The  king  then  gave  orders  for  dischar- 
ging the  children  born  in  slavery,  with  their  mothers  ; 
and  the  sum  employed  for  this  purpose  amounted  to 
above  half  the  former. 

These  advantageous  preliminaries  gave  Ptolemy 
hopes  that  he  should  easily  obtain  his  request  from  the 
higli-priest,  whose  name  was  Eleazar.  He  had  sent 
ambassadors  to  that  pontiff,  with  a  very  obliging  letter 

*  About  ten  shillings. 

t  About  sixty  thousand  pounds. 


ALEXANDEPw'S  SUCCESSORS.  68 

Oil  his  part,  accompanied  with  magnificent  presents. 
The  ambassadors  were  received  at  Jerusalem  with  all 
imafijinable  honours,  and  the  king's  request  was  granted 
with  the  greatest  joy.  Upon  which  they  returned  to 
Alexandria  with  an  authentic  copy  of  the  Mosaic  law, 
written  in  letters  of  gold,  given  them  by  the  high -priest 
himself,  with  six  elders  of  each  tribe,  that  is  to  say, 
seventy-two  in  the  whole  ;  and  they  were  authorised  to 
translate  that  copy  into  the  Greek  language. 

The  king  was  desirous  of  seeing  these  deputies,  and 
proposed  to  each  of  them  a  different  question,  in  order 
to  make  a  trial  of  their  capacity.  He  was  satisfied  with 
their  answers,  in  which  great  wisdom  appeared,  and 
loaded  them  with  presents,  and  other  marks  of  his 
friendship.  The  elders  were  then  conducted  to  the 
isle  of  Pharos,  and  lodged  in  a  house  prepared  for  their 
reception,  where  they  were  plentifully  supplied  with  all 
necessary  accommodations.  They  applied  themselves 
to  their  work  without  losing  time,  and  in  seventy-two 
days  completed  the  volume  which  is  commonly  called 
the  Septuagint  Version.  *  The  whole  was  afterwards 
read  and  approved  in  the  presence  of  the  king,  who  par- 
ticularly admired  the  wisdom  of  the  laws  of  ]Moses,  and 
dismissed  the  seventy- two  deputies  with  extremely  mag- 
nificent presents  ;  part  of  which  were  for  themselves, 
others  for  the  high-priest,  and  the  remainder  for  the 
temple.  Expenses  of  this  nature,  though  very  consider- 
able, never  ruin  a  state,  and  do  a  prince  great  honour. 

The  author  from  whom  these  facts  are  extracted  is 
Aristaeas,  who  represents  himself  as  one  of  the  officers 
of  the  guard  to  Ptolemy  Philadelphus.  He  adds  a 
number  of  other  circumstances,  which  I  have  omitted, 
because  they  seem  more  improbable  than  those  I  have 
inserted.  It  is  pretended  that  the  writers,  whether 
Jews,  as  Aristobulus,  Philo,  and  Josephus  ;  or  Chris- 
tians, as  Justin,  Irenaeus,  Clement  of  Alexandria,  Hi- 
lary, Austin,  and  some  others,  who  have  employed 
their  pens  on  the  subject  of  the  Septuagint  version, 

*  It  is  called  the  Septuagint  for  the  sake  of  the  round  number  70^ 
but  the  sacred  books  were  translated  by  seventy-two  persons. 


(j4t  THE  HISTORY  OF 

have  founded  all  their  relations  on  the  mere  veracity  of 
Aristœas,  when  the  work  that  bears  his  name  is  thought 
to  he  a  spurious  piece.  Some  of  these  authors  have 
added  circum.stances  which  are  generally  disbelieved, 
because  they  have  too  much  of  the  marvellous  in  them. 
«  Philo  declares,  that  though  their  translations  were 
made  in  separate  apartments,  yet  not  the  least  difter- 
ence  either  in  the  sense,  or  in  the  mode  of  expression 
\vhich  thev  used,  was  to  be  found,  but  that,  on  the  con- 
trarv,  tliev  evei*v  where  coincided,  even  to  a  single 
word  :  From  whence  he  concludes,  that  these  persons 
were  not  mere  translators,  but  men  inspired  by  the  Spi- 
rit of  God,  who  guided  them  on  that  occasion,  and  dic- 
tated the  whole  to  them,  even  to  the  minutest  word. 
Justin,  and,  after  him,  the  other  fathers  already  men- 
tioned, suppose  that  each  of  the  seventy- two  interpre- 
ters performed  his  version  in  a  separate  cell,  without 
the  least  conespondence  ^^^th  each  other,  and  yet  that 
all  their  translations  were  perfectly  conformable  to  each 
other  in  every  ])articular. 

I  have  frequently  declared  my  resolution  not  to  en- 
ter into  anv  historical  disquisitions  of  this  nature, 
which  require  much  time  and  learning  ;  and  would, 
therefore,  call  off  my  attention  too  long  from  my  princi- 
pal object.  The  reader  may  consult  the  leanied  Pri- 
deaux,  who  has  treated  this  subject  at  large.  All  that 
can  be  depended  upon,  and  which  no  one  has  thought 
lit  to  contest,  is,  that  a  translation  of  the  sacred  books 
from  the  Hebrew  into  the  Greek,  was  made  in  Egypt 
in  the  time  of  the  Ptolemies  ;  that  we  have  this  trans- 
lation still  extant,  and  that  it  is  the  same  which  was 
used  in  the  time  of  our  blessed  Saviour,  as  most  of  the 
passages  in  the  original  Greek,  cited  by  the  sacred 
writers  in  the  New  Testament  from  the  Old,  are  to  be 
found,  word  for  word,  in  this  version.  It  still  subsists, 
and  continues  to  be  used  in  the  Oriental  churches  ;  as 
it  also  was  by  those  of  the  primitive  ages,  among  whom 
it  passed  for  a  canonical  translation. 

This  version,   therefore,  which   rendered  the  Scrip- 
^  Philo  de  ^^Lta  Mosis.  1.  ii.  p.  658. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  65 

Cures  of  the  Old  Testament  intelligible  to  a  vast  num- 
ber of  people,  became  one  of  the  most  considerable 
fruits  of  the  Grecian  conquests  ;  and  was  evidently 
comprehended  in  the  design  which  God  had  in  view, 
when  he  delivered  up  all  the  East  to  the  Greeks,  and 
supported  them  in  those  regions,  notwithstanding  their 
divisions  and  jealousies,  their  wars,  and  the  frequent 
revolutions  that  happened  among  them.  In  this  man- 
ner did  God  prepare  the  way  for  the  preaching  of  the 
Gospel,  which  was  then  approaching,  and  facilitate  the 
union  of  so  many  nations  of  different  languages  and 
manners  into  one  society,  and  the  same  worship  and 
doctrines,  by  the  instrumentality  of  one  language,  the 
finest,  most  copious,  and  most  correct  that  was  ever 
spoken  in  the  world,  and  which  became  common  to  all 
the  countries  that  were  conquered  by  Alexander. 


SECT  VII.  The  various  expeditions  of  Pyrrhus  :  First, 
into  Italy  ;  where  he  fights  tivo  battles  with  the  Romans. 
The  character  and  conduct  of  Cineas.  Secondly,  into  Sicily; 
and  then  into  Italy  again.  His  third  engagement  with  the 
Romans,  wherein  he  is  defeated.  His  expedition  into  Mace- 
donia, of  which  he  makes  himself  master  for  some  time,  af- 
ter having  overthrown  Antigonus.  His  expedition  into  Pe- 
loponnesus. He  forms  the  siege  of  Sparta,  hut  without  suc- 
cess. Is  slain  at  that  ofArgos.  The  deputation  from  Phi- 
ladelphus  to  the  Romans,  and  from  the  Romans  to  Phila- 
delphus. 

t  Pyrrhus,  when  he  returned  into  Epirus,  after  he  had 
entirely  abandoned  Macedonia,  might  have  passed  his 
days  in  tranquillity  among  his  subjects,  and  enjoyed 
the  sweets  of  peace,  by  governing  his  people  agreeably 
to  the  rules  of  justice.  But  a  disposition  so  active  and 
impetuous  as  his  own,  in  conjunction  with  a  restless 
and  ardent  ambition,  was  incapable  of  being  at  rest 
itself,  or  suffering  others  to  be  so.  This  indisposition 
of  mind  was,  in  reality,  a  real  disease,  a  raging  fever, 

'  Plut,   in  Pyrrh.  p.  390 — 397.     Pausan.  1.  i.  p.  21,  22.     Justin. 
1.  xviii.  c.  1,2. 

VOL.  VI.  F 


66  THE  HISTORY  OF 

which  knew  no  intermission.  In  a  w^ord,  he  grew  in- 
supportable to  himself,  and  was  continually  flying  from 
himself  in  pursuit  of  foreign  objects,  and  in  following 
from  country  to  country  a  felicity  no  where  to  be 
found.  He  therefore  seized,  mth  joy,  the  first  oppor- 
tunity that  offered  for  plunging  himself  into  new  en- 
gagements. 

*  The  inhabitants  of  Tarentum  were  then  at  war  with 
the  Romans,  and  their  own  country  not  furnishing 
them  with  generals  of  sufficient  abilities  to  oppose  such 
formidable  enemies,  they  turned  their  eyes  toward  Epi- 
rus,  and  despatched  ambassadors  thither,  not  only  from 
themselves,  but  from  all  the  Greeks  in  Italy,  with  mag- 
nificent presents  for  Pyrrhus.  They  had  orders  to  tell 
him,  that  they  only  wanted  a  leader  of  experience  and 
reputation  ;  that  they  had  a  competent  number  of  good 
troops,  and  by  only  assembling  the  forces  of  the  Luca- 
nians,  Messapians,  Samnites,  and  Tarentines,  were  in 
a  condition  to  bring  an  army  of  twenty  thousand  horse 
and  three  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  foot  into  the 
field.  The  joy  with  which  Pyrrhus  received  a  propo- 
sal so  agreeable  to  his  disposition,  and  so  conformable 
to  his  character,  may  be  easily  imagined.  The  Epi- 
rots,  by  his  example,  conceived  a  warm  desire  and  vio- 
lent passion  for  this  war. 

A  Thessalian,  named  Cineas,  was  then  at  the  court 
of  Pyrrhus.  He  was  a  man  of  great  judgment,  and 
having  been  the  disciple  of  Demosthenes,  was  distin- 
guished from  all  the  orators  of  that  time,  not  only  for 
coming  the  nearest  to  the  force  and  eloquence  of  that 
great  master,  but  for  having  been  most  successful  in 
deriving,  from  so  excellent  a  school,  the  solid  princi- 
ples and  truest  maxims  of  sound  policy.  This  person 
was  much  attached  to  Pyrrhus,  who  had  employed  him 
on  embassies  to  several  cities  with  whom  he  had  négo- 
ciations to  transact.  Cineas,  through  the  whole  course 
of  these  employments,  confirmed,  by  his  conduct,  the 
truth  of  this  expression  of  Euripides,  "  that  the  elo- 
quence of  an  enemy  is  no  less  powerful  than  his  sword  ;" 

*  A.  M.  3724.     Aat.  J.  C.  280. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  67' 

ma  PyiThus  accordingly  declared,  that  he  had  gained 
more  cities  by  the  eloquence  of  Cineas,  than  he  himself 
had  conquered  by  the  force  of  arms.  For  this  reason 
he  entertained  the  greatest  esteem  for  him,  conferred 
many  honours  upon  him,  and  employed  him  in  the 
most  important  affairs.  A  man  of  this  character  is  al- 
ways an  inestimable  treasure,  and  would  constitute  the 
happiness  of  a  prince  and  his  people,  w^re  his  counsels 
attended  to. 

Cineas  perceiving  that  Pyrrhus  was  preparing  to  pass 
into  Italy,  and  finding  him  one  day  disengaged  from 
business,  and  in  a  temper  not  to  be  offended  with  inno- 
cent liberties,  entered  into  a  free  conversation  with 
that  prince.  "  Your  majesty  intends  (said  he)  to  march 
against  the  Romans  ;  should  the  gods  vouchsafe  to  ren- 
der you  victorious,  what  advantage  shall  you  derive 
from  your  conquest  ?"  "  Were  the  Romans  once  sub- 
dued, (replied  Pyrrhus,)  all  Italy  would  then  be  ours." 
"  Supposing  ourselves  masters  of  that  country,  (continu- 
ed Cineas,)  how  should  we  proceed  next?"  Pyrrhus, 
who  did  not  yet  perceive  his  drift,  continued,  "  Sicily 
will  then  present  itself  to  us,  and  you  know  the  impor- 
tance of  that  island."  "  But  will  our  expeditions  (add- 
ed Cineas)  end  with  the  conquest  of  Sicily?"  "  ^o, 
certainly,  (replied  Pyrrhus,  with  emotion)  ;  should  we 
stop  short  in  so  glorious  a  career  ?  If  the  gods  are 
pleased  to  cro\vn  us  with  success,  these  would  be  only 
preludes  to  more  glorious  enterprises  ?  Carthage,  with 
all  Africa,  Macedonia,  my  ancient  domain,  every  pro- 
vince in  Greece,  shall  be  part  of  our  future  conquests.** 
"  And  when  we  have  conquered  all  we  can,  how  shall 
we  dispose  of  ourselves  !"  "  Dispose  of  ourselves  !  We 
will  live  at  our  ease.  We  will  pass  whole  days  in 
feasts  and  agreeable  conversation,  and  think  of  nothing 
but  enjoying  ourselves."  "  Ah  !  my  lord  (interrupted 
Cineas),  and  what  prevents  us  now  from  living  at  our 
ease,  making  entertainments,  celebrating  festivals,  and 
enjoying  ourselves  to  the  utmost  ?  Why  should  we  go 
so  far  in  search  of  a  happiness  already  in  our  power. 


68  THE  HISTORY  OF 

and  pay  so  dear  for  what  we  may  now  enjoy  without 
the  least  trouble  ?" 

This  discourse  of  Cineas  affected  Pyrrhus,  but  did 
not  reform  him.  He  could  make  no  reasonable  objec- 
tion to  what  he  had  heard  ;  but  his  natural  ardour,  more 
predominant,  more  durable,  lu'ged  him  on  in  pursuit  of 
a  phantom  of  glory,  that  was  always  presenting  a  delu- 
sive and  glittering  outside  to  his  view,  and  would  not 
permit  him  to  enjoy  the  least  repose,  either  by  night  or 
day. 

Monsieur  Paschal  has  considered  this  reflection  of 
Cineas,  in  the  26th  chapter  of  his  Thoughts  ;  wherein 
he  has  explained,  in  an  admirable  manner,  the  origin  of 
all  the  tumultuous  emplo}Tnents  of  mankind,  and  of 
all  which  the  world  calls  diversion  or  pastime.  "  The 
soul  (says  that  great  man)  discovers  nothing  iu  herself 
that  can  furnish  her  with  contentment.  Whatever 
she  beholds  there,  afflicts  her  when  she  considers  it  se- 
dately. This  obliges  her  to  have  recourse  to  external 
employments,  that  she  may  lose  in  them  the  remem- 
brance of  her  real  state.  In  this  oblivion  consists  her 
joy  ;  and,  to  render  her  miserable,  no  more  is  wanting 
than  to  oblige  her  to  enter  into  and  converse  with  her- 
self." 

He  then  proceeds  to  justify  the  truth  of  this  reflec- 
tion by  a  variety  of  examples  ;  after  which  he  adds  the 
follo^\ing  remarks  :  "  When  Cineas  told  Pyrrhus,  who 
proposed  to  live  at  ease  when  he  had  conquered  a  large 
part  of  the  world,  that  it  would  be  better  for  him  to 
hasten  his  intended  happiness,  by  enjoying  that  repose 
w^hich  was  thjen  in  his  power,  without  going  in  quest  of 
it  through  such  a  number  of  fatigues  ;  he  gave  him  ad- 
vice that  was  attended  with  many  difficulties,  and  which 
seemed  almost  as  irrational  as  the  design  of  that  ambi- 
tious youth.  Each  of  them  supposed  that  man  was  ca- 
pable of  being  satisfied  with  himself  and  his  present 
enjoyments,  without  filling  up  the  void  in  his  heart 
with  imaginary  hopes,  which  is  certainly  false.  Pyr- 
rhus could  not  be  happy,  either  before  or  after  he  had 
conquered  the  world  ;  and  perhaps  the  life  of  ease  re- 


ALEXANDER'S  STJCCESSORS.  69 

commended  to  him  by  his  minister,  would  have  proved 
less  satisfactory  to  him,  than  the  hurry  of  all  the  wars 
and  expeditions  which  he  meditated." 

It  is  certain,  however,  that  neither  the  philosopher 
nor  the  conqueror,  were  capable  of  knowing  thus  tho- 
Toughly  the  heart  of  man.  Pyrrhus,  therefore,  imme- 
diately despatched  Cineas  to  the  Tarentines  with  a  de- 
tachment of  three  thousand  foot  ;  soon  after  which  a 
large  number  of  flat-bottomed  vessels,  galleys,  and  all 
sorts  of  transport  ships,  arriving  from  Tarentum,  he 
embarked  on  board  them  twenty  elephants,  three  thou- 
sand horse,  twenty  thousand  heavy  armed  foot,  two 
ithousand  archers,  and  five  hundred  slingers. 

All  being  ready,  he  set  sail  ;  but  as  soon  as  he  had 
-advanced  into  the  open  sea,  a  violent  tempest  arose 
from  the  north,  and  drove  him  out  of  his  course. — The 
vessel  in  which  he  was,  yielded  at  first  to  the  fury  of 
the  storm  ;  but  the  exertions  of  the  pilot  and  mariners 
were  employed  so  effectually,  that  he  at  last  gained  the 
coast  of  Italy,  after  a  voyage  of  infinite  fatigue  and 
danger.  The  other  ships  were  incapable  of  holding 
the  same  course.  At  last  a  strong  gale  sprung  up  from 
the  land,  and  the  waves  beat  so  violently  against  the 
head  of  the  king's  ship,  that  they  expected  it  to  foun- 
der immediately,  Pyrrhus  did  not  hesitate  a  moment 
in  this  extremity,  but  threw  himself  into  the  sea,  and 
was  immediately  followed  by  his  friends  and  guards, 
who  vied  with  each  other  to  save  him  at  the  hazard  of 
their  own  lives  ;  but  the  night,  which  happened  to  be 
extremely  dark,  and  the  impetuous  bursting  of  the 
waves  upon  the  coast,  from  whence  they  were  repelled 
with  a  loud  roar,  made  it  veiy  difficult  for  them  to  as- 
sist him  ;  till  at  last  the  king,  after  he  had  struggled 
with  the  winds  and  waves  for  a  considerable  part  of  the 
night,  was  cast  the  next  morning  on  the  shore,  the 
wind  being  then  considerably  abated.  The  long  fatigue 
he  had  sustained,  weakened  him  to  such  a  degree,  that 
nothing  but  his  courage,  always  great  and  invincible, 
^prevented  him  from  sinking  under  it. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  Messapians,  on  whose  coast  th^ 


70  THE  HISTORY  OF 

waves  had  cast  him,  hastened  to  him  with  the  utmost 
speed,  to  render  him  all  the  assistance  in  their  power. 
They  also  went  to  meet  some  of  his  ships  that  had 
escaped  the  storm  ;  hut  the  cavalry  they  found  on  hoard 
were  very  inconsiderable  in  number,  and  the  infantry 
amounted  to  no  more  than  two  thousand  men,  wdth  two 
elephants.  Pyrrhus,  after  he  had  drawn  them  up  in  a 
body,  led  them  directly  to  Tarentum. 

Cineas,  as  soon  as  he  received  intelligence  of  his  ap- 
proach, advanced  to  him  with  his  troops.  Pyrrhus, 
when  he  arrived  at  Tarentum,  was  extremely  surprised 
to  find  the  inhabitants  solely  engaged  in  pleasures,  in 
which  it  was  their  usual  custom  to  indulge,  without  the 
least  moderation  or  intermission.  And  they  now  took 
it  for  granted,  that  whilst  Pyn'hus  fought  for  them, 
they  might  quietly  continue  in  their  own  houses,  solely 
employed  in  bathing,  using  exquisite  perfumes,  feasting, 
and  recreations.  Pyrrhus  was  unwilling  to  lay  them  un- 
der any  constraint,  till  he  had  received  intelligence  that 
his  ships  were  safe,  and  till  the  greatest  part  of  his  army 
had  joined  him.  He  then  treated  them  like  one  de- 
termined to  be  their  master.  He  began  with  shutting 
up  all  the  public  gardens  and  places  of  exercise,  where 
the  inhabitants  usually  entertained  themselves  with 
news,  and  regulated  all  the  management  of  the  war  as 
they  walked  together.  He  also  suspended  their  feasts 
and  public  shows,  and  was  altogether  as  severe  upon  the 
assemblies  of  newsnK)ngers.  In  a  word,  he  compelled 
them  to  take  arms,  and  behaved  at  all  musters  and  re- 
views with  inexorable  severity  to  those  who  failed  in 
their  duty.  In  consequence  of  which,  several  who  had 
never  been  accustomed  to  so  rigorous  a  discipline,  with- 
drew from  the  city  ;  thinking  it  an  insupportable  servi- 
tude, to  be  debarred  from  the  full  enjoyment  of  their 
effeminate  pleasures. 

Pyrrhus,  about  this  time,  received  information  that 
Levinus  the  consul  was  advancing  against  him  with  a 
powerful  army,  and  that  he  was  then  in  Lucania,  where 
he  burnt  and  destroyed  all  the  country  around  him. 
Though  the  allies  of  Pyrrhus  had  not  yet  sent  him  any 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  71 

succours,  nevertheless  as  he  thought  it  very  dishonour- 
able to  permit  the  enemy  to  approach  nearer  him,  and 
commit  their  ravages  in  his  sight,  he  took  the  field  with 
the  few  troops  he  had.  But  before  he  engaged  in  any 
hostilities,  he  despatched  a  herald  to  demand  of  the  Ro- 
mans, whether  they  would  consent,  before  the  commence- 
ment of  the  war,  to  an  amicable  accommodation  of  the 
differences  between  them  and  the  Greeks  of  Italy,  by 
referring  the  whole  affair  to  his  judgment  and  decision  ? 
To  which  Levinus  the  consul  made  this  reply,  "  That 
the  Romans  neither  took  Pyrrhus  for  an  arbiter,  nor 
feared  him  as  an  enemy." 

Pyrrhus,  upon  receiving  this  answer,  advanced  with 
his  troops,  and  encamped  in  a  plain  between  the  cities 
of  Pandosia  and  Heraclea  ;  and  when  he  heard  that  the 
Romans  were  very  near  him,  and  were  encamped  on  the 
other  side  of  the  river  Siris,  he  mounted  liis  horse,  and 
approached  the  bank,  to  take  a  view  of  their  situation. 
When  he  saw  the  appearance  of  their  troops,  their  ad- 
vanced guards,  the  fine  order  which  was  every  where 
maintained,  and  the  judicious  disposition  of  their  camp, 
lie  was  astonished  at  what  he  saw  ;  and  addressing  him- 
self to  one  of  his  friends  who  was  then  near  him — "  Me- 
gacles,"  said  he,  "  the  array  of  these  barbarians  is  by 
no  means  barbarous  ;  we  shall  see  whether  other  cir- 
cumstances will  correspond  with  this  appearance."*  And 
already  under  apprehension  for  the  success  of  the  future, 
he  resolved  to  wait  the  arrival  of  his  allies  ;  thinking  it 
sufficient,  at  that  time,  to  post  a  body  of  troops  on  the 
bank  of  the  river,  to  oppose  the  Romans,  if  they  should 
attempt  to  pass  ;  but  this  precaution  was  then  too  late, 
for  the  Roman  infantry  had  already  forded  the  stream, 
and  the  cavalry  passed  it  where  they  found  it  practica- 
ble. The  advanced  troops  of  Pyrrhus,  therefore,  not 
finding  themselves  sufficiently  strong,  and  fearing  to  be 
surrounded  by  their  enemies,  were  obliged  to  join  the 
main  army  with  great  precipitation  ;  so  that  Pyrrhus, 
who  had  arrived  there  a  few  moments  before,  with  the 

*  The  Greeks  considered  all  other  nations  as  barbarians,  and  treat- 
«d  them  accordingly. 


7â  THE  HISTORY  OF 

rest  of  his  troops,  had  not  time  to  dispute  the  passage 
with  the  enemy. 

As  soon  as  he  saw  a  great  number  of  Roman  bucklers 
ghttering  on  this  side  of  the  river,  and  their  cavalry 
advancing  toward  him  in  fine  order,  he  closed  his  ranks, 
and  began  the  attack.  The  lustre  and  beauty  of  his 
arms,  which  w^ere  very  magnificent,  distinguished  him 
in  a  conspicuous  manner  ;  and  his  actions  made  it  evi- 
dent, that  the  reputation  he  had  acquired  did  not  ex- 
ceed his  merit.  For  while  he  engaged  in  the  battle, 
without  sparing  his  own  person,  and  bore  down  all  be- 
fore him,  he  did  not  lose  sight  of  the  duties  of  a  gene- 
ral ;  and  amidst  the  greatest  dangers  was  perfectly  cool, 
despatched  his  commands  with  as  much  tranquillity  as 
if  he  had  been  in  his  palace  ;  and  sprung  from  place  to 
place,  to  reinstate  what  was  amiss,  and  sustain  those 
who  suffered  most. 

During  the  heat  of  the  engagement,  one  of  the  Italian 
horse,  with  a  lance  in  his  hand,  singled  out  Pyrrhus 
from  all  the  rest  of  his  troops,  and  followed  him  with 
the  utmost  ardour  wherever  he  went,  directing  all  his 
own  motions  by  those  of  the  king. — And  having  at  last 
found  a  favourable  opportunity,  he  aimed  a  fmious  stroke 
at  him,  but  wounded  only  his  horse.  At  the  same  time 
Leonatus  of  INIacedonia  killed  the  Italian's  horse.  Both 
horses  being  down,  Pyrrhus  was  immediately  surround- 
ed by  a  troop  of  his  friends,  who  carried  him  oflp,  and 
killed  the  Italian,  who  fought  with  great  bravery. 

This  adventure  taught  Pyrrhus  to  use  mose  precau- 
tion than  he  had  practised  before,  and  obliged  him  to 
be  more  careful  of  himself;  which  is  an  indispensable 
duty  in  a  general,  on  whose  welfare  that  of  a  whole  army 
depends.  When  he  beheld  his  cavalry  give  way,  he 
ordered  his  infantry  to  advance,  and  immediately  drew 
it  up.  Then  giving  his  mantle  and  arms  to  Megacles, 
one  of  his  friends,  he  put  on  those  of  the  latter,  and  vi- 
gorously charged  the  Romans,  who  received  him  with 
great  intrepidity.  The  battle  was  obstinately  disputed 
on  both  sides,  and  the  victory  long  continued  doubtful. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  73 

Authors  say,  that  each  army  gave  way  seven  times,  and 
as  often  returned  to  the  charge. 

Pyrrhus,  by  changing  his  arms,  took  a  proper  method 
for  the  preservation  of  his  life  ;  though,  in  the  event,  it 
almost  proved  fatal  to  him,  and  was  on  the  point  of 
wresting  the  victory  out  of  his  hands. — The  enemies 
threw  themselves  in  throngs  about  Megacles,  whom 
they  took  to  be  the  king  ;  and  he  was  at  last  wounded 
by  a  horseman,  who  hurled  him  to  the  ground,  after  he 
had  torn  off  his  helmet  and  mantle,  which  he  carried 
full  speed  to  Levinus  the  consul  ;  and  as  he  showed 
them  to  him,  cried  out  aloud,  that  he  had  slain  Pyrrhus. 
These  spoils  being  borne  in  triumph  through  all  the 
ranks,  filled  the  whole  Roman  army  with  inexpressible 
joy.  All  the  field  resounded  with  acclamations  of  vic- 
tory, while  the  Grecian  troops  were  struck  with  univer- 
sal consternation  and  dismay. 

Pyrrhus,  who  perceived  the  terrible  effect  of  this  mis- 
take, flew  bare-headed  through  all  the  lines,  holding  out 
at  the  same  time  his  hand  to  the  soldiers,  and  making 
himself  known  to  them  by  his  voice  and  gestures.  The 
battle  was  then  renewed,  and  the  elephants  were  chiefly 
instrumental  in  deciding  the  victory.  For  when  Pyr- 
rhus saw  the  Romans  broken  by  those  animals,  and  that 
the  horses,  instead  of  approaching  them,  were  so  terri- 
fied, that  they  ran  away  with  their  riders,  he  immediate- 
ly led  up  the  Thessalian  cavalry  against  them,  while 
they  were  in  confusion,  and  put  them  to  flight,  after 
having  made  a  great  slaughter  of  them. 

Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus  writes,  that  near  fifteen 
thousand  Romans  were  killed  in  this  battle,  and  that 
Pyrrhus  lost  thirteen  thousand  of  his  men.  But  other 
historians  make  the  loss  less  on  both  sides. 

Pyrrhus  immediately  made  himself  master  of  the  ene- 
mies' camp,  which  they  had  abandoned,  brought  over 
several  cities  from  their  alliance,  ravaged  all  the  coun- 
try around  him,  and  advanced  within  fifteen  leagues  of 
Rome. 

The  Lucanians  and  Sam.nites  having  joined  him,  af- 
ter the  battle,  he  severely  reproached  them  for  their  de- 


74  THE  HISTORY  OP 

lay.  But  his  air  and  aspect  made  it  evident,  that  he 
was  exceedingly  delighted  at  bottom,  that  his  troops,  in 
conjunction  with  the  Taren tines  alone,  had  defeated  so 
well  disciplined  and  numerous  an  army  of  the  Romans, 
without  the  assistance  of  his  allies. 

The  Romans,  however,  were  not  dejected  at  the  great 
loss  they  had  sustained  ;  and,  instead  of  recalling  Levi- 
nus,  were  solely  intent  on  preparations  for  a  second 
battle.  This  greatness  of  soul,  which  manifested  so 
much  steadiness  and  intrepidity,  smprised,  and  even 
terrified  Pyrrhus.  He,  therefore,  thought  it  prudent 
to  despatch  a  second  embassy,  in  order  to  sound  their 
dispositions,  and  to  see  if  they  would  not  incline  to  some 
expedient  for  an  amicable  accommodation  ;  and  in  the 
mean  time  returned  to  Taren tum.  Cineas,  therefore, 
being  sent  to  Rome,  had  several  conferences  vrith  the 
principal  citizens,  and  sent  presents  in  the  name  of  the 
king,  to  them  and  their  vdves  :  but  not  one  would  re- 
ceive them.  They  all  replied,  and  even  their  wives, 
that  when  Rome  should  have  made  a  public  treaty  with 
the  king,  it  would  be  time  enough  to  express  his  satis- 
faction with  regard  to  them. 

When  Cineas  was  introduced  to  the  senate,  he  ac- 
quainted them  with  the  proposals  of  his  master,  who  of- 
fered to  deliver  up  his  prisoners  to  the  Romans  without 
any  ransom,  and  to  aid  them  in  the  conquest  of  all  Italy  ; 
requiring,  at  the  same  time,  no  other  return  but  their 
friendship,  and  a  sufficient  security  for  the  Tarentines. 
Several  of  the  senators  seemed  inclinable  to  a  peace  : 
and  this  was  no  unreasonable  disposition.  They  had 
lately  been  defeated  in  a  great  battle,  and  were  on  the 
point  of  hazarding  another  of  much  more  importance. 
They  had  likewise  every  thing  to  dread  ;  the  forces  of 
Pyrrhus  having  been  considerably  augmented  by  the 
junction  of  several  of  the  states  of  Italy  his  allies. 

The  Roman  courage,  in  this  conjuncture,  seemed  to 
stand  in  need  of  the  animated  spirit  of  the  celebrated 
Appius  Claudius,  an  illustrious  senator,  whose  great 
age  and  loss  of  sight  had  obliged  him  to  confine  himself 
to  his  family,  and  retire  from  public  affairs.    When  he 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  75 

miderstood,  by  the  confused  report  which  was  then  dis- 
persed through  the  city,  that  the  senators  were  disposed 
to  accept  the  offers  of  Pyrrhus,  he  caused  himself  to  be 
carried  into  the  assembly,  which  kept  a  profound  silence 
the  moment  he  appeared.  There  the  venerable  old  man, 
whose  zeal  for  the  honour  of  his  country  seemed  to  have 
inspired  him  with  all  his  ancient  vigour,  made  it  evi- 
dent, by  reasons  equally  solid  and  affecting,  that  they 
were  on  the  point  of  destroying,  by  an  infamous  treaty, 
all  the  glory  which  Kome  had  hitherto  acquired. 
^^  Where,"  said  he,  with  the  warmth  of  a  noble  indig- 
nation, "  where  is  the  spirit  that  suggested  the  bold 
language  you  once  uttered,  and  whose  accents  rung 
through  all  the  world  ;  when  you  declared,  that  if  the 
great  Alexander  himself  had  invaded  Italy,  when  we 
were  young,  and  our  fathers  in  the  vigour  of  their  age, 
he  would  never  have  gained  the  reputation  of  being  in- 
vincible, but  would  have  added  new  lustre  to  the  glory 
of  Rome,  either  by  his  flight  or  death  !  Is  it  possible, 
then,  that  you  now  tremble  at  the  mere  name  of  a  Pyr- 
rhus, who  has  passed  his  days  in  cringing  to  one  of  the 
guards  of  that  very  Alexander,  and  who  now  v/anders,  like 
a,  wretched  adventurer,  from  country  to  country,  to  avoid 
the  enemies  he  has  at  home  ;  and  who  has  the  insolence 
to  promise  you  the  conquest  of  Italy,  with  those  very 
troops  who  have  not  been  able  to  secure  to  him  a  small 
tract  of  Macedonia  !"  He  added  many  other  things  of 
the  same  nature,  which  rekindled  the  Roman  bravery, 
and  dispelled  the  apprehensions  of  the  senators  ;  who 
unanimously  returned  this  answer  to  Cineas  ; — "  That 
Pyrrhus  should  first  retire  from  Italy  ;  after  which,  if 
he  should  find  himself  disposed  for  peace,  he  might  send 
an  embassy  to  solicit  it  :  but  that,  as  long  as  he  continu- 
ed in  arms  in  their  country,  the  Romans  would  main- 
tain the  war  against  him  with  all  their  forces,  though 
he  should  even  vanquish  ten  thousand  such  leaders  as 
Levinus." 

It  is  said,  that  Cineas,  during  his  continuance  at 
Rome  in  order  to  negociate  a  peace,  took  every  method, 
as  might  be  expected  from  a  man  of  wisdom  and  ad- 


76  THE  HISTOUY  OF 

tbress,  to  inform  himself  of  the  manners  and  customs  of 
the  Romans  ;  to  scrutinize  their  puhlic  as  well  as  pri- 
vate conduct,  to  study  the  form  and  constitution  of  their 
government  ;  and  to  obtain  as  exact  an  account  as  pos- 
sible of  the  forces  and  revenues  of  the  republic.  When 
he  returned  to  Tarentum,  he  gave  the  king  a  faithful 
relation  of  all  the  discoveries  he  had  made  in  his  con- 
ferences with  the  principal  men  of  Rome,  and  told  him, 
among  other  particulars,  "  That  the  senate  seemed  to  him 
an  assembly  of  kings."  A  just  and  noble  idea  of  that  au- 
gust body  !  And,  with  respect  to  the  numerous  inha- 
bitants who  filled  th€  streets,  and  all  parts  of  the  country, 
he  added,  "  I  greatly  fear  we  are  fighting  with  a  hydra." 
Cineas,  indeed,  had  some  reason  for  this  remark  ;  for  the 
consul  Levinus  had  at  that  time  an  army  in  the  field 
twice  as  numerous  as  the  first,  and  there  were  left  in 
Rome  an  infinite  number  of  men  capable  of  bearing 
arms,  and  forming  many  armies  as  powerful  as  that 
which  had  been  newly  levied. 

The  return  of  Cineas  to  Tarentum  was  immediately 
succeeded  by  the  arrival  of  ambassadors  sent  to  Pyrrhus 
from  the  Romans,  among  whom  was  Fabricius,  who,  as 
Cineas  informed  the  king,  was  highly  esteemed  at  Rome 
as  a  very  virtuous  man,  and  one  well  experienced  in 
military  affairs,  but  that  his  fortune  was  extremely  low. 
Pyrrhus  received  them  mth  extraordinary  marks  of 
distinction,  and  treated  them  with  all  possible  honours. 
The  ambassadors,  at  their  audience,  said  every  thing 
suitable  to  the  present  conjuncture  ;  and  as  they  ima- 
gined he  might  be  elated  by  the  victory  he  had  obtain- 
ed over  their  troops,  they  represented  to  him  the  vicis- 
situdes and  inconstancy  of  fortune,  which  no  prudence 
of  man  could  foresee  ;  that  the  greatest  overthrows  in 
the  field  were  incapable  of  depressing  the  Roman  for- 
titude, and  consequently  it  could  never  be  alarmed  at 
any  little  disadvantage  ;  that  the  examples  of  so  many 
enemies  as  they  had  defeated,  should  teach  Pyrrhus  to 
reflect  on  the  enterprise  he  was  forming  ;  that  he  would 
find,  at  all  events,  enemies  prepared  to  receive  him,  and 
in  a  capacity  to  defend  themselves.      They  concluded 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  77 

their  remonstrances  with  leaving  it  to  his  choice,  either 
to  receive  a  ransom  for  their  soldiers  who  were  then  his 
prisoners  of  war,  or  to  exchange  them  for  such  of  his 
troops  as  the  Romans  had  taken  from  him. 

^  Pyrrhus,  after  a  consultation  with  his  friends,  an- 
swered the  ambassadors  to  this  effect  :  "  Romans,  it  is 
with  an  ill  grace  you  demand  the  prisoners  I  have  taken 
from  you,  to  employ  them  against  me,  after  yom*  refusal 
of  the  peace  I  proposed.  If  you  have  only  in  view  your 
own  real  interest  and  mine,  it  is  not  necessary  to  have 
recourse  to  such  evasions.  Be  it  your  care  to  end,  by 
an  amicable  treaty,  the  war  you  are  maintaining  against 
me  and  my  allies,  and  I  promise  to  restore  you  all  my 
prisoners,  as  wtII  your  citizens  as  your  confederates, 
without  the  ransom  you  offer  me.  If  you  reject  this 
condition,  it  is  in  vain  for  you  to  imagine  that  Pyrrhus 
will  ever  be  prevailed  upon  to  release  so  great  a  number 
of  soldiers." 

When  he  had  returned  this  answer  to  the  ambassa- 
dors, he  took  Fabricius  aside,  and  addressed  him  in  the 
following  manner  :  "  As  for  you,  Fabricius,  I  am  sen- 
sible of  your  merit  ;  I  am  likewise  informed  that  you 
are  an  excellent  general,  and  perfectly  qualified  for  the 
command  of  an  army  ;  that  justice  and  temperance  are 
united  in  your  character,  and  that  you  pass  for  a  person 
of  consummate  virtue.  But  I  am  likewise  acquainted 
with  your  poverty  ;  and  must  confess,  that  fortune,  in 
this  particular  alone,  has  treated  you  with  injustice,  by 
misplacing  you  in  the  class  of  indigent  senators.  In 
order,  therefore,  to  supply  that  sole  deficiency,  I  am 
ready  to  give  you  as  much  gold  and  silver  as  will  raise 
you  above  the  richest  citizen  of  Rome  ;  being  fully  per- 
suaded, '  that  no  expense  can  be  more  honourable  to  a 
prince  than  that  which  is  employed  in  the  relief  of  great 
men,  who  are  compelled  by  their  poverty  to  lead  a  life 
unworthy  of  their  virtue  ;  and  that  this  is  the  noblest 
purpose  to  which  a  king  can  possibly  devote  his  trea- 
sures.' At  the  same  time,  I  must  desire  you  to  believe, 
that  I  have  no  intention  to  exact  any  \mjust  or  dis- 
^  Dion,  Halicarn.  Excerpt.  Legat.  p.  74?4— 74S. 


78  THE  HISTORY  OF 

honourable  semce  from  you  as  a  return  of  gratitude: 
I  expect  nothing  from  you,  but  what  is  perfectly  con- 
sistent with  your  honoiu",  and  what  will  add  to  your 
authority  and  importance  in  your  own  country.  Let 
me,  therefore,  conjm'e  you  to  assist  me  with  your  in- 
fluence in  the  Roman  senate,  which  has  hitherto  assu- 
med an  air  of  too  much  inflexibility  with  relation  to 
the  treaty  1  proposed,  and  has  never  consulted  the  niles 
of  moderation  in  any  respect.  Make  them  sensible,  I 
entreat  you,  that  I  have  given  my  solemn  word  to  assist 
the  Taren  tines  and  other  Greeks  who  are  settled  in 
this  part  of  Italy  ;  and  that  I  cannot  in  honour  abandon 
them,  especially  as  I  am  now  at  the  head  of  a  powerful 
army  that  has  already  gained  me  a  battle.  I  must  how- 
ever acquaint  you,  that  I  am  called,  by  some  pressing 
affairs,  to  my  own  dominions  ;  and  this  is  the  circum- 
stance  which  makes  me  more  earnestly  wish  for  peace. 
As  to  any  other  particulars,  if  my  quality  as  a  king 
causes  me  to  be  suspected  by  the  senate,  because  a 
number  of  other  princes  have  openly  violated  the  faith 
of  treaties  and  alliances,  without  the  least  hesitation  ; 
become  my  surety  yourself  on  this  occasion  ;  assist  me 
with  your  counsels  in  all  my  proceedings,  and  command 
my  armies  under  me  I  want  a  virtuous  man  and  a 
faithful  fiiend  ;  and  you  as  much  need  a  prince,  whose 
liberalities  may  enable  you  to  be  more  usefid,  and  to  do 
more  good  to  mankind.  I^et  us,  therefore,  consent  to 
render  mutual  assistance  to  each  other,  in  all  the  future 
events  of  our  lives." 

Pyrrhus  having  expressed  himself  in  this  manner^ 
Fabricius,  after  a  few  moments  silence,  replied  to  him 
in  these  terms  :  "  It  is  needless  for  me  to  make  any 
mention  of  the  experience  I  may  possibly  have  in  the 
conduct  of  public  or  private  affairs,  since  you  have  been 
informed  of  that  from  others.  With  respect  also  to  my 
poverty,  you  seem  to  be  so  well  acquainted  with  it,  that 
it  would  be  unnecessary  for  me  to  assure  you  I  have  no 
money  to  turn  to  advantage,  nor  any  slaves  from  whom 
I  derive  the  least  revenue  :  that  my  whole  fortune  con- 
sists in  a  house  of  no  considerable  appearance  ;  and  in 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS,  79 

a  little  spot  of  ground  that  furnishes  me  with  my  sup- 
port. But  if  you  believe  my  poverty  renders  my  con- 
dition inferior  to  that  of  every  other  Roman,  and  that, 
while  I  am  discharging  the  duties  of  an  honest  man,  I 
am  the  less  considered,  because  T  happen  not  to  be  of 
the  number  of  the  rich  ;  permit  me  to  acquaint  you, 
that  the  idea  you  conceive  of  me,  is  not  just,  and  that 
whether  any  other  may  have  inspired  you  with  that 
opinion,  or  whether  you  only  suppose  so  yourself,  you 
are  deceived.  Though  I  do  not  possess  riches,  1  never 
did  imagine  my  indigence  a  prejudice  to  me,  whether 
I  consider  myself  as  a  public  or  private  person.  Did 
my  necessitous  circumstances  ever  induce  my  country 
to  exclude  me  from  those  glorious  employments,  that 
are  the  noblest  objects  of  the  emulation  of  great  souls  ? 
I  am  invested  with  the  highest  dignities,  and  see  my- 
self placed  at  the  head  of  the  most  illustrious  embassies. 
I  assist  also  at  the  most  august  ceremonies,  and  even 
the  most  sacred  functions  of  divine  worship  are  confided 
to  my  care.  Whenever  the  most  important  affairs  are 
the  subject  of  deliberation,  I  hold  my  rank  in  councils, 
and  offer  my  opinion  with  as  much  freedom  as  another. 
I  am  upon  an  equal  footing  with  the  richest  and  most 
powerful  persons  in  the  republic  ;  and  if  any  circvun- 
stance  causes  me  to  complain,  it  is  my  receiving  too 
much  honour  and  applause  from  my  fellow  citizens. 
The  employments  I  discharge  cost  me  nothing  of  my 
own,  no  more  than  any  other  Roman.  Rome  never 
reduces  her  citizens  to  a  ruinous  condition,  by  raising 
them  to  the  magistracy.  She  gives  all  necessary  supplies 
to  those  whom  she  employs  in  public  stations,  and  be- 
stows them  with  liberality  and  magnificence.  Rome, 
in  this  particular,  differs  from  many  other  cities,  where 
the  public  is  extremely  poor,  and  private  persons  im- 
mensely rich.  We  are  all  in  a  state  of  afl^luence  as 
long  as  the  republic  is  so,  because  we  consider  her  trea- 
sures as  our  own.  As  the  rich  and  the  poor  are  equally 
admitted  to  her  employments,  according  as  she  judges 
them  worthy  of  confidence,  she  places  all  her  citizens 
upon  an  equality,  and  knows  no  distinction  between 


80  THE  HISTORY  OF 

them  but  that  of  merit  and  virtue.  As  to  my  own  pri- 
vate affairs,  I  am  so  far  from  repining  at  my  fortune, 
that  I  think  I  am  the  happiest  of  men  when  I  compare 
myself  with  the  rich,  and  find  a  certain  satisfaction,  and 
even  pride,  in  that  fortune.  My  Uttle  field,  poor  and 
unfertile  as  it  is,  supplies  me  with  whatever  1  want, 
when  I  am  careful  to  cultivate  it  as  I  ought,  and  to 
lay  up  the  fruits  it  produces.  What  can  I  want  more  ? 
Every  kind  of  food  is  agreeable  to  my  palate,  when 
seasoned  by  hunger  :  I  drink  with  delight  when  I 
thirst,  and  I  enjoy  all  the  sweetness  of  sleep  when  fa- 
tigued with  toil.  I  content  myself  with  a  habit  that 
covers  me  from  the  rigours  of  winter  ;  and  of  all  the 
various  kinds  of  furniture  necessar}^  for  the  same  uses, 
the  meanest  is,  in  my  opinion,  the  most  commodious. 
I  should  be  unreasonable,  and  unjust,  were  I  to  com- 
plain of  fortune,  whilst  she  supplies  me  with  all  that 
nature  requires.  As  to  superfluities,  I  confess  she  has 
not  furnished  me  with  any  ;  but  then  she  has  not  in- 
spired me  with  the  least  desire  to  enjoy  them.  Why 
should  I  then  complain  ?  It  is  true,  the  want  of  this 
abundance  renders  me  incapable  of  relieving  the  ne- 
cessitous, which  is  the  only  advantage  the  rich  may  be 
envied  for  enjoying.  But  when  I  impart  to  the  repub- 
lic, and  my  friends,  some  portion  of  the  little  I  possess, 
and  render  my  fellow  citizens  all  the  services  1  am  ca- 
pable of  performing  ;  in  a  word,  when  I  discharge  all 
the  duties  incumbent  on  me,  to  the  best  of  my  ability, 
wherein  can  my  conscience  condemn  me  ?  If  riches  had 
ever  been  the  least  part  of  my  ambition,  I  have  so  long 
been  employed  in  the  administration  of  the  republic, 
that  I  have  had  a  thousand  opportunities  of  amassing 
great  sums,  and  even  by  irreproachable  methods.  Could 
any  man  desire  one  more  favourable  than  that  which 
occurred  to  me  a  few  years  ago  ?  The  consular  dignity 
was  conferred  upon  me,  and  I  was  sent  against  the 
Samnites,  the  Brutii,  and  the  Lucanians,  at  the  head 
of  a  numerous  army.  We  ravaged  a  large  tract  of  land, 
and  defeated  the  enemy  in  several  battles:  we  took 
many  flouiishing  and  opulent  cities  by  assault  ;  I  en- 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  81 

riched  the  whole  army  with  their  spoils;  I  returned 
every  citizen  the  money  which  he  had  contrihuted  to 
the  expense  of  the  war  ;  and  after  I  had  received  the 
honours  of  a  triumph,  [  still  brought  four  hundred  ta- 
lents into  the  public  treasury.  After  having  neglected 
so  considerable  a  booty,  of  which  I  had  full  power  to 
appropriate  any  part  to  myself;  after  having  despised 
such  immense  riches  so  justly  acquired,  and  sacrificed 
the  spoils  of  the  enemy  to  the  love  of  glory,  in  imita- 
tion of  Valerius  Publicola,  and  many  other  great  men, 
whose  disinterested  generosity  of  mind  has  raised  the 
glory  of  Rome  to  so  illustrious  a  height  ;  would  it  now 
become  me  to  accept  of  the  gold  and  silver  you  offer 
me  ?  What  idea  would  the  world  entertain  of  me  ? 
And  what  an  example  should  I  set  to  my  fellow  citi- 
zens ?  How  could  1  bear  their  reproaches  ?  how  even 
their  looks,  at  my  return  ?  Those  awful  magistrates, 
our  censors,  who  are  appointed  to  inspect  our  discipline 
and  manners  with  a  vigilant  eye,  would  they  not  com- 
pel me  to  be  accountable  before  all  the  world,  for  the 
presents  you  solicit  me  to  accept?  You  shall  keep  then, 
if  you  please,  your  riches  to  yourself,  and  I  my  poverty 
and  my  reputation." 

I  take  it  for  granted,  that  the  historian  furnished 
Pyrrhus  and  Fabricius  with  these  speeches,  but  he  has 
only  painted  their  sentiments,  especially  those  of  the 
latter,  in  strong  colours.  For  such  was  the  character 
of  the  Romans. in  those  glorious  ages  of  the  republic. 
Fabricius  was  really  persuaded,  that  there  was  more 
glory  and  grandeur  in  being  able  to  despise  all  the  gold 
0Ï  a  king,  than  there  was  in  reigning  over  an  empire.^' 

^  Pyrrhus  being  desirous  the  next  day  to  surprise  the 
Roman  ambassador,  who  had  never  seen  an  elephant, 
ordered  the  captain  of  those  animals  to  arm  the  largest 
of  them,  and  lead  him  to  the  place  where  he  would  be 
in  conversation  with  Fabricius  ;  the  officer  was  then  to 
place  him  behind  a  hanging  of  tapestry,  that  he  might 

""  Plut,  in  Pyrrh.  p.  395—397. 

*  "  Fabricius  Pyrrhi  regis  aurum  repulit,  majusque  regno  judica- 
vit  regius  opes  posse  contemnere."     Senec.  Epist.  129. 
VOL,  VI.  G 


82  THE  HISTORY  OF 

be  ready  to  make  his  appearance  at  a  certain  signal. 
This  was  accordingly  executed;  and  the  sign  being 
given,  the  tapestry  was  drawn  aside,  and  presented  to 
view  the  enormous  animal,  who  stretched  out  his  trunk 
over  the  head  of  Fabricius,  and  shook  the  apartment 
with  a  most  terrible  cry.  Fabricius,  instead  of  dis- 
covering the  least  sui*prise  or  consternation,  turned  very 
calmly  to  Pyrrhus,  and  said  to  him  with  a  smile, 
"  Neither  your  gold  yesterday,  nor  your  elephant  to- 
day, can  move  me." 

Whilst  they  were  sitting  at  table  in  the  evening, 
the  conversation  turned  upon  a  variety  of  subjects  ;  and 
after  some  conference  on  the  affairs  of  Greece,  and  the 
several  philosophers  of  note,  Cineas  introduced  the  doc- 
trines of  Epicurus,  and  related  the  particular  opinions 
of  his  disciples,  with  reference  to  the  gods,  and  the  go- 
vemment  of  the  world  :  declaring,  that  they  represent- 
ed pleasure  as  the  end  and  sovereign  good  of  man,  and 
declined  all  dignities  and  employments,  as  destructive 
to  happiness.  To  this  he  added,  that  they  never  as- 
cribed to  the  Divinity  either  love,  or  hatred,  or  wrath  : 
but  maintained,  that  he  w  as  entirely  regardless  of  man- 
kind ;  and  that  they  consigned  him  to  a  life  of  tranquil- 
lity, in  w^hich  he  passed  all  ages  void  of  occupation,  and 
plunged  in  an  endless  variety  of  delights  and  pleasures. 
The  soft  and  voluptuous  lives  of  the  Tarentines  might 
probably  occasion  this  discourse.  Whilst  Cineas  was 
going  on  with  this  subject,  Fabricius,  to  whom  such  a 
doctrine  was  altogether  new,  cried  out  as  loud  as  he 
was  able,  "  Great  Hercules,  may  Pyrrhus  and  the  Sam- 
nites  follow  this  doctrine,  as  long  as  they  shall  make 
war  with  the  Romans  !" 

W^ho  of  us  moderns,  were  we  to  judge  of  the  manners 
of  the  ancients  by  those  which  prevail  in  our  age,  would 
expect  to  hear  the  conversation  between  great  warriors, 
at  table,  turn,  not  only  on  political  systems,  but  points 
of  erudition  ;  for  at  that  time,  philosophical  inquiries 
were  considered  as  the  principal  part  of  learning  ?  Are 
not  such  discourses  as  these,  seasoned  with  improving 
reflections,  and  enlivened  with  sprightly  replies,  equal 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  83 

at  least  to  those  conversations,  which  frequently  con- 
tinue frojn  the  beginning  to  the  end  of  the  entertain- 
ment, and  are  passed  without  much  expense  of  genius, 
in  exclamations,  w^orthy  of  Epicureans,  on  the  delicacy 
of  the  provisions,  and  the  admirable  flavour  of  the  wines 
and  other  liquors  ? 

Pyrrhus,  struck  with  admiration  at  the  greatness  of 
soul  which  he  discovered  in  the  Roman  ambassador, 
and  charmed  with  his  manners  and  his  wisdom,  became 
more  impatient  than  ever  to  contract  an  alliance  with 
his  city.  He  therefore  took  him  apart,  and  conjured 
him  a  second  time,  to  mediate  an  accommodation  be- 
tween the  two  states,  and  consent  to  reside  at  his  court, 
where  he  should  hold  the  first  rank  among  all  his  friends 
and  captains.  "  I  would  not  advise  you  to  persist  in 
that  request,"  replied  Fabricius,  whispering  in  his  ear, 
and  smiling  ;  "  and  you  seem  to  be  but  little  acquaint- 
ed with  your  own  interest  :  for  if  those  who  now  ho- 
nour and  admire  you,  should  once  happen  to  know  me, 
perhaps  they  might  be  more  desirous  of  having  me  for 
their  king  than  yourself" 

The  prince,  instead  of  being  offended  at  this  reply, 
esteemed  him  the  more  for  making  it  ;  and  would  in- 
trust the  prisoners  to  none  but  him,  that  he  might  be 
certain  they  would  be  sent  back  to  him,  after  they  had 
embraced  their  relations  and  friends,  and  celebrated  the 
Saturnalia,  in  case  the  senate  should  continue  averse  to 
a  peace.  They  were  accordingly  sent  to  him  at  the 
expiration  of  the  festival,  the  senate  having  ordered 
every  piisoner  to  return  to  Pyrrhus,  upon  pain  of  death. 

The  command  of  the  army  being  conferred  on  Fa- 
bricius the  following  year,  an  unknown  person  came 
into  his  camp,  with  a  letter  from  the  king's  physiciaii, 
who  offered  to  take  Pyrrhus  off  by  poison,  if  the  Ro- 
mans would  promise  him  a  recompense  proportionable 
to  the  great  service  he  should  render  them,  by  putting 
an  end  to  so  destructive  a  war  without  any  danger  to 
themselves.  Fabricius,  who  always  retained  the  same 
probity  and  justice,  *  even  in  time  of  war,  which  fur- 
Ejusdem  animi  fait;,  auro  non  vinci,  veneno  non  rincere.   A(f- 


*•   C( 


84  THE  HISTORY  OF 

nishes  so  many  pretexts  for  departing  from  them  ;  and 
who  knew  there  were  some  rights,  which  ought  to  be 
preserved  inviolable  even  with  enemies  themselves,  was 
struck  with  a  just  horror  at  such  a  proposal  :  and  as  he 
would  not  suffer  the  king  to  conquer  him  with  gold,  he 
thouglit  it  would  be  infamous  in  himself  to  conquer 
the  king  by  poison.  After  some  conference  therefore 
with  his  colleague  Emilius,  he  wrote  a  letter  to  Pyr- 
rhus, to  caution  him  against  that  black  treachery.  His 
letter  was  conceived  in  these  terms  : 


CAIUS  FABRICIUS  AND  QUINTUS  EMILIUS,  CONSULS; 
TO  KING  PYIUiHUS,  HEALTH. 

"  You  seem  to  form  a  wrong  judgment  both  of  friends 
and  enemies;  and  this  will  be  your  own  opinion,  when  you 
have  read  the  letter  which  has  been  written  to  us.  For 
you  will  then  be  sensible,  that  you  are  carrying  on  a 
war  against  people  of  virtue  and  honour,  at  the  same 
time  that  you  repose  confidence  in  traitors  and  the 
worst  of  men.  The  information  we  now  send  you,  re- 
sults more  from  our  affection  for  ourselves  than  for  you  ; 
for  we  were  unwilling  that  your  death  should  give  the 
world  occasion  to  defame  us  ;  and  to  imagine  that  we 
had  recourse  to  treachery,  through  despair  of  termina- 
ting this  war  happily  by  our  valour." 

Pyrrhus  having  received  this  letter,  and  ascertained 
the  truth  of  the  information  it  contained,  caused  his 
physician  to  be  punished,  and  sent  back  all  his  prisoners 
to  the  consvd  without  ransom,  as  a  testimonial  of  his 
gratitude  to  Fabricius  and  the  Romans.  He  likewise 
again  deputed  Cineas  to  attempt  to  negociate  a  peace  ; 
but  the  Romans,  who  would  not  accept  either  a  favour 
from  their  enemy,  or  a  recompense  for  not  committing 

mirati  sumus  ingentem  virum,  quem  non  regis,  non  contra  regera 
promissa  flexissent  ;  boni  exempli  tenacem  ;  quod  difficillimum  est, 
in  bello  innocentera  ;  qui  aliquod  esse  crederet  etiam  in  hoste  nefas  ; 
qui  in  summa  paupertate  quam  sibi  decus  fecerat,  non  aliter  refugit 
divitias  quam  venenum."     Senec.  Epist.  120. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  85 

the  most  execrable  piece  of  injustice,  though  they  did 
not  refuse  to  accept  the  prisoners,  yet  returned  an  equal 
number  of  Taren tines  and  Samnites,  as  an  equivalent  ; 
but  as  to  the  treaty  of  pacification,  they  would  not  per- 
mit Cineas  to  mention  it,  till  Pyrrhus  had  retiu^ned  to 
Epirus  in  the  same  fleet  that  landed  him  and  his  troops 
in  Italy.  But  as  his  affairs  made  a  second  battle  ne- 
cessary, he  assembled  his  army,  and  attacked  the  Roiiians 
near  the  city  of  Asculum. 

The  troops  fought  with  great  obstinacy  on  both  sides, 
and  the  victory  continued  doubtful  till  the  close  of  the 
battle.  Pyrrhus,  at  the  beginning  of  the  action,  having 
been  driven  into  places  where  cavalry  could  not  act,  and 
against  a  river  very  difficult,  as  well  in  regard  to  its 
banks  as  to  the  marshes  on  the  sides  of  it,  was  treated 
very  rudely  by  the  enemy,  and  lost  a  great  number  of 
his  men.  But  having  at  last  disengaged  himself  from 
that  disadvantageous  situation,  and  regained  the  plain, 
where  he  could  make  use  of  his  elephants,  he  advanced 
against  the  Romans  with  the  greatest  impetuosity,  his 
ranks  being  all  in  good  order  and  well  closed  ;  and  as 
he  met  with  a  vigorous  resistance,  the  slaughter  became 
very  great,  and  he  himself  was  wounded.  He,  how^- 
ever,  brought  forward  his  elephants  so  judiciously,  that 
they  broke  through  the  Roman  infantry  in  several  quar- 
ters, notwithstanding  which  they  still  maintained  their 
ground.  The  two  armies,  fired  with  implacable  rage, 
exerted  the  utmost  efforts  that  bravery  could  inspire, 
and  did  not  cease  fighting  till  night  parted  them.  The 
loss  was  almost  equal  on  both  sides,  and  amounted  to 
fifteen  thousand  men  in  the  whole.  The  Romans  were 
the  first  who  retreated,  and  gained  their  camp,  which 
was  near  the  field  of  battle.  The  advantage  there- 
fore seemed  to  remain  with  Pyrrhus,  who  continued 
longest  in  the  field  ;  but  when  one  of  his  officers 
came  to  congratulate  him  on  his  victory,  "  if  we  gain 
such  another,"  replied  he,  "  we  are  inevitably  ruined." 
And  as  he  had  really  lost  his  best  troops  and  bravest 
officers,  he  was  very  sensible  of  his  inability  to  bring 
another  army  into  the  field  against  the  Romans,  whose 


86  THE  HISTORY  OF 

very  defeat  inspired  them  with  new  vigour  and  ardour 
to  continue  the  war.  * 

y  Whilst  he  was  revolving  these  melancholy  thoughts 
in  his  mind,  and  had  the  mortification  to  see  himself 
in  a  manner  destitute  of  all  resource,  and  incapable  of 
recuiTing  to  any  honourable  expedient  to  disengage 
himself  from  an  enterprise  which  he  had  too  inconsider- 
ately undertaken,  a  dawn  of  hope  and  good  fortune  in- 
spired him  with  new  resolution.  A  deputation  was 
sent  to  him,  f  at  that  critical  juncture,  from  Sicily, 
with  a  commission  to  deliver  Syracuse,  Agrigentum, 
and  the  city  of  the  î^eontines,  into  his  possession  ;  and 
to  implore  tlie  assistance  of  his  arms  to  drive  the  Car- 
thaginians from  their  island,  and  deliver  them  from 
their  tyrants.  Several  couriers  from  Greece  also  ar- 
rived at  his  camp  at  the  same  time,  to  inform  him  that 
Ceraunus  had  been  killed  in  a  battle  with  the  Gauls, 
in  JNlacedonia,  and  that  this  kingdom  seemed  to  invite 
him  to  ascend  the  throne. 

Pyrrhus  then  found  himself  in  a  new  perplexity.  A 
moment  before  he  was  destitute  of  all  hope,  and  now  it 
flowed  so  fast  upon  him,  that  he  was  at  a  loss  to  de- 
termine which  offer  he  ought  to  prefer.  But  after  a 
long  deliberation,  and  when  he  had  maturely  weighed 
the  reasons  that  offered  themselves  on  both  sides,  he 
resolved  for  Sicily,  which  would  open  him  a  passage 
into  Africa,  and  conduct  him  to  a  more  ample  harvest 
of  glory.  In  consequence  of  this  resolution,  he  imme- 
diately despatched  Cineas,  to  treat  with  the  cities,  and 
to  give  them  assiu*ances  of  his  speedy  arrival  ;  he  then 
embarked  for  Sicily,  after  he  had  left  a  strong  garrison 
in  Tarentum,  notwithstanding  the  repugnance  of  the 
inhabitants,  who  had  the  mortification  to  see  themselves 
abandoned  by  Pyrrhus,  and  reduced  at  the  same  time 
to  a  state  of  slaveiy  by  his  troops. 

y  Plut,  in  Pyrrh.  p.  397,  398.    Pausan.  1.  i.  p.  22.    Justin.  1.  xviii. 
c.  2.  &  1.  xxiii.  c.  3. 

*  Per  daimia,  per  cœdes,  ah  ipso 

Ducit  opes  aiiimiinique  Jerro      HoRAT. 
+  A.  M.  S726,     Ant.  J.  C  278. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  87 

When  he  arrived  in  Sicily,  he  immediately  became 
master  of  Syracuse,  which  was  delivered  up  to  him  by 
Sostratus,  *  who  then  governed  that  city,  and  by  The- 
non,  who  commanded  in  the  citadel.  He  also  receiv- 
ed from  them  money  out  of  the  public  treasury,  and 
about  two  hundred  ships,  which  facilitated  his  conquest 
of  all  Sicily.  His  insinuating  and  affable  behaviour  at 
his  first  arrival,  gained  him  the  hearts  of  all  the  peo- 
ple ;  and  as  he  had  then  an  army  of  thirty  thousand 
foot  and  two  thousand  ûve  hundred  horse,  with  a  fleet 
of  two  hundred  sail,  he  dispossessed  the  Carthaginians 
of  their  settlements  in  that  island,  and  obHged  them  to 
evacuate  the  city  of  Eryx,  which  was  the  strongest  of 
all  their  places  there,  and  the  best  furnished  with  peo- 
ple for  its  defence  :  he  also  defeated,  in  a  great  battle, 
the  inhabitants  of  Messina,  who  were  called  Mamer- 
tineSf  I  whose  frequent  irruptions  infested  all  Sicily,  and 
he  entirely  demolished  all  their  fortresses. 

The  rapid  progress  of  his  arms  terrified  the  Cartha- 
ginians, who  were  now  divested  of  all  their  acquisitions 
in  Sicily,  except  the  single  city  of  Lilybasum  ;  and  they 
sent  to  purchase  peace  and  his  friendship  with  money 
and  ships.  But  as  he  aspired  to  much  greater  things, 
he  answered  them,  that  the  only  method  to  obtain  what 
they  desired,  would  be  to  abandon  Sicily,  and  consent 
to  let  the  Libyan  sea  be  the  boundary  between  them 
and  the  Greeks.  He  now  thought  of  nothing  but 
great  projects  for  himself  and  his  family.  He  intend- 
ed to  bestow  Sicily  on  his  son  Helenus,  as  a  kingdom 
to  which  he  had  a  right  by  birth,  this  prince  being  his 
son  by  the  daughter  of  Agathocles  ;  and  he  proposed 
to  give  his  son  Alexander  the  kingdom  of  Italy,  which 
he  looked  upon  as  a  certain  conquest. 

A  continued  series  of  prosperity,  and  the  numerous 

*  He  is  called  Sosistratus,  by  Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus. 

t  The  word  signifies  martial,  because  they  were  a  very  warlike 
people.  They  originally  came  from  Italy,  and  having  made  them- 
selves masters  of  Messina,  into  which  they  had  been  received,  they 
retained  their  own  name  there,  though  that  of  the  city  was  not 
changed. 


88  THE  HISTORY  OF 

forces  under  his  command,  had  raised  his  hopes  so  high 
at  that  time,  that  he  thought  of  notiiing  but  accomphsh- 
ing  the  great  views  that  had  drawn  him  into  8icily  ; 
the  first  and  principal  of  which  was  the  conquest  of 
Africa.  He  had  a  sufficient  number  of  vessels  for  tiiat 
great  expedition,  but  wanted  mariners  ;  in  order,  there- 
fore, to  obtain  them,  he  obliged  the  cities  to  furnish 
him  with  men,  and  severely  punished  those  who  neglect- 
ed to  obey  his  orders. 

In  consequence  of  these  proceedings,  his  power  was 
soon  changed  into  an  insolent  and  tyrannical  sway,  which 
first  drew  upon  him  the  hatred  of  the  family  and  friends 
of  Agathocles,  whom  he  deprived  of  all  the  wealth  they 
had  received  from  that  prince,  and  bestowed  it  upon  his 
own  creatures.  ^  In  contempt  of  the  customs  of  that  coun- 
try, he  also  conferred  the  first  dignities,  and  the  govern- 
ment of  cities,  on  his  guards  and  centurions,  whom  he 
continued  in  the  magistracy  as  long  as  he  thought  pro- 
per, and  without  any  regard  to  the  time  prescribed  by  the 
laws.  And  as  to  all  judicial  proceedings,  with  respect 
to  private  property,  and  other  affairs  of  that  naiure,  he 
either  decided  them  by  his  own  arbitrary  sentence,  or 
left  them  to  the  determination  of  his  courtiers,  whose 
sole  vieW'S  were  to  enrich  themselves  bv  sordid  sain,  and 
live  in  all  manner  of  luxury,  profusion,  and  debauchery. 

A  conduct  so  oppressive  and  different  from  that  by 
which  he  at  first  had  so  well  succeeded,  could  not  fail 
to  alienate  the  affections  of  the  people  from  him  ;  and 
when  he  became  sensible  that  he  was  universally  hated, 
and  that  the  Sicilians,  exasperated  at  his  odious  govern- 
ment, were  solicitous  to  shake  off  the  yoke,  he  placed 
in  most  of  the  cities  such  garrisons  as  he  knew  were  at 
his  devotion,  under  pretext  that  the  Carthaginians  were 
preparing  to  invade  him.  He  also  seized  the  most  illus- 
trious citizens  of  each  city,  and  caused  them  to  be  put 
to  death,  after  he  had  charged  them  with  treasonable 
conspiracies  against  him.  Of  this  number  was  Thenon, 
the  commander  of  the  citadel  ;  and  all  the  important 
services  he  had  rendered  the  king  of  Epirus,  did  not 
*  Dionys.  Haiic.  in  Excerpt,  p.  541. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  89 

suffice  to  exempt  him  from  so  cruel  a  policy  ;  though  it 
was  allowed  that  he  had  contrihuted  more  than  any 
other  person  to  reduce  Sicily  under  Pyrrhus.  He  also 
intended  to  have  Sostratus  seized,  but  as  he  had  some 
suspicion  of  what  was  designed  against  him,  he  found 
means  to  quit  the  city.  A  prince  hazards  all  things 
when  he  loses  the  affection  of  his  people,  which  is  the 
strongest  tie  that  unites  them  to  their  sovereign.  This 
barbarous  and  unjust  treatment  of  the  two  principal 
citizens  of  Syracuse,  who  had  conduced  most  to  the  pro- 
gress of  his  power  in  that  island,  rendered  him  entirely 
odious  and  insuj)portable  to  the  Sicilians.  Such  was 
the  character  of  l^yrrhus  :  the  vigour  and  impetuosity 
of  his  conduct  in  the  enterprises  he  undertook,  facili- 
tated his  conquest  o£  kingdoms  and  provinces,  but  he 
wanted  the  art  of  preserving  them.  *  The  aversion 
which  the  cities  conceived  against  him  was  so  great, 
that  some  of  them  entered  into  a  league  with  the  Car- 
thaginians, and  others  with  the  Mamertines,  in  order 
to  destroy  him. 

At  this  juncture,  when  he  beheld  nothing  but  new 
insurrections  and  revolts  kindling  all  around,  he  receiv- 
ed letters  from  tlie  Samnites  and  Tarentines,  which  in- 
formed him  that  they  had  been  dispossessed  of  all  their 
lands,  and  were  then  shut  up  in  their  cities,  where  it 
would  be  impossible  for  them  to  sustain  the  war,  unless 
he  would  hasten  to  their  assistance.  These  letters  ar- 
rived at  a  proper  time  for  affording  him  an  honourable 
pretext  for  his  departure,  and  preventing  it  from  appear- 
ing a  flight  from  Sicily,  as  if  he  despaired  of  succeeding 
any  longer  in  that  island. 

^  As  he  was  embarking  at  Syracuse,  the  Carthaginians 
attacked  him  in  such  a  manner,  as  obliged  him  to  fight, 
in  the  very  port,  against  those  barbarians,  where  he  lost 
several  of  his  ships.  This,  however,  did  not  prevent 
him  from  sailing  to  Italy  with  those  that  remained; 

*  Plut,  in  Pyrrh.  p.  399'     Pausan.  1.  i.  p.  22.     Justin.  1.  xxiii.  c.  3. 

*  "  Ut  ad  devincenda  regna  invictus  habebatur,  ita  devictis  ac- 
quisitisque  celeriter  carebat  :  tanto  melius  studebat  acquirere  imperia 
quam  retinere."    Justin.  1.  xxv.  c.  4. 


90  THE  HISTORY  OP 

but  upon  his  arrival  there  he  found  a  great  body  of 
Mamertines,  who  had  passed  over  thither  before  him, 
to  the  number  of  near  ten  thousand  men,  and  greatly 
incommoded  his  march,  by  frequently  harassing  his 
troops,  and  making  repeated  attacks  upon  his  rear- 
guard. 

^  Livy  and  Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus  tells  us  one 
circumstance  not  very  much  to  the  honour  of  Pyrrhus's 
memory.  In  Locris  was  a  celebrated  temple,  conse- 
crated to  Proserpine,  and  held  in  the  greatest  venera- 
tion by  all  the  inhabitants  of  that  country,  as  well  as 
by  strangers,  and  no  one  had  ever  presumed  to  violate 
it,  thoudi  it  was  certain  that  immense  treasures  were 
deposited  within  it.  Pyrrhus,  who  then  wanted  money 
extremely,  was  not  so  scrupulous,  but  carried  off  all  the 
riches  of  the  goddess,  and  lodged  them  in  his  ship. 
The  next  day,  if  the  story  may  be  credited,  his  fleet 
was  shattered  by  a  violent  tempest,  and  all  the  vessels 
that  were  laden  with  these  rich  and  sacred  spoils,  were 
cast  upon  the  coast  of  Locris.  This  proud  prince,  says 
Ijivy,  being  convinced,  by  this  cmel  disaster,  that  the 
gods  were  not  imaginary  beings,  caused  all  the  treasures 
to  be  replaced  in  the  temple  with  the  utmost  devotion. 
The  goddess,  however,  was  not  appeased  by  this  in- 
voluntary restitution  ;  and  the  author  who  relates  this 
event,  represents  this  impious  sacrilege  as  the  cause  of 
all  the  future  calamities  which  happened  to  Pyrrhus, 
and  particularly  of  the  unfortunate  death  which  put  an 
end  to  his  enterprises. 

*  Pyrrhus,  after  he  had  suffered  by  this  tempest,  ar- 
rived at  Tarentum  with  twenty  thousand  foot  and  three 
thousand  horse  ;  and  when  he  had  reinforced  them  with 
the  best  troops  he  could  find  in  that  city,  he  advanced, 
by  long  marches,  against  the  Romans,  who  were  en- 
camped in  the  country  of  the  Samnites. 

This  people  retained  a  secret  resentment  against  Pyr- 
rhus, for  deserting  them  when  he  undertook  his  expedi- 
tion into  Sicily  ;  for  which  reason  he  was  joined  by  very 

^  Liv.  1.  xxix.  n.  18.     Dionys.  Halicam.  in  Excerpt,  p.  542. 
"  A.  M.  3730.     Ant.  J.  C.  274. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  91 

few  of  their  troops.  This,  however,  did  not  prevent  him 
from  dividing  his  army  into  two  bodies  :  one  of  which 
he  sent  into  Lucauia,  to  oppose  the  consul  who  was 
there  at  that  time,  and  to  render  him  incapable  of  as- 
sisting his  colleague  ;  the  other  he  led  himself  against 
Manias  Curius,  the  other  consul,  who  had  intrenched 
himself  in  a  very  advantageous  post  near  the  city  of 
Beneventum,  where  he  waited  for  the  succours  that  wTre 
advancing  to  him  from  Lucania. 

Pyrrhus  hastened  to  attack  this  last,  before  the  other 
had  joined  him  ;  and  with  this  view  he  selected  his  best 
troops,  with  such  of  his  elephants  as  were  strongest,  and 
of  most  service  in  the  field  ;  after  which  he  began  his 
march  about  the  close  of  the  evening,  in  order  to  sur- 
prise the  consul  in  his  camp.  The  enemy,  however, 
discovered  him  the  next  morning  as  he  was  descending 
the  mountains,  and  Manius  having  marched  out  of  his 
intrenchments  with  a  body  of  troops,  fell  upon  the  first 
he  met.  These  he  soon  put  into  confusion,  and  obliged 
them  to  have  recourse  to  flight,  which  spread  universal 
terror  among  the  rest,  great  numbers  of  whom  were  slain, 
and  even  some  of  the  elephants  taken. 

This  success  emboldened  Manius  to  draw  all  his 
troops  out  of  their  intrenchments,  in  order  to  combat  in 
the  open  plain.  One  of  his  wings  had  the  advantage, 
at  the  beginning  of  the  battle,  and  pushed  the  enemies 
with  great  vigour  ;  but  the  other  was  overthrown  by  the 
elephants,  and  driven  back  to  their  camp.  In  this  emer- 
gency, he  sent  for  the  troops  he  had  left  behind  him,  to 
guard  the  intrenchments,  and  who  w^ere  all  fresh  and 
under  arms.  These  forces  advanced  in  the  critical  mo- 
ment, and  with  their  pikes  and  darts  compelled  the  ele- 
phants to  turn  their  backs,  and  fall  upon  their  own  bat- 
talions ;  which  created  such  confusion  and  disorder,  that 
the  Romans  at  last  obtained  a  complete  victory,  which, 
in  some  sense,  was  of  no  less  value  to  them  than  the 
conquest  of  all  nations.  For  the  intrepidity  they  dis- 
covered in  this  engagement,  and  the  gallant  actions  they 
performed  in  all  the  battles  they  fought  with  such  an  ene- 
my as  Pyrrhus,  increased  their  reputation,  as  well  as 


92  THE  HISTOUY  OF 

their  fortitude  and  confidence  in  their  own  bravery,  and 
caused  them  to  be  considered  as  invincible.  This  victory 
over  Pyrrhus  rendered  them  indisputable  masters  of  all 
Italy  between  the  two  seas  ;  and  this  acquisition  was 
soon  succeeded  by  the  wars  with  Carthage,  in  which, 
having  at  last  subdued  that  potent  rival,  they  no  longer 
beheld  any  power  capable  of  opposing  them. 

In  this  manner  did  Pyrrhus  find  himself  fallen  from 
all  the  high  hopes  he  had  conceived,  with  relation  to 
Italy  and  Sicily,  after  he  had  consumed  six  whole  years 
in  those  wars,  and  had  entirely  ruined  his  own  affairs. 
It  must  be  acknowledged,  however,  that  he  preserved  an 
invincible  fortitude  of  mind,  amidst  all  these  disgraces  ; 
and  his  experience  in  military  affairs,  with  his  valour 
and  intrepidity,  caused  him  always  to  pass  for  the  first 
of  all  the  kings  and  generals  of  his  time.  But  what- 
ever he  acquired  by  his  great  exploits,  he  soon  lost  by 
his  vain  hopes  ;  for  his  impatience  to  piu*sue  what  he 
had  not  yet  attained,  rendered  him  incapable  of  preserv- 
ing and  securing  what  was  already  in  his  possession. 
This  disposition  of  his  made  Antigonus  compare  him 
to  a  man  who  had  lucky  throws  on  the  dice,  but  played 
his  men  very  ill. 

^  He  at  length  returned  to  Epirus,  with  eight  thou- 
sand foot  and  five  hundred  horse  ;  but  as  his  revenues 
were  not  sufficient  for  the  subsistence  of  these  troops, 
he  was  industrious  to  find  out  some  new  war  for  their 
support  ;  and  having  received  a  reinforcement  of  some 
Gauls  who  joined  him,  he  threw  himself  into  Mace- 
donia, where  Antigonus,  the  son  of  Demetrius,  then 
reigned.  His  intention  was  only  to  ravage  the  coun- 
try, and  carry  off  a  great  booty  ;  but  when  he  had  once 
made  himself  master  of  several  cities  without  any  diffi- 
culty, and  had  also  seduced  two  thousand  of  Antigo- 
nus's  soldiers  over  to  his  party,  he  indulged  the  most 
exalted  hopes  ;  marched  against  Antigonus  himself  ; 
attacked  him  in  the  defiles,  and  put  his  whole  army 
into  disorder.  A  large  body  of  other  Gauls,  who  form- 
ed the  rear- guard  of  Antigonus,  courageously  sustained 
^  Plut,  in  Pyrrh.  p.  400.     Pausan.  1. 1  c.  23.     Justiu.  1.  xxv.  c.  3. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  93^ 

his  efforts  for  some  time,  and  the  encounter  became  very 
warm,  but  most  of  them  were  at  last  cut  to  pieces  ;  and 
those  who  commanded  the  elephants,  being  surrounded 
by  his  troops,  surrendered  themselves  prisoners,  and  de- 
livered up  the  elephants.  The  Macedonian  phalanx 
was  all  that  now  remained  ;  but  the  troops  who  com- 
posed this  corps  were  struck  with  terror  and  confusi(5n 
at  the  defeat  of  their  rear-guard.  Pyrrhus  perceiving 
that  they  seemed  to  refuse  fighting  with  him,  stretched 
out  his  hand  to  the  commanders  and  other  officers,  call- 
ing them  each  by  their  name,  and  by  this  expedient 
drew  over  to  himself  all  the  infantry  of  Antigonus,  who 
was  obliged  to  have  recourse  to  flight,  in  order  to  pre- 
serve some  of  the  maritime  places  in  their  obedience  to 
him. 

Pyrrhus  was  exceedingly  animated  by  this  victory, 
as  may  be  judged  by  the  following  inscription  on  the 
spoils  which  he  consecrated  to  the  Itonian*  Minerva, 
"  Pyrrhus,  king  of  the  Molossians,  consecrates  to  the 
Itonian  Minerva  these  bucklers  of  the  fierce  Gauls,  af- 
ter he  had  defeated  the  whole  army  of  Antigonus.  Let 
no  one  be  surprised  at  this  event.  The  descendants  of 
iEacus  are  still  as  they  originally  were,  perfectly  brave 
and  valiant." 

Pyrrhus,  after  this  victory,  made  himself  master  of  all 
the  cities  of  Macedonia,  and  having  taken  possession  of 
Mgse,  f  he  treated  the  inhabitants  with  great  severity, 
and  garrisoned  their  city  with  part  of  his  Gauls,  a  people 
the  most  insatiable  and  rapacious  after  money  of  any. 
The  moment  they  took  possession  of  the  city,  they  be- 
gan with  plundering  the  tombs  of  the  Macedonian  kings, 
whose  remains  were  deposited  there,  carried  off  all  the 
riches  inclosed  in  those  monuments,  and  with  sacrile- 
gious insolence,  scattered  the  ashes  of  those  princes  in 
the  air.     Pyrrhus  lightly  passed  over  this  infamous  ac- 

*  Minerva  was  called  Itonia,  from  Itoniis,  the  son  of  Amphictyon^ 
and  she  had  two  temples  dedicated  to  her,  under  this  name  ;  one  in 
Thessaly,  near  Larissa,  which  was  the  same  with  that  in  the  passage 
laefore  us  :  the  other  was  in  Bœotia,  near  Coronaea. 

t  A  city  of  Macedonia,  on  the  river  Haliacmon. 


94?  THE  HISTORY  OF 

tion,  either  because  the  important  affairs  he  then  had 
upon  his  hands  engaged  his  whole  attention  ;  or  that 
his  pressing  occasion  for  the  service  of  these  barbarians, 
rendered  him  unwilling  to  alienate  their  affection  from 
him,  by  too  strict  an  enquiry  into  this  proceeding,  which 
would  make  it  necessary  for  him  to  punish  the  delin- 
quents ;  and  so  criminal  a  connivance  lowered  him  very 
much  in  the  esteem  of  the  Macedonians. 

^  Though  his  affairs  were  not  established  on  so  secure 
a  foundation  as  to  give  him  just  reasons  to  be  void  of 
apprehension,  he  conceived  new  hopes,  and  engaged  in 
new  enterprises.  Cleonymus  the  Spartan  came  to  solicit 
him  to  march  his  army  against  Lacedœmonia,  and  Pyr- 
rhus lent  a  willing  ear  to  that  proposal.  This  Cleony- 
mus was  of  the  royal  race.  Cleomenes,  his  father,  who 
was  king  of  Sparta,  had  two  sons  ;  Acrotatus  and  Cleony- 
mus. The  former,  who  was  the  eldest,  died  before  his 
father,  and  left  a  son  named  Areus.  After  the  death 
of  Cleomenes,  a  dispute,  with  relation  to  the  sovereignty, 
arose  between  Areus  and  Cleonnnus  ;  and  as  this  latter 
seemed  to  be  a  man  of  a  violent  and  despotic  disposi- 
tion, the  contest  was  decided  in  favour  of  Areus.  Cleo- 
nymus, when  he  was  far  advanced  in  years,  espoused  a 
very  beautiful  woman,  whose  name  was  Chelidonis,  the 
daughter  of  Leotychidas.  This  young  lady  conceived 
a  violent  passion  for  Acrotatus,  the  son  of  king  Areus, 
who  was  very  amiable,  finely  shaped,  and  in  the  flower 
of  his  youth.  This  circumstance  rendered  her  marriage 
not  only  a  verv^  melancholy,  but  dishonourable  affair  to 
her  husband  Cleonymus,  who  was  equally  transported 
with  love  and  jealousy  ;  for  his  disgrace  was  public,  and 
every  Spartan  was  acquainted  with  the  contempt  which 
his  ^^ife  entertained  for  him.  Animated,  therefore, 
with  a  burning  impatience  to  avenge  himself  at  once  on 
his  partial  citizens  and  his  faithless  wife,  he  prevailed 
on  Pyrrhus  to  march  against  Sparta,  with  an  army  of 
twenty-five  thousand  foot,  two  thousand  horse,  and 
twenty-four  elephants. 

^  Plut,  in  Pyrih.  p  400—403.     Pausan.  1.  i.  p.  23,  24,  &  1.  iii.  p. 
1 58.     Justin.  Î.  XXV.  c.  4.     A.  M.  3732.    Ant.  J.  C.  272. 


ALEXANDER  s  SUCCESSORS.  9'> 

These  great  preparations  for  war  made  it  immediately 
evident,  that  Pyrrhus  was  more  intent  to  conquer  Pe- 
loponnesus for  himself,  than  to  make  Cleonymus  master 
of  Sparta.  This,  indeed,  he  strongly  disavowed  in  all 
his  discourse  ;  for  when  the  Lacedemonians  sent  am- 
bassadors to  him,  during  his  residence  at  Megalopolis, 
he  assured  them  that  no  hostilities  were  intended  by 
him  against  Sparta,  and  that  he  only  came  to  restore 
liberty  to  those  cities  which  Antigonus  possessed  in 
that  country.  He  even  declared  to  bin,  that  he  de- 
signed to  send  his  youngest  children  to  Sparta,  if  they 
would  permit  him  so  to  do,  that  they  might  be  educated 
in  the  manners  and  discipline  of  that  city,  and  have  the 
advantage  above  all  other  kings  and  princes,  of  being- 
trained  up  in  so  excellent  a  school. 

With  these  flattering  promises  he  amused  all  such 
as  presented  themselves  to  him  in  his  march  ;  but  those 
persons  must  be  very  thoughtless  and  imprudent  who 
place  any  confidence  in  the  language  of  politicians,  with 
whom  artifice  and  deceit  pass  for  wisdom,  and  sincerity 
for  weakness  and  want  of  judgment.  Pyrrhus  had  no 
sooner  advanced  into  the  territories  of  Sparta,  than  he 
began  to  ravage  and  plunder  all  the  C3untry  around 
him. 

He  arrived,  in  the  evening,  before  Lac?demon  ;  Cle- 
onymus desired  him  to  attack  the  city  without  a  mo- 
ment's delay,  that  they  might  take  advantage  of  the 
confusion  of  the  inhabitants,  who  had  no  suspicion  of 
a  siege,  and  of  the  absence  of  king  A  reus,  who  was 
gone  to  Crete  to  assist  the  Gortynians.  The  helots 
and  friends  of  Cleonymus  were  so  confident  of  success, 
that  they  were  then  actually  preparing  his  house  for 
his  reception  ;  firmly  persuaded  he  would  sup  here  that 
very  night  with  Pyrrhus.  But  this  prince,  wio  looked 
upon  the  conquest  of  the  city  as  inevitable,  de  erred  the 
assault  till  the  next  morning.  That  delay  sav(d  Sparta;» 
and  showed  that  there  are  favourable  and  decisive  mo~ 
ments  which  must  be  seized  immediately,  aid  which, 
once  neglected,  never  return. 

When  night  came,  the  Lacedaemonians  deliberated 


/ 


96  THE  HISTOKY  OF 

on  the  expediency  of  sending  their  wives  to  Crete,  but 
were  opposed  by  them  in  that  point  :  one  among  them, 
in  particular,  whose  name  was  Archidamia,  rushed  into 
the  senate  with  a  drawn  sword,  and  after  she  had  ut- 
tered her  complaints,  in  the  name  of  the  rest,  demand- 
ed of  the  men,  who  were  there  assembled,  "  What  could 
be  their  inducement  to  entertain  so  bad  an  opinion  of 
them,  as  to  imagine  they  could  consent  to  live  after  the 
destruction  of  Sparta  ?" 

The  same  council  gave  directions  for  opening  a  trench 
parallel  to  the  enemy's  camp,  in  order  to  oppose  their 
approaches  to  the  city,  by  placing  troops  along  that 
work  ;  but  as  the  absence  of  their  king,  and  the  sur- 
prise mth  which  they  were  then  seized,  prevented  them 
from  raising  a  sufficient  number  of  men  to  form  a  front 
equal  to  that  of  the  enemy,  and  engage  them  in  the 
open  field,  they  resolved  to  shut  themselves  up  as  se- 
curely as  possible,  by  adding  to  each  extremity  of  the 
ditch  another  kind  of  intrenchment,  formed  by  a  barri- 
cade of  carriages  sunk  in  the  earth  up  to  the  axle-trees 
of  the  wheels,  that  by  being  thus  firmly  fixed  they 
might  check  :he  impetuosity  of  the  elephants,  and  pre- 
vent the  cavalry  from  assaulting  them  in  flank. 

While  the  men  were  employed  in  this  work,  their 
v^ives  and  daughters  came  to  join  them,  and  after  they 
had  exhorted  :hose  who  were  appointed  for  the  encounter 
to  take  some  repose,  while  the  night  lasted,  they  pro- 
ceeded to  measure  the  length  of  the  trench,  and  took 
the  third  part  of  it  for  their  own  share  in  the  work, 
which  they  completed  before  day.  The  trench  was 
nine  feet  in  breadth,  six  in  depth,  and  nine  hundred  in 
length. 

When  day  appeared,  and  the  enemies  began  to  be  in 
motion,  tiose  women  presented  arms  to  all  the  young 
men,  anc  as  they  were  retiring  from  the  trench  they 
had  mad(,  they  exhorted  them  to  behave  in  a  gallant 
manner  ;  entreating  them,  at  the  same  time,  to  consider 
how  glorous  it  would  be  for  them  to  conquer  in  the 
sight  of  heir  country,  or  to  breathe  their  last  in  the 
arms  of  tieir  mothers  and  wives,  after  they  had  proved 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  97 

themselves  worthy  of  Sparta  by  their  valour.  As  for 
Chelidonis,  she  withdrew  to  her  chamber,  and  prepared 
a  cord,  which  she  intended  should  be  the  fatal  instru- 
ment of  her  death,  to  prevent  her  from  falling  into  the 
hands  of  her  husband,  if  the  city  should  happen  to  be 
taken. 

Pyrrhus,  in  the  mean  time,  advanced  at  the  head  of 
his  infantry,  to  attack  the  Spartans  in  front,  who  waited 
for  him  on  the  other  side  of  the  trench,  with  their  buck- 
lers closely  joined  together.  The  trench  was  not  only 
very  difficult  to  be  passed,  but  the  soldiers  of  Pyrrhus 
could  not  even  approach  the  edge  of  it,  nor  maintain  a 
good  footing,  because  the  earth,  which  had  been  newly 
thrown  up,  easily  gave  way  under  them.  When  his 
son  Ptolemy  saw  this  inconvenience,  he  drew  out  two 
thousand  Gauls,  with  a  select  band  of  Chaonians,  and 
filed  off  along  the  trench  to  the  place  where  the  car- 
riages were  disposed,  in  order  to  open  a  passage  ;  but 
these  were  ranged  so  thick,  and  sunk  to  such  a  depth 
in  the  earth,  as  rendered  his  design  impracticable.  The 
Gauls  endeavoured  to  surmount  this  difficulty,  by  dis- 
engaging the  wheels,  in  order  to  draw  the  carriages  into 
the  adjoining  river. 

The  young  Acrotatus  was  the  first  who  saw  the  dan- 
ger, and  immediately  hurried  through  the  city  with 
three  hundred  soldiers.  Having  taken  a  large  compass, 
he  poured  upon  the  rear  of  Ptolemy's  troops,  without 
being  discovered  in  his  approach,  because  he  advanced 
through  hollow  ways.  Upon  this  sudden  attack,  as 
their  ranks  were  broken,  and  their  troops  throwii  into 
disorder,  they  crowded  and  pressed  upon  each  other, 
and  most  of  them  rolled  into  the  ditch,  and  fell  around 
the  chariots.  In  a  word,  after  a  long  encounter,  which 
cost  them  a  vast  quantity  of  blood,  they  were  repulsed, 
and  obliged  to  have  recourse  to  flight.  The  old  men, 
and  most  of  the  women,  stood  on  the  other  side  of  the 
trench,  and  beheld  with  admiration  the  undaunted  bra- 
very of  Acrotatus.  As  for  him,  covered  with  blood, 
and  exulting  in  his  victory,  he  returned  to  his  post 
amidst  the  universal  applause  of  the  Spartan  women, 

VOL.  VI.  H 


98  THE  HISTORY  OE 

who  extolled  his  valour,  and  envied,  at  the  same  time, 
the  glory  and  happiness  of  Chelidonis  :  an  evident  proof 
that  the  Spartan  ladies  were  not  extremely  delicate  on 
the  suhject  of  conjugal  chastity. 

The  battle  was  still  hotter  along  the  edge  of  the 
ditch,  where  Pyrrhus  commanded,  and  which  was  de- 
fended by  the  Lacedaemonian  infantry  :  the  Spartans 
fought  with  great  intrepidity,  and  several  among  them 
distinguished  themselves  very  much  ;  particularly  Phyl- 
lius,  who,  after  having  opposed  the  enemy  for  a  consider- 
able time,  and  killed,  with  his  own  hand,  all  those  who 
attempted  to  force  a  passage  where  he  fought  ;  finding 
himself,  at  last,  faint  with  the  many  wounds  he  had  re- 
ceived, and  the  large  quantity  of  blood  he  had  lost, 
called  to  one  of  the  officers  who  commanded  at  the  post, 
and  after  having  resigned  his  place  to  him,  he  retired 
a  few  paces,  and  fell  do\vn  dead  amidst  his  countrymen, 
that  the  enemies  might  not  be  masters  of  his  body. 

Night  obliged  both  parties  to  discontinue  the  engage- 
ment ;  but  the  next  morning  it  was  renewed  by  break 
of  day.  The  Lacedaemonians  defended  themselves  \vith 
new  efforts  of  ardour  and  bravery,  and  the  women  would 
not  forsake  them,  but  were  always  at  hand  to  furnish 
arms  and  refreshments  to  such  as  wanted  them,  and 
also  to  assist  in  carrying  off  the  wounded.  The  Mace- 
donians were  indefatigable  in  their  endeavours  to  fill 
up  the  ditch  with  vast  quantities  of  wood,  and  other 
materials,  which  they  threw  upon  the  arms  and  dead 
bodies  ;  and  the  Lacedaemonians  redoubled  their  efforts 
to  prevent  their  effecting  that  design. 

But  all  on  a  sudden,  Pyrrhus,  who  had  forced  him- 
self a  passage  at  the  place  where  the  chariots  had  been 
disposed,  was  seen  pushing  forwards  full  speed  to  the 
city.  Those  who  defended  this  post  uttered  loud  cries, 
which  were  answered  bv  dismal  shrieks  from  the  wo- 
men,  who  ran  from  place  to  place  in  the  utmost  con- 
sternation. Pyrrhus  still  advanced,  and  bore  down  all 
who  opposed  him.  He  was  now  within  a  small  dis- 
tance of  the  city,  when  a  shaft  from  a  Cretan  bow 
pierced  his  horse,  and  made  him  so  furious,  that  he  ran 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  99 

with  his  master  into  the  very  midst  of  the  enemies, 
and  fell  dead  with  him  to  the  ground.  Whilst  his 
friends  crowded  about  him  to  extricate  him  from  the 
danger  he  was  in,  the  Spartans  advanced  in  great  num- 
bers, and  with  their  arrows  repulsed  the  Macedonians 
beyond  the  trench. 

Pyrrhus  then  caused  a  general  retreat  to  be  sounded, 
in  expectation  that  the  Lacedaemonians,  who  had  lost 
a  great  number  of  men,  and  were  most  of  tliem  w^ouud- 
ed,  would  be  inclined  to  surrender  the  city,  which  was 
then  reduced  to  the  last  extremity,  and  seemed  incapa- 
ble of  sustaining  a  new  attack.  But  at  the  very  instant 
when  every  thing  seemed  desperate,  one  of  the  generals 
of  Antigonus  arrived  from  Corinth,  with  a  very  con- 
siderable body  of  foreign  troops  ;  w^hich  had  scarce  en- 
tered the  city  before  king  Areus  appeared  with  two 
thousand  foot,  wdiich  fie  had  brought  from  Crete. 

These  two  reinforcements,  which  the  Lacedsemonians 
received  the  same  day,  did  but  animate  Pyrrhus  the 
more,  and  add  new  ardour  to  his  ambition.  He  was 
sensible,  that  it  would  be  more  glorious  for  him  to  take 
the  city  in  spite  of  its  new  defenders,  and  in  the  very 
sight  of  its  king;  but,  after  he  liad  made  some  at- 
tempts, and  was  convinced  that  he  sliould  gain  nothing 
but  wounds,  he  desisted  from  his  enterprise,  and  began 
to  ravage  the  country,  with  an  intention  to  pass  the 
winter  there  ;  but  he  was  diverted  from  this  design  by 
a  new  ray  of  hope,  which  soon  drew  him  off  to  another 
quarter. 

^  Aristeas  and  Aristippus,  two  of  the  principal  citi- 
zens of  Argos,  had  excited  a  great  sedition  in  tliat  city. 
The  latter  of  these  was  desirous  of  supporting  himself 
by  the  favour  and  protection  of  Antigonus  ;  and  Aris- 
teas, in  order  to  frustrate  his  design,  immediately  in- 
vited Pyrrhus  to  espouse  his  party.  The  king  of  Epi- 
rus,  always  fond  of  new  pursuits,  considered  his  victo- 
ries as  so  many  steps  to  greater  advantages  ;  and  thought 
his  defeats  furnished  him  v>4th  indispensable  reasons  for 

®  Plut,  in  Pyrrh.  p.  403 — 406.    Pausau.  1.  i.  p.  24.     Justin.  1.  xxv. 
c.  5.     A.  M.  3733.     Aut.  J.C.  271. 


100  THE  HISTORY  OF 

entering  upon  a  new  war,  to  répair  his  losses.  Neither 
good  nor  ill  success,  therefore,  could  inspire  him  with 
a  disposition  for  tranquillity  ;  for  which  reason  he  had 
no  sooner  given  audience  to  the  courier  of  Aristeas, 
than  he  began  his  march  to  Argos.  King  Areus  form- 
ed several  ambuscades  to  destroy  him  by  the  way,  and 
having  possessed  himself  of  the  most  difficult  passes, 
cut  to  pieces  the  Gauls  and  JNlolossians  who  formed  his 
rear-guard.  Ptolemy,  who  had  been  detached  by  Pyr- 
rhus, his  father,  to  succour  that  guard,  was  killed  in 
the  engagement,  upon  which  his  troops  disbanded  and 
fled.  The  Lacedaemonian  cavah'y,  commanded  by  Eval- 
cus,  an  officer  of  great  reputation,  pursued  them  with 
so  much  ardour,  that  he  insensibly  advanced  to  a  great 
distance  from  his  infantry,  who  were  incapable  of  keep- 
ing up  with  him. 

Pyrrhus  being  informed  of  his  son's  death,  which  af- 
fected him  with  the  keenest  sorrow,  immediately  led  up 
the  Molossian  cavalry  against  tlie  pursuers  ;  and  throw- 
ing himself  among  their  thickest  troops,  made  such  a 
slaughter  of  the  Lacedaemonians,  as  in  a  moment  cover- 
ed him  with  blood.  He  was  always  intrepid  and  ter- 
rible  in  battles  ;  but  on  this  occasion,  when  grief  and 
revenge  gave  a  new  edge  to  his  courage,  he  even  sur- 
passed himself,  and  effaced  the  lustre  of  his  conduct  in 
all  former  battles,  by  the  superior  valour  and  intrepidity 
which  he  now  displayed.  He  continually  sought  Eval- 
cus  in  the  throng,  and  having  at  last  singled  him  out, 
he  spurred  his  horse  against  him,  and  struck  him 
through  with  his  javelin,  after  having  been  in  great 
danger  himself.  He  then  sprung  from  his  horse,  and 
made  a  terrible  slaughter  of  the  Lacedaemonians,  whom 
he  overthrew  in  heaps  upon  the  dead  body  of  Evalcus. 
This  loss  of  the  bravest  officers  and  troops  of  Sparta, 
proceeded  altogether  from  the  temerity  of  those  who 
after  they  had  gained  a  complete  victoiy,  suffered  it  to 
be  wrested  out  of  their  hands,  by  pursuing  those  that 
fled  with  a  blind  and  imprudent  eagerness^ 

Pyrrhus  having  thus  celebrated  as  it  were  the  fime- 
ral  solemnities  of  Ptolemy  by  this  great  battle,  and  mi- 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  101 

tigated  his  affliction  in  some  measure,  by  satiating  his 
rage  and  vengeance  in  the  blood  of  those  who  had  slain 
his  son,  continued  his  march  to  Argos,  and  upon  his 
arrival  there,  was  informed  that  Antigonus  possessed 
the  heights  upon  the  borders  of  the  plam.  He  formed 
his  camp  near  the  city  of  Nauplia,  and  sent  a  herald 
the  next  morning  to  Antigonus,  with  an  offer  to  decide 
their  quarrel  by  a  single  combat  ;  but  Antigonus  ccm- 
tented  himself  with  replying,  "  That  if  Pyrrhus  was 
grown  weary  of  life,  there  were  abundance  of  methods 
for  putting  an  end  to  it." 

The  inhabitants  of  Argos  despatched  ambassadors  at 
the  same  time  to  both  these  princes,  to  entreat  them  to 
withdraw  their  troops,  and  not  reduce  their  city  into 
subjection  to  either  of  them,  but  allow  it  to  continue  in 
a  state  of  friendship  with  both.  Antigonus  readily 
consented  to  this  proposal,  and  sent  his  son  as  a  hostage 
to  the  Argives.  Pyrrhus  also  promised  to  retire  ;  but 
as  he  offered  no  security  for  the  performance  of  his 
word,  they  began  to  suspect  his  sincerity,  and  indeed 
with  sufficient  reason. 

As  soon  as  night  appeared,  he  advanced  to  the  walls, 
and  having  found  a  gate  left  open  by  Aristeas,  he  had 
time  to  pour  his  Gauls  into  the  city,  and  to  seize  it 
without  being  perceived.  But  when  he  would  have  in- 
troduced his  elephants,  he  found  the  gate  too  low; 
which  obliged  him  to  cause  the  towers  to  be  taken  down 
from  their  backs,  and  to  be  replaced,  when  those  ani- 
mals had  entered  the  city.  AH  this  could  not  be  ef- 
fected, amidst  the  darkness,  without  much  trouble, 
noise,  and  confusion,  and  without  a  considerable  loss  of 
time,  which  caused  them  to  be  discovered.  The  Ar- 
gives, when  they  beheld  the  enemy  in  the  city,  fled  to 
the  citadel,  and  to  those  places  that  were  best  calcu- 
lated for  their  defence,  and  sent  a  deputation  to  Anti- 
gonus to  urge  him  to  advance  with  speed  to  their  as- 
sistance. He  accordingly  marched  that  moment,  and 
caused  his  son,  with  the  other  officers,  to  enter  the  city 
at  the  head  of  his  best  troops. 

In  this  very  juncture  of  time,  king  Areus  also  ar- 


102  THE  HISTORY  OF 

an'ived  at  Argos,  with  a  thousand  Cretans,  and  as  many 
Spartans  as  had  made  most  haste.  These  troops,  when 
thev  had  all  joined  each  other,  charged  the  Gauls  with 
the  utmost  tuiy,  and  put  them  into  disorder.  Pyrrhus 
hastened  to  sustain  thorn,  but  in  the  tumidt  and  con- 
fusion which  were  occasioned  by  the  darkness  of  the 
night,  it  was  impossible  for  him  to  make  himself  either 
heard  or  obeyed.  When  day  appeared,  he  was  not  a 
little  surprised  to  sec  the  citadel  filled  with  enemies  ; 
and  as  he  then  imagined  all  was  lost,  he  thought  of 
nothing  but  a  timely  retreat.  But  as  he  had  some  ap- 
prehensions with  respect  to  the  city  gates,  which  were 
much  too  narrow,  he  sent  orders  to  his  son  Helenus, 
whom  he  had  left  without,  with  the  greatest  part  of  the 
armv,  to  demolish  part  of  the  wall,  that  his  troops 
might  have  a  free  passage  out  of  the  city.  The  per- 
son to  wliom  Pyrrhus  gave  this  order  in  great  haste, 
ha\*inir  misunderstood  his  meaning,  delivered  a  quite 
contrary  messuage,  in  consequence  of  which  Helenus 
immediately  drew  out  his  best  infantry,  with  all  the 
elephants  he  had  left,  and  then  advanced  into  the  city 
to  assist  his  father,  who  was  then  preparing  to  retire 
the  moment  the  other  entered  the  place. 

Pyrrhus,  as  long  as  the  place  afforded  him  a  sufficient 
extent  of  ground,  appeared  vdth  a  resolute  mien,  and 
frequently  faced  about  and  repulsed  those  who  pursued 
him  ;  but  when  he  found  himself  engaged  in  the  nar- 
row street  which  led  to  the  gate,  the  confusion,  which 
already  w^as  very  great,  became  infinitely  increased  by 
the  arrival  of  the  troops  whom  his  son  brought  to  his 
assistance.  He  frequently  called  aloud  to  them  to  with- 
draw, in  order  to  clear  the  street,  but  in  vain  ;  for  as  it 
was  impossible  for  his  voice  to  be  heard,  they  still  con- 
tinued to  advance.  And  to  complete  the  calamity  in 
which  they  were  involved,  one  of  the  largest  elephants 
sunk  down  across  the  middle  of  the  gate,  and  filled  up 
the  whole  extent  in  such  a  manner,  that  they  could 
neitlier  advance  nor  retire.  The  confusion  occasioned 
by  this  accident  became  then  inexpressible. 

Pyrrhus  observing  the  disorder  of  his  men.  who  broke 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSOUS.  108 

forward,  and  were  driven  back,  like  the  waves  of  the 
sea,  took  off  the  glittering  crest  which  distinguished  his 
helmet,  and  caused  him  to  be  known,  and  then,  con- 
fiding in  the  goodness  of  his  horse,  he  sprung  into  the 
throng  of  the  enemies  who  pursued  him  ;  and  while 
he  was  fighting  with  an  air  of  desperation,  one  of  the 
adverse  party  advanced  up  to  him,  and  pierced  his 
cuirass  with  a  javelin.  The  wound,  however,  was  nei- 
ther great  nor  dangerous,  and  Pyrrhus  immediately 
turned  upon  the  man  from  whom  he  received  it,  and 
who  happened  to  be  only  a  private  soldier,  the  son  of 
a  poor  woman  of  Argos.  The  mother  beheld  the  com- 
bat from  the  top  of  a  house,  as  did  also  the  rest  of  the 
women. 

The  moment  she  saw  her  son  engaged  with  Pyrrhus, 
she  almost  lost  her  senses,  and  was  chilled  with  horror 
at  the  danger  to  which  she  beheld  him  exposed. 
Amidst  the  impressions  of  her  agony,  she  caught  up 
with  both  hands  a  large  tile,  and  threw  it  down  upon 
Pyrrhus.  The  mass  fell  directly  upon  his  head,  and 
his  helmet  being  too  weak  to  ward  off  the  blow,  his  eyes 
were  immediately  covered  with  darkness,  his  hands 
dropped  the  reins,  and  he  sunk  down  from  his  horse 
without  being  then  observed.  But  he  was  soon  disco- 
vered by  a  soldier,  who  put  an  end  to  his  life  by  cutting 
off  his  head. 

The  noise  of  this  accident  was  immediately  spread  in 
all  parts.  Alcyoneus,  the  son  of  Antigonus,  took  the 
head  from  the  soldier,  and  rid  away  with  it  full  speed 
to  his  father,  at  whose  feet  he  threw  it  ;  but  m.et  with 
a  very  ill  reception  for  having  acted  in  a  manner  so  un- 
becoming his  rank.  Antigonus,  recollecting  the  fate  of 
his  grandfather  Antigonus,  and  that  of  Demetrius  his 
father,  could  not  refrain  from  tears  at  so  mournful  a 
spectacle,  and  caused  magnificent  honours  to  be  render- 
ed to  the  remains  of  Pyrrhus.  After  having  made 
himself  master  of  his  camp  and  army,  he  treated  his 
son  Helenus,  and  the  rest  of  his  friends,  v/ith  great  ge- 
nerosity, and  sent  them  back  to  Epirus. 

One  cannot  refuse  the  title  of  a  great  captain  to  Pyr- 


]  04  THE  HISTORY  OF 

rhus,  as  he  was  so  particularly  esteemed  by  the  Ro- 
mans themselves  ;  and  especially  if  we  consider  the  glo- 
rious testimony  given  in  his  favour,  by  a  person  the 
most  worthy  of  belief,  with  regard  to  the  merit  of  a 
warrior,  and  the  best  qualified  to  form  a  competent 
judgment  on  that  head.  ^Livy  reports,  from  an  histo- 
rian whom  he  cites,  without,  however,  pretending  to 
vouch  for  its  authenticity,  that  Hannibal,  when  he  was 
asked  by  Scipio,  whom  he  thought  to  be  the  most  able 
and  consummate  general,  placed  Alexander  in  the  first 
rank,  Pyrrhus  in  the  second,  and  himself  only  in  the 
third. 

The  same  general  also  characterized  Pyrrhus,  by  add- 
ing, "  That  he  was  the  first  who  taught  the  art  of  en- 
camping ;  that  no  one  was  more  skilful  in  choosing  his 
posts,  and  drawing  up  his  troops  ;  that  he  had  a  pecu- 
liar art  in  conciliating  affection,  and  attaching  people 
to  his  interest  ;  and  this  to  such  a  degree,  that  the 
people  of  Italy  were  more  desirous  of  having  him  for 
their  master,  though  a  stranger,  than  to  be  governed 
by  the  Romans  themselves,  who,  for  so  many  years,  had 
held  the  first  rank  in  that  country." 

Pyrrhus  might  possibly  be  master  of  all  these  great 
qualities  ;  but  I  cannot  comprehend,  why  Hannibal 
should  represent  him  as  the  first  who  taught  the  art  of 
encamping.  Were  not  several  Grecian  kings  and  ge- 
nerals masters  of  this  art  before  him  ?  The  Romans, 
indeed,  learned  it  from  him,  and  Hannibal's  evidence 
must  extend  no  farther.  However,  these  extraordinary 
qualities  alone  are  not  sufficient  to  constitute  a  great 
commander  ;  he  even  did  not  display  them  on  several 
occasions.  He  was  defeated  by  the  Romans  near  As- 
culum,  merely  from  having  chosen  his  ground  ill.  He 
failed  in  his  attempt  on  Sparta,  by  deferring  the  attack 
for  a  few  hours.  He  lost  Sicily,  by  not  conciliating  the 
people  ;  and  was  himself  killed  at  Argos,  for  venturing 
too  rashly  into  an  enemy's  city.  We  might  also  enu- 
merate a  variety  of  other  errors  committed  by  him,  mth 
reference  even  to  military  affairs. 

^  Liv,  1,  XXXV.  n.  14. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  105 

Is  it  not  entirely  inconsistent  with  the  rank  and 
duty  of  a  great  general,  and  especially  of  a  king,  to  be 
always  exposing  his  person,  without  the  least  precau- 
tion, like  a  private  soldier  ;  to  charge  in  the  foremost 
ranks,  like  a  common  adventurer  ;  to  be  more  vain  of  a 
personal  action,  which  only  shows  strength  and  intre- 
pidity, than  of  that  wise  and  attentive  conduct,  so  es- 
sential to  a  general  vigilant  for  the  safety  of  all,  and 
who  never  confounds  his  own  merit  and  functions  with 
those  of  a  private  soldier  ?  We  may  even  observe  the 
same  defects  to  have  been  very  apparent  in  the  kings 
and  generals  of  this  age,  who  undoubtedly  were  led  in- 
to it  by  the  false  lustre  of  Alexander's  successful  teme- 
rity. 

May  it  not  also  be  said,  that  Pyrrhus  was  deficient 
in  not  observing  any  rule  in  his  military  enterprises, 
and  in  plunging  blindly  into  wars,  without  reflection, 
without  cause,  through  natural  constitution,  passion, 
habit,  and  mere  incapacity  to  continue  in  a  state  of 
tranquillity,  or  pass  any  part  of  his  time  to  his  satisfac- 
tion, unless  he  was  tilting  with  all  the  world  ?  The 
reader  will,  I  hope,  forgive  my  making  use  of  that  ex- 
pression, since  a  character  of  this  nature  seems,  in  my 
opinion,  very  much  to  resemble  that  of  the  heroes  and 
knights  errant  of  romances. 

But  no  fault  is  more  obvious  in  Pyrrhus's  character, 
nor  must  have  shocked  my  readers  more,  than  his  form- 
ing his  enterprises  without  the  least  thought,  and  aban- 
doning himself,  without  examination,  to  the  least  ap- 
pearances of  success  ;  frequently  changing  his  views, 
on  such  slight  grounds,  as  discover  no  consistency  of 
design,  and  even  little  judgment  ;  in  a  word,  beginning 
every  thing,  and  ending  nothing.  His  whole  life  was 
a  continued  series  of  uncertainty  and  variation  ;  and 
while  he  suffered  his  restless  and  impetuous  ambition 
to  hurry  him,  at  different  times,  into  Sicily,  Italy,  Ma- 
cedonia, and  Greece,  he  was  no  where  so  little  as  in 
Epirus,  the  land  of  his  nativity  and  his  hereditary  do- 
minions. Let  us  then  allow  him  the  title  of  a  great 
captain,  if  valour  and  intrepidity  alone  are  sufficient  to 


106  THE  HISTORY  OF 

deserve  it  ;  for  in  these  qualities  no  man  was  ever  his 
superior.  When  we  behold  him  in  his  battles,  we  think 
ourselves  spectators  of  the  vivacity,  intrepidity,  and 
martial  ardour  of  Alexander  ;  but  he  certainly  had  not 
tlie  qualities  of  a  good  king,  who,  when  he  really  loves 
his  people,  makes  his  valour  consist  in  defending  them, 
his  happiness  in  making  them  happy,  and  his  glory  in 
procuring  them  peace  and  security. 

*  Tiie  reputation  of  the  Romans  beginning  now  to 
spread  through  foreign  nations,  by  the.  war  they  had 
maintained  for  six  years  against  Pyrrhus,  whom  at 
length  they  compelled  to  retire  from  Italy,  and  retm-n 
ignominiously  to  Epirus  ;  §  Ptolemy  Philadelphus  sent 
ambassadors  to  desire  their  friendship  ;  and  the  Ro- 
mans were  charmed  to  find  it  solicited  by  so  great  a  king. 

^^  An  embassy  was  also  sent  from  Rome  to  Eg\^)t  the 
following  year,  in  retuni  to  the  civilities  of  Ptolemy. 
The  ambassadors  were  Q.  Fabius  Gurges,  Cn.  Fabius 
Pictor,  with  Xumerius,  his  brother,  and  Q.  Ogulnius. 
The  disinterestedness  which  they  displayed,  sufficient- 
ly indicated  the  gi'eatness  of  their  souls.  Ptolemy 
gave  them  a  splendid  entertainment,  and  took  that  op- 
portunity to  present  each  of  them  with  a  crown  of  gold  ; 
which  they  received,  because  they  were  unwilling  to 
disoblige  him  by  declining  the  honoiu*  he  intended 
them  ;  but  they  w^nt  the  next  morning,  and  placed 
them  on  the  head  of  the  king's  statues  erected  in  the 
public  squares  of  the  city.  The  king  having  likewise 
tendered  them  very  considerable  presents,  at  their  au- 
dience of  leave,  they  received  them  as  they  before  ac- 
cepted of  the  crowns  ;  but  before  they  went  to  the  se- 
nate, to  give  an  account  of  their  embassy,  after  their 
arrival  at  Rome,  they  deposited  all  these  presents  in  the 
public  treasury,  and  made  it  evident,  by  so  noble  a  con- 
duct, that  persons  of  honour  ought,  when  they  serve 


*  A.  M.  3730.     Ant.  J.  C.  274. 
s  Liv.  Epit.  1.  iv.    Eutrop.  1.  ii. 

^  Liv.  Epit.  1.  iv.    Eutrop.  1.  ii.     Val.  Max.  1.  iv.  c.  3,     Dion  in 
Excerpt.     A.  M.  3731.     Ant.  J.  C.  273. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  107 

the  public,  "*  to  propose  no  other  advantage  to  them- 
selves, than  the  credit  of  acquitting  themselves  well  of 
their  duty.  The  republic,  however,  would  not  suffer 
itself  to  be  exceeded  in  generosity  of  sentiments.  The 
senate  and  people  came  to  a  resolution,  that  the  ambas- 
sadors, in  consideration  of  the  services  they  had  render- 
ed the  state,  should  receive  a  sum  of  money  equivalent 
to  that  they  had  deposited  in  the  public  treasury.  This, 
indeed,  was  an  amiable  contest  between  generosity  and 
glory  ;  and  one  is  at  a  loss  to  know,  to  which  of  the  an- 
tagonists to  ascribe  the  victory.  Where  shall  w^e  now 
find  men  who  devote  themselves  in  such  a  manner  to 
the  public  good,  without  any  interested  expectations 
of  a  return  ;  and  who  enter  upon  employments  in  the 
state,  without  the  least  view  of  enriching  themselves  ? 
But  let  me  add  too,  where  shall  w^e  find  states  and 
princes,  who  know  how  to  esteem  and  recompense  me- 
rit in  this  manner  ?  We  may  observe  here,  says  an  his- 
torian, '  three  fine  models  set  before  us,  in  the  noble 
liberality  of  Ptolemy,  the  disinterested  spirit  of  the 
ambassadors,  and  the  grateful  equity  of  the  Romans. 


SECT.  VIII.  Athens  besieged  and  taken  by  Antigonus.  The 
just  punishment  inflicted  on  Sotades,  a  satyric  poet.  The 
revolt  of  Magas  from  Philadelphus.  The  death  of  Phile- 
tœrus,  founder  of  the  kingdom  of  Pergamus.  The  death  of 
Antiochus  Soter.  He  is  succeeded  by  his  son  Antiochus,  sur- 
named  Theos.  The  xvise  measures  taken  by  Ptolemy  for 
the  improvement  of  commerce.  An  accommodation  effected 
between  Magas  and  Philadelphus.  The  death  of  the  former. 
The  war  between  Antiochus  and  Ptolemy.  The  revolt  of 
the  East  against  Antiochus.  Peace  restored  between  the  two 
kings.     The  death  of  Ptolemy  Philadelphus. 

The  Greeks,  after  they  had  been  subjected  by  the  Ma- 
cedonians, and  rendered  dependent  on  their  authority, 
seem,  by  losing  their  liberty,  to  have  also  lost  that 

^  Valerius  Maximus. 
*  "  De  publico  scilicet  ministerio  nihil  cuiquam  prœter  laudem 
bene  administrati  officii  accedere  debere  judicantcs."    Val.  Max. 


Î-^OS  THE  HISTORY  OF 

courage  and  greatness  of  soul,  by  which  they  had  beea 
till  then  so  eminently  distinguished  from  other  people. 
They  appear  entirely  changed,  and  to  have  lost  all  si- 
militude to  their  ancient  character.  Sparta,  that  was 
once  so  bold  and  imperious,  and  in  a  manner  possessed 
of  the  sovereignty  of  all  Greece,  patiently  bowed  down 
her  neck,  at  last,  beneath  a  foreign  yoke  ;  and  we  shall 
soon  behold  her  subjected  to  domestic  tyrants,  who  will 
treat  her  with  the  utmost  cruelty.  We  shall  see  Athens, 
once  so  jealous  of  her  liberty,  and  so  formidable  to  the 
most  powerful  kings,  running  headlong  into  slavery, 
and,  as  she  changes  her  masters,  successively  paying 
them  the  homage  of  the  basest  and  most  abject  adula- 
tion. Each  of  these  cities  ^vill,  from  time  to  time, 
make  some  efforts  to  reinstate  themselves  in  their  an- 
cient liberties,  but  all  feeble,  and  without  success. 

^  Antigonus  Gonatas,  king  of  Macedonia,  became  very 
powerful,  some  years  after  the  death  of  Pyrrhus,  and 
thereby  formidable  to  the  states  of  Greece  :  the  Lace- 
ilaemonians,  therefore,  entered  into  a  league  with  the 
Athenians  against  him,  and  engaged  Ptolemy  Phila- 
delphus  to  accede  to  it.  Antigonus,  in  order  to  frustrate 
the  confederacy  which  these  two  states  had  formed 
against  him,  and  to  prevent  the  consequences  that  might 
result  from  it,  immediately  began  hostilities  with  the 
siege  of  Athens  ;  but  Ptolemy  soon  sent  a  fleet  thither, 
under  the  command  of  Patroclus,  one  of  his  generals  ; 
while  Areus,  king  of  Lacedaemon,  put  himself  at  the 
head  of  an  army,  to  succour  that  city  by  land.  Patro- 
clus, as  soon  as  he  arrived  before  the  place,  advised 
Areus  to  attack  the  enemy,  and  promised  to  make  a 
descent,  at  the  same  time,  in  order  to  assault  them  in 
the  rear.  This  counsel  was  ver}^  judicious,  and  could 
not  have  failed  of  success,  had  it  been  carried  into  execu- 
tion :  but  Areus,  who  wanted  provisions  for  his  troops, 
thought  it  more  advisable  to  return  to  Sparta.  The 
fleet,  therefore,  being  incapable  of  acting  alone,  sailed 
back  to  Egypt,  without  doing  any  thing.     This  is  the 

^  Justin.  1.  xxvi.  c.  2.     Pausan.  in  Lacon.  p.  1Ô8,  et  in  Attic,  p.  1. 
A.  M.  3736.     Ant,  J.  C.  268, 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSOKS.  10§ 

usual  inconvenience  to  which  troops  of  different  nations 
are  exposed,  when  they  are  commanded  by  chiefs  who 
have  neither  any  subordination  nor  good  intelligence 
between  them.  Athens  thus  abandoned  by  her  allies, 
became  a  prey  to  Antigonus,  who  put  a  garrison  into  it. 

^  Patroclus  happened,  in  his  return,  to  stop  at  Caunus, 
a  maritime  city  of  Caria,  where  he  met  with  Sotades,  a 
poet  universally  decried  for  the  unbounded  licentious- 
ness both  of  his  verses  and  his  manners.  His  satyric 
poetry  never  spared  either  his  best  friends,  or  the  most 
w^orthy  persons  ;  and  even  the  sacred  characters  of  kings 
were  not  exempted  from  his  malignity.  When  he  was 
at  the  court  of  Lysimachus,  he  affected  to  blacken  the 
reputation  of  Ptolemy  by  atrocious  calumnies  ;  and  when 
he  was  entertained  by  the  latter,  he  traduced  Lysima- 
chus in  the  same  manner.  He  had  composed  a  virulent 
satire  against  Ptolemy,  wherein  he  inserted  many  cut- 
ting reflections  on  his  marriage  with  Arsinoe,  his  own 
sister  ;  and  he  had  fled  from  Alexandria,  to  save  him- 
self from  the  resentment  of  that  prince.  Patroclus 
thought  it  his  duty  to  make  an  example  of  a  wretcb, 
who  had  affronted  his  master  in  such  an  insolent  man^ 
ner.  He  accordingly  caused  a  weiglit  of  lead  to  be 
fastened  to  his  bodv,  and  then  ordered  him  to  be  thrown 
into  the  sea.  The  generality  of  poets  who  profess  sa- 
tire, are  a  dangerous  and  detestable  race  of  men,  who 
have  renounced  all  probity  and  sense  of  shame,  and 
whose  quill,  dipped  in  the  bitterest  gall,  respects  neither 
rank  nor  virtue. 

'^^  The  affairs  of  Ptolemy  WTre  greatly  perplexed  by  a 
revolt  excited  in  Egypt,  by  a  prince  from  whom  he  never 
suspected  having  any  thing  of  that  nature  to  fear.  Ma- 
gas,  governor  of  Cyrenaica  and  Libya,  having  set  up  the 
standard  of  rebellion  against  Ptolemy  his  master  and 
benefactor,  caused  himself  to  be  proclaimed  king  of  those 
provinces.  Ptolemy  and  he  were  brothers  by  the  same 
mother  ;  for  the  latter  was  the  son  of  Berenice  and  Phi- 
lip, a  Macedonian  officer,  who  was  her  husband  before 

1  Athen.  1.  xiv.  p.  620,  621.     A.  M.  3737-     Ant.  J.  C.  267. 
*  Pausan.  in  Au.  p,  12,  13.     A.  M.  3739.     Ant,  i,  C.  9Mj 


110  THE  HISTOHY  OF 

she  was  espoused  to  Ptolemy  Soter.  Her  solicitations^ 
therefore,  obtained  for  him  this  government  when  she 
w^as  advanced  to  the  honours  of  a  cro^,vn,  upon  the  death 
of  Opliellas,  as  I  have  formerly  observed.  Magas  had 
so  well  established  himself  in  his  government  by  long 
possession,  and  by  his  marriage  with  Apame,  the  daugh- 
ter of  Antiochus  Soter,  king  of  Syria,  that  he  endeavour- 
ed to  render  himself  independent;  and  as  ambition 
knows  no  bounds,  his  pretensions  rose  still  higher.  He 
was  not  contented  \nth  ^\Testing  from  his  brother  the 
two  provinces  he  governed,  but  formed  a  resolution  to 
dethrone  him.  With  this  view  he  advanced  into  Egypt, 
at  the  head  of  a  great  army,  and,  in  his  march  towards 
Alexandria,  made  himself  master  of  Parastonium,  a  city 
of  iNIarmarica. 

The  intelligence  he  received  of  the  revolt  of  the  Mar- 
maridae  in  Libya,  prevented  him  from  proceeding  any 
farther  in  this  expedition  ;  and  he  immediately  return- 
ed to  regulate  the  disorders  in  his  provinces.  Ptolemy, 
who  had  marched  an  army  to  the  frontiers,  had  now  a 
favourable  opportunity  of  attacking  him  in  his  retreat, 
and  entirely  defeating  his  troops  ;  but  a  new  danger 
called  him  likewise  to  another  quarter.  He  detected 
a  conspiracy  wliich  had  been  formed  against  him,  by 
four  thousand  Gauls,  whom  he  had  taken  into  his  pay, 
and  who  intended  no  less  than  to  drive  him  out  of 
Eg^^pt,  and  seize  it  for  themselves.  In  order,  therefore, 
to  frustrate  their  design,  he  found  himself  obliged  to 
return  to  Egypt,  where  he  drew  the  conspirators  into 
an  island  in  the  Xile,  and  shut  them  up  so  effectually 
there,  that  they  all  perished  by  famine,  except  those  who 
chose  rather  to  destroy  one  anotlier,  than  languish  out 
their  lives  in  that  miserable  manner. 

*  Magas,  as  soon  as  he  had  calmed  the  troubles  which 
occasioned  his  return,  renewed  his  designs  on  Egypt, 
and,  in  order  to  succeed  more  effe-ctually,  engaged  his 
father-in-law,  Antiochus  Soter,  to  enter  into  his  plan. 
It  was  then  resolved,  that  Antiochus  should  attack 
Ptolemy  on  one  side,  while  JMagas  invaded  him  on  the 

''  A.  M.  s 740.     Ant.  J.  C.  264. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  Ill 

Other  ;  but  Ptolemy,  who  had  secret  intelligence  of  this 
treaty,  anticipated  Antiochus  in  his  design,  and  gave 
him  so  much  employment  in  all  his  maritime  provinces, 
by  repeated  descents,  and  the  devastations  made  by  the 
troops  he  sent  into  those  parts,  that  this  prince  was 
obliged  to  continue  in  his  own  dominions,  to  concert 
measures  for  their  defence  ;  and  Magas,  w^ho  had  relied 
upon  a  diversion  to  be  made  in  his  favour  by  Antiochus, 
thought  it  not  advisable  to  enter  upon  any  action, 
when  he  perceived  his  ally  had  not  made  the  effort  on 
which  he  depended. 

"  Philetaerus,  who  founded  the  kingdom  of  Perga- 
mus,  died  the  following  year,  at  the  age  of  fourscore. 
He  was  an  eunuch,  and  had  been  originally  a  servant 
of  Docimus,  an  officer  in  the  army  of  Antigonus  ;  who 
having  quitted  that  prince,  to  enter  into  the  service  of 
Lysimachus,  was  followed  by  Philetaerus  Lysimachus, 
finding  him  a  person  of  great  capacity,  made  him  his 
treasurer,  and  intrusted  him  with  the  govern m.ent  of 
the  city  of  Pergamus,  in  which  his  treasures  were  de- 
posited. He  served  î^ysimachus  very  faithfully  in  this 
post  for  several  years  :  but  his  attachment  to  the  inte- 
rests of  Agathocles,  the  eldest  son  of  Lysimachus,  who 
w^as  destroyed  by  the  intrigues  of  Arsinoe  the  younger, 
daughter  of  Ptolemy  Soter,  as  I  have  formerly  related  ; 
and  the  affliction  he  testified  at  the  tragical  death  of 
that  prince,  caused  him  to  be  suspected  by  the  young 
queen  ;  and  she  accordingly  took  measures  to  destroy 
him.  Philetaerus,  who  w^as  sensible  of  her  intentions, 
resolved  upon  a  revolt,  and  succeeded  in  his  design,  by 
the  protection  of  Seleucus  ;  after  which  he  supported 
himself  in  the  possession  of  the  city  and  treasures  of 
livsimachus  ;  being  favoured  in  his  views  by  the  troubles 
wliich  arose  upon  the  deatii  of  that  prince,  and  that  of 
Seleucus,  which  happened  seven  months  after.  He  con- 
ducted his  affairs  with  so  much  art  and  capacity,  amidst 
all  the  divisions  of  the  successors  of  those  two  princes, 
that  he  preserved  the  city,  with  all  the  country  around 

"  Strabo,  1.  xiii.  p.  628,  6,^4.    Pausan.  in  Att.  p.  13  &  18.    A.  M. 
3741.     Ant.  J.  C.  9.63. 


112  THE  HISTORY  OF 

it,  for  the  space  of  twenty  years,  and  formed  it  into  a 
state,  which  subsisted  for  several  generations  in  his 
family,  and  became  one  of  the  most  potent  states  of 
Asia.  He  had  two  brothers,  Eumenes  and  Attains, 
the  former  of  whom,  who  was  the  eldest,  had  a  son 
named  also  Eumenes,  who  succeeded  his  uncle,  and 
reigned  twenty-two  years. 

In  this  year  began  the  first  Punic  war,  which  con- 
tinued for  the  space  of  twenty-four  years,  between  the 
Romans  and  the  Carthaginians. 

o  Nicomedes,  king  of  Bithynia,  having  built  a  city 
near  the  place  where  Astacus,  which  Lysimachus  had 
destroyed,  formerly  stood,  called  it  Nicomedia,  from  his 
own  name.  Great  mention  is  made  of  it  in  the  history 
of  the  Lower  Empire,  because  several  of  the  Roman 
emperors  resided  there. 

Antiochus  Soter  was  desirous  to  improve  the  death 
of  Philetaerus  to  his  own  advantage,  and  take  that  op- 
portunity to  seize  his  dominions  ;  but  Eumenes,  his 
nephew  and  successor,  raised  a  fine  army  for  his  defence, 
and  obtained  such  a  complete  victory  over  him  near 
Sardis,  as  not  only  secured  him  the  possession  of  what 
he  already  enjoyed,  but  enabled  him  to  enlarge  his  do- 
minions considerably. 

P  Antiochus  returned  to  Antioch  after  his  defeat, 
where  he  ordered  *  one  of  his  sons  to  be  put  to  death 
for  raising  a  commotion  in  his  absence,  and  caused  the 
other,  whose  name  was  the  'same  as  his  own,  to  be  pro- 
claimed king  ;  shortly  after  which  he  died,  and  left  him 
all  his  dominions.  This  young  prince  was  bis  son  by 
Stratonice,  the  daughter  of  Demetrius,  who,  from  his 
mother-in-law,  became  his  consort,  in  the  manner  I 
have  before  mentioned. 

*•  Pausan.  Eliac.  1.  i.  p.  310.  Euseb.  in  Chron.  Trebell.  Pollio 
in  Gallien.  Ammian.  Marcell.  1.  xxii.  c.  Q.  Memn.  c.  xxi  Strab. 
].  xiii.  p.  624.     A.  M.  3742.     Ant.  J.  C.  262. 

P  Trog.  in  Prologo,  1.  xxvi.     A.  M.  3743.     Ant.  J.  C.  26l. 

*  M.  de  la  Nauze  affirms,  that  there  is  an  error  in  this  abridg- 
ment of  Trogus  Pompeius.  The  reader  may  consult  Tom.  VII.  of 
the  Memoirs  of  the  Academy  of  Inscriptions. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.     -  US 

^  Antiochus  the  son,  when  he  came  to  the  crown,  was 
espoused  to  Laodice,  his  sister  by  the  father's  side. 
He  afterwards  assumed  the  surname  of  Theos,  which 
signifies  God,  and  distinguishes  him,  at  this  day,  from 
the  other  kings  of  Syria  who  were  called  by  the  name 
of  Antiochus.  The  Milesians  were  the  first  who  con- 
ferred it  upon  him,  to  testify  their  gratitude  for  his 
delivering  them  from  the  tyranny  of  Timarchus,  go- 
vernor of  Caria  under  Ptolemy  Philadelphus,  who  was 
not  only  master  of  Egypt,  but  of  Cœle-syria,  and  Pa- 
lestine, with  the  provinces  of  Cilicia,  Pamphylia,  Lycia, 
and  Caria,  in  Asia  Minor.  Timarchus  revolted  from 
his  sovereign,  and  chose  Miletus  for  the  seat  of  his  re- 
sidence. The  Milesians,  in  order  to  free  themselves 
from  this  tyrant,  had  recourse  to  Antiochus,  who  de- 
feated and  killed  him.  In  acknowledgment  for  which, 
they  rendered  him  divine  honours,  and  even  conferred 
upon  him  the  title  of  God.  With  such  impious  flattery 
was  it  usual  to  treat  the  reigning  princes  of  those  ages  ! 
'  The  Lemnians  had  likewise  bestowed  the  same  title  on 
his  father  and  grandfather,  and  did  not  scruple  to  erect 
temples  to  their  honour;  and  the  people  of  Smyrna 
were  altogether  as  obsequious  to  his  mother  Stratonice. 

s  Berosus,  the  famous  historian  of  Babylon,  flourish- 
ed in  the  beginning  of  this  prince's  reign,  and  dedicated 
his  history  to  him.  Pliny  informs  us,  that  it  contain- 
ed the  astronomical  observations  of  four  hundred  and 
eighty  years.  When  the  Macedonians  were  masters  of 
Babylon,  Berosus  made  himself  acquainted  with  their 
language,  and  went  first  to  Cos,  which  had  been  render- 
ed famous  as  the  birth-place  of  Hippocrates,  and  there 
established  a  school,  in  which  he  taught  astronomy  and 
astrology.  From  Cos  he  proceeded  to  Athens,  where,  not- 
withstanding the  futility  of  his  art,  he  acquired  so  much 
reputation  by  his  astrological  predictions,  that  the  citi- 

^  Polyaen.  Stratag.  1.  viii.  c.  50.    Appian.  in  Syr.  p.  130.    Justin. 
1.  xxvii.  c.  1.     A.  M.  3744.     Ant.  J.  C.  260. 

^  A  then.  1.  vi.  p.  255. 

^  Tatian.  in  Orat.  con.  Grœc.  p.  171.  PHn.  1.  vii.  c.  56.  Vitriiv. 
9,7. 

VOL.  VI.  I 


114  THE  HISTOUY  OF 

zens  erected  a  statue  to  him,  \vith  a  tongue  of  gold,  ^  in 
the  Gymnasium,  where  the  youtlis  perfonned  all  their 
exercises.  Josephus  and  Eusebius  have  transmitted  to 
us  some  excellent  fras^ments  of  this  history,  that  illus- 
trate  several  passages  in  the  Old  Testament,  and  with- 
out which  it  would  be  impossible  to  trace  any  exact 
succession  of  the  kings  of  Babylon. 

*  Ptolerny  being  solicitous  to  enrich  his  kingdom,  con- 
ceived an  expedient  to  di'aw  into  it  all  the  maritime 
commerce  of  the  East  ;  which,  till  then,  had  been  in 
the  possession  of  the  Tyrians,  who  transacted  it  by  sea, 
as  far  as  Elath  ;  and  from  thence,  by  land  to  Rhinoco- 
rura,  and  from  this  last  place  by  sea  again,  to  the  city 
of  Tyre.  Elath  and  Rhinocorura  were  two  sea-ports  ; 
the  first  on  the  eastern  shore  of  the  Red  Sea,  and  the 
second  at  the  extremity  of  the  Mediterranean,  between 
Egypt  and  Palestine,  and  near  the  mouths  of  the  river 
of  Egypt. 

"  Ptolemy,  in  order  to  draw^  this  commerce  into  his 
own  kingdom,  thought  it  necessary  to  found  a  city  on 
the  western  shore  of  the  Red  Sea,  from  whence  the 
ships  were  to  set  out.  He  accordingly  built  it  almost 
on  the  frontiers  of  Ethiopia,  and  gave  it  the  name  of 
his  mother  Berenice  ;  but  the  port  not  being  very  com- 
modious, that  of  Myos-Hormos  was  preferred  as  being 
very  near,  and  much  better  ;  and  all  the  commodities 
of  Arabia,  India,  Persia,  and  Ethiopia,  were  landed 
here.  From  thence  they  were  conveyed  on  camels  to 
Coptus,  where  they  were  again  shipped,  and  brought 
down  the  Nile  to  Alexandria,  which  transmitted  them 
to  all  the  West,  in  exchange  for  its  merchandise,  which 
was  aftenvards  exported  to  the  East.  But  as  the 
passage  from  Coptus  to  the  Red  Sea  lay  across  the 
deserts,  where  no  water  could  be  procured,  and  which 
had  neither  cities  nor  houses  to  lodge  the  caravans  ; 
Ptolemy,  in  order  to  remedy  this  inconvenience,  caused 
a  canal  to  be  opened  along  the  great  road,  and  to  com- 
municate with  the  Nile  that  supplied  it  with  water. 

*■  Plin.  1.  vii.  c.  37.  "  Strab.  xvii.  p.  815.    Plin.  1.  vi  c  23. 

*  A.  M.  3745.    Aut.  J.  C.  259, 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  115 

On  the  edge  of  this  canal  houses  were  erected,  at  pro- 
per distances,  for  the  reception  of  passengers,  and  to 
supply  all  necessary  accommodations  for  them  and  their 
beasts  of  burden. 

Useful  as  all  these  labours  were,  Ptolemy  did  not 
think  them  sufficient  ;  for,  as  he  intended  to  engross 
all  the  traffic  between  the  East  and  West  into  his  do- 
minions, he  thought  his  plan  would  be  imperfect,  unless 
he  could  protect  what  he  had  facilitated  in  other  re- 
spects. With  this  view,  he  caused  two  fleets  to  be  fit- 
ted out,  one  for  the  Red  Sea,  and  the  other  for  the 
Mediterranean.  ^This  last  was  extremely  fine,  and 
some  of  the  vessels  which  composed  it  much  exceeded 
the  common  size.  Two  of  them,  in  particular,  had 
tliirty  benches  of  oars  ;  one  tvv^enty  ;  four  rowed  with 
fourteen  ;  two  with  twelve  ;  fourteen  with  eleven  ; 
thirty  with  nine  ;  thirty-seven  with  seven  ;  five  with 
six,  and  seventeen  with  five.  The  number  of  the  whole 
amounted  to  a  hundred  and  twelve  vessels.  He  had 
as  many  more,  with  four  and  three  benches  of  oars,  be- 
side a  prodigious  number  of  small  vessels.  With  this 
formidable  fleet  he  not  only  protected  his  commerce 
from  all  insults  ;  but  kept  in  subjection,  as  long  as  he 
lived,  most  of  the  maritime  provinces  of  Asia  Minor, 
as  Cilicia,  for  instance,  with  Pamphylia,  Lycia,  and 
Caria,  as  far  as  the  Cyclades. 

*  Magas,  king  of  Cyrene  and  Libya,  growing  very 
aged  and  infirm,  caused  overtures  of  accommodation  to 
be  tendered  to  his  brother  Ptolemy,  with  the  proposal 
of  a  marriage  between  Berenice,  his  only  daughter,  and 
the  eldest  son  of  the  king  of  Egypt  ;  and  a  promise  to 
give  her  all  his  dominions  for  her  dowry.  The  négo- 
ciation succeeded,  and  a  peace  was  concluded  on  those 
terms. 

y  Magas,  however,  died  before  the  execution  of  the 
treaty,  having  continued  in  the  government  of  Libya, 

^  Theocrit.  Idyll,  xvii.     Athen.  1.  v.  p.  203. 

*  A.  M.  3746.     Ant.  J.  C.  25^. 

y  Athen.  I.  xii.  p.  550.  Justin.  I.  xxvi.  c.  3.  A.  M.  3747.  Ant, 
J.  C.  257. 


116  I'HE  HISTORY  OI^ 

and  Cvrenaica,  for  the  space  of  fifty  years.     Toward 
tVie  close  of  his  days  he  abandoned  himself  to  pleasure, 
and  particularly  to  excess  at  his  table,  which  greatly 
impau-ed  his  health.     His  widow  Apame,  whom  Justin 
calls  Arsinoe,  resolved,  after  his  death,  to  break  off  her 
daughter's  marriage  with  the  son  of  Ptolemy,  as  it  had 
been  concluded  without  her  consent.     With  this  new, 
she  employed  persons  in  Macedonia  to  invite  Deme- 
trius, the  uncle  of  king  Antigonus  Gonatas,  to  come  to 
her  court,  assuiing  him,  at  the  same  time,  that  her 
daughter  and  cyo\vù  should  be  his.     Demetrius  arrived 
there  in  a  short  time  ;  but  as  soon  as  Apame  beheld 
him,  she  contracted  a  violent  passion  for  him,  and  re- 
solved to  espouse  him  herself.     From  that  moment  he 
neglected  the  daughter,  to  attach  himself  to  the  mo- 
ther ;  and  as  he  imagined  that  her  favour  raised  him 
above  all  things,  he  began  to  treat  the  young  princess, 
as  well  as  the  ministers  and  officers  of  the  army,  in  such 
an  indolent  and  imperious  manner,  that  they  formed  a 
resolution  to  destroy  him.     Berenice  herself  conducted 
the  conspirators  to  the  door  of  her  mother's  apartment, 
where  they  stabbed  him  in  his  bed,  though  Apame  em- 
ployed all  her  efforts  to  save  him,  and  even  covered  him 
with  her  own  body.    Berenice,  after  this,  went  to  Eg)^t, 
where  her  marriage  with  Ptolemy  was  consummated, 
and  Apame  was  sent  to  her  brother  Antiochus  Theos, 
in  Syria 

^  This  princess  had  the  art  to  exasperate  her  brother 
so  effectually  against  Ptolemy,  that  she  at  last  spirited 
him  up  to  a  war,  which  continued  for  a  long  space  of 
time,  and  was  productive  of  fatal  consequences  to  An- 
tiochus, as  will  be  evident  in  the  sequel. 

^  Ptolemy  did  not  place  himself  at  the  head  of  his 
army,  his  declining  state  of  health  not  permitting  him 
to  expose  himself  to  the  fatigues  of  a  campaign  and  the 
inconveniences  of  a  camp  ;  for  which  reason  he  left  the 
war  to  the  conduct  of  his  generals.     Antiochus,  who 

*  Hieron.  in  Daniel.     A.  M.  3748.     Ant.  J.  C.  25  6. 

*  Strab.  1.  xvii.  p.  789.^  Hieron.  in  Daniel.  A.  M.  3749-  Ant. 
J.  C.  255. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSOHS.  117 

was  then  in  the  flower  of  his  age,  took  the  field  at  the 
head  of  all  the  forces  of  Babylon  and  the  East,  with  a 
resolution  to  carry  on  the  war  with  the  utmost  vigour. 
History  has  not  preserved  the  particulars  of  what  passed 
in  that  campaign,  or  perhaps  the  advantages  obtained 
on  either  side  were  not  very  considerable,  and  the  events 
not  worthy  of  much  notice. 

b  Ptolemy  did  not  forget  to  improve  his  library,  not- 
withstanding the  war,  and  continually  enriched  it  with 
new  books.  He  was  exceedingly  curious  in  pictures 
and  designs  by  great  masters.  Aratus,  the  famous 
Sicyonian,  was  one  of  those  who  collected  for  him  in 
Greece  ;  and  he  had  the  good  fortune  to  gratify  the 
taste  of  that  prince  for  those  works  of  art  to  such  a  de- 
gree, that  Ptolemy  entertained  a  friendship  for  him, 
and  presented  him  with  twenty-five  talents,  which  he 
expended  in  the  relief  of  the  necessitous  Sicyonians, 
and  the  redemption  of  such  of  them  as  were  detained 
in  captivity. 

*  While  Antiochus  was  employed  in  his  war  with 
Egypt,  a  great  insurrection  was  fomented  in  the  East, 
and  his  distance  at  that  time  rendered  him  incapable 
of  taking  the  necessary  steps  to  check  it  with  sufficient 
expedition.  The  revolt,  therefore,  daily  gathered 
strength,  till  it  at  last  became  incapable  of  remedy. 
These  troubles  gave  birth  to  the  Parthian  empire. 

^The  cause  of  these  commotions  proceeded  from 
Agathocles,  governor  of  the  Parthian  dominions  for 
Antiochus.  This  officer  attempted  to  offer  violence  to 
a  youth  of  the  country,  whose  name  was  Tiridates  ; 
upon  which  Arsaces,  the  brother  of  the  boy,  a  person  of 
low  extraction,  but  of  great  courage  and  honour,  assem- 
bled some  of  his  friends,  in  order  to  deliver  his  brother 
from  the  brutality  intended  him.  They  accordingly 
fell  upon  the  governor,  killed  him  on  the  spot,  and  then 
fled  for  safety  with  several  persons  whom  they  had 

^  Plut,  in  Arat.  p.  1031.     A.  M.  3750.     Ant.  J.  C.  254. 
*^  Arrian.  in  Parth.  apud  Phot.  Cod,  58,     Syucell.  p.  284.  Justin. 
1,  xli.  c.  4.    Strab.  1.  xi.  p.  515. 

*  A.  M.  3754.     Ant.  J.  C.  250. 


118  THE  HISTORY  OF 

drawTi  together  for  their  defence  against  the  pursuit  to 
which  such  a  bold  proceeding  would  ine\^tably  expose 
them.  Their  party  grew  so  numerous,  by  the  negli- 
gence of  Antiochus,  that  Arsaces  soon  found  himself 
strong  enough  to  drive  the  Macedonians  out  of  that 
province,  and  assume  the  government  himself.  The 
Macedonians  had  alwavs  continued  masters  of  it,  from 
the  death  of  Alexander  ;  first  under  Eumenes,  then 
under  Antigonus,  next  under  Seleucus  Nicator,  and 
lastly  under  Antiochus. 

•  ^  iNJuch  about  the  same  time,  Theodotus  also  revolted 
in  Bactriana,  and,  from  a  governor,  became  king  of 
that  province  ;  he  subjected  the  thousand  cities  it  con- 
tained, while  Antiochus  was  amusing  himself  with  the 
Egyptian  war  ;  and  strengthened  himself  so  effectually 
in  his  new  acquisitions,  that  it  became  impossible  to  re- 
duce him  afterwards.  This  example  was  followed  by 
all  the  other  nations  in  those  parts,  each  of  whom  threw 
off  the  yoke  at  the  same  time;  by  which  means  Anti- 
ochus lost  all  the  eastern  provinces  of  his  empire  beyond 
the  Tigris.  This  event  happened,  according  to  Justin, 
when  L.  Manlius  Vulso,  and  M.  Atilius  Regulus,  * 
were  consuls  at  Rome  ;  that  is  to  say,  the  fourteenth 
year  of  the  first  Punic  war. 

^The  troubles  and  revolts  in  the  East  made  Anti- 
ochus at  last  desirous  to  disengage  himself  from  the 
war  with  Ptolemy.  A  treaty  of  peace  was  accordingly 
concluded  between  them  ;  and  the  conditions  of  it 
were,  that  Antiochus  should  divorce  Laodice,  and  es- 
pouse Berenice,  the  daughter  of  Ptolemy  ;  that  he 
should  also  disinherit  his  issue  by  the  first  marriage, 
and  secure  the  crown  to  his  children  by  the  second. 
Antiochus,  after  the  ratification  of  the  treaty,  repudia- 
ted Laodice,  though  she  was  his  sister  by  the  father's 
side,  and  had  brought  him  two  sons  :  Ptolemy  then 
embarked  at  Pelusium,  and  conducted  his  daughter  to 

^  Justin.  &  Strab.  ibid. 

^  Hieron  in  Dan.  xi.      Polvfen.   strat.  1.  viii.  c.  50.     Athen.  I.  ii* 
p.  45.     A.  M.  3755.     Ant.  J.  C.  249. 
*  In  the  Fasti  he  is  called  C.  Atilius. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  119 

Seleucia,  a  maritime  city,  near  the  mouth  of  the  Oron- 
tes,  a  river  of  Syria.  Antiochus  came  thither  to  re- 
ceive his  bride,  and  the  nuptials  were  solemnized  with 
great  magnificence.  Ptolemy  had  a  tender  .  affection 
for  his  daughter,  and  gave  orders  to  have  regular  sup- 
plies of  water  from  the  Nile  transmitted  to  her  ;  be- 
lieving it  better  for  her  health  than  any  other  water 
whatever,  and  therefore  he  was  desirous  she  should 
drink  none  but  that.  When  marriages  are  contracted 
from  no  other  motives  than  political  views,  and  are 
founded  on  such  unjust  conditions,  they  are  generally 
attended  with  calamitous  and  fatal  events. 

These  particulars  of  the  marriage  of  Antiochus  with 
the  daughter  of  Ptolemy  had  been  foretold  by  the  pro- 
phet Daniel.  I  shall  here  repeat  the  beginning  of  this 
prophecy,  which  has  already  been  explained  elsewhere, 
that  the  reader  may  at  once  behold  and  admire  the 
prediction  of  the  greatest  events  in  our  history,  and 
their  literal  accomplishment  at  the  appointed  time. 

^"  I  will  now  show  thee  the  truth."  These  words 
were  spoken  to  Daniel,  on  the  part  of  God,  by  the 
man  clothed  in  linen.  "  Behold,  there  shall  stand  up 
yet  three  kings  in  Persia  ;"  namely  Cyrus,  who  was 
then  upon  the  throne  ;  his  son  Cam  by  ses  ;  and  Darius, 
the  son  of  Hystaspes.  "  And  the  fourth  shall  be  far 
richer  than  they  all  :  And  })y  his  strength  through  his 
riches  he  shall  stir  up  all  against  the  realm  of  Greece." 
The  monarch  here  meant  was  Xerxes,  who  invaded 
Greece  with  a  very  formidable  army. 

s  "  And  a  mighty  king  shall  stand  up,  that  shall  rule 
with  great  dominion,  and  do  according  to  his  will."  In 
this  part  of  the  prophecy  we  may  easily  trace  Alexan- 
der the  Great. 

^  "  And  when  he  shall  stand  up,  his  kingdom  shall 
be  broken  (by  his  death),  and  shall  be  divided  towards 
the  four  winds  of  heaven  ;  and  not  to  his  posterity,  nor 
according  to  his  dominion  which  he  ruled  :  for  his 
kingdom  shall  be  plucked  up,  even  for  others  beside 
those  ;"  namely,  beside  the  four  greater  princes.     We 

^  Dan.  xi.  2.  s  Ver.  S.  ^  Ver.  4. 


120  THE  HISTORY  OF 

have  already  seen  the  vast  empire  of  Alexander  *  par- 
celled out  into  four  great  kingdoms  ;  ^^^thout  including 
those  foreign  princes  who  founded  other  kingdoms  in 
Cappadocia,  Armenia,  Bithjmia,  Heraclea,  and  on  the 
Bosphorus.     All  this  was  present  to  Daniel. 

The  prophet  then  proceeds  to  the  treaty  of  peace, 
and  the  marriage  we  have  already  mentioned. 

^  "  The  king  of  the  South  shall  be  strong,  and  one  of 
his  princes  ;  and  he  shall  be  strong  above  him,  and 
have  dominion  ;  his  dominion  shall  be  a  great  domi- 
nion. And  in  the  end  of  years  they  shall  join  them- 
selves together  ;  for  the  king's  daughter  of  the  South 
shall  come  to  the  king  of  the  North  to  make  an  agree- 
ment :  but  he  shall  not  retain  the  power  of  the  arm, 
neither  shall  he  stand,  nor  his  arm  :  but  she  shall  be 
given  up,  and  they  that  brought  her,  and  he  that  be- 
gat her,  and  he  that  strengthened  her  in  these  times." 

It  will  be  necessaiy  to  observe,  that  Daniel,  in  this 
passage,  and  throughout  all  the  remaining  part  of  the 
chapter  before  us,  confines  himself  to  the  kings  of 
Egypt  and  Syria,  because  they  were  the  only  princes 
who  engaged  in  wars  against  the  people  of  God. 

^  "  The  king  of  the  South  shall  be  strong."  This  hing 
of  the  South  was  Ptolemy,  the  son  of  Lagus,  king  of 
Egypt  ;  and  the  Mjig  of  the  No7ih  was  Seleucus  Nica- 
tor,  king  of  Syria.  And,  indeed,  such  was  their  exact 
situation  with  respect  to  Judaea,  which  has  Syria  to  the 
north,  and  Egypt  to  the  south. 

According  to  Daniel,  the  king  of  Egypt,  who  first 
reigned  in  that  country  after  the  death  of  Alexander, 
was  Ptolemy  Soter,  whom  he  calls  the  king  of  the 
South,  and  declares,  that  he  shall  be  strong.  The  ex- 
actness of  this  character  is  fully  justified  by  what  we 
have  seen  in  his  history  :  for  he  was  master  of  Egypt, 
Libya,  Cyrenaica,  Arabia,  Palestine,  Cœle-syria,  and 
most  of  the  maritime  provinces  of  Asia  Minor  ;  with 

^  Dan.  xi.  5,  6.  ^  Ver.  5. 

*  "  Turn  maximum  in  terris  Macedonum  regnum  nomenque, 
inde  morte  Alexandri  distractura  in  multa  regna,  dum  ad  se  quisque 
opes  rapiunt  lacérantes  viribus."    Liv.  1.  xlv.  n.  9* 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  121 

tlie  island  of  Cyprus  :  as  also  of  several  isles  in  the 
Mgean  sea,  which  is  now  called  the  Archipelago  ;  and 
even  some  cities  of  Greece,  as  Sicyon  and  Corinth. 

^Tbe  prophet,  after  this,  mentions  another  of  the 
four  successors  to  this  empire,  whom  he  calls  Princes 
or  Governors.  This  was  Seleucus  Nicator,  the  king  of 
the  North  ;  of  whom  he  declares,  "  that  he  should  be 
more  powerful  than  the  king  of  the  South,  and  his  do- 
minion more  extensive  ;"  for  this  is  the  import  of  the 
prophet's  expression,  "  he  shall  be  strong  above  him, 
and  have  dominion."  It  is  easy  to  prove,  that  his  ter- 
ritories were  of  greater  extent  than  those  of  the  king  of 
Egypt  ;  for  he  was  master  of  all  the  East,  from  mount 
Taurus  to  the  river  Indus  ;  and  also  of  several  provin- 
ces in  Asia  Minor,  between  mount  Taurus  and  the 
iEgean  sea  ;  to  which  he  added  Thrace  and  Macedo- 
nia, a  little  before  his  death. 

•^Daniel  then  informs  us,  "  of  the  coming  of  the 
daughter  of  the  king  of  the  South,  to  the  king  of  the 
North,"  and  mentions  the  treaty  of  peace,  which  was 
concluded  on  this  occasion  between  the  two  kings. 
This  evidently  points  out  the  marriage  of  Berenice,  the 
daughter  of  Ptolemy  king  of  Egypt,  with  Antiochus 
Theos,  king  of  Syria,  and  the  peace  concluded  between 
them  in  consideration  of  this  alliance  ;  every  circum- 
stance of  which  exactly  happened  according  to  the  pre- 
diction before  us.  The  sequel  of  this  history  will  show 
us  the  fatal  event  of  this  marriage,  which  was  also  fore- 
told by  the  prophet. 

In  the  remaining  part  of  the  chapter  he  relates  the 
most  remarkable  events  of  future  times,  under  these 
two  races  of  kings,  to  the  death  of  Antiochus  Epi- 
phanes,  the  great  persecutor  of  the  Jewish  nation.  I 
shall  be  careful,  as  these  events  occur  in  the  series  of 
this  history,  to  apply  the  prophecy  of  Daniel  to  them, 
that  the  reader  may  observe  the  exact  accomplishment 
of  each  prediction. 

In  the  mean  time,  I  cannot  but  recognize  in  this 
place,  with  admiration,  the  divine  origin  of  the  Scrip- 

1  Dan.  xi.  6.  ™  Ibid. 


lââ  THE  HISTORY  OF 

tures,  which  relate,  in  so  particular  and  circumstantial 
a  manner,  a  variety  of  singular  and  extraordinary  facts, 
above  three  hundred  years  before  they  were  transacted. 
What  an  immense  chain  of  events  extends  from  the 
prophecy  to  the  time  of  its  accomplishment  ;  by  the 
breaking  of  any  single  link,  the  whole  would  be  discon- 
certed !  With  respect  to  the  marriage  alone,  what 
hand,  but  that  of  the  Almighty,  could  have  conducted 
so  many  different  views,  intrigues,  and  passions,  to  the 
same  point  ?  What  knowledge  but  this  could,  with  so 
much  certainty,  have  foreseen  such  a  number  of  distinct 
circumstances,  subject  not  only  to  the  freedom  of  will, 
but  even  to  the  irregular  impressions  of  caprice  ?  And 
what  man  but  must  adore  that  sovereign  power  which 
God  exercises,  in  a  secret  but  certain  manner,  over 
kings  and  princes,  whose  very  crimes  he  renders  sub- 
servient to  the  execution  of  his  sacred  will,  and  the  ac- 
complishment of  his  eternal  decrees  ;  in  which  all  events, 
both  general  and  particular,  have  their  appointed  time 
and  place  fixed  beyond  the  possibility  of  failing,  even 
those  which  depend  the  most  on  the  choice  and  liberty 
of  mankind  ? 

^  As  Ptolemy  was  curious,  to  an  uncommon  degree, 
in  the  statues,  designs,  and  pictures  of  excellent  mas- 
ters, as  well  as  in  books  ;  he  saw,  during  the  time  he 
continued  in  Syria,  a  statue  of  Diana,  in  one  of  the 
temples,  with  which  he  was  highly  pleased.  Antigo- 
nus  made  him  a  present  of  it,  at  his  request,  and  he 
carried  it  into  Egypt.  Some  time  after  his  return, 
Arsinoe  was  seized  with  an  indisposition,  and  dreamed 
that  Diana  appeared  to  her,  and  acquainted  her,  that 
Ptolemy  was  the  occasion  of  her  illness,  by  his  having 
taken  her  statue  out  of  the  temple  where  it  was  conse- 
crated to  her  divinity.  Upon  this  the  statue  was  sent 
back,  as  soon  as  possible,  to  Syria,  in  order  to  be  repla- 
ced in  the  proper  temple.  It  was  also  accompanied 
with  rich  presents  to  the  goddess,  and  a  variety  of  sa- 
crifices were  ofiPered  up  to  appease  her  displeasure  ;  but 
they  were  not  suceeded  by  any  favomable  effect.  The 
"  Liban.  Orat.  xi.     A.  M.  3756.     Ant.  J.  C  248. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  122 

■qneen's  distemper  was  so  far  from  abating,  that  she  died 
in  a  short  time,  and  left  Ptolemy  inconsolable  at  her 
loss  ;  and  more  so,  because  he  imputed  her  death  to  liis 
own  indiscretion,  in  having  removed  the  statue  of  Diana 
out  of  the  temple. 

This  taste  for  statues,  pictures,  and  other  rare  curiosi- 
ties of  art,  may  be  very  commendable  in  a  prince,  and 
other  great  men,  when  indulged  to  a  certain  degree  ; 
but  when  a  person  abandons  himself  to  it  entirely,  it 
degenerates  into  a  dangerous  temptation,  and  frequent- 
ly prompts  him  to  notorious  injustice  and  violence. 
This  is  evident  by  what  Cicero  relates  of  Verres,  who 
practised  a  kind  of  piracy  in  Sicily,  where  he  was  prae- 
tor, by  stripping  private  houses,  and  even  the  temples, 
of  all  their  finest  and  most  valuable  curiosities.  But 
though  a  person  sliould  have  no  recourse  to  such  heinous 
methods,  it  is  still  very  shocking  and  offensive,  says  Ci- 
cero, to  say  to  a  person  of  distinction,  worth,  and  for- 
tune, "  Sell  me  this  picture,  or  that  statue,"  *  since  it 
is,  in  effect,  declaring,  "  You  are  unwortliy  to  have  such 
an  admirable  piece  in  your  possession,  which  suits  only 
a  person  of  my  rank  and  taste."  I  mention  nothing  of 
the  enormous  expenses  into  which  a  man  is  drawn  by 
this  passion  ;  for  these  exquisite  pieces  have  no  price  but 
what  the  desire  of  possessing  them  sets  upon  them,  and 
that  we  know  has  no  bounds,  f 

Though  Arsinoe  was  older  than  Ptolemy,  and  too  far 
advanced  in  years  to  have  any  children  when  he  espous- 
ed her  ;  he  however  retained  a  constant  and  tender  pas- 
sion for  her  to  the  last,  and  rendered  all  imaginable 
honours  to  her  memory  after  her  death.  He  gave  her 
name  to  several  cities  which  he  caused  to  be  built,  and 
performed  a  number  of  other  remarkable  things,  to  tes- 
tify how  well  he  loved  her. 

*  "  Superbum  est  et  non  fcrendum,  dicere  prœtorem  in  provincia 
homini  honesto,  locupleti,  splendido  ;  Vende  mihi  vasa  coelata.  Hoc 
est  enim  dicere  :  Non  es  dignus  tu,  qui  habeas  quse  tam  bene  facta 
sunt.     Meae  dignitatis  ista  sunt."     Cic.  Orat.  de  signis,  n.  45. 

f  ^'  Etenim,  qui  modus  est  cupiditatis,  idem  est  œstimationis.  Dif- 
ficile est  enim  tinem  facere  pretio;  nisi  libidini  feceris."  Id,  n.  14. 


124  THE  HISTORY  OT 

^  Nothing  could  be  more  extraordinary  than  the  de- 
sign he  formed  of  erecting  a  temple  to  her  at  Alexan- 
dria, with  a  dome  rising  above  it,  the  concave  part  of 
which  was  to  be  lined  with  adamant,  in  order  to  keep 
an  iron  statue  of  the  queen  suspended  in  the  air.  This 
design  was  the  invention  of  Dinocrates,  a  famous  archi- 
tect in  those  times  ;  and  the  moment  he  proposed  it  to 
Ptolemy,  that  prince  gave  orders  for  beginning  the  work 
without  delay.  The  experiment,  however,  remained 
imperfect,  for  want  of  sufficient  time  ;  for  Ptolemy  and 
the  architect  dying  within  a  very  short  time  after  this 
resolution,  the  project  was  entirely  discontinued.  It  has 
long  been  said,  and  even  believed,  that  the  body  of 
Mahomet  w^^s  suspended  in  this  manner,  in  an  iron 
coffin,  by  a  loadstone  fixed  in  the  vaulted  roof  of  the 
chamber  where  his  corpse  was  deposited  after  his  death  ; 
but  this  is  a  mere  vulgar  error,  without  the  least  foun- 
dation. 

P  Ptolemy  Phiîadelphus  survived  his  beloved  Arsinoe 
but  a  short  time.  He  was  naturally  of  a  tender  consti- 
tution, and  the  luxurious  manner  of  life  he  led  contri- 
buted to  the  decay  of  his  health.  The  infirmities  of 
old  age,  and  his  affliction  for  the  loss  of  a  consort  whom 
he  loved  to  adoration,  brought  upon  him  a  languishing 
disorder,  which  ended  his  days,  in  the  sixty-third  year 
of  his  age,  and  the  thirty-eighth  of  his  reign.  ^  He  left 
two  sons  and  a  daughter,  whom  he  had  by  his  first  wife 
Arsinoe,  the  daughter  of  Lysimachus,  a  different  per- 
son from  the  last-mentioned  queen  of  that  name.  His 
eldest  son,  Ptolemy  Euergetes,  succeeded  him  in  the 
throne  ;  the  second  bore  the  name  of  Lysimachus,  his 
grandfather  by  the  mother's  side,  and  was  put  to  death 
by  his  brother  for  engaging  in  a  rebellion  against  him. 
The  name  of  the  daughter  was  Berenice,  whose  marriage 
with  Antiochus  Theos,  king  of  Syria,  has  already  been 
related. 

°  Plin.  1.  xxxiv.  c.  1 4. 

P  Athen.  1.  xii.  p.  549-     A.  M.  3727.     Ant.  J.  C.  247- 

*i  Canon.  Ptolem.  Astron. 


ALEXANDER'S  STJCCESSORS.  125 


SECT.  IX.  Character  and  qualities  of  Ptolemy  Philadelphus. 

^Ptolemy  Philadelphus  had  certainly  great  and 
excellent  qualities  ;  and  yet  we  cannot  propose  him  as 
a  perfect  model  of  a  good  king,  because  those  qualities 
were  counterpoised  by  defects  altogether  as  considerable. 
He  dishonoured  the  early  part  of  his  reign,  by  his  re- 
sentment against  a  man  of  uncommon  merit,  I  mean 
Demetrius  Phalereus,  because  he  had  given  some  advice 
to  his  father,  contrary  to  the  interest  of  Philadelphus, 
but  entirely  conformable  to  equity  and  natural  right. 
His  immense  riches  soon  drew  after  them  a  train  of 
luxury  and  effeminate  pleasures,  the  usual  concomitants 
of  such  high  fortunes,  which  contributed  not  a  little  to 
enervate  his  mind.  He  was  not  very  industrious  iu 
cultivating  the  military  virtues;  but  we  must  acknow- 
ledge, at  the  same  time,  that  a  remissness  of  this  nature 
is  not  always  a  misfortune  to  a  people. 

He,  however,  made  an  ample  compensation  for  this 
neglect,  by  his  love  of  the  arts  and  sciences,  and  his 
generosity  to  learned  men.  The  fame  of  his  liberalities 
invited  several  illustrious  poets  to  his  court,  particularly 
Callimachus,  Lycophron,  and  Theocritus  ;  the  last  of 
whom  gives  him  a  very  high  character  in  some  of  his 
Idyllia.  We  have  already  seen  his  extraordinary  taste 
for  books  ;  and  that  he  spared  no  expense  in  the  aug- 
mentation and  embellishment  of  the  library  founded  by 
his  father,  from  whence  both  those  princes  have  derived 
as  much  glory  as  could  have  redounded  to  them  from 
the  greatest  conquests.  As  Philadelphus  had  abun- 
dance of  wit,  and  his  happy  natural  disposition  had  been 
carefully  cultivated  by  able  masters,  he  always  retained 
a  peculiar  taste  for  the  sciences,  but  in  such  a  manner, 
as  suited  the  dignity  of  a  prince  ;  since  he  never  suffered 
them  to  engross  his  whole  attention,  but  regulated  his 
propensity  to  those  grateful  amusements  by  prudence 
and  moderation.  In  order  to  perpetuate  this  taste  iu 
his  dominions,  he  erected  public  schools  and  academies 
at  Alexandria,  where  they  long  flourished  in  great  re- 


126  THE  HISTORY  OF 

putation.  He  loved  to  converse  with  men  of  learnings 
and  as  the  greatest  masters  in  every  kind  of  science 
were  emulous  to  obtain  his  favour,  he  extracted  from 
each  of  them,  if  I  may  use  that  expression,  the  flower 
and  quintessence  of  the  sciences  in  which  they  excelled. 
This  is  the  inestimable  advantage  which  princes  and 
great  men  possess  ;  and  happy  are  they  when  they  know 
how  to  use  the  opportunity  of  acquiring,  in  agreeable 
conversations,  a  thousand  things,  not  only  curious,  but 
useful  and  important,  with  respect  to  government. 

This  intercourse  of  Philadelphus  with  learned  men, 
and  his  care  to  give  due  honour  to  the  arts,  may  be 
considered  as  the  source  of  those  measures  he  pursued, 
through  the  coui'se  of  his  long  reign,  to  make  commerce 
flourish  in  his  dominions  ;  in  which  attempt  no  prince 
ever  succeeded  more  effectually  than  himself.  The 
greatest  expenses,  in  this  particular,  could  never  dis- 
courage him  from  persisting  in  what  he  proposed  to  ac- 
complish. We  have  already  observed,  that  he  built 
whole  cities  in  order  to  protect  and  tacilitate  his  intend- 
ed traffic  ;  that  he  opened  a  very  long  canal  through 
deserts  destitute  of  water  ;  and  maintained  a  very  nu- 
merous and  complete  navy  in  each  of  the  two  seas, 
merely  for  the  defence  of  his  merchants.  His  princi- 
pal point  in  view  was  to  secure  to  strangers  all  imagin- 
able safety,  convenience,  and  freedom  in  his  ports,  with- 
out fettering  trade  in  any  degree,  or  endeavouring  to 
turn  it  from  its  proper  channel,  in  order  to  make  it  sub- 
servient to  his  own  particular  interest  ;  as  he  was  persuad- 
ed, that  commerce  was  like  some  springs,  that  soon  cease 
to  flow%  when  diverted  from  their  natural  course. 

These  were  views  worthy  of  a  great  prince,  and  a  con- 
summate politician,  and  their  lasting  effects  were  in- 
finitely beneficial  to  his  kingdom.  They  have  even  con- 
tinued to  our  days,  strengthened  by  the  principles  of 
their  first  establishment,  after  a  duration  of  above  two 
thousand  years  ;  opening  a  perpetual  flow  of  new  riches, 
and  new  commodities  of  every  kind,  into  all  nations  ; 
drawing  continually  from  them  a  return  of  voluntary 
-contributions;  uniting  the  East  and  West  by  the  mu- 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  127 

tuai  supply  of  tlieir  respective  wants;  and  establishing  on 
this  basis  a  commerce  that  has  constantly  supported  it- 
self from  age  to  age  without  interruption.  Those  great 
conquerors  and  celebrated  heroes,  whose  merit  has  been 
so  highly  extolled,  not  to  mention  the  ravages  and  deso- 
lation they  have  occasioned  to  mankind,  have  scarce  left 
behind  them  any  traces  of  the  conquests  and  acquisi- 
tions they  have  made  for  aggrandizing  their  empires  ;  or 
at  least  those  traces  have  not  been  durable,  and  the  re- 
volutions to  which  the  most  potent  states  are  obnoxious, 
divest  them  of  their  conquests  in  a  short  time,  and  trans- 
fer them  to  others.  On  the  contrary,  the  commerce  of 
Egypt,  established  thus  by  Philadelphus,  instead  of  be- 
ing shaken  by  time,  has  rather  increased  through  a  long 
succession  of  ages,  and  become  daily  more  useful  and 
indispensable  to  all  nations.  So  that,  when  we  trace 
it  up  to  its  source,  we  shall  be  sensible  that  this  prince 
ought  to  be  considered  not  only  as  the  benefactor  of 
Egypt,  but  of  all  mankind  in  general,  to  the  latest  pos- 
terity. 

What  we  have  already  observed,  in  the  history  of  Phi- 
ladelphus, with  respect  to  the  inclination  of  the  neigh- 
bouring people  to  transplant  themselves  in  crowds  into 
Egypt,  prefening  a  residence  in  a  foreign  land  to  the 
natural  affection  of  mankind  for  their  native  soil,  is 
another  glorious  panegyric  on  this  prince  ;  as  the  most 
essential  duty  of  kings,  and  the  most  grateful  pleasure 
they  can  possibly  enjoy,  amidst  the  splendours  of  a  throne, 
is  to  gain  the  love  of  mankind,  and  to  make  their  govern- 
ment desirable.  Ptolemy  was  sensible,  as  an  able  poli- 
tician, that  the  only  sure  expedient  for  extending  his 
dominions  without  any  act  of  violence,  was  to  multiply 
his  subjects,  and  attach  them  to  his  government,  by 
their  interest  and  inclination  ;  to  cause  the  land  to  be 
cultivated  in  a  better  manner  ;  to  make  arts  and  manu- 
factures flourish  ;  and  to  augment,  by  a  thousand  ju- 
dicious measures,  the  power  of  a  prince  and  his  king- 
dom, whose  real  strength  consists  in  the  multitude  of 
his  subjects. 


1215  THE  HISTOHY  OF 


CHAP.  II. 

SECT.  I.     Antiochus  Theos  is  poisoyied  hy  Im  queen  Laodke, 
•who  causes  Seleucus  Call'micus  to  be  declcwed  king.    She  also 
destrmjs  Berenice  and  her  son.     Ptolemy  Euergetes  avenges 
their  deaths  hy  that  ofLaodice,  and  seizes  part  of  Asia.    An- 
tiochus Hier  ax,  and  Seleucus  his  brother^  unite  against 
Ptolemy.     T7ie  death  of  Antigonus  Gonatas,  king  ofMace^ 
donia.     He  is  succeeded  hy  his  son  Demetrius.     The  war 
between  the  two  brothers.,  Antiochus  and  Seleucus.    The  death 
of  Eumenes^kingof  Pergamus.    Attalus  succeeds  him.    TTie 
establishment  of  the  Parthian  empire  by  Arsaces.     Antiochus 
is  slain  by  robbers.     Seleucus  is  taken  prisoner  by  the  Par- 
thians.     Credit  of  Joseph,  the  nephew  qfOnias,  with  Ptole- 
my.     The  death  of  Demetrius,  king  of  Macedonia.     Anti- 
gonus seizes  the  throne  of  that  prince.     The  death  of  Seleu- 
cus. 

*  As  soon  as  Antiochus  Theos  had  received  intelli- 
gence of  the  death  of  Ptolemy  Philadelphus,  his  father- 
in-law,  he  divorced  Berenice,  and  recalled  Laodice  and 
her  children.     Laodice,  who  knew  the  variable  dispo- 
sition and  inconstancy  of  Antiochus,  and  was  appre- 
hensive that  the  same  levity  of  mind  would  induce  him 
to  return  to  Berenice  again,  resolved  to  improve  the 
present  opportunity  to  secure  the  crown  for  her  son. 
Her  own  children  were  disinherited  hy  the  treaty  made 
with  Ptolemy  ;  by  which  it  was  also  stipulated,  that 
the  issue  Berenice  might  have  by  Antiochus  should 
succeed  to  the  throne,  and  she  then  had  a  son.     Lao- 
dice, therefore,  caused  Antiochus  to  be  poisoned,  and 
when  she  saw  that  he  was  dead,  she  placed  in  his  bed 
a  person  named  Artemon,  who  very  much  resembled 
him  both  in  his  features  and  the  tone  of  his  voice,  to 
act  the  part  she  had  occasion  for.     He  acquitted  him- 
self mth  great  dexterity  ;  taking  great  care,  in  the  few 
visits  that  were  paid  him,  to  recommend  his  dear  Lao- 
dice and  her  children  to  the  lords  and  people.     In  his 

'  Hieron.  in  Daniel.      Plin.  1.  vii.  c.  12.     Val.  Max.  1.  ix.  c.  14. 
SoJin.  c.  i.     Justin.  1.  xxvii.  c.  1.     A.  M.  3758.    Ant.  J.  C.  246. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCEI^OIIS.  129 

name  were  issued  orders,  by  which  his  eldest  son  Seleu- 
cus  Callinicus  was  appointed  his  successor.  His  death 
was  then  declared,  upon  which  Seleucus  peaceably  as- 
cended the  throne,  and  enjoyed  it  for  the  space  of  twen- 
ty years.  It  appears  by  the  sequel,  that  his  brother 
Antiochus,  surnanied  Hierax,  had  the  government  of 
the  provinces  of  Asia  IMinor,  where  he  commanded  a 
very  considerable  body  of  troops. 

Laodice,  not  believing  herself  safe  as  long  as  Bere- 
nice and  her  son  lived,  concerted  measures  with  Seleu- 
cus to  destroy  them  also  ;  but  Berenice  being  informi- 
ed  of  their  design,  escaped  with  her  son  to  Daphne, 
where  she  shut  herself  up  in  the  asylum  built  by  Seleu- 
cus Nicator.  But' being  at  last  betrayed  by  the  perfidy 
of  those  who  besieged  her  there  by  the  order  of  Laodice, 
first  her  son  and  then  herself,  with  all  the  Egyptians 
who  had  accompanied  her  to  that  retreat,  were  murder- 
ed in  the  blackest  and 'most  inhuman  manner. 

This  event  was  an  exact  acconiplishm.ent  of  what  the 
prophet  Daniel  had  foretold  with  relation  to  this  mar- 
riage. ^  "  The  king's  daughter  of  the  South  shall  come 
to  the  king  of  the  North  to  make  an  agreement  :  but 
he  shall  not  retain  the  power  of  the  arm,  neither  shall 
he  stand,  nor  his  arm  ;  but  she  shall  be  given  up,  and 
they  that  brought  her,  and  he  that  begat  her,  and  he 
that  strengthened  her  in  those  times."  I  am  not  sur- 
prised that  Porphyry,  who  was  a  professed  enemy  to 
Christianity,  should  represent  these  prophecies  of  Da- 
niel, as  predictions  made  after  the  several  events  to 
which  they  refer  :  for,  could  they  possibly  be  clearer  if 
he  had  even  been  a  spectator  of  the  acts  he  foretold  ? 

What  probability  was  there  that  Egypt  and  Syria, 
which,  in  the  time  of  Daniel,  constituted  part  of  the 
Babylonian  empire,  as  tributary  provinces,  should  each 
of  them  be  governed  by  kings  who  originally  sprung 
from  Greece  ?  Yet  the  prophet  saw  them  established 
in  those  dominions  above  three  hundred  years  before. 
He  beheld  these  two  kings  in  a  state  of  war,  and  saw 
them  afterw  ards  reconciled  by  a  treaty  of  peace  ratified 

^  Dan.  xi.  6. 
VOL.  VI.  K 


130  THE  HISTORY  OF 

by  a  marriage.  He  also  observed  that  it  was  the  king 
of  Egypt,  and  not  the  king  of  Syria,  who  cemented  the 
union  between  them  by  the  gift  of  his  daughter.  He 
saw  her  conducted  from  Egypt  to  Syria  in  a  pompous 
and  magnificent  manner  ;  but  was  sensible  that  this 
event  would  be  succeeded  by  a  strange  catastrophe.  In 
a  word,  he  discovered  that  the  issue  of  this  princess, 
notwithstanding  all  the  express  precautions  in  the  trea- 
ty for  securing  their  succession  to  the  crown,  in  exclu- 
sion of  the  children  by  a  former  marriage,  were  so  far 
from  ascending  the  throne,  that  they  were  entirely  ex- 
terminated ;  and  that  the  new  queen  herself  was  deli- 
vered up  to  her  rival,  who  caused  her  to  be  destroyed, 
with  all  the  officers  who  conducted  her  out  of  Egypt 
into  Syria,  and  who,  till  then,  had  been  her  strength 
and  support.  "  Great  God  !  how  worthy  are  thy  oracles 
to  be  believed  and  reverenced!"  Testimonia  iua  credi- 
hilia  facta  sunt  niviis,  • 

While  Berenice  was  besieged  and  blocked  up  in 
Daphne,  the  cities  of  Asia  Minor,  who  had  received 
intelligence  of  her  treatment,  were  touched  with  com- 
passion at  her  misfortune  :  in  consequence  of  which, 
they  formed  a  confederacy,  and  sent  a  body  of  troops  to 
Antioch  for  her  relief.  Her  brother  Ptolemy  Euer- 
getes  was  also  as  expeditious  as  possible  to  advance 
thither  with  a  formidable  army  ;  but  the  unhappy  Bere- 
nice and  her  children  were  dead  before  any  of  these 
auxiliary  troops  could  arrive.  When  they  therefore 
saw  that  all  their  endeavours  to  save  the  queen  and  her 
children  were  rendered  ineffectual,  they  immediately  de- 
termined to  revenge  her  death  in  a  remarkable  man- 
ner. The  troops  of  Asia  joined  those  of  Egypt,  and 
Ptolemy,  who  commanded  them,  was  as  successful  as  he 
could  desire  in  the  satisfaction  of  his  just  resentment. 
The  criminal  proceeding  of  Laodice,  and  of  the  king 
her  son,  who  had  made  himself  an  accomplice  in  her 
barbarity,  soon  alienated  the  affection  of  the  people  from 
them  ;  and  Ptolemy  not  only  caused  I^aodice  to  suffer 
death,  but  made  himself  master  of  all  Syria  and  Cilicia; 
after  which  he  passed  the  Euphrates,  and  conquered  all 


ALEXANDER'S  SlTCCESSORS.  131 

the  country  as  far  as  Babylon  and  the  Tigris  :  and  if 
the  progress  of  his  arms  had  not  been  interrupted  by  a 
sedition  which  obliged  him  to  return  to  Egypt,  he 
would  certainly  have  subdued  all  the  provinces  of  the 
Syrian  empire.  He,  however,  left  Antiochus,  one  of 
his  generals,  to  govern  the  provinces  he  had  gained  on 
this  side  of  mount  Taurus  ;  and  Xanthippus  was  in- 
trusted with  those  that  lay  beyond  it  ;  Ptolemy  then 
marched  back  to  Egypt,  laden  with  the  spoils  he  had 
acquired  by  his  conquests. 

This  prince  carried  oif  forty  thousand  ^'  talents  of  sil- 
ver, with  a  prodigious  quantity  of  gold  and  silver  ves- 
sels, and  two  thousand  five  hundred  statues,  part  of 
which  were  those  Egyptian  idols  that  Cambyses,  after 
his  conquest  of  that  kingdom,  had  sent  into  Persia. 
Ptolemy  gained  the  hearts  of  his  subjects,  by  replacing 
those  idols  in  their  ancient  temples,  when  he  returned 
from  this  expedition  :  for  the  Egyptians,  w^ho  were  more 
devoted  to  their  superstitious  idolatry  than  all  the  rest 
of  mankind,  thought  they  could  not  sufficiently  express 
their  veneration  and  gratitude  to  a  king,  who  had  re- 
stored their  gods  to  them  in  such  a  manner.  Ptolemy 
derived  from  this  action  the  title  of  Euergetes,  which 
signifies  a  benefactor  ;  a  title  infinitely  preferable  to  ail 
appellations  which  conquerors  have  assumed  from  a  false 
idea  of  glory.  An  epithet  of  this  nature  is  the  true 
characteristic  of  kings,  whose  solid  greatness  consists  in 
the  inclination  and  ability  to  improve  the  welfare  of 
their  subjects;  and  it  were  to  be  wished,  that  Ptolemy 
had  merited  this  title  by  actions  more  worthy  of  it. 

All  this  was  also  accomplished  exactly  as  the  prophet 
Daniel  had  foretold,  and  we  need  only  cite  the  text,  to 
prove  what  we  advance.  *  "  But  out  of  a  branch  of  her 
root  (intimating  the  king  of  the  South,  who  was  Ptole- 
my Euergetes,  the  son  of  Ptolemy  Philadelphus)  shall 
one  stand  up  in  his  estate,  who  shall  come  with  an  annv, 
and  shall  enter  into  the  fortress  of  the  king  of  the  North 
(Seleucus  Callinicus),  and  shall  deal  against  them,  and 

*  Dan.  xi.  7 — 9* 

*  About  six  millions  sterîînir. 


132  THE  HISTORY  OF 

shall  prevail.  And  shall  also  carry  captives  into  Egypt, 
their  gods,  with  their  princes,  and  with  their  })recious 
vessels  of  silver,  and  of  gold,  and  he  shall  continue  more 
years  than  the  king  of  the  North.  So  the  king  of  the 
South  shall  come  into  his  kingdom  (that  is,  the  king- 
dom of  Seleucus),  and  shall  return  into  his  own  land  ;" 
namely,  into  Egypt. 

"  When  Ptolemy  Euergetes  set  out  on  this  expedi- 
tion, his  queen  Berenice,  who  tenderly  loved  him,  he- 
ing  apprehensive  of  the  dangers  to  which  he  would  he 
exposed  in  the  war,  made  a  vow  to  consecrate  her 
hair,  if  he  should  happen  to  return  in  safety.  This  was 
most  probably  a  sacrifice  of  the  ornament  she  most  es- 
teemed ;  and  when  she  at  last  saw  him  return  with  so 
much  glory,  the  accomplishment  of  her  promise  was 
her  immediate  care  ;  in  order  to  which  she  caused  her 
hair  to  be  cut  off,  and  then  dedicated  it  to  the  gods,  in 
the  temple  which  Ptolemy  Philadelphus  had  founded 
in  honour  of  his  beloved  Arsinoe  on  Zephyrion,  a  pro- 
montory in  Cyprus,  under  the  name  of  the  Zephyrian 
Venus.  This  consecrated  hair  being  lost  soon  after  by 
some  unknown  accident,  Ptolemy  was  extremely  offend- 
ed with  the  priests  for  their  negligence  ;  upon  which 
Conon  of  Samos,  an  artful  courtier,  and  also  a  mathe- 
matician, being  then  at  Alexandria,  took  upon  him  to 
affirm,  that  the  locks  of  the  queen's  hair  had  been  con- 
veyed to  heaven  ;  and  he  pointed  out  seven  stars  near 
the  lion's  tail,  which  till  then  had  never  been  part  of 
any  constellation  ;  declaring,  at  the  same  time,  that 
those  were  the  hair  of  Berenice.  Several  other  astro- 
nomers, either  to  make  their  court  as  well  as  Conon,  or 
that  they  might  not  draw  upon  themselves  the  displea- 
sure of  Ptolemy,  gave  those  stars  the  same  name,  which 
is  still  used  to  this  day.  Callimachus,  who  had  been 
at  the  court  of  Philadelphus,  composed  a  short  poem 
on  the  hair  of  Berenice,  which  Catullus  afterwards 
translated  into  Latin,  which  version  is  come  down  to 
us. 

"  Hygini  Poet.  Astron.  1.  ii.     Nonnus  in  Hist.  Synag.     CatulluS 
de  coma  £ereQ. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  133 

^Ptolemy,  in  his  return  from  this  expedition,  passed 
through  Jerusalem,  where  he  offered  a  great  number  of 
sacrifices  to  the  God  of  Israel,  in  order  to  render  ho- 
mage to  him,  for  the  victories  he  had  obtained  over  the 
king  of  Syria  ;  by  which  action  he  evidently  discover- 
ed liis  preference  of  the  true  God  to  all  the  idols  of 
Egypt.  Perhaps  the  prophecies  of  Daniel  were  shown 
to  that  prince,  and  he  might  conclude,  from  what  they 
contained,  that  all  his  conquests  and  successes  were 
owing  to  that  God  who  had  caused  them  to  be  foretold 
so  exactly  by  his  prophets. 

^  Seleucus  had  been  detained  for  some  time  in  liis 
kingdom,  by  the  apprehension  of  domestic  troubles  ; 
but  when  he  received  intelligence  that  Ptolemy  was  re- 
turning to  Egypt,  he  set  sail  with  a  considerable  fleet 
to  reduce  the  revolted  cities.  His  enterprise  was,  how- 
aver,  ineffectual  ;  for,  as  soon  as  he  advanced  into  the 
open  sea,  his  whole  navy  was  destroyed  by  a  violent 
tempest  ;  as  if  Heaven  itself,  says  Justin,  *  had  made 
the  winds  and  waves  the  ministers  of  his  vengeance  on 
this  parricide.  Seleucus,  and  some  of  his  attendants, 
were  almost  the  only  persons  who  were  saved,  and  it 
was  with  great  difficulty  that  they  escaped  naked  from 
the  general  wreck.  But  this  dreadful  stroke,  which 
seemed  intended  to  overwhelm  him,  contributed,  on  the 
contrary,  to  the  re-establishment  of  his  affairs.  The 
cities  of  Asia  which  had  revolted  through  the  horror 
they  conceived  against  him,  after  the  murder  of  Bere- 
nice and  her  children,  no  sooner  received  intelligence  of 
the  great  loss  he  had  now  sustained,  than  they  imagin- 
ed him  sufficiently  punished  ;  and  as  their  hatred  was 
then  changed  into  compassion,  they  all  declared  for 
him  anew. 

f  This  unexpected  change  having  reinstated  him  in    ' 
the  greatest  part  of  his  dominions,  he  was  industrious 
to  raise  another  army  to  recover  the  rest.     This  effort, 

^  Joseph,  contr.  Appian.  1.  ii. 

y  Justin.  1.  xxvii.  c.  2.     A.  M.  3759-      Ant.  J.  C.  245. 

*  "  Velut  diis  ipsis  parricidium  vindicantibus." 

t  A.  M.  3760.     Aot.  J.  C.  244. 


134  THE  HISTOKY  OF 

however,  proved  as  unsuccessful  as  the  former  ;  his 
army  was  defeated  by  the  forces  of  Ptolemy,  who  cut  off 
the  greatest  part  of  hk  troops.  He  fled  to  Antioch, 
with  as  small  a  number  of  men  as  had  been  left  him 
when  he  escaped  from  the  shipwi*eck  at  sea  :  as  if,  says 
a  certain  historian,  he  had  recovered  his  former  power 
only  to  lose  it  a  second  time  with  the  greater  mortifica- 
tion,  by  a  fatal  vicissitude  of  fortune.  * 

After  this  second  blow,  the  cities  of  Smyrna  and 
ISIagnesia,  in  Asia  Minor,  were  induced,  by  mere  af- 
fection for  Seleiicus,  to  form  a  confedemcy  in  his  favour, 
by  which  they  mutually  stipulated  to  support  him  with 
all  their  forces.  They  were  greatly  attached  to  his 
family,  from  whom  they  probably  had  received  many 
extraordinary  favours  :  they  had  even  rendered  divine 
honours  to  his  father,  Antiochus  Theos,  and  also  to 
Stratonice,  the  mother  of  this  latter.  Callinicus  re- 
tained a  grateful  remembrance  of  the  regard  these  cities 
had  testified  for  his  interest,  and  afterwards  granted 
them  several  advantageous  privileges.  They  caused  the 
treaty  we  have  mentioned  to  be  engraven  on  a  large  co- 
lumn of  marble,  which  still  subsists,  and  is  now  in  the 
area  before  the  theatre  at  Oxford.  This  column  was 
brought  out  of  Asia,  by  Thomas  Earl  of  Arundel,  at 
the  beginning  of  the  reign  of  Charles  the  First,  and, 
with  several  other  antique  marbles,  presented  to  the 
university  of  Oxford  by  his  crrandson,  Henry  Duke  of 
Norfolk,  in  the  reign  of  Charles  the  Second.  All  the 
learned  world  ought  to  think  themselves  indebted  to 
noblemen  who  are  emulous  to  adorn  and  enrich  univer- 
sities in  such  a  generous  manner  ;  and  I  wish  that  in 
this  respect  the  same  zeal  had  been  testified  for  that  of 
Paris,  the  mother  of  all  the  rest,  and  whose  antiquity 
and  reputatiou,  in  conjunction  with  the  abilities  of  her 
professors,  and  her  attachment  to  the  sacred  persons  of 
kings,  have  rendered  her  worthy  of  being  favoured  in  a 
peculiar  manner  by  princes  and  great  men.  The  esta- 
blishment of  a  library  in  this  illustrious  seminary  would 

*  "  Quasi  ad  ludilirium  tantiim  fortunae  natiis  esset,  nee  propter 
aliud  opes  regni  reccpisset,  qwam  ut  amitteret."    Justin. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  135 

be  an  immortal  honour  to  the  person  who  should  lay  the 
foundation  of  such  a  work. 

Seleucus,  in  the  extremities  to  which  he  was  reduced, 
had  made  application  to  his  brother  Antiochus,  whom 
he  promised  to  invest  with  the  sovereignty  of  the  pro- 
vinces of  Asia  Minor  that  were  contiguous  to  Syria, 
provided  he  would  join  him  with  his  troops,  and  act  in 
concert  with  him.  The  young  prince  was  then  at  the 
head  of  an  army  in  those  provinces  ;  and  though  he 
was  but  fourteen  years  of  age,  *  yet,  as  he  had  all  the 
ambition  and  malignity  of  mind  that  appear  in  men  of 
an  advanced  age,  he  immediately  accepted  the  offers 
made  him,  and  advanced  in  quest  of  his  brother,  not 
with  any  intention  to  secure  to  him  the  enjoyment  of 
his  dominions,  but  to  seize  them  for  himself.  His  avi- 
dity was  so  great,  and  he  was  always  so  ready  to  seize 
for  himself  whatever  came  in  his  way,  without  the  least 
regard  to  justice,  that  he  acquired  the  surname  of  Hie- 
rax,  f  which  signifies  a  bird  that  pounces  on  all  he 
finds,  and  thinks  every  thing  good  upon  which  he  lays 
his  talons. 

I  When  Ptolemy  received  intelligence  that  Antiochus 
was  preparing  to  act  in  concert  with  Seleucus  against 
him,  he  reconciled  himself  with  the  latter,  and  conclu- 
ded a  truce  with  him  for  ten  years,  that  he  might  not 
have  both  these  princes  for  his  enemies  at  the  same 
time. 

II  Antigonus  Gonatas  died  much  about  this  period,  at 
the  age  of  eighty  or  eighty- three  years  ;  after  he  had 
reigned  thirty- four  years  in  Macedonia,  and  forty- four 
in  Greece.  He  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Demetrius, 
who  reigned  ten  years,  and  made  himself  master  of  Cy- 

*  "  Antiochus,  cum  esset  annos  quatuordecim  natus,  supra  seta-r 
leni  regni  avidus,  occasionem  non  tarn  pio  animo,  quam  ofFerebatur, 
arripuit  :  sed,  latronis  more,  totum  fratri  eiipere  cupiens,  puer  scele- 
ratam  virilemque  sumit  audaciam.  Unde  Hierax  est  cognominatus  : 
quia,  non  hominis  sed  accipitris  ritu,  in  alienis  eripiendis  vitam  sec» 
taretur.  '     Justin. 

t  A  kite. 

t  v.  M.  3761.     Ant.  J.  C.  243. 

fl  A,  M.  3762.     Ant.  J.  C.  242. 


136  THE  HISTORY  OF 

renaica  and  all  Libya.  Demetrius^  first  married  the 
sister  of  Antiocliiis  Hierax  ;  but  Olympias,  the  daugh- 
ter of  Pyrrhus  king  of  Epirus,  engaged  him,  after  the 
death  of  her  husband  Alexander,  who  was  likewise  her 
brother,  to  espouse  her  daughter  Phthia.  The  first 
wife,  being  unable  to  sup]K)rt  this  injurious  proceeding, 
retired  to  her  brother  Antiochus,  and  earnestly  pressed 
him  to  declare  war  against  her  faithless  husband  ;  but 
his  attention  was  then  taken  up  with  other  views  and 
employments. 

In  fact,  Antiochus  still  continued  his  military  pre- 
parations, as  if  he  designed  to  assist  his  brother,  in  pur- 
suance of  the  treaty  between  them  ;  but  his  real  inten- 
tion was  to  dethrone  him,  *  and  he  concealed  the  viru- 
lent disposition  of  an  enemy  under  the  name  of  a  bro- 
ther. Seleucus  penetrated  his  scheme,  and  immediately 
passed  mount  Taurus,  in  order  to  check  his  progress. 
Antiochus  *  founded  his  pretext  on  the  promise  which 
had  been  made  him  of  the  sovereignty  of  the  provinces 
of  Asia  Elinor,  as  a  compensation  for  assisting  his  bro- 
ther against  Ptolemy  ;  but  Seleucus,  who  then  saw  him- 
self disengaged  from  that  war  without  the  aid  of  his 
brother,  did  not  conceive  himself  obliged  to  perform 
that  promise.  Antiochus  resolving  to  persist  in  his  pre- 
tensions, and  Seleucus  refusing  to  allow  them,  it  be- 
came necessary  to  decide  the  difference  by  arms.  A 
battle  was  accordingly  fought  near  Ancyra,  in  Galatia, 
wherein  Seleucus  was  defeated,  and  escaped  with  the 
utmost  difficulty  from  the  en^my,  Antiochus  was  also 
exposed  to  great  dangers,  notwithstanding  his  victory. 
The  troops  to  whose  valour  he  was  chiefly  indebted  for 
it,  wTre  a  body  of  Gauls  whom  he  had  taken  into  his 
pay,  most  probably  some  of  those  who  had  settled  in 
Galatia.  These  traitors,  upon  a  confused  report  that 
Seleucus  had  been  killed  in  the  action,  had  formed  a 
resolution  to  destroy  Antiochus,  persuading  themselves 
that  they  should  be  absolute  masters  of  Asia,  after  the 

^  Polyb.  lib.  ii.  p.  131.     Justin.  1.  xxviii.  c.  1. 

^  Justin.  1.  xxvii.  c.  2. 

*  "  Pro  auxilio  bellunij  pro  fratre  hostem,  imploratus  exliibuit." 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  137 

tdeath  of  those  two  princes.  Antiochus,  therefore,  was 
obliged,  for  his  own  preservation,  to  distribute  all  the 
money  of  the  army  amongst  them. 

^Eumenes,  prince  of  Pergamus,  being  desirous  of 
taking  advantage  of  this  conjuncture,  advanced  with  all 
his  forces  against  Antiochus  and  the  Gauls,  in  full  ex- 
pectation to  ruin  thenv  both,  in  consequence  of  their 
division.  The  imminent  danger  to  which  Antiochus 
was  then  exposed,  obliged  him  to  make  a  new  treaty 
with  the  Gauls,  wherein  he  stipulated  to  renounce  the 
title  of  their  master,  which  he  had  before  assumed,  for 
that  of  their  ally  :  and  he  also  entered  into  a  league 
offensive  and  defensive  with  that  people.  This  treaty, 
however,  did  not  prevent  Eumenes  from  attacking  them; 
and  as  he  came  upon  them  in  such  a  sudden  and  unex- 
pected manner  as  did  not  allow  them  any  time  to  re-- 
cover after  their  fatigues,  or  to  furnish  themselves  with 
new  recruits,  he  obtained  a  victory  over  them,  which 
cost  him  but  little,  and  laid  all  Asia  Minor  open  to 
him. 

^  Eumenes,  after  this  fortunate  event,  abandoned  him- 
self to  intemperance  and  excess  at  his  table,  and  died 
after  a  reign  of  twenty  years.  As  he  left  no  children, 
he  was  succeeded  by  Attains,  his  cousin- germ  an,  who 
was  the  son  of  Attains,  his  father's  younger  brother. 
This  prince  was  wise  and  valiant,  and  perfectly  quali- 
fied to  preserve  the  conquests  that  he  inherited.  He 
entirely  reduced  the  Gauls,  and  then  established  him- 
self so  effectually  in  his  dominions,  that  he  took  upon 
himself  the  title  of  king  ;  for  though  his  predecessors 
had  enjoyed  all  the  power,  they  had  never  hitherto  ven- 
tured to  assume  the  title  of  sovereigns.  Attains,  there- 
fore, was  the  first  of  his  house  who  took  it  upon  him, 
and  transmitted  it,  with  his  dominions,  to  his  posterity, 
who  enjoyed  it  to  the  third  generation. 

Whilst  Eumenes,  and,  after  him.  Attains,  were  seiz- 
ing the  provinces  of  the  Syrian  empire  in  the  West, 

^  Justin.  1.  xxvii.  c.  3.  '■• 

<^  Athen.  1.  x  p.  445.      Strab.  1.  xiii.  p.  624.     Valer.  Excerpt,  ex 
Polyb.     A.  M.  3760.     Ant.  J.  C.  241. 


138  THE  HISTORY  OF 

Theodotus  and  Arsaces  were  following  their  example  ià. 
the  East.  ^  The  latter  hearing  that  Seleucus  had  been 
slain  in  the  battle  of  Ancyra,  turned  his  arms  against 
Hyrcania,  and  annexed  it  to  Parthia,  which  he  had  al- 
ready dismembered  from  the  empire.  He  then  erected 
these  two  provinces  into  a  kingdom,  which,  in  process 
of  time,  became  very  formidable  to  the  empire  of  the 
Romans.  Theodotus  dying  soon  after,  Arsaces  made  a 
league  offensive  and  defensive  with  his  son,  who  bore 
the  same  name,  and  succeeded  his  father  in  Bactria  ; 
and  they  mutually  supported  themselves  in  their  do- 
minions by  this  union.  The  two  brothers,  notwith- 
standing these  transactions,  continued  the  war  against 
each  other,  with  the  most  implacable  warmth,  not  con- 
sidering, that  while  they  contended  with  each  other  for 
the  empire  which  their  fathers  had  left  them,  the  whole 
would  be  gradually  wTested  from  them  by  their  com- 
mon enemies. 

The  treasure  and  forces  of  Antiochus  being  exhaust- 
ed by  the  several  overthrows  and  losses  he  had  sustain- 
ed, he  was  obliged  to  wander  from  one  retreat  to  an- 
other, with  the  shattered  remains  of  his  party,  till  he 
was  at  last  entirely  driven  out  of  Mesopotamia.  *  Find- 
ing, therefore,  that  there  was  no  place  in  all  the  em* 
pire  of  Syria,  where  he  could  possibly  continue  in  safety, 
he  retired  for  refuge  to  Ariarathes,  king  of  Cappadocia, 
whose  daughter  he  had  espoused.  Ariarathes,  notwith- 
standing this  alliance,  was  soon  weary  of  entertaining 
a  son-in-law  who  became  a  burden  to  him  ;  for  whi<£ 
reason  he  determined  to  destroy  him.  Antiochus,  be- 
ing informed  of  his  design,  avoided  the  danger  by  a 
speedy  retreat  into  Egypt  ;  where  he  rather  chose  to 
deliver  himself  up  to  Ptolemy,  the  professed  enemy  of 
his  house,  than  to  trust  a  brother  whom  he  had  so 
highly  offended.  He,  however,  had  reason  to  repent 
of  this  proceeding  ;  for  immediately  after  his  arrival  in 
Eg}^t,  Ptolemy  caused  him  to  be  seized  and  imprison- 
ed under  a  strong  guard,  f  and  detained  him  several 

^  Justin.  1.  xli.  c  4.  »  A.  M.  3774.     Ant.  J.  C.  230. 

+  A.  M.  .3778.     Ant.  J.  C.  226. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  139 

years  in  that  <;onfinement,  till  at  last  be  found  means 
to  escape  by  the  assistance  of  a  courtezan  ;  but  as  he 
was  quitting  that  kingdom,  he  had  the  misfortune  to  be 
assassinated  by  a  band  of  robbers. 

*  Ptolemy,  in  the  mean  time,  devoted  the  sweets  of 
peace  to  the  cultivation  of  the  sciences  in  his  dominions, 
and  the  enlargement  of  his  father's  library  at  Alexan- 
dria with  all  sorts  of  books  :  but  as  a  proper  collection 
could  not  well  be  made  without  an  able  librarian,  to 
whose  care  it  would  be  likewise  necessary  to  consign 
them,  ^Euergetes,  upon  the  death  of  Zenodotus,  who 
had  held  that  office  from  the  time  of  Ptolemy  Soter, 
the  grandfather  of  that  prince,  sent  to  Athens  for  Era- 
tosthenes, the  Cyrenean,  who  was  then  in  great  reputa- 
tion, and  had  been  educated  by  Callimachus,  a  native 
of  the  same  country.  ^  He  w^as  a  man  of  universal  learn- 
ing ;  but  none  of  his  works  have  been  transmitted  to  us, 
except  his  catalogue  of  the  kings  of  Thebes  in  Egypt, 
with  the  years  of  their  respective  reigns,  from  IMenes  or 
Misraim,  who  first  peopled  Egypt  after  the  deluge,  to 
the  Trojan  war.  This  catalogue  contains  a  succession 
of  thirty-eight  kings,  and  is  still  to  be  seen  in  Syncel- 
lus. 

f  When  Seleucus  saw  himself  extricated  from  the 
troubles  his  brother  had  occasioned,  his  first  cares  were 
employed  in  the  re- establishment  of  order  and  tranquilli- 
ty at  home  ;  and  when  he  had  accomplished  this,  he  turn- 
ed his  thoughts  to  the  reduction  of  the  provinces  of  the 
East  which  had  revolted  from  him.  This  last  attempt, 
however,  was  not  attended  with  success  ;  for  Arsaces 
had  been  allowed  too  much  time  to  strengthen  himself 
in  his  usurpation.  Seleucus,  therefore,  after  many  in- 
eflPectual  endeavours  to  recover  those  territories,  was 
obliged  to  discontinue  his  enterprise  in  a  dishonourable 
manner.  He,  perhaps,  might  have  succeeded  better  in 
time,  if  new  commotions,  which  had  been  excited  in  his 

^  Suid.  in  voc.  Z/jyo'^oroc. 
^  Ibid,  in  voc.  Xvo'h>^mi9',  &  'E^arca-êUvi^. 
*  A.  M.  3765.     Ant.  J.  C.  239- 
t  A.  M.  3768,     Ant.  J.  C.  236. 


140  THE  HISTORY  OF 

dominions  during  his  absence,  had  not  compelled  him 
to  make  a  speedy  return,  in  order  to  suppress  them. 
This  furnished  Arsaces  with  a  new  opportunity  of  esta- 
blishing his  power  so  effectually,  that  all  future  efibrts 
were  incapable  of  sliaking  it. 

g  Seleucus,  however,  made  a  new  attempt,  as  soon  as 
his  affairs  would  admit  :  but  this  second  expedition 
proved  more  unfortunate  than  the  first  ;  for  he  was  not 
only  defeated,  but  taken  prisoner  by  Arsaces,  in  a  great 
battle.  The  Parthians  celebrated,  for  many  succeed- 
ing years,  the  anniversary  of  this  victory,  which  they 
considered  as  the  first  day  of  their  liberty,  though  in 
reality  it  was  the  first  of  their  slavery  ;  for  the  world 
never  produced  greater  tyrants  than  those  Parthian 
kings  to  whom  they  were  subjected.  The  Macedonian 
yoke,  if  they  had  continued  to  submit  to  it,  would  have 
been  much  more  supportable  than  their  oppressive  go- 
vernment. Arsaces  now  began  to  assume  the  title  of 
king,  and  firmly  established  this  empire  of  the  East, 
which,  in  process  of  time,  counterpoised  the  Roman 
power,  and  became  a  barrier  which  all  the  armies  of 
that  people  w^ere  incapable  of  forcing.  All  the  kings 
who  succeeded  Arsaces  made  it  an  indispensable  law, 
and  counted  it  an  honour,  to  be  called  by  his  name  ;  in 
the  same  manner  as  the  kings  of  Egypt  retained  that 
of  Ptolemy,  as  long  as  the  race  of  Ptolemy  Soter  go- 
verned that  kingdom.  Arsaces  raised  himself  to  a 
throne  from  the  lowest  condition  of  life,  and  became  as 
memorable  among  the  Parthians,  as  Cyrus  had  been 
among  the  Persians,  or  Alexander  among  the  Macedo- 
nians, or  Romulus  among  the  Romans.*  This  verifies 
that  passage  in  holy  Scripture,  which  declares,  ^  "  That 
the  Most  High  ruleth  in  the  kingdom  of  men,  and 
giveth  it  to  whomsoever  he  will,  and  setteth  up  over  it 
the  basest  of  men." 

s  Justin.  1.  xli.  c.  4.  &  5.     A.  M.  3774.    Ant.  J.  C.  230. 
*"-  Dan.  iv.  17. 

*  "  Arsaces,  quaesito  simul  constitutoque  regno,  non  minus  memo- 
rabilis  Parthis  [fuitj  quam  Persis  Cyrus,  Macedonibus  Alexander, 
Jlomanis  Romulus."     Justin. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  l4l  . 

i  Onias,  the  high  priest  of  the  Jews,  had  neglected 
to  send  to  Ptolemy  the  usual  tribute  of  twenty  talents, 
which  his  predecessors  had  always  paid  to  the  kings  of 
Egypt,  as  a  testimonial  of  the  homage  they  rendered 
to  that  crown.  The  king  sent  Athenion,  one  of  hisu 
courtiers,  to  Jerusalem,  to  demand  the  payment  of  the 
arrears,  which  then  amounted  to  a  great  sum  ;  and  to 
threaten  the  Jews,  in  case  of  refusal,  with  a  body  of 
troops,  who  should  be  commissioned  to  expel  them  from 
their  country,  and  divide  it  among  themselves.  The 
alarm  was  very  great  at  Jerusalem  on  this  occasion,  and 
it  was  thought  necessary  to  send  a  deputation  to  the 
king,  in  the  person  of  Joseph,  the  nephew  of  Onias, 
who,  though  in  the  prime  of  his  youth,  was  universally 
esteemed  for  his  prudence,  probity,  and  justice.  Athe- 
nion, during  his  continuance  at  Jerusalem,  had  concei- 
ved a  great  regard  for  his  character,  and  as  he  set  out 
for  Egypt  before  him,  he  promised  to  render  him  all 
the  good  offices  in  his  power  with  the  king.  Joseph 
followed  him  in  a  short  time,  and  on  his  way  met  with 
several  of  the  most  considerable  persons  of  Cœle-syria 
and  Palestine,  who  were  also  going  to  Egypt,  with  an 
intention  to  offer  terms  for  farming  the  great  revenues 
of  those  provinces.  As  the  equipage  of  Joseph  was  far 
from  being  so  magnificent  as  theirs,  they  treated  him 
with  little  respect,  and  considered  him  as  a  person  of  no 
great  capacity.  Joseph  concealed  his  dissatisfaction  at 
their  behaviour,  but  drew  from  the  conversation  that 
passed  between  them,  all  the  information  he  could  de- 
sire, with  relation  to  the  affair  that  brought  them  to 
court,  without  seeming  to  have  any  particular  view  in 
the  curiosity  which  he  expressed. 

When  they  arrived  at  Alexandria,  they  were  infonn- 
ed  that  the  king  had  taken  a  progress  to  ^lemphis,  and 
Joseph  was  the  only  person  among  them  who  set  out  to 
wait  upon  that  monarch,  without  losing  a  moment's 
time.  He  had  the  good  fortune  to  meet  him  as  he  was 
returning  from  Memphis,  with  the  queen  and  Athenion 

'  Joseph.  Antiq.  1.  xti.  c.  2.  &  4.    A.  M.  S771.     Ant.  J.  C.  233. 


14Sf  THE  HISTORY  OF 

in  his  chariot.  The  king,  who  had  heen  highly  pre- 
possessed in  his  favour  hy  Athenion,  was  extremely  de- 
lighted to  see  him,  and  invited  him  into  his  chariot. 
Joseph,  to  excuse  his  uncle,  represented  the  infirmities 
of  his  great  age,  and  the  natural  tardiness  of  his  dispo- 
sition, in  such  an  engaging  manner,  as  satisfied  Pto- 
lemy, and  created  in  him  an  extraordinary  esteem  for 
the  advocate  who  had  so  effectually  pleaded  the  cause 
of  that  pontiff.  He  ordered  him  an  apartment  in  the 
toyal  palace  of  Alexandria,  and  allowed  him  a  place  at 
his  table. 

When  the  appointed  day  came  for  purchasing,  by 
auction,  the  privilege  of  farming  the  revenues  of  the 
provinces,  the  companions  of  Joseph  in  his  journey  to 
Egypt,  offered  no  more  than  eight  thousand  talents  for 
the  provinces  of  Cœle-syria,  Phoenicia,  Judaea,  and  Sa- 
maria. Joseph,  who  had  discovered,  in  the  conversa- 
tion that  passed  between  them  in  his  presence,  that  this 
purchase  was  worth  double  the  sum  they  offered,  re- 
proached them  for  depreciating  the  king's  revenues  in 
that  manner,  and  offered  tmce  as  much  as  they  had 
done.  Ptolemy  was  well  satisfied  to  see  his  revenues 
so  considerably  increased  ;  but  being  apprehensive  that 
the  person  who  proffered  so  large  a  sum  would  be  in  no 
condition  to  pay  it,  he  asked  Joseph  what  security  he 
would  give  him  for  the  perfonnance  of  his  agreement  ? 
The  Jewish  deputy  calmly  replied,  that  he  had  such 
persons  to  offer  for  his  security  on  that  occasion,  as  he 
was  certain  his  majesty  could  have  no  objections  to. 
Upon  being  ordered  to  mention  them,  he  named  the 
king  and  queen  themselves  ;  and  added,  that  they  would 
be  his  securities  to  each  other.  The  king  could  not 
avoid  smiling  at  this  little  pleasantry,  which  put  him 
into  so  good  a  humour,  that  he  allowed  him  to  farm  the 
revenues  without  any  other  security  than  his  verbal 
promise  for  payment.  Joseph  acted  in  that  station  for 
the  space  of  ten  years,  to  the  mutual  satisfaction  of  the 
court  and  provinces.  His  rich  competitors,  who  had 
farmed  those  revenues  before,  returned  home  in  the  ut- 
most confusion,  and  had  reason  to  be  sensible,  that  a 


ALEXANDER  s  SUCCESSORS.  143 

Biagnificent  equipage  is  a  very  inconsiderable  indication 
of  merit. 

^King  Demetrius  died,  about  this  time,  in  Macedo- 
nia, and  left  a  son,  named  Philip,  in  an  early  state  of 
minority  ;  for  which  reason  his  guardianship  was  con- 
signed to  Antigonus,  who,  having  espoused  the  mother 
of  his  pupil,  ascended  the  throne,  and  reigned  for  the 
space  of  twelve  years.  He  was  magnificent  in  promises, 
but  extremely  frugal  in  performance,  which  occasioned 
his  being  surnamed  Doson.  * 

1  Five  or  six  years  after  this  period,  Seleucus  Calli- 
nicus,  who  for  some  time  had  continued  in  a  state  of 
captivity  in  Parthia,  died  in  that  country  by  a  fall  from 
his  horse.  Arsaces  had  always  treated  him  as  a  king 
during  his  confinement.  His  wife  was  Laodice,  the 
sister  of  Andromachus,  one  of  his  generals,  and  he  had 
two  sons  and  a  daughter  by  that  marriage.  He  espou- 
sed his  daughter  to  Mithridates,  king  of  Pontus,  and 
consigned  Phiygia  to  her  for  her  dowry.  His  sons  were 
Seleucus  and  Antiochus  ;  the  former  of  whom,  sur- 
named Ceraunus,  succeeded  him  in  the  throne. 

We  are  now  arrived  at  the  period  wherein  the  re- 
public of  the  Achaeans  begins  to  appear  with  lustre  in 
history,  and  is  in  a  condition  to  sustain  w^ars,  particu- 
larly against  that  of  the  Lacedaemonians.  It  will,  there- 
fore, be  necessaiy  for  me  to  represent  the  present  state 
of  those  two  republics  ;  and  1  shall  begin  with  that  of 
the  Achaeans. 

^  Justin.  1.  xxviii.  c.  3.  Dexipp.  Porphyj.  Euseb.  A.  M.  3772. 
Ant.  J.  C.  232. 

1  Justin.  1.  vii.  c.  3.    Athen.  p.  153.    A.  M.  3778.    Ant.  J.  C.  226. 

*  This  name  signifies  in  the  Greek  languag-e,  One  who  rvill  gwe, 
that  is  to  say,  a  person  who  promises  to  give,  but  never  gives  what 
ke  promises. 


144  THE  HISTORY  OF 


SECT.  II.  The  establishment  of  the  repuhVic  of  the  Aclleeans. 
Aratus  deUvers  Sicyonfrom  tyranny.  The  character  of  that 
young  Grecian.  He  is  enabled,  by  the  liberalities  of  Ptolemy 
Euergetes,  to  check  a  sedition  ready  to  break  out  in  Sicyon. 
Takes  Corinth  fj-om  Antigonus,  king  of  Macedonia.  Pre^ 
vaiU  on  the  cities  of  Megara,  Trœzene,  Epïdaurus,  and 
Megalopolis,  to  accede  to  th€  Achœan  league  ;  but  is  not  suc- 
cessful ïvitJi  respect  to  Argos. 


^  The  republic  of  the  Achaeans  was  not  considerable  at 
first,  either  for  the  iiumber  of  its  troops,  the  immensity 
of  its  riches,  or  the  extent  of  its  territory,  but  derived 
its  power  from  the  great  reputation  it  acquired  for  the 
virtues  of  probity,  justice,  love  of  liberty  ;  and  this  re- 
putation was  very  ancient. — ^The  Crotonians  and  Sy- 
barites adopted  the  laws  and  customs  of  the  Achaeans, 
for  the  re-establishment  of  good  order  in  their  cities. 
The  Lacedaemonians  and  Thebans  had  such  an  esteem 
for  their  \irtue,  that  they  chose  them,  after  the  celebrat- 
ed battle  of  Leuctra,  as  umpires  of  the  differences  which 
subsisted  between  them. 

The  government  of  this  republic  was  democratical, 
that  is  to  say,  in  the  hands  of  the  people.  It  preserved 
its  liberty  to  the  times  of  Philip  and  Alexander  ;  but 
under  those  princes,  and  in  the  reigns  of  those  who  suc- 
ceeded them,  it  was  either  in  subjection  to  the  Mace- 
donians, who  had  made  themselves  masters  of  Greece, 
or  else  was  oppressed  by  cruel  tyrants. 

It  was  composed  of  twelve  *  cities,  in  Peloponnesus, 
but  all  together  not  equal  to  a  single  one  of  consider- 
able rank.  This  republic  did  not  signalize  herself  im- 
mediately by  any  thing  great  and  remarkable,  because, 
amongst  all  her  citizens,  she  produced  none  of  any  dis- 
tinguished merit.  The  sequel  will  discover  the  extra- 
ordinary change  which  a  single  man  was  capable  of  in- 
troducing among  them  by  his  great  qualities.     After 

^     ^  Polyb.  1.  ii.  p.  125—130. 

*  These  twelve  cities  were  Patrae,  Dyme,  Pharae,  Tritaea,  Leontium,. 
iEgira,  Pellene,  JEgium^  Bura,  Ceraunia,  Olenus,  Hélice. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  145 

the  death  of  Alexander,  this  little  state  was  involved  in 
all  the  calamities  inseparable  from  discord.  The  spirit 
of  patriotism  no  longer  prevailed  among  them,  and  each 
city  was  solely  attentive  to  its  particular  interest. 
Their  state  had  lost  its  former  solidity,  because  they 
changed  their  master  as  often  as  Macedonia  became 
subject  to  new  sovereigns.  They  first  submitted  to 
Demetrius  ;  after  him  to  Cassander  ;  and  last  of  all  to 
Antigonus  Gonatas,  who  left  them  in  subjection  to  ty- 
rants of  his  own  establishing,  that  they  might  not  with- 
draw themselves  from  his  authority. 

*  Toward  the  beginning  of  the  cxxivth  Olympiad, 
about  the  time  of  the  death  of  Ptolemy  Soter,  the  fa- 
ther of  Philadelphus,  and  the  expedition  of  Pyrrhus  in- 
to Italy,  the  republic  of  the  Achaeans  resumed  their  for- 
mer customs,  and  renewed  their  ancient  concord.  The 
inhabitants  of  Patrae  and  Dyme  laid  the  foundations  of 
this  happy  change.  The  tyrants  were  expelled  from  the 
cities,  which  then  united  as  in  former  times,  and  consti- 
tuted no  more  than  one  body  of  a  republic  :  all  affairs 
were  decided  by  a  public  council  :  the  registers  were 
committed  to  a  common  secretary  :  the  assembly  had 
two  presidents,  who  were  nominated  by  the  cities  in  their 
respective  turns  ;  but  it  wa?  soon  thought  advisable  to 
reduce  them  to  one. 

The  good  order  which  reigned  in  this  little  republic, 
where  freedom  and  equality,  with  a  love  of  justice  and 
the  public  good,  were  the  fundamental  principles  of  theii* 
government,  drew  into  their  community  several  neigh- 
bouring cities,  who  received  their  laws,  and  associated 
themselves  into  their  privileges.  Sicyon  was  one  of  the 
first  that  acceded  in  this  manner,  by  means  of  Aratus, 
one  of  its  citizens,  whom,  in  the  sequel,  we  shall  see 
acting  a  very  great  part,  and  becoming  very  illustrious. 

"  Sicyon,  which  had  long  groaned  under  the  yoke  of 
her  tyrants,  had  lately  attempted  to  shake  it  off,  by 
placing  Clinias,  one  of  her  first  and  bravest  citizens,  at 
her  head  ;  and  the  government  already  began  to  flourish 

n  Plut,  in  Arato,  p.  1027—1031. 
*  A.  M.  37^4.     Ant.  J.  C.  280. 
VOL.  VI.  L 


146  THE  HISTORY  OF 

and  assume  a  better  form,  when  Abantidas,  in  order  to 
seize  the  tyranny  into  his  own  hands,  found  means  to 
get  rid  of  CHnias.  Some  of  his  relations  and  friends 
He  expelled  from  the  city,  and  took  off  others  by  death  : 
he  also  searched  for  Aratus,  the  son  of  Clinias,  who  was 
then  but  seven  years  of  age,  in  order  to  destroy  him  ; 
but  the  infant  escaped,  with  some  other  persons,  amidst 
the  disorder  that  filled  the  house  when  his  father  was 
killed  ;  and  as  he  was  wandering  about  the  city,  in  the 
utmost  consternation  and  distress,  he  accidentally  en- 
tered unseen  into  a  house  which  belonged  to  the  tyrant's 
sister.  This  lady  was  naturally  generous,  and  as  she 
also  believed  that  this  destitute  infant  had  taken  refuge 
under  her  roof  by  the  impulse  of  some  deity,  she  care- 
fully concealed  him  ;  and  when  night  came,  caused  him 
to  be  secretly  conveyed  to  Argos. 

Aratus,  being  thus  preserved  from  so  imminent  a  dan- 
ger, conceived  in  his  soul  from  thenceforth  an  implaca- 
able  aversion  to  tyrants,  which  always  increased  with  his 
age.  He  was  educated  with  the  utmost  care,  by  some 
hospitable  friends  of  his  father's  at  Argos. 

The  new  tyranny  of  Sicyon  had  passed  through  seve- 
ral hands  in  a  short  time,  when  Aratus,  who  began  to 
arrive  at  a  state  of  manhood,  was  solicitous  to  deliver 
his  country  entirely  from  oppression.  He  was  greatly 
respected,  as  well  for  his  birth  as  his  courage,  which 
was  accompanied  with  a  gravity  superior  to  his  age, 
and  a  strong  and  clear  understanding.  These  qualities, 
which  were  well  known  at  that  time,  caused  the  exiles 
from  Sicyon  to  cast  their  eyes  upon  him  in  a  peculiar 
manner,  and  to  consider  him  as  their  chief  resource,  and 
a  person  destined  to  be  their  future  deliverer  ;  in  which 
conjecture  they  were  not  deceived. 

*  Aratus,  who  was  then  in  the  twentieth  year  of  his 
age,  formed  a  confederacy  against  Ni  codes,  who  was  ty- 
rant at  that  time  ;  and  though  the  spies,  whom  the  latter 
sent  to  Argos,  kept  a  vigilant  eye  on  his  conduct,  he 
concealed  his  design  so  well,  he  pursued  his  measures 
with  so  much  prudence  and  secrecy,  that  he  scaled  the 

*  A.  M.  3752.     Ant.  J.  C.  252. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  147 

walls  of  Sicyon,  and  entered  the  city  by  night.  The 
tyrant  was  fortunate  enough  to  secure  himself  a  retreat 
through  subterranean  passages  ;  and  when  the  people 
assembled  in  a  tumultuous  manner,  without  knowing 
what  had  been  transacted,  a  herald  cried  with  a  loud 
voice,  that  "  Aratus,  the  son  of  Clinias,  invited  the  citi- 
zens to  resume  their  liberty."  Upon  which  the  crowd 
immediately  flocked  to  the  palace  of  the  tyrant,  and 
burnt  it  to  ashes  in  a  few  moments  ;  but  not  a  single 
man  was  killed  or  wounded  on  either  side  ;  the  good 
genius  of  Aratus  not  suffering  an  action  of  this  nature 
to  be  polluted  with  the  blood  of  his  citizens  ;  in  which 
circumstance  he  made  his  joy  and  triumph  consist.  He 
then  recalled  all  those  who  had  been  banished,  who  were 
no  fewer  than  five  hundred, 

Sicyon  then  began  to  enjoy  some  repose  ;  but  Aratus 
was  not  fully  relieved  from  inquietude  and  perplexity. 
With  respect  to  the  situation  of  affairs  w  ithout,  he  was 
sensible  that  Antigonus  cast  a  jealous  eye  on  the  city, 
and  had  meditated  expedients  for  making  himself  mas- 
ter of  it,  from  the  time  of  its  having  recovered  its  liber- 
ty. He  beheld  the  seeds  of  sedition  and  discord  sown 
within,  by  those  who  had  been  banished,  and  was  ex- 
tremely apprehensive  of  their  effect.  He  imagined, 
therefore,  that  the  safest  and  most  prudent  conduct  in 
this  delicate  juncture,  would  be  to  unite  Sicyon  in  the 
Achaean  league,  in  which  he  easily  succeeded  ;  and  this 
was  one  of  the  greatest  services  he  was  capable  of  ren- 
dering his  country. 

The  power  of  the  Achaeans  was  indeed  but  inconsi- 
derable ;  for,  as  1  have  already  observed,  they  were  only 
masters  of  three  very  small  cities.  Their  country  was 
neither  good  nor  rich,  and  they  inhabited  a  coast  which 
had  neither  ports,  nor  any  other  maritime  stations  of 
security.  But  with  all  this  mediocrity  and  seeming 
weakness,  they  of  all  people  made  it  most  evident,  that 
the  forces  of  the  Greeks  could  be  always  invincible,  when 
under  good  order  and  discipline,  and  with  a  prudent 
and  I'xnerienced  general  at  the  head  of  them.  Thus  did 
those  Achaeans  (who  w^ere  so  inconsiderable  in  compari- 


]48  THE  HISTOEY  OF 

son  of  the  ancient  power  of  Greece,)  by  constantly  ad- 
hering to  good  counsels,  and  continuing  strictly  united 
together,  without  blasting  the  merit  of  their  fellow-citi- 
zens with  the  malignant  breath  of  envy  ;  not  only  main- 
tain thpir  liberties,  amidst  so  many  potent  cities,  and 
such  a  number  of  tyrants,  but  restored  freedom  and  safety 
to  most  of  the  Grecian  states. 

Aratus,  after  he  had  engaged  his  city  in  the  Achaean 
league,  entered  himself  among  the  cavalry,  and  was  not 
a  little  esteemed  by  the  generals,  for  the  promptitude 
and  vivacity  which  he  discovered  in  the  execution  of 
their  orders  :  for  though  he  had  infinitely  contributed 
to  the  power  and  credit  of  the  league,  by  strengthening 
it  vrith  his  own  reputation  and  all  the  forces  of  his  coun- 
try, he  yet  appeared  as  submissive  as  the  meanest  sol- 
dier to  the  general  of  the  Achaeans,  notwithstanding  the 
obscurity  of  the  city  from  whence  that  officer  was  select- 
ed for  such  an  employment.  This  is  certainly  an  ex- 
cellent example  for  young  princes  and  noblemen,  when 
they  serve  in  armies,  w  hich  will  teach  them  to  forget  their 
birth  on  those  occasions,  and  to  demand  respect  only 
from  their  exact  submisi^on  to  the  orders  of  their  com- 
manders. 

^  The  conduct  and  character  of  Aratus  were  the  con- 
stant subject  of  admiration.  He  was  naturally  polite 
and  obliging  ;  his  sentiments  were  great  and  noble  ;  and 
he  entirely  devoted  himself  to  the  good  of  the  state, 
without  any  interested  views.  He  was  an  implacable 
enemy  to  tyrants,  and  regulated  his  friendship  and  en- 
mity by  the  public  utility.  He  was  qualified,  in  many 
particulars,  to  appear  at  the  head  of  affairs  :  his  expres- 
sions were  always  proper  ;  his  thoughts  just  ;  and  even 
his  silence  judicious.  He  conducted  himself  with  a 
complacency  of  temper,  in  all  diffirences  that  arose  in 
any  deliberations  of  moment,  and  had  no  superior  in  the 
happy  art  of  contracting  friendships  and  alliances.  He 
had  a  wonderful  facility  in  forming  enterprises  against 
an  enemy  ;  in  masking  his  designs  ^rith  impenetrable 
secrecy,  and  in  executing  them  happily  by  his  patience 
•  Plut,  ic  Arat.  p.  1031 .     Polyb.  1.  iv.  p.  277,  278. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  149 

and  intrepidity.  It  must,  however,  be  acknowledged, 
that  this  celebrated  Aratus  did  not  seem  to  be  the  same 
man  at  the  head  of  an  army  :  nothing  could  then  be  dis- 
covered in  him  but  dilatoriness, irresolution, and  timidity; 
whilst  every  prospect  of  danger  was  insupportable  to  him. 
Not  that  he  really  wanted  courage  and  boldness,  but 
these  qualities  seemed  to  be  benumbed  by  the  greatness 
of  the  execution,  and  he  was  only  timorous  on  certain 
occasions,  and  at  intervals.  It  was  from  this  disposition 
of  his,  that  all  Peloponnesus  was  filled  with  the  trophies 
of  his  conquerors,  and  the  monuments  of  his  own  defeats. 
In  this  manner,  says  Polybius,  has  nature  compounded 
different  and  contrary  qualities  together,  not  only  in  the 
bodies  of  men,  but  even  in  their  minds  ;  and  hence  it  is 
that  we  are  to  account  for  the  surprising  diversity  we 
frequently  perceive  in  the  same  persons.  On  some  oc- 
casions they  appear  lively,  heroic,  and  undaunted  ;  and 
at  others,  all  their  vigour,  vivacity,  and  resolution,  en- 
tirely abandon  them. 

P I  have  already  observed,  that  those  citizens  who  had 
been  banished,  gave  Aratus  great  perplexity. — His  dis- 
quiet was  occasioned  by  their  claim  to  the  lands  and 
houses  which  they  possessed  before  their  exile;  the 
greatest  part  of  which  had  been  consigned  to  other  per- 
sons, who  afterwards  sold  them,  and  disappeared  upon 
the  expulsion  of  the  tyrant.  It  was  reasonable  that 
these  exiles  should  be  reinstated  in  their  former  posses- 
sions after  their  recal  from  banishment,  and  they  made 
application  to  that  efiPect  with  all  imaginable  impor- 
tunity. On  the  other  hand,  the  greatest  part  of  what 
they  claimed  had  been  alienated  to  fair  purchasers,  who 
consequently  expected  to  be  reimbursed,  before  they  de- 
livered up  such  houses  and  lands  to  the  claimants.  The 
pretensions  and  complaints  on  this  occasion  were  vi- 
gorously urged  on  both  sides,  and  Sicyon  was  in  the  ut- 
most danger  of  being  ruined  by  a  civil  war,  which  seem- 
ed inevitable.  Never  war  any  affair  more  perplexing 
than  this.  Aratus  was  incapable  of  reconciling  the  two 
parties,  whose  demands  were  equally  equitable,  and  it 

P  Plut,  in  Arat.  p.  1231—1238.     A.  M.  3753.     Ant.  J.  C.  251. 


J  50  THE  HISTORY  OV 

was  impossible  to  satisfy  them  both  at  the  same  time, 
without  expending  very  considerable  sums,  which  he 
was  m  no  condition  to  furnish.  In  this  emergency,  he 
could  think  of  no  resource  but  the  goodness  and  liberali- 
ty of  Ptolemy,  king  of  Egypt,  which  he  himself  had 
experienced  on  the  following  occasion. 

That  prince  was  extremely  curious  •  in  portraits  and 
other  paintings  :  Aratus,  therefore,  who  was  an  excellent 
judge  of  such  performances,  collected  all  the  works  of 
the  greatest  masters  which  he  could  possibly  procure, 
especially  those  of  Pamphilus  and  Melanthus,  and  sent 
them  to  the  king.  Sicyon  was  still  in  great  reputation 
for  the  arts,  and  painting  in  particular  ;  the  true  taste 
of  which  was  preserved  there  in  all  its  ancient  purity. 
It  is  even  said,  that  Apelles,  who  was  then  admired 
by  all  the  world,  had  been  at  Sicyon,  where  he  frequent- 
ed the  schools  of  these  two  painters,  to  whom  he  gave  a 
talent  (equal  to  a  thousand  cro\vns,)  not  so  much  to  ac- 
quire perfection  in  the  art  from  them,  as  in  order  to  ob- 
tain a  share  in  their  great  reputation.  When  Aratus 
had  reinstated  his  city  in  its  former  liberties,  he  destroy- 
ed all  the  pictures  of  the  tyrants  ;  but  when  he  came  to 
that  of  Aristratus,  who  reigned  in  the  time  of  Philip, 
and  whom  the  painter  had  represented  in  the  attitude 
of  standing  in  a  triumphant  chariot,  he  hesitated  a  long 
time  whether  he  should  deface  it  or  not  ;  for  all  the  capi- 
tal scholars  of  JNIelanthus  had  contributed  to  the  com- 
pletion of  that  piece,  and  it  had  even  been  touched  by 
the  pencil  of  Apelles.  This  work  was  so  inimitable  in 
its  kind,  that  Aratus  could  not  avoid  being  affected 
with  its  beauties  :  but  his  aversion  for  tyrants  prevailed 
over  his  admiration  of  the  pictiure,  and  he  accordingly 
ordered  it  to  be  destroyed. 

The  fine  taste  of  Aratus  for  painting,  had  recom- 
mended him  to  the  good  gi*aces  of  Ptolemy  ;  and  he, 
therefore,  thought  he  might  take  the  liberty  to  implore 
the  generosity  of  that  prince,  in  the  melancholy  situa- 
tion to  which  he  was  then  reduced.  With  this  view 
he  embarked  for  Egypt  ;  but  was  exposed  to  many  dan- 
gers and  disappointments,  before  he  could  arrive  in  that 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  151 

kingdom.  He  had  a  long  audience  of  Ptolemy,  who 
esteemed  him  the  better  the  more  he  knew  him  ;  and 
presented  him  with  a  hundred  and  fifty  talents  for  the 
benefit  of  his  city.  Ara  tus  carried  away  forty  talents 
when  he  set  out  for  Peloponnesus,  and  the  king  remitted 
him  the  remainder  in  separate  payments. 

His  fortunate  return  occasioned  universal  joy  in  Si- 
cyon,  and  he  was  invested  with  full  power  to  decide  the 
pretensions  of  the  exiles,  and  regulate  the  partitions  to 
be  made  in  their  favour.  But  as  a  wise  politician,  who 
is  not  anxious  to  engross  the  decision  of  all  affairs  to 
himself,  and  is  not  afraid  of  diminishing  his  reputation 
by  admitting  others  to  share  it  with  him,  he  firmly  re- 
fused the  honours  designed  him,  and  nominated  for  his 
coadjutors  fifteen  citizens  of  the  greatest  repute,  in  con- 
junction with  whom  he  at  last  restored  harmony  and 
peace  among  the  inhabitants,  and  refunded  to  the  seve- 
ral purchasers  all  the  sums  they  had  expended  for  the 
lands  and  houses  they  had  actually  bought.  It  has  al- 
ways been  observed,  that  glory  pursues  those  v/ho  are 
industrious  to  decline  it.  Aratus,  therefore,  who  thought 
himself  in  need  of  good  counsels  to  assist  him  in  the  de- 
termination of  this  important  affair,  (and  persons  of  the 
greatest  merit  always  entertain  the  same  diffidence  of 
themselves,)  had  all  the  honour  of  this  affair.  His  con- 
duct vvas  infinitely  applauded  ;  statues  were  erected  to 
liim,  and  the  people,  by  public  inscriptions,  declared  him 
the  father  of  the  people,  and  the  deliverer  of  his  country. 
These  are  qualities  that  infinitely  transcend  those  of 
the  most  celebrated  conquerors. 

A  success  so  illustrious  gave  Antigonus  jealousy,  and 
even  fear  ;  in  consequence  of  which,  at  a  public  enter- 
tainment, he  artfully  enhanced  the  merit  and  capacity 
of  this  young  man  by  extraordinary  praises,  possibly 
with  an  intention  either  to  gain  him  over  to  his  own 
interest,  or  to  render  him  an  object  of  suspicion  to  Pto- 
lemy. He  insinuated,  in  terms  sufficiently  intelligible, 
that  Aratus  having  discovered,  by  his  own  experience, 
the  vanity  of  the  Egyptian  pride,  intended  to  attach 
himself  to  his  service  ;  and  that  he,  therefore,  was  re- 


152  THE  HISTORY  OF 

solved  to  employ  him  in  his  affairs  :  he  concluded  this 
strain  of  artifice  with  entreating  all  the  lords  of  his 
court,  who  were  then  present,  to  regard  him  in  future 
as  their  friend.  The  particulars  of  this  discourse  were 
soon  repeated  to  Ptolemy,  v^ho  was  not  a  little  surprised 
and  afflicted  when  he  heard  them  :  and  he  complained 
to  Aratus  of  this  injurious  change  :  but  the  latter  easi- 
ly justified  himself  to  that  monarch. 

Aratus  having  been  elected  general  of  the  Achaeans, 
for  the  first  time,  ravaged  Locris,  and  all  the  territory 
of  Calydon,  and  advanced  with  a  body  of  ten  thousand 
men  to  succour  the  Bœotians  ;  but  was  so  unfortunate 
as  not  to  arrive  among  them  till  after  the  battle  of  Chae- 
ronea,  *  in  which  they  were  defeated  by  the  .^tolians. 

f  Eight  years  after  this  transaction,  he  was  elected 
general  of  the  Achasans  a  second  time,  and  rendered 
great  service  to  all  Greece,  by  an  action  which  Plutarch 
considers  as  equal  to  any  of  the  most  illustrious  enter- 
prises of  the  Grecian  leaders. 

The  Isthmus  of  Corinth,  which  separates  the  two 
seas,  unites  the  continent  of  Greece  with  that  of  Pelo- 
ponnesus ;  the  citadel  also  of  Corinth,  distinguished  by 
the  name  of  Acro-Corinthus,  is  situated  on  a  high 
mountain,  exactly  in  the  middle  of  those  two  continents, 
which  are  there  divided  from  each  other  by  a  very  nar- 
row neck  of  land  ;  by  w  hich  means  this  fortress,  when 
furnished  vdth  a  good  garrison,  cuts  off  all  communica- 
tion, by  land  and  sea,  from  the  inner  part  of  the  Isth- 
mus, and  renders  the  person  who  possesses  it,  with  a 
good  body  of  troops,  absolute  master  of  all  Greece. 
Philip  called  this  citadel  **  the  shackles  of  Greece  ;" 
and  as  such,  it  was  an  object  of  desire  and  jealousy  to 
all  the  neighbouring  states,  and  especially  to  kings  and 
princes,  who  consequently  were  desirous  of  seizing  it 
for  their  o\\ti  use. 

Antigonus,  after  having  for  a  long  time,  and  with 

*  Philip,  above  forty  years  before  this  event,  had  obtained  a  ce- 
lebrated victory  over  the  Athenians  and  Thebans,  near  the  same 
place. 

+  A.  M.  3760.     Ant.  J.  C.  244. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSOUS.  153 

extreme  anxiety,  sought  an  opportunity  to  render  him- 
self master  of  this  place,  was  so  fortunate  as  to  carry  it 
by  surprise,  and  made  no  scruple  to  congratulate  him- 
self as  much  on  this  unexpected  success,  as  on  a  real 
triumph.  Aratus,  on  the  other  hand,  entertained 
hopes  of  wresting  this  fortress  from  him,  in  his  turn  ; 
and  while  all  his  thoughts  were  employed  to  that  effect^ 
an  accidental  circumstance  furnished  him  with  an  op- 
portunity of  accomplishing  his  design. 

Erginus,  an  inhabitant  of  Corinth,  had  taken  a  jour- 
ney to  Sicyon,  in  order  to  transact  some  affairs  in  that 
city  ;  and  had  there  contracted  an  intimate  acquaint- 
ance with  a  banker,  who  was  a  particular  friend  of 
Aratus.  As  the  citadel  of  Corinth  liappened  to  be  the 
subject  of  one  of  their  conversations,  Erginus  told  his 
friend,  that  as  he  often  went  to  visit  his  brother.  Dio- 
des, who  was  a  soldier  of  the  garrison,  he  had  observed, 
on  the  steepest  side,  a  small  winding  path  hewn  in  the 
rock,  which  led  to  a  part  of  the  wall  of  the  citadel 
which  was  very  low.  The  banker  was  very  attentive 
to  this  account,  and,  with  a  smile,  desired  his  friend  to 
tell  him,  whether  he  and  his  brother  would  be  disposed 
to  gain  a  large  sum  of  money,  and  make  their  fortunes? 
Erginus  immediately  comprehended  the  bent  of  this 
question,  and  promised  to  sound  his  brother  Diodes  on 
that  head.  Some  few  days  after  this  conversation,  he 
returned  to  the  banker,  and  engaged  to  conduct  Ara- 
tus to  that  part  of  the  mountain  where  the  height  of 
the  wall  did  not  exceed  fifteen  feet,  adding,  at  the  same 
time,  that  himself  and  his  brother  would  assist  him  in 
executing  the  rest  of  his  enterprise.  Aratus  promised, 
on  his  part,  to  give  them  sixty  talents,  if  the  affair 
should  happen  to  succeed  ;  but  as  it  became  requisite 
to  deposit  that  sum  in  the  hands  of  the  banker,  for  the 
security  of  the  two  brothers,  and  as  Aratus  was  neither 
master  of  so  many  talents,  nor  had  any  inclination  to 
borrow  them,  for  fear  of  raising  suspicion  by  that  pro- 
ceeding, and  letting  his  design  get  wind,  he  pledged 
all  his  gold  and  silver  plate,  with  his  wife's  jewels,  t% 
the  banker,  as  a  security  for  the  promised  sum. 


154  THE  HISTORY  OP 

Aratus  had  so  great  a  soul,  says  Plutarch,  and  such 
an  ardour  for  great  actions,  that  when  he  considered 
^nth  himself,  how  universally  F^paminondas  and  Pho- 
cian  had  been  reputed  the  most  worthy  and  just  n^n 
in  all  Greece,  for  refusing  the  presents  that  had  been 
offered  to  them,  and  preferring  virtue  to  all  the  riches 
in  the  world,  he  was  anxious  to  sur])ass  them,  and  to 
refine  upon   their  generosity  and  disinterested  spirit. 
And  indeed  there  is  a  wide  difference  between  the  mere 
refusal  of  presents,  and  the  sacrifice  of  a  person's  whole 
fortune  for  the  service  of  the  public.     Aratus  parted 
with  all  his  fortune,  and  that  too  without  its   being 
known,  for  an  enterprise,  wherein  he  alone  was  exposed 
to  all  the  danger.     Where  is  the  man,  cries  Plutarch, 
amidst  the  enthusiasm  into  which  this  amiable  action 
had  wrought  him,  who  can  possibly  be  incapable  of  ad- 
miring so  uncommon  and  surprising  an  instance  of  mag- 
nanimity !  Who,  even  at  this  time,  can  forbear  to  inte- 
rest himself  in  this  great  exploit,  and  to  combat  in  ima- 
gination by  the  side  of  so  great  a  man,  who  paid  so 
dearly  for  so  extraordinar}^  a  danger,  and  pledged  the 
most  valuable  part  of  his  fortune,  only  to  procure  an 
opportunity  of  advancing  into  the  midst  of  his  enemies 
in  the  dead  of  night,  when  he  knew  he  should  be  com- 
pelled to  fight  for  his  own  life,  without  any  other  secu- 
rity than  the  hopes  of  performing  a  noble  action  ? 

It  may  justly  be  remarked  on  this  occasion,  that  the 
taste  for  glory,  disinterestedness,  and  the  public  good, 
were  perpetuated  among  theGreeks,bythe  remembrance 
of  those  great  men  who  had  distinguished  themselves  in 
past  ages  by  such  glorious  sentiments. 

This  is  the  great  advantage  which  attends  history 
written  like  that  of  the  Greeks,  and  the  principal  bene- 
fit to  be  derived  from  it. 

The  preparations  for  the  enterprise  w^ere  thwarted  by 
a  variety  of  obstructions,  any  one  of  which  seemed  suf- 
ficient to  have  rendered  it  ineffectual  ;  but  when  all 
these  were  at  last  simnounted,  Aratus  ordered  his  troops 
to  pass  the  night  under  arms.  He  then  selected  four 
hundred  men,  most  of  whom  were  imacquainted  with 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  155 

the  design  he  intended  to  execute  :  they  were  all  fur- 
nished with  scaling-ladders,  and  he  led  them  directly  to 
the  gates  of  the  city  by  the  walls  of  Juno's  temple. 
The  sky  was  then  unclouded,  and  the  moon  shone  ex- 
tremely bright,  which  filled  the  adventurers  with  just 
apprehensions  of  being  discovered.  But  in  a  little 
time  a  dark  fog  rose  very  fortunately  from  the  sea,  and 
shed  a  thick  gloom  over  all  the  adjacent  parts  of  the 
city.  All  the  troops  then  seated  themselves  on  the 
ground,  to  take  off  their  shoes,  as  well  to  lessen  the 
noise,  as  to  facilitate  their  ascent  by  the  scaling-ladders, 
from  which  they  should  not  then  be  so  liable  to  slip. 
In  the  mean  time,  Erginus,  with  seven  resolute  young 
men.,  habited  like  travellers,  passed  through  the  gate 
without  being  perceived,  and  killed  the  sentinel  and 
guards  who  were  there  upon  duty.  The  ladders  were 
then  fixed  on  the  wall,  and  Aratus  ascended  with  a  hun- 
dred of  his  boldest  troops,  giving  orders  to  the  rest  to 
follow  him  as  fast  as  they  were  able  ;  and  having  drawn 
up  his  ladders,  he  descended  into  the  city,  and  march- 
ed at  the  head  of  his  hundred  men,  towards  the  citadel, 
with  the  utmost  joy,  as  having  already  succeeded,  by 
passing  undiscovered. 

As  they  were  proceeding  in  their  march,  they  saw  a 
small  guard  of  four  men,  with  lights  in  their  hands,  by 
whom  they  were  not  perceived,  because  the  darkness  of 
the  night  shrouded  them  from  their  view.  Aratus  and 
his  men  shrunk  back  against  some  walls  and  ruins  that 
were  near,  where  they  disposed  themselves  into  an  am- 
buscade, from  whence  they  started  as  the  four  men  were 
passing  by,  and  killed  three  of  their  number.  The 
fourth,  who  received  a  deep  wound  on  his  head,  fled 
from  the  place,  and  cried  out  as  loud  as  he  was  able, 
that  the  enemies  were  entered  the  city.  The  trumpets 
in  a  moment  sounded  the  alarm,  and  all  the  inhabi- 
tants crowded  together  at  the  noise.  The  streets  were 
already  filled  with  people,  who  flocked  from  all  quar- 
ters, and  blazing  with  innumerable  lights,  which  were 
immediately  set  up  in  every  part  of  the  city,  and  also 


156  THE  HISTORY  OP 

on  the  ramparts  of  the  castle,  whilst  everyplace  resound- 
ed with  confused  and  undistinguishahle  cries. 

Aratus  still  continued  his  progress,  notwithstanding 
the  alarm,  and  endeavoured  to  climb  the  steep  rocks  : 
he  made  way,  howTver,  at  first,  very  slowly,  and  with 
great  labour,  because  he  had  missed  the  path  that  led 
to  the  wall  through  numberless  windings,  which  it  was 
almost  impracticable  to  trace  out.  While  he  was  thus 
perplexed,  the  clouds  dispersed,  as  if  a  miracle  had  in- 
terposed in  his  favour  ;  the  moon  then  appeared  in  its 
former  brightness,  and  discovered  all  the  intricacies  of 
the  path,  till  he  arrived  on  the  spot  of  ground  at  the 
foot  of  the  wall,  which  had  been  formerly  described  to 
him.  The  skies  were  then  happily  covered  with  clouds 
again,  and  the  moon  was  once  more  immersed  in  dark- 
ness. 

The  three  hundred  soldiers  whom  Aratus  had  left 
without,  near  the  temple  of  Juno,  having  entered  the 
city,  which  was  then  filled  with  confusion  and  tumult, 
and  also  illuminated  with  a  prodigious  number  of  lights; 
and  not  being  able  to  find  the  path  which  Aratus  had 
taken,  drew  up  into  a  close  body,  under  a  bending  rock 
which  shaded  them  at  the  bottom  of  the  precipice,  where 
they  waited  in  the  utmost  anxiety  and  distress.  Ara- 
tus was  then  skirmishing  on  the  ramparts  of  the  cita- 
del, and  the  noise  of  the  combatants  might  easily  be 
heard  below  :  but  as  the  sound  was  repeated  by  the 
echoes  of  the  neighbouring  mountains,  it  was  impossible 
to  distinguish  the  place  from  whence  it  proceeded. 
Those  soldiers,  therefore,  not  knowing  which  way  to 
bend  their  course,  Archelaus,  who  commanded  the 
troops  of  king  Antigonus,  having  drawn  out  a  consider- 
able number  of  troops,  mounted  the  ascent  with  loud 
shouts,  and  a  great  blast  of  trumpets,  with  an  intention 
to  assault  Aratus  in  his  rear,  and  in  his  march  passed 
by  those  three  hundred  men  without  perceiving  them  ; 
but  when  he  had  advanced  a  little  beyond  them,  they 
started  from  the  place  of  their  concealment,  as  if  they 
had  been  planted  expressly  in  ambuscade,  and  fell  upon 
him  with  great  resolution,  killing  all  who  first  came  in 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  157 

their  way.  The  rest  of  the  troops,  and  even  Arche- 
laus  himself,  were  then  seized  with  such  a  consterna^ 
tion,  that  they  fled  from  their  enemies,  w^ho  continued 
to  attack  them  in  their  retreat,  till  they  had  all  disper- 
sed themselves  in  the  city. 

This  defeat  was  immediately  succeeded  by  the  arrival 
of  Erginus,  who  had  been  sent  by  those  that  were  fight- 
ing on  the  walls  of  the  citadel,  to  acquaint  them  that 
Aratus  was  engaged  with  the  enemies,  who  made  a 
very  vigorous  defence,  and  was  in  great  need  of  im- 
mediate assistance.  The  troops  that  moment  desired 
him  to  be  their  conductor  ;  and  as  they  mounted  the 
rocks,  they  proclaimed  their  approach  by  loud  cries,  to 
animate  their  friends,  and  redouble  their  ardour.  The 
beams  of  the  moon,  which  was  then  in  the  full,  played 
upon  their  armour,  and,  in  conjunction  with  the  length 
of  the  way  by  which  they  ascended,  made  them  appear 
more  numerous,  while  the  midnight  silence  rendered 
the  echoes  much  more  strong  and  audible  ;  by  which 
means  their  shouts  seemed  those  of  a  much  greater  body 
of  men  than  they  really  were.  When  they  at  last  had 
joined  their  companions,  they  charged  their  enemies 
with  a  vigour  that  soon  dispersed  them,  upon  which 
they  posted  themselves  on  the  wall,  and  became  abso- 
lute masters  of  the  citadel  by  break  of  day  ;  so  that 
the  sun's  first  rays  saw  them  victorious.  The  rest  of 
their  troops  arrived  at  the  same  time  from  Sicyon  ;  and 
the  Corinthians,  after  they  had  willingly  throvvU  open 
the  city  gates  to  receive  them,  assisted  them  in  making 
the  troops  of  Antigonus  prisoners  of  war, 

Aratus,  when  he  had  effectually  secured  his  victory, 
descended  from  the  citadel  into  the  theatre,  which  was 
then  crowded  with  a  vast  concourse  of  people,  drawn 
thither  by  their  curiosity  to  see  him,  and  to  hear  him 
speak.  After  he  had  posted  his  Achaeans  on  each  side 
of  the  avenues  of  the  theatre,  he  advanced  from  the 
bottom  of  the  stage  completely  armed,  with  a  counte- 
nance extremely  changed  by  his  want  of  rest  and  the 
long  fatigue  he  had  sustained.  The  bold  and  manly 
joy  with  which  this  extraordinary  success  had  inspired 


158  THE  HISTORY  OF 

him,  was  obscured  by  the  langour  his  extreme  weakness 
and  decay  of  spirits  had  occasioned.  The  moment  he 
appeared  in  the  theatre,  all  the  people  were  emulous  to 
testify  their  profound  respect  and  gratitude,  by  repeat- 
ed applauses  and  acclamations.  Aratus,  in  the  mean 
time,  shifted  his  lance  from  his  left  to  his  right  hand  ; 
and  then  leaning  his  body  and  one  knee  a  little  against 
it,  he  continued  for  some  time  in  that  posture. 

When  the  whole  theatre  was  at  last  silent,  he  exert- 
ed all  the  vigour  he  had  left,  and  acquainted  them,  in 
a  long  discourse,  with  the  particulars  of  the  Achaean 
league,  exliorted  them  to  accede  to  it,  and  at  the  same 
time  delivered  to  them  the  keys  of  their  city,  which,  till 
then,  had  never  been  in  their  power  from  the  time  of 
Philip.  As  to  the  captains  of  Antigonus,  he  restored 
Archelaus,  whom  he  had  taken  prisoner,  to  his  liberty  ; 
but  caused  Theophrastus  to  suffer  death,  for  refusing 
to  quit  the  city. 

Aratus  made  himself  master  of  the  temple  of  Juno 
and  of  the  port  of  Lechaeum,  where  he  seized  twenty- 
five  of  the  king's  ships.  He  also  took  five  hundred  vv-ar 
horses,  and  four  hundred  Syrians,  whom  he  afterwards 
sold.  The  Achaeans  kept  the  citadel,  in  which  they 
placed  a  garrison  of  four  hundred  men. 

An  action  so  bold  and  successful  as  this,  could  not 
fail  to  be  productive  of  very  fortunate  events.  The  in- 
habitants of  IMegara  quitted  the  party  of  Antig(>nus 
and  joined  Aratus.  Their  example  was  soon  followed 
by  the  people  of  Trœzene  and  Epidam'us,  who  acceded 
to  the  Achaean  league. 

Aratus  also  brought  Ptolemy  king  of  Egypt,  into 
the  confederacy,  by  assigning  the  superintendence  of 
the  war  to  him,  and  electing  him  generalissimo  of  their 
troops  by  land  and  sea.  This  event  gained  him  so 
much  credit  and  reputation  among  the  Achaeans,  that 
as  the  nomination  of  the  same  man  to  the  post  of  cap- 
tain-general for  a  succession  of  years  was  expressly  pro- 
hibited by  the  laws,  Aratus  was,  however,  elected  every 
other  year,  and  he,  either  by  his  counsels  or  personal 
conduct,  enjoyed  that  command  without  any  disconti- 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  159 

jauation  :  for  it  was  evident  to  all  mankind,  that  neither 
riches  nor  the  friendship  of  kings,  no,  nor  even  the  par- 
ticular advantages  of  Sicyon,  his  native  place,  nor  any 
other  consideration  whatever,  had  the  least  preference 
in  his  mind,  to  the  welfare  and  aggrandizement  of  the 
Achaean  s.  He  was  persuaded,  that  all  weak  cities  re- 
semhle  those  parts  of  the  body  which  thrive  and  exist 
only  by  their  mutual  union,  and  infallibly  perish  when 
once  they  are  separated  ;  as  the  sustenance  by  which 
they  subsist  is  discontinued  from  that  moment.  In  like 
manner  cities  soon  sink  into  ruin,  when  the  social  bands 
which  connect  them  are  once  dissolved  ;  but  thev  are 
always  seen  to  flourish,  and  improve  in  power  and  pros- 
perity, when  they  become  parts  of  a  large  body,  and 
are  associated  by  an  unity  of  interest.  A  common  pre- 
caution then  reigns  through  the  whole,  and  is  the  happy 
source  of  life,  from  whence  all  the  vigour  that  supports 
them  is  derived. 

<iAll  the  views  of  Aratus,  and  all  his  enterprises, 
while  he  continued  in  his  employment,  tended  entirely 
to  the  expulsion  of  the  Macedonians  out  of  Peloponne- 
sus, and  the  abolition  of  all  kinds  of  tyranny  ;  the  re- 
establishment  of  the  cities  in  their  ancient  liberty,  and 
the  exercise  of  their  laws.  These  were  the  only  mo- 
tives which  prompted  him  to  oppose  the  enterprises  of 
Antigonus  Gonatas,  during  the  life  of  that  prince. 

^  He  also  pursued  the  same  conduct  with  respect  to 
Demetrius,  who  succeeded  Antigonus,  and  reigned  for 
the  space  of  ten  years.  The  ^tolians  had  at  first  join- 
ed Antigonus  Gonatas,  with  an  intention  to  destroy 
the  A(îhaean  league  ;  but  embroiled  themselves  with 
Demetrius  his  successor,  who  declared  war  against  them. 
*The  Achaeans,  forgetting  on  this  occasion  the  ill  treat- 
ment they  had  received  from  that  people,  marched  to 
their  assistance,  by  which  means  a  strict  union  was  re- 


1  Polyb.  1.  ii.p.  130- 

"^  Polyb.  1.  ii.  p.  91—101.    Appian.  de  bellis  Illvr.  p.  76O.   A.  M, 
3762.     Ant  J.  C.  242. 

*  A.  M.  3770.     Ant.  J.  C.  234. 


160  THE  HISTORY  OF 

established  between  them,  which  became  very  advan-^ 
tageous  to  all  the  neighbouring  cities. 

*Illyria  was  then  governed  by  several  petty  kings,  who 
subsisted  chiefly  by  rapine,  and  exercised  a  sort  of  pi- 
racy against  all  the  neighbouring  countries.  Agron, 
the  son  of  Pleurâtes,  Scerdiledes,  Demetrius  of  Pharus, 
so  called  from  a  city  of  Illyria,  subject  to  him,  were  the 
petty  princes  who  infested  all  the  neighbouring  parts  ; 
and  attacked  Corcyra,  and  the  Arcanians  in  particular. 
f  Teuta  reigned  after  the  death  of  her  husband  Agron, 
who  had  ended  his  days  by  intemperance,  and  left  a 
young  son,  named  Pinaeus.  These  people,  harassed  in 
the  manner  I  have  mentioned,  had  recourse  to  the 
MtoMsLBs  and  Achaeans,  who  readily  undertook  their  de- 
fence ;  though  their  good  services  were  repaid  only  with 
ingratitude.  The  people  of  Corcyra  made  an  alliance 
with  the  Jllyrians,  soon  after  this  event,  and  received 
Demetrius  of  Pharus,  with  his  garrison,  into  their  city. 

i  The  Romans  were  so  offended  at  the  piracies  with 
which  this  people  infested  their  citizens  and  merchants, 
that  they  sent  an  embassy  to  Teuta,  to  complain  of 
those  injurious  proceedings.  That  princess  caused  one 
of  the  ambassadors  to  be  slain,  and  the  other  to  be 
thrown  into  prison,  w^hich  provoked  the  Romans  to  de- 
clare war  against  her,  to  revenge  so  outrageous  an  in- 
sult. The  two  consuls,  L.  Poshumius  Albinus,  and 
Cn.  Fulvius  Centumalus,  set  out  with  a  commission  to 
invade  Illyria  by  land  and  sea.  The  people  of  Corcyra, 
in  concert  with  Demetrius  of  Phams,  delivered  up  to 
the  consul  Fulvius  the  gamson  they  had  received  into 
their  city  ;  and  the  Romans,  after  they  had  reinstated 
Corcyra  in  its  former  liberties,  advanced  into  Illyria, 
and  conquered  great  part  of  the  country  ;  and  consign- 
ed several  cities  to  Demetrius,  as  a  compensation  for  his 
treacherous  conduct  in  their  favour. 

§  Teuta,  reduced  to  the  utmost  extremity,  implored 

*  A.  M.  3772.  Ant.  J.  C.  232, 

t  A.  M.  3776.  Ant.  J.  C.  228. 

X  A.  M.  3778.  Ant.  J.  C.  226. 

§  A.M.  3779.  Ant.  J.  C.  225. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  I6l 

peace  of  the  Romans,  and  obtained  it,  on  her  engage- 
ment to  pay  a  yearly  tribute,  and  deliver  up  all  Illyria, 
except  a  few  places  which  she  was  permitted  to  enjoy  ; 
but  the  most  beneficial  article  for  the  Greeks  was,  her 
being  restrained  from  sailing  beyond  the  city  of  Lissus 
with  more  than  two  small  vessels,  and  even  those  were 
not  to  carry  any  arms.  The  other  petty  kings,  who 
seemed  to  have  been  dependent  on  Teuta,  were  compre- 
hended in  this  treaty,  though  it  expressly  mentioned 
none  but  that  princess. 

The  Romans  then  caused  themselves  to  be  respected 
in  Greece  by  a  solemn  embassy  ;  and  this  was  the  first 
time  that  their  power  was  known  in  that  country. 
They  sent  ambassadors  to  the  j^^tolians  and  Achaeans, 
to  communicate  to  them  the  treaty  they  had  lately  con- 
cluded with  the  lllyrians.  Others  were  also  despatch- 
ed to  Corinth  and  Athens  ;  and  the  Corinthians  then 
declared  for  the  first  time,  by  a  public  decree,  that  the 
Romans  should  be  admitted  to  celebrate  the  Isthmian 
games,  with  the  same  privileges  as  the  Greeks.  The 
freedom  of  the  city  was  also  granted  them  at  Athens, 
and  they  were  permitted  to  be  initiated  into  the  great 
mysteries. 

Aratus,  after  the  death  of  Demetrius,  who  reigned 
only  ten  years,  found  the  dispositions  of  the  people  very 
favourable  to  his  designs.  Several  tyrants,  whom  that 
prince  had  supported  with  all  his  credit,  and  to  whom 
he  paid  large  pensions,  having  lost  their  support  by  liis 
death,  made  a  voluntary  resignation  of  the  authority 
they  had  usurped  over  their  citizens  ;  others  of  them, 
either  intimidated  by  the  menaces  of  Aratus,  or  pre- 
vailed upon  by  his  promises,  followed  their  example  ; 
and  he  procured  several  considerable  advantages  for 
them  all,  that  they  might  have  no  temptation  to  repent 
of  their  conduct. 

^Aratus,  who  beheld  with  regret  the  subjection  of 
the  people  of  Argos  to  the  tyrant  Aristomachus,  un- 
dertook their  deliverance  ;  and  made  it  a  point  of  ho- 
nour to  restore  liberty  to  that  city,  as  a  recompense  for 

8  Plut  in  Arat.  p.  1038—1041. 

VOL.  vr.  M 


162  THE  HISTORY  OF 

the  education  he  had  received  there  ;  and  he  also  con- 
sidered the  accession  of  so  potent  a  city  to  the  AchaBan 
league,  as  highly  advantageous  to  the  common  cause  : 
but  his  measures  to  this  effect  were  rendered  unsuccess- 
ful at  that  time.  Aristomachus  was  soon  after  slain  by 
his  domestics  ;  and  before  there  could  be  any  opportu- 
nity to  regulate  affairs,  Aristippus,  a  tyrant  more  de- 
testable than  his  predecessor,  seized  the  supreme  power 
into  his  own  hands,  and  had  the  dexterity  to  maintaitt 
himself  in  that  usurpation,  even  with  the  consent  of 
the  Argives.  But  looking  upon  Aratus  as  a  mortal 
enemy,  during  whose  life  he  imagined  his  o^vn  would 
always  be  in  danger,  he  resolved  to  destroy  him  by  the 
assistance  of  king  Antigonus  Doson,  who  agreed  to 
be  the  minister  of  his  vengeance.  He  had  already  pre- 
pared assassins  in  all  parts,  who  only  waited  for  an  op- 
portunity of  executing  their  bloody  commission.  No 
prince  or  commander  can  ever  have  a  more  effectual 
guard,  than  the  firm  and  sincere  affection  of  those  they 
govern  :  for,  when  once  the  nobility  and  people  have 
been  accustomed  not  to  fear  their  prince,  but  to  fear 
for  him,  innumerable  eyes  and  years  are  attentive  to  all 
that  passes.  This  Aratus  was  so  happy  as  to  expe- 
rience in  the  present  conjuncture. 

Plutarch,  on  this  occasion,  draws  a  fine  contrast  be- 
tween the  troubles  and  anxieties  of  Aristippus,  and  the 
peace  and  tranquillity  of  Aratus.  That  tyrant,  says  he, 
w^ho  maintained  such  a  body  of  troops  for  the  security 
of  his  person,  and  who  had  shed  the  blood  of  all  those 
of  whom  he  entertained  any  dread,  was  incapable  of 
enjoying  a  moment's  repose,  either  by  night  or  day. 
Every  circumstance  alarmed  him  ;  his  soul  was  the 
seat  of  ten'or  and  anxiety,  that  knew  no  intermission  ; 
and  he  even  trembled  at  his  ovra  shadow.  A  dreadful 
guard  continually  watched  round  his  house  with  drawn 
swords  ;  and  as  his  life  was  perpetually  in  their  power, 
he  feared  them  more  than  all  the  rest  of  mankind.  He 
never  permitted  them  to  enter  his  palace,  but  ordered 
them  to  be  stationed  in  the  porticoes  which  surrounded 
it*    He  drove  away  all  his  domestics  the  moment  he 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  163 

had  supped  ;  after  which  he  shut  the  gate  of  his  court 
with  his  own  hands,  and  then  retired  with  his  concubine 
into  an  upper  apartment,  which  he  entered  by  a  trap- 
door. When  this  was  let  down,  he  placed  his  bed  upon 
it,  and  slept,  as  we  may  suppose  a  man  to  sleep  in  his 
condition,  whose  soul  is  a  perpetual  prey  to  trovible, 
terror,  and  apprehension.  The  mother  of  his  concu- 
bine removed,  each  night,  the  ladder  by  which  he  as- 
cended into  his  chamber,  and  replaced  it  in  its  former 
situation  the  next  morning.  Aratus,  on  the  other  hand, 
who  had  acquired  perpetual  pov/er,  not  by  the  force  of 
arms,  but  merely  by  his  virtue  and  the  effect  of  the 
laws,  appeared  in  public  with  a  plain  robe  and  a  mind 
void  of  fear  :  and  whereas  among  all  those  who  possess 
fortresses,  and  maintain  guards,  with  the  additional 
precaution  of  arms,  gates,  and  traps,  as  so  many  ram- 
parts for  their  safety,  few  escape  a  violent  death  ;  Ara- 
tus, on  the  contrary,  who  always  showed  him, self  an 
implacable  enemy  to  tyrants,  left  behind  him  a  posterity 
which  subsists,  says  Plutarch,  to  this  day,  and  is  still 
honoured  and  respected  by  all  the  world.  * 

Aratus  attacked  the  tyrant  with  open  force,  but  acted 
with  very  little  prudence  or  resolution  in  the  first  en- 
gagement, when  even  one  of  the  wings  of  his  army  had 
defeated  the  enemy  ;  for  he  caused  a  retreat  to  be  sound- 
ed very  unseasonably,  and  resigned  the  victory  to  the 
foe,  which  drew  upon  him  a  number  of  severe  reproaches. 
He,  however,  made  amends  for  his  fault  in  a  second 
battle,  wherein  Aristippus,  and  above  fifteen  hundred 
of  his  men,  lost  their  lives.  Aratus,  though  he  had 
obtained  so  signal  a  victory,  and  without  losing  one 
man,  was  however  unable  to  make  himself  master  of 
the  city  of  Argos,  or  restore  liberty  to  the  inhabitants  ; 
as  Agias,  and  the  young  Aristomachus,  had  thrown 
themselves  with  a  body  of  the  king's  troops  into  the 
place. 

*  Polycrates,  to  whom  Plutarch  addresses  the  life  of  Aratus,  was 
one  of  his  «lescendants,  and  had  two  sons,  by  whom  the  race  was 
still  coniinued,  after  having  already  subsisted  three  hundred  and 
fifty  years  after  the  death  of  Aratus, 


164  TftE  HISTORY  OF 

He  succeeded  better  with  respect  to  the  city  of  Me- 
galopolis, where  I.ysiades  had  usurped  the  supreme 
power.  This  person  had  none  of  the  violent  and  in- 
human characteristics  of  tyrants,  and  had  seized  the 
sovereignty  from  no  other  inducement,  than  a  false  idea 
of  the  happiness  and  glory  which  he  imagined  insepar- 
able from  supreme  power  ;  hut  he  resigned  the  tyranny, 
either  through  fear,  or  a  conviction  of  his  error,  upon 
the  remonstrances  of  Aratus,  and  caused  his  city  to  ac- 
cede  to  the  Achaean  league.  That  league  was  affected 
to  such  a  degree  by  so  generous  an  action,  that  they 
immediately  chose  him  for  tlieir  general  ;  and  as  he  at 
first  was  emulous  of  surpassing  Aratus,  he  engaged  in 
several  entei'prises  which  seemed  unnecessary  at  that 
juncture,  and  among  the  rest,  declared  war  against  the 
Lacedaemonians  Aratus  employed  his  utmost  influence 
to  oppose  him  in  those  measures,  but  his  endeavours 
were  misinterpreted  as  the  effects  of  envy.  Lysiades 
was  elected  general  a  second  time,  and  then  a  third, 
and  each  of  them  commanded  alternately.  But  when 
he  w\is  observed  to  act  in  opposition  to  his  rival  on  all 
occasions,  and,  without  the  least  regard  to  decency,  was 
continually  repeating  his  injurious  treatment  of  a  virtue 
so  solid  and  sincere  as  that  of  Aratus  ;  it  became  evi- 
dent that  the  zeal  he  affected  was  no  more  than  a  plau- 
sible outside,  which  concealed  a  dangerous  ambition  ; 
and  they  deprived  him  of  the  command. 

As-  the  Lacedasmonians  will,  for  the  future,  have  a 
considerable  share  in  the  wars  sustained  by  the  Achaeans, 
it  seems  necessary  to  give  a  brief  account  of  the  condi- 
tion of  that  people  in  this  place. 

SECT.  III.  Agis  Ian  g  of  Sparta  attempts  to  reform  the  state^ 
and  endeavours  to  revh'e  the  ancient  mst'itutions  of  Lycur- 
giis  ;  in  which  he  partly  succeeds  :  butjinds  an  entire  change 
in  Sparta^  at  his  return  froin  a  campaign  in  which  he  had 
joined  Aratus  against  the  JEtolians.  He  is  at  last  condemih- 
ed  to  die,  and  executed  accordingly. 

'When  the  love  of  wealth  had  crept  into  the  city  of 

^  Plul.  in  Agid.  p.  796— 80 1. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  165 

Sparta,  and  had  afterwards  introduced  luxury,  avarice, 
indolence,  effeminacy,  profusion,  and  all  those  pleasures 
which  are  generally  the  inseparable  attendants  of  riches  ; 
and  when  these  had  broken  down  all  the  strong  bar- 
riers which  the  wisdom  of  Lycurgus  had  formed,  with 
the  view  of  excluding  them  for  ever  ;  Sparta  beheld  her- 
self fallen  from  her  ancient  glory  and  power,  and  was 
reduced  to  an  abject  and  humble  state,  which  continued 
to  the  reign  of  Agis  and  Leonidas,  of  whom  we  are  now 
to  treat. 

Agis,  the  son  of  Eudamidas,  was  of  the  house  of  the 
Eurytionidae,  and  the  sixth  descendant  from  Agesilaus, 
who  made  an  expedition  into  Asia.  Leonidas,  the  son 
of  Cleonymus,  was  of  the  family  of  the  Agidss,  and  the 
eighth  prince  that  reigned  in  Sparta,  after  Pausanias, 
who  defeated  Mardonius  in  the  battle  of  Platseae. 

I  have  already  related  the  dispute  that  arose  in  Sparta 
between  Cleonymus  *  and  Areus,  in  regard  to  the  sove- 
reignty, which  was  obtained  by  the  latter;  and  he 
afterwards  caused  Pyrrhus  to  raise  the  siege  of  Lace- 
daemon.  He  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Acrotatus,  who 
reigned  seven  or  eight  years,  and  left  a  young  son  named 
Areus,  from  his  grandfather.  This  prince  was  under 
the  tuition  of  Leonidas,  but  died  in  a  short  time  ;  upon 
which  Leonidas  rose  from  the  regency  to  the  throne. 

Though  all  the  Spartans  had  been  depraved  and  per- 
verted by  the  general  corruption  into  which  the  govern- 
ment was  fallen,  this  depravity  and  remoteness  from 
the  ancient  manners  of  that  people  was  most  conspicuous 
in  the  conduct  of  Leonidas  ;  who  had  resided  for  seve- 
ral years  in  the  palaces  of  the  Satrapae,  and  had  for 
many  years  made  his  court  to  Seleucus  :  he  had  even 
espoused  a  wife  in  Asia,  contrary  to  the  laws  of  his 
country,  and  had  afterwards  employed  his  utmost  en- 
deavours to  introduce  all  the  pomp  and  pride  of  princes 

*  Josephus  relates,  that  Areus  king  of  Lacedœmon  sent  letters  to 
Onias  the  high  priest  of  the  Jews,  in  which  he  acknowledged  an 
affinity  between  that  people  and  the  Lacedaemonians.  The  origin  of 
this  affinity  is  not  easily  to  be  distinguished,  nor  is  it  less  difficult 
to  reconcile  the  time  of  Areus  with  that  of  Onias. 


166  THE  HISTORY  OF 

into  a  free  country,  and  a  government  founded  on  mo- 
deration and  justice. 

Agis  was  the  reverse  of  this  character.  He  was  then 
in  the  twentieth  year  of  his  age,  and  though  he  had  been 
educated  amidst  riches,  *  and  the  luxury  of  a  house  re- 
markable for  being  equally  voluptuous  and  haughty, 
he,  from  the  first,  renounced  all  those  ensnaring  plea- 
sures ;  and  instead  of  testifying  the  least  regard  for  the 
splendid  vanities  of  dress,  he  made  it  his  glory  to  ap- 
pear in  a  plain  habit,  and  to  re-establish  the  public 
meals,  baths,  and  all  the  ancient  discipline  of  Sparta. 
He  even  declared  openly,  "  That  he  should  not  value 
being  king,  if  it  were  not  for  the  hopes  of  reviving  the 
ancient  laws  and  discipline  of  Sparta."  These  noble 
sentiments  were  a  demonstration  that  Agis  had  formed 
a  true  notion  of  regal  power  ;  the  most  essential  duty 
and  true  glory  of  which  are  derived  from  the  establish- 
ment of  good  order  in  all  the  branches  of  a  state,  by 
giving  due  force  to  customs  established  by  wise  laws. 

This  discipline  began  to  be  disregarded  the  moment 
Sparta  had  ruined  the  Athenian  government,  and  be- 
gan to  abound  in  gold.  The  same  partition,  however, 
of  lands,  which  had  been  made  by  Lycurgus,  and  the 
number  of  hereditary  possessions  established  by  him, 
having  been  preserved  through  all  successions  of  descent, 
and  each  father  transmitting  his  part  in  the  same  man- 
ner as  he  had  received  it  himself;  this  order  and  equality, 
which  had  been  preserved  without  interruption,  suspend- 
ed, in  some  measure,  the  ill  effects  of  those  other  abuses 
which  then  prevailed.  But  as  soon  as  this  pi*udent  institu- 
tion began  to  be  struck  at,  by  a  law  which  permitted  every 
man  to  dispose  of  his  house  and  patrimony,  in  his  own 
lifetime,  or  bequeath  them  by  will  to  whom  he  pleased 
after  his  death  ;  this  new  law  effectually  sapped  the 
best  foundation  of  the  Spartan  polity.  Epitades,  one 
of  the  Ephori,  introduced  this  law,  to  avenge  himself 
on  one  of  his  sons,  whose  conduct  had  displeased  him. 

*  Plutarch  informs  us,  that  his  mother  Agesistrata,  and  his  grand- 
mother Archi'^amia,  possessed  more  gold  and  silver  than  all  the  other 
Lacedaemonians  together. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  167 

It  is  indeed  surprising,  that  a  whole  state  should  so 
easily  be  induced  to  change  such  an  ancient  and  funda- 
mental custom  as  this,  merely  to  gratify  the  resentment 
of  one  man.  The  pretext  for  this  change  was  undoubted- 
ly the  augmentation  of  paternal  authority,  in  their  se- 
veral families  ;  since  it  was  not  then  possessed  of  any 
motives  that  could  ensure  filial  respect  ;  the  children  of 
that  community  having  nothing  to  hope  or  fear,  as  they 
received  all  alike  the  fortune  they  could  expect,  imme- 
diately from  the  state,  and  with  an  absolute  indepen- 
dency on  their  parents.  This  domestic  inconvenience, 
in  which  every  father  thought  himself  concerned,  and 
which  seemed  to  regard  good  order  in  all  families,  created 
strong  impressions  in  those  who  had  the  greatest  share 
in  the  administration,  and  rendered  them  incapable  of 
considering  the  much  greater  inconveniences  which  would 
inevitably  result  from  this  change,  and  whose  pernicious 
effects  were  soon  felt  by  the  state. 

This  proceeding  is  sufficient  to  convince  us  how  dan- 
gerous it  is  to  change  the  ancient  laws,  *  on  the  basis 
of  which  a  state,  or  community,  has  long  subsisted  ;  and 
what  precautions  ought  to  be  taken  against  bad  im- 
pressions which  may  arise  through  particular  inconve- 
niences, from  which  the  wisest  institutions  cannot  be 
exempted  :  how  much  prudence,  penetration  into  future 
events,  and  experience,  are  necessary  to  those  who  take 
upon  them  to  balance  and  compare  the  advantages  and 
defects  of  ancient  customs,  with  any  new  regulations 
which  are  proposed  to  be  substituted  in  their  stead. 

It  may  be  justly  affirmed,  that  the  ruin  of  Sparta  was 
occasioned  by  this  new  law,  which  authorised  the  alien- 
ation of  hereditary  estates.  The  great  men  were  daily- 
enlarging  their  fortunes^  by  dispossessing  the  heirs  of 
the  estates  which  belonged  to  them  ;  in  consequence  of 
which,  all  patrimonial  possessions  were  soon  engrossed 
by  a  very  inconsiderable  number  of  persons  ;  poverty 
prevailed  through  the  whole  city,  and  sunk  the  people 
into  a  mean  and  disgraceful  indolence  of  mind  ;  by  ex- 

*  "  Adeo  nihil  motum  ex  antique  probabile  est  ;  veteribus,  ni^ 
^uœ  usus  evidenter  arguit,  stari  malunt."     Liv,  1.  xxxiv.  n.  54, 


168  THE  HISTORY  OF 

tinguishing  that  ardour  for  virtue  and  glory,  which,  till 
then,  had  rendered  the  Spartans  superior  to  all  the 
other  states  of  Greece,  and  by  infusing  into  the  hearts 
of  the  people  an  implacable  envy  and  aversion  for  those 
who  had  unjustly  divested  them  of  all  their  posses- 
sions. 

The  number  of  native  Spartans  in  that  city  was  re- 
duced to  about  seven  hundred  ;  and  not  many  more 
than  a  hundred  of  these  had  preserved  their  family 
«states.  All  the  rest  were  a  populace  overwhelmed  by 
poverty,  destitute  of  revenues,  and  excluded  from  a  par- 
ticipation in  honours  and  dignities  :  these  acted  with 
reluctance  and  indifference  in  wars  against  a  foreign 
enemy,  because  they  were  sensible  the  rich  would  be  the 
only  gainers  by  their  victories  ;  in  a  word,  they  were 
constantly  waiting  for  an  opportunity  to  change  the  pre- 
tsent  situation  of  affairs,  and  withdraw  themselves  from 
the  oppressions  they  sustained. 

*  Such  was  the  state  of  Sparta  when  Agis  entertain- 
ed the  design  of  redressing  the  flagrant  abuses  which 
then  prevailed  ;  at  the  same  time  that  Aratus  was  em- 
ploying his  endeavours  for  the  deliverance  of  his  coun- 
try. The  enterprise  was  noble,  but  extremely  hazard- 
ous. He  observed,  contrary  to  his  expectation,  that  all 
the  young  men  were  disposed  to  enter  into  his  views, 
while  the  generality  of  those  in  years,  in  whose  minds 
conniption  had  taken  the  deepest  root,  trembled  at  the 
very  name  of  Lycurgus,  and  reformation.  He  began 
by  conciliating  his  uncle  Agesilaus,  a  man  of  great  elo- 
quence and  reputation,  but  strongly  possessed  with  the 
love  of  riches  ;  which  was  the  very  circumstance  that 
rendered  him  the  more  favourable  to  the  designs  of 
Agis.  He  was  ready  to  sink  under  a  load  of  debts,  and 
hoped  to  discharge  them  without  any  expense  to  him- 
self, by  changing  the  form  of  government. 

Agis  then  endeavoured,  by  his  means,  to  bring  over 
his  own  mother,  who  was  the  sister  of  Agesilaus.  Her 
power  w^as  very  great  in  the  city,  by  the  large  party  of 
fiiends,  and  the  vast  number  of  her  slaves  and  debtors  ; 

*  A.  M.  3756.     Ant.  J.  C.  248. 

i 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  169 

and  her  credit  gave  her  an  extraordinary  influence  in 
the  most  important  affairs.  When  Agis  had  opened 
his  design  to  her,  she  was  struck  with  consternation  on 
the  first  glance,  and  employed  all  the  arguments  she 
could  invent  to  dissuade  him  from  it  ;  but  when  Agesi- 
laus  joined  his  own  reflections  with  those  of  the  king, 
and  had  made  his  sister  comprehend  the  advantages  that 
would  accrue  to  Sparta  from  the  execution  of  such  a  de- 
tsign,  and  represented  to  her  the  glory  which  her  family 
would  for  ever  derive  from  it,  this  lady,  as  well  as  those  of 
her  sex  with  whom  she  was  most  intimate,  being  then 
animated  by  the  noble  ambition  of  the  young  prince,  im- 
mediately changed  their  sentiments,  and  were  so  struck 
with  the  beauty  of  the  project,  that  they  themselves 
pressed  Agis  to  enter  upon  the  execution  of  it  as  soon 
as  possible.  They  likewise  sent  to  all  their  friends,  and 
exhorted  them  to  concur  with  him  in  that  affair. 

Application  was  also  made  by  them  to  the  other  ladies 
of  the  city,  as  they  were  very  sensible  that  the  Lacedag- 
monians  had  always  expressed  the  greatest  deference  to 
their  wives,  whom  they  allowed  to  exercise  more  autho- 
rity in  all  transactions  of  state,  than  they  themselves 
assumed  in  their  private  and  domestic  affairs.  Most 
of  the  riches  of  Sparta  were  at  that  time  in  the  hands 
of  the  women,  and  this  proved  a  great  obstruction  to 
the  designs  of  Agis. — They  unanimously  opposed  his 
scheme,  rightly  foreseeing,  that  the  plain  manner  of 
life  he  was  endeavouring  to  re-establish,  and  on  which 
so  many  commendations  were  bestowed,  would  not  only 
be  destructive  to  all  their  luxurious  pleasures,  but  di- 
vest them  of  all  the  honours  and  power  they  derived 
from  their  riches. 

Amidst  the  consternation  which  this  proposal  gave 
them,  they  addressed  themselves  to  Leonidas,  and  con- 
jured him,  as  his  age  gave  him  an  ascendant  over  Agis, 
to  employ  his  whole  authority  in  dissuading  his  colleague 
from  the  accomplishment  of  his  plan. — Leonidas  was 
very  inclinable  to  support  the  rich,  but  as  he  dreaded  the 
indignation  of  the  people,  who  were  desirous  of  this 
•change,  he  could  not  presume  to  oppose  Agi«  in  an  open 


170  THE  HISTORY  OP 

manner,  but  contented  himself  by  crossing  bis  design* 
by  indirect  measures.  He  had  a  private  conference  with 
the  magistrates,  wherein  he  took  the  liberty  to  calum- 
niate Agis,  as  a  person  who  was  offering  to  the  poor  the 
property  of  the  rich,  with  a  partition  of  lands,  and  a  ge- 
neral abolition  of  debts,  as  a  compensation  to  them  for 
the  t}Tanny  he  was  preparing  to  usui-p  ;  in  consequence 
of  which  proceedings,  instead  of  forming  citizens  for  Spar- 
ta, he  was  only  raising  a  body  of  guards  for  the  security 
of  his  own  person. 

Agis,  in  the  mean  time,  having  succeeded  so  far  as  to 
cause  Lysander,  who  concurred  with  him  in  his  views, 
to  be  elected  one  of  the  Epliori,  brought  into  the  coun- 
cil a  decree  which  he  himself  had  drawn  up,  the  prin- 
cipal articles  of  which  were  these.  1.  All  debtors  were 
to  be  discharged  from  their  debts.  2.  All  the  lands 
which  extended  from  the  valley  of  Pellene  to  mount 
Taygetus,  and  the  promontory  of  Malea,  and  likewise 
to  Selasia,  should  be  parcelled  out  into  four  thousand 
five  hundred  lots.  3.  The  lands  which  lay  beyond 
those  limits  should  be  divided  into  fifteen  thousand 
lots.  4.  The  latter  portions  were  to  be  distributed  to 
those  inhabitants  of  the  adjacent  parts,  who  were  in  a 
condition  to  bear  arms.  5.  Those  lands,  w^hich  lay 
within  the  limits  already  mentioned,  should  be  reserved 
for  the  Spartans,  whose  due  number,  which  was  then 
considerably  diminished,  should  be  recruited  out  of  such 
of  the  neighbouring  people  and  strangers,  as  had  recei- 
ved a  liberal  education,  and  were  then  in  the  flower  of 
their  age,  and  not  disqualified  for  that  class  by  any 
bodily  defect.  6.  All  these  should,  at  the  times  of  re- 
past, be  disposed  into  fifteen  halls,  distinguished  by  the 
name  of  PhicUtiœ  ;  the  least  of  which  should  contain 
t^\o  hundred,  and  the  largest  four  hundred:  and  last- 
ly, they  were  all  to  observe  the  same  manner  of  life  and 
discipline  as  their  ancestors. 

This  decree  being  opposed  by  the  senators  whose  sen- 
timents differed  from  those  of  iVgis,  Lysander  caused 
the  people  to  be  assembled,  and  in  the  strongest  terms 
exhorted  the  citizens  to  consent  to  it.     He  w^as  second- 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  171 

cd  by  Mandroclides,  a  young  Spartan,  whose  heart 
glowed  with  zeal  for  the  public  welfare  ;  and  he  repre- 
sented to  the  people,  with  all  the  energy  he  could  pos- 
sibly express,  every  motive  that  could  most  affect  them  : 
the  respect  they  owed  to  the  memory  of  their  illustrious 
legislator  Lycurgus  ;  the  oath  their  ancestors  had  taken, 
in  the  names  of  themselves  and  all  their  posterity,  to 
preserve  those  sacred  institutions  in  the  most  inviolable 
manner;  the  glory  and  honour  Sparta  had  enjoyed, 
during  the  time  she  strictly  adhered  to  them  ;  and  the 
infamous  degeneracy  into  which  she  had  sunk,  ever  since 
they  had  been  disregarded  by  her:  he  then  set  forth 
the  miserable  condition  of  the  Spartans,  those  ancient 
masters  of  Greece,  those  triumphant  conquerors  of  A  sia, 
those  mighty  sovereigns  by  sea  and  land,  who  once 
had  made  the  Great  King  *  tremble  on  his  throne,  but 
were  now  divested  of  their  property,  their  lands,  and 
houses,  by  the  insatiable  avarice  of  their  own  citizens, 
who  had  reduced  them  to  the  lowest  extremes  of  po- 
verty and  shameful  indigence  ;  and,  what  might  be  con- 
sidered as  the  completion  of  all  their  calamities,  had 
exposed  them  to  the  insult  and  contempt  of  those  to 
whom  it  was  their  right  to  prescribe  laws.  He  then 
concluded,  with  entreating  them  not  to  be  so  far  influ- 
enced by  their  obsequiousness  to  a  handful  of  men,  who 
even  trampled  them  under  their  feet  like  so  many  des- 
picable slaves,  as  to  behold,  with  eyes  of  indifference, 
the  dignity  of  their  city  entirely  degraded  and  lost,  but 
to  recal  to  their  remembrance  those  ancient  oracles, 
wliich  had  more  than  once  declared,  that  the  love  of 
riches  would  prove  fatal  to  Sparta,  and  occasion  its  to- 
tal ruin. 

King  Agis  then  advanced  into  the  middle  of  the  as- 
sembly, and  declared,  after  a  concise  discourse,  (for  he 
thought  his  example  would  have  more  efficacy  than 
any  words  he  could  utter),  that  he  was  determined  to 
deliver  up,  into  the  common  stock,  all  his  effects  and 
estate,  which  were  very  considerable  ;  consisting  of  large 
tracts  of  arable  and  pasture  lands,  besides  six  hundred 
*  This  was  the  usual  appellation  of  the  Persian  monarchs. 


172  THE  HISTORY  OF 

talents  in  specie  ;  *  and  that  his  mother  and  grandmo- 
ther, together  with  the  rest  of  his  relations  and  friends, 
who  were  the  richest  persons  in  Sparta,  would  do  the 
^ame. 

The  magnanimity  of  their  young  prince  astonished 
all  the  people,  who,  at  the  same  time,  were  transported 
^vith  joy  that  they  at  last  were  so  happy  as  to  behold  a 
king  wortliy  of  Sparta.  Leonidas  then  dropped  the 
mask,  and  opposed  him  to  the  utmost  of  his  power  :  for 
as  he  knew  it  would  otherwise  be  necessary  for  him  to 
make  the  same  offer  they  had  heard  from  Agis,  so  he 
was  sensible,  that  his  citizens  would  not  think  them- 
selves under  the  same  obligations  to  him  as  they  were 
to  his  colleague,  but  that  when  every  one  should  have 
equally  contributed  his  whole  fortune  to  the  common 
stock,  he  alone  would  engross  all  the  honour  of  that 
action,  who  had  first  set  the  example.  He  therefore 
demanded  aloud  of  Agis,  whether  he  did  not  think  that 
Lycurgus  was  a  just  and  able  man,  and  one  who  had 
zealously  consulted  the  welfare  of  his  country  ?  Agis 
having  replied,  that  he  had  always  considered  him  as 
such  ;  "  Where  do  you  find  then  (retorted  Leonidas) 
that  Lycurgus  ever  ordained  an  abolition  of  debts,  or 
gave  the  freedom  of  Sparta  to  strangers  ?  Since,  on  the 
contrary,  it  was  his  firm  persuasion,  that  the  city  would 
never  be  safe  till  all  strangers  were  expelled  from  its 
walls."  Agis  answered,  "  That  he  was  not  smprised 
that  such  a  person  as  Leonidas,  who  had  been  brought 
up  in  foreign  countries,  and  had  married  into  the  fami- 
ly of  a  Persian  grandee,  should  be  so  little  acquainted 
with  Lycurgus,  as  not  to  know  that  he  had  swept 
away  all  actual  and  possible  debts,  by  banishing  gold 
and  silver  from  the  city  :  that,  \nth  respect  to  strangers, 
his  precautions  were  intended  against  none  but  those 
who  could  not  accommodate  themselves  to  the  manners 
and  discipline  he  had  established  :  that  these  were  the 
only  persons  he  expelled  from  the  city,  not  by  any  hos- 
tilities against  their  persons,  but  from  the  mere  appre- 
liension,  that  their  method  of  life,  and  corruption  of 
*  Ecjual  to  sis  hundred  thousand  French  croAvns. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  173 

ftianncrs,  might  insensibly  inspire  the  Spartans  with  the 
love  of  hixiiry  and  effeminacy,  and  an  immoderate  pas- 
sion for  riches." 

He  then  produced  several  examples  of  poets  and  phi- 
losophers, particularly  Terpander,  Thaïes,  and  Phere- 
cydes,  who,  although  foreigners,  had  been  highly  es- 
teemed and  honoured  at  Sparta,  because  they  taught 
the  same  maxims  as  Lycurgus  had  established. 

This  discourse  won  all  the  common  people  over  to  the 
party  of  Agis,  but  the  rich  men  ranged  themselves  un- 
der Leonidas,  and  entreated  him  not  to  abandon  them  : 
they  likewise  addressed  themselves  to  the  senators^ 
who  liad  the  principal  power  in  this  affair,  as  they  alone 
were  qualified  to  examine  all  proposals,  before  they 
could  be  received  and  confirmed  by  the  people  ;  and 
their  solicitations  were  so  effectual,  that  those  who  had 
opposed  the  decree  of  Agis,  carried  their  point  by  one 
voice  :  upon  which  Lysander,  who  still  continued  in 
his  employment,  immediately  determined  to  proceed 
against  Leonidas,  in  virtue  of  an  ancient  law,  by  which 
"  each  descendant  from  Hercules  was  prohibited  from 
espousing  any  foreign  woman  ;  and  which  made  it 
death  for  any  Spartan  to  settle  among  strangers."  Suf- 
ficient proofs  of  delinquency  in  these  particulars  were 
produced  against  Leonidas,  and  Cleombrotus  was  pre- 
vailed upon,  at  the  same  time,  to  assist  in  the  prosecu- 
tion, and  demand  the  crown,  as  being  himself  of  the 
royal  race,  and  the  son-in-law  of  Leonidas. 

Leonidas  was  so  confounded  at  this  proceeding,  and 
so  apprehensive  of  the  event,  that  he  took  sanctuary  in 
the  temple  of  Minerva  called  Chakioecos  ;  upon  w^hich 
the  wife  of  Cleombrotus,  quitting  her  husband,  became 
a  supplicant  with  her  father.  Leonidas  was  summon- 
ed to  appear  ;  but  as  he  refused  to  comply,  he  was  di- 
vested of  his  royalty,  and  it  was  then  transferred  to  his- 
son-in-law  Cleombrotus. 

Lysander  quitted  his  employment  about  this  period, 
the  usual  time  for  holding  it  being  then  expired.  The 
new  Ephori  took  this  opportunity  to  commence  a  pro- 
secution against  him  and  Mandroclides,  for  having  vo- 


174  THE  HISTORY  OP 

ted  for  the  abolition  of  debts,  and  a  new  distribution  of 
lands,  contrary  to  the  laws.  Lysander  and  Mandro- 
clides,  finding  themselves  in  danger  of  being  condemn- 
ed, persuaded  the  two  kings,  that  if  they  would  only 
be  united  with  each  other,  they  would  have  no  cause  to 
be  disquieted  by  any  decrees  of  the  Ephori,  who  were 
privileged  indeed  to  decide  between  them  when  they 
were  divided  in  their  sentiments,  but  had  no  right  to  in- 
terpose in  their  affairs,  when  they  concurred  in  the  same 
opinions. 

The  two  kings  taking  advantage  of  this  expedient, 
entered  the  assembly,  where  they  compelled  the  Epl^ori 
to  quit  their  seats,  and  substituted  others  in  their  stead, 
one  of  whom  was  Agesilaus.  They  then  caused  a  band 
of  young  men  to  arm  themselves,  and  gave  orders  for 
releasing  the  prisoners  ;  in  a  word,  they  rendered  them- 
selves very  formidable  to  their  enemies,  who  now  ex- 
pected to  be  put  to  the  sword  :  but  not  one  person  was 
killed  on  this  occasion  ;  and  when  Agis  even  knew  that 
Agesilaus  intended  to  cause  Leonidas  to  be  assassinated 
on  his  retreat  to  Tegsea,  he  ordered  him  safely  to  be 
conducted  thither  by  a  sufficient  guard. 

When  the  affair  was  on  the  point  of  being  absolute- 
ly concluded  without  any  opposition,  so  great  was  the 
terror  which  then  prevailed,  it  was  suddenly  obstructed 
by  a  single  man.  Agesilaus  had  one  of  the  largest 
and  best  estates  in  the  whole  country,  and  at  the  same 
time  was  deeply  involved  in  debt  :  but  as  he  was  in- 
capable of  paying  his  creditors,  and  had  no  inclination 
to  incorporate  his  estate  into  the  common  property,  he 
represented  to  Agis,  that  the  change  would  be  too 
great  and  violent,  and  even  too  dangerous,  should  they 
attempt  to  carry  their  two  points  at  the  same  time  ; 
namely,  the  abolition  of  debts,  and  the  distribution  of 
lands  ;  whereas,  if  they  began  with  conciliating  the 
landed  proprietors,  by  the  annihilation  of  debts,  they 
would  afterwards  more  quietly  and  readily  consent  to 
the  partition  of  lands.  This  specious  reasoning  misled 
Agis,  and  even  Lysander  himself  was  won  over  to  this 
expedient  by  the  artifice  of  Agesilaus  ;  in  consequence 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  175 

•f  which  all  contracts  and  obligations  were  taken  from 
the  several  creditors,  and  carried  into  the  public  square, 
where  they  were  piled  into  a  large  heap,  and  burned  to 
aslies.  As  soon  as  the  flames  mounted  into  the  air, 
the  rich  men  and  bankers,  who  had  lent  their  money, 
returned  home  extremely  dejected,  and  Agesilaus  cried 
with  an  insulting  air,  "  That  he  had  never  seen  so  fine 
and  clear  a  fire  before." 

The  people,  immediately  after  this  transaction,  de-- 
manded  a  distribution  of  the  lands,  and  each  of  the 
kings  gave  orders  for  its  accomplishment  ;  but  Agesi- 
laus still  continued  to  start  fresh  difficulties,  and  found 
out  a  variety  of  new  pretexts,  to  prevent  the  exec  ution 
of  that  affair  ;  by  which  means  he  gained  time,  till 
Agis  was  obliged  to  take  the  field  at  the  head  of  an 
army.  For  the  Achaean s,  who  were  in  alliance  with 
the  Lacedaemonians,  had  sent  to  demand  their  assist- 
ance against  the  ^itolians,  who  threatened  an  irruption 
through  the  territories  of  the  Megareans  into  Pelopon- 
nesus. 

Aratus,  who  was  then  general  of  the  Achaeans,  had 
already  assembled  his  troops  to  oppose  the  enemy,  and 
had  also  written  to  the  Ephori,  who,  upon  receipt  of  his 
letters,  immediately  sent  Agis  to  their  assistance.  This 
prince  set  out  with  all  possible  expedition,  and  the  sol- 
diers testified  an  incredible  joy  at  their  marching  under 
his  command. — The  generality  of  them  were  young 
men  in  very  low  circumstances  of  life,  who  now  saw 
themselves  discharged  from  all  their  debts,  and  free, 
and  also  in  expectation  of  sharing  the  lands  at  their  re- 
turn from  this  expedition  ;  for  which  reasons  they  testi- 
fied the  utmost  affection  for  Agis.  The  cities  were 
charmed  to  see  these  troops  pass  through  Peloponnesus, 
without  committing  the  least  disorder  :  and  so  quietly, 
that  the  sound  of  their  march  was  hardly  to  be  distin- 
guished. The  Greeks  were  entirely  surprised,  and 
made  the  following  reflection  :  "  What  admirable  dis- 
cipline and  order  must  formerly  have  been  observed  by 
the  armies  of  Lacedasmon,  when  they  were  commanded 
by  Agesilaus,   Lysander,   or   the  ancient  I^eonidas  ; 


176  THE  HISTORY  OF 

since  they  even  now  display  so  much  awe  and  respect  for 
their  general,  though  younger  than  any  soldier  in  his 
camp  !" 

Agis  joined  Aratus  near  Corinth,  at  the  very  time 
when  he  was  deliberating  in  a  council  of  war,  whether 
he  should  hazard  a  battle,  and  in  what  manner  he  should 
dispose  his  troops.  Agis  declared  for  a  battle,  and 
thought  it  Jot  advisable  to  allow  the  enemies  a  passage 
into  Peloponnesus  ;  but  added  at  the  same  time,  that 
he  intended  to  act  as  Aratus  should  judge  proper,  as  he 
was  the  older  officer  of  the  two,  and  general  of  the  Achae- 
ans  ;  whereas  he  himself  was  only  general  of  the  auxi- 
liary troops,  and  was  not  come  thither  to  exercise  any 
command  over  the  league,  but  only  to  engage  the  ene- 
my in  conjunction  with  them  for  whose  assistance  he 
had  been  sent.  The  officers  of  Aratus,  instead  of  treat- 
ing him  with  so  much  deference  as  Agis  had  expressed, 
took  the  liberty  to  reproach  him  in  sharp  terms,  for  his 
disinclination  to  a  battle  ;  ascribing  that  to  timidity, 
which,  in  reality,  was  the  effiect  of  prudence.  But  the 
vain  fear  of  false  infamy  did  not  make  him  abandon 
his  prudent  schemes  for  the  public  good.  He  justified 
his  conduct,  by  the  memoirs  he  writ  on  that  occasion  ; 
wherein  he  observes,  that  as  the  husbandmen  had  al- 
ready carried  in  their  harvest,  and  gathered  in  all  the 
fruits  of  the  season,  he  judged  it  more  advisable  to 
let  the  enemy  advance  into  the  country,  than  to  hazard 
an  unnecessary  battle  at  that  juncture,  when  the  wel- 
fare of  the  whole  league  lay  at  stake.  When  he  had 
determined  not  to  enter  upon  an  action,  he  dismissed 
his  allies,  after  he  had  bestowed  the  greatest  commenda- 
tions upon  them  ;  and  Agis,  who  was  astonished  at  his 
conduct,  set  out  for  Sparta  ^\ith  his  troops. 

^  The  ^tolians  entered  Peloponnesus  without  any 
obstruction,  and  in  their  march  seized  the  city  of  Pel- 
lene,  where  their  troops,  who  were  intent  on  nothing 
but  plunder,  immediately  dispersed  themselves  up  tmd 
down,  without  the  least  order,  and  began  to  contend 
with  each  other  for  the  spoils.     Aratus,  informed  of 

"  Plut,  in  Arat.  p.  1041. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  177 

these  proceedings,  would  not  suffer  so  favourable  an  op- 
portunity to  escape  him.  He  was  no  longer  the  same 
man,  and,  without  losing  a  moment's  time,  or  waiting 
till  all  his  troops  had  joined  him,  he  advanced  with 
those  he  then  had  against  the  enemy,  who  were  become 
weak  even  by  their  victory  :  attacked  them  in  the  very 
place  they  had  so  lately  taken,  and  forced  them  to  aban- 
don it,  with  the  loss  of  seven  hundred  men.  This  ac- 
tion did  him  great  honour,  and  changed  the  injurious 
reproaches  which  had  been  uttered  against  him,  and 
which  he  had  patiently  suffered,  into  the  highest  ap- 
plauses and  panegyric. 

Several  states  and  princes  having  now  entered  into 
a  confederacy  against  the  Achseans,  Aratus  endeavour- 
ed to  contract  a  friendship  and  alliance  with  the  ^Eto- 
lians,  in  which  he  easily  succeeded  ;  and  not  only  a 
peace  was  concluded  between  them,  but  he  also  effectu- 
ally negociated  all  offensive  and  defensive  league  be- 
tween the  two  nations  of  iEtolia  and  Achaea. 

^Agis,  when  he  arrived  at  Sparta,  found  a  great 
change  in  the  state  of  affairs.  Agesilaus,  who  was  one 
of  the  Ephori,  being  no  longer  restrained  by  fear  as 
formerly,  and  entirely  intent  upon  the  gratification  of 
his  avarice,  committed  the  greatest  violence  and  injus- 
tice. When  he  found  himself  universally  detested,  he 
raised  and  maintained  a  body  of  troops,  ^vho  served  him 
as  a  guard  when  he  went  to  the  senate  ;  and  he  caused 
a  report  to  be  spread,  that  he  intended  to  continue  in 
his  office  the  succeeding  year.  His  enemies,  in  order 
to  elude  the  calamities  with  which  they  were  threaten- 
ed, caused  Leonidas  to  be  sent  for  in  the  most  public 
manner  from  Tegaea,  and  replaced  him  upon  the  throne, 
to  the  general  satisfaction  of  the  people,  who  were  great- 
ly irritated  to  see  themselves  abused  in  the  hopes  they 
had  entertained  of  the  partition  of  the  lands,  which  had 
never  been  carried  into  execution. 

Agesilaus  saved  himself  by  the  assistance  of  his  son, 
who  was  universally  beloved  ;  and  the  two  kings  took 
sanctuary  :  Agis  in  the  temple  of  JVIinerva,  called  Chal- 

^  Plut,  in  Agid.  p.  802—804.     A.  M.  3760.     Ant.  J.  C.  244. 
VOL.  VI.  N 


178  THE  HISTORY  OF 

cioecos,  and  Cleombrotus  in  that  of  Neptune.  As  Leo- 
nidas  seemed  to  be  most  exasperated  against  the  latter, 
he  left  Agis,  and  advanced  at  the  head  of  a  band  of 
soldiers  into  the  temple  where  Cleombrotus  had  fled 
for  refuge.  He  then  reproached  him  with  great  warmth 
for  assuming  the  regal  power  in  violation  of  the  ties  of 
affinity  between  them,  and  for  expelling  them  from  his 
own  country  in  so  ignominious  a  manner.  Cleombro- 
tus, who  had  nothing  to  answer  to  these  reproaches, 
continued  seated  in  a  profound  silence,  and  with  an  as- 
pect that  sufficiently  testified  his  confusion.  His  wife 
Chelonis  stood  near,  with  her  two  children  at  her  feet. 
She  had  been  equally  unfortunate  as  a  wife  and  daugh- 
ter, but  was  equally  faithful  in  each  of  those  capacities, 
and  had  always  adhered  to  the  unfortunate.  She  had 
accompanied  her  father  Leonidas  dimng  his  exile,  and 
now  returned  to  her  husband,  whom  she  tenderly  em* 
braced,  and  at  the  same  time  became  a  supplicant  for 
him  to  her  father. 

All  those  who  were  then  present,  melted  into  tears 
at  so  moving  a  sight,  and  were  struck  with  admiration 
at  the  virtue  and  tenderness  of  Chelonis,  and  the  amia- 
ble force  of  conjugal  love.  This  unfortunate  princess 
pointing  to  her  moiu-ning  habit  and  dishevelled  tresses, 
"  Believe  me,  O  my  father,"  said  she,  "  this  habit  of 
woe  which  I  now  wear,  this  dejection  which  appears  in 
my  countenance,  and  this  aflîiction  into  which  you  see 
me  sunk,  are  not  the  effiects  of  that  compassion  I  en- 
tertain for  Cleombrotus  ;  but  the  sad  remains  of  my 
grief  for  the  calamities  you  have  sustained  in  y  oui*  flight 
from  Sparta  On  what,  alas  !  shall  I  now  resolve  ? 
While  you  reign  for  the  future  in  Sparta,  and  triumph 
over  the  enemies  who  opposed  you,  shall  I  continue  to 
live  in  the  desolate  state  to  which  you  now  see  me  re- 
duced ?  Or  is  it  my  duty  to  array  myself  in  robes  of 
royalty  and  magnificence,  when  I  behold  the  husband  I 
•received  from  you  in  the  flower  of  my  youth,  on  the 
point  of  perishing  by  yoiu*  hands  ?  Should  be  be  unable 
to  disarm  your  resentment,  and  move  your  soul  to  com- 
passion, by  the  tears  of  his  wife  and  children,  permit 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  179 

me  to  assure  you,  that  he  will  be  punished  with  more 
severity  for  his  imprudence,  than  was  even  intended  by 
yourself,  when  he  shall  see  a  wife  who  is  so  dear  to  him 
expiring  at  his  feet  ;  for  you  are  not  to  think  that,  in 
my  present  condition,  I  will  ever  consent  to  survive 
him.  What  appearance  shall  I  make  among  the  Spar- 
tan ladies,  after  my  inability  to  inspire  my  husband 
with  compassion  for  my  father,  and  to  soften  my  father 
into  pity  for  my  husband  ?  What  indeed  shall  I  ap- 
pear to  them,  but  a  daughter  and  a  wdfe,  always  af- 
flicted and  contemned  by  her  nearest  relations  !"  Che- 
lonis,  at  the  conclusion  of  these  mournful  expressions, 
reclined  her  cheek  on  the  head  of  Cleombrotus,  while 
with  her  eyes,  that  spoke  her  sorrow  in  their  tears,  she 
cast  a  languid  look  on  those  who  w^ere  present. 

Leonidas,  after  a  few  moments'  discourse  with  his 
friends,  ordered  Cleombrotus  to  rise,  and  immediately 
quit  Sparta  ;  but  earnestly  importuned  his  daughter  to 
continue  there,  and  not  forsake  a  father,  who  gave  her 
such  a  peculiar  proof  of  tenderness,  as  to  spare,  at  her 
request,  the  life  of  her  husband.  His  solicitations  were, 
however,  ineffectual  ;  and  the  moment  Cleombrotus 
rose  from  his  seat,  she  placed  one  of  her  children  in  his 
arms,  and  clasped  the  other  in  her  own  ;  and,  when  she 
had  offered  up  her  prayers  to  the  goddess,  and  kissed 
her  altar,  she  became  a  voluntary  exile  with  her  hus- 
band. How  extremely  affecting  was  this  spectacle  !  and 
how  worthy  the  admiration  of  all  ages  is  such  a  model  of 
conjugal  love  !  If  the  heart  of  Cleombrotus,  says  Plu- 
tarch, had  not  been  entirely  depraved  by  vain  glory, 
and  a  boundless  ambition  to  reign,  he  would  have  been 
sensible,  that  even  banishment  itself  with  so  virtuous  a 
companion,  was  a  felicity  preferable  to  the  condition  of 
a  sovereign. 

When  Leonidas  had  expelled  Cleombrotus  from 
Sparta,  and  substituted  new  Ephori  instead  of  the  for- 
mer, whom  he  had  deposed,  he  bent  all  his  endeavours 
to  ensnare  Agis  ;  and  began  with  persuading  him  to 
quit  the  asylum  to  which  he  had  retired,  and  to  reign 
in  conjunction  with  himself     In  order  to  w^hich  he  as- 


180  THE  HISTORY  OF 

sured  him,  that  his  citizens  had  pardoned  all  past  pro- 
ceedings, hecause  they  were  sensible  that  hisyoutlj  and 
inexperience,  with  his  predominant  passion  for  glory, 
had  laid  him  open  to  the  insinuations  of  Agesilaus. 
Put  as  Agis  suspected  the  sincerity  of  those  expres- 
sions, and  persisted  in  his  resolution  to  continue  in  the 
temple,  Leonidas  no  longer  attempted  to  deceive  him 
with  plausible  pretences.  Amphares,  Demochares,  and 
Arcesilaus,  who  had  frequently  visited  the  young  prince, 
continued  their  assiduities  to  him,  and  sometimes  con- 
ducted him  from  the  temple  to  the  baths,  and  from 
thence  conveyed  him  in  safety  to  the  temple  ;  for  each 
of  them  was  his  intimate  friend. 

This  fidelity,  however,  was  of  no  long  continuance. 
Amphares  had  lately  borrowed  of  Agesistrata,  the  mo- 
ther of  Agis,  several  rich  suits  of  tapestry,  and  a  mag- 
nificent set  of  silver  plate.  The  hope  of  retaining  those 
costly  ornaments  tempted  him  to  betray  the  king,  with 
his  mother  and  grandmother.  It  was  even  said,  that 
he  was  much  more  inclinable,  than  either  of  his  two 
con^panions,  to  listen  to  the  suggestions  of  Leonidas  : 
and  that  no  one  was  so  industrious  as  himself  to  spirit 
up  the  Ephori  (of  whose  nuniber  he  was  one)  against 
Agis.  As  this  prince  went  sometimes  from  the  temple 
to  the  bath,  they  resolved  to  take  that  opportunity  to 
surprise  him  ;  and  when  he  was  one  day  retm*ning  from 
thence,  they  advanced  up  to  him,  and  after  they  had  em- 
braced him  with  an  air  of  affection,  they  attended  him 
in  his  way,  and  entertained  him  with  their  usual  fami- 
liarity of  conversation.  At  the  end  of  one  of  the 
streets  through  which  they  passed,  was  a  turning  which 
led  to  the  prison  :  and  as  soon  as  they  arrived  at  that 
comer,  Amphares  seized  Agis  with  an  air  of  authority, 
and  cried,  "  Agis,  I  must  conduct  you  to  the  Ephori, 
to  whom  you  are  to  be  accountable  for  your  behaviour." 
At  the  same  instant  Demochares,  who  was  tall  and 
strong,  threw  his  mantle  round  his  neck,  and  dragged 
him  along,  while  the  others  pushed  him  forward,  as  they 
had  previously  agreed  ;  and  as  no  person  came  to  as- 
sist him,  because  there  was  nobody  in  the  street  at  that 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSOUS.  181 

time,  tliey  accomplished  their  design,  and  threw  him 
into  prison. 

Leonidas  arrived  at  the  same  time  with  a  great  num- 
ber of  foreign  soldiers,  and  surrounded  the  prison  ;  the 
Ephori  Hkewise  came  thither,  and  when  they  had  sent 
for  such  of  the  senators  as  concurred  with  their  opinion, 
they  proceeded  to  examine  Agis,  as  if  he  had  been 
formally  arraigned,  and  ordered  him  to  justify  himself, 
with  respect  to  his  intended  innovations  in  the  republic. 
One  of  the  Ephori,  pretending  to  have  discovered  an  expe- 
dient for  disengaging  him  from  this  criminal  affair,  ask- 
ed him,  whether  Lysander  and  Agesilaus  had  not  com- 
pelled him  to  have  recourse  to  those  measures  ;  to  which 
Agis  replied,  that  he  had  not  acted  in  consequence  of 
any  compulsion  ;  but  that  his  admiration  of  Lycurgus, 
and  a  sincere  desire  to  imitate  his  conduct,  were  his 
only  motives  for  attempting  to  restore  the  city  to  the 
same  condition  in  which  that  legislator  had  left  it. 
The  same  officer  then  demanding  of  him,  whether  he 
did  not  repent  of  that  proceeding  ?  The  young  prince 
answered  with  an  air  of  steadiness,  "  That  he  never 
should  repent  of  so  virtuous,  so  noble,  and  glorious  an 
undertaking,  though  death  itself  were  presented  to  his 
view  in  all  its  terrors."  His  pretended  judges  then 
condemned  him  to  die,  and  im mediate! v  commanded 
the  public  officers  to  carry  him  to  that  part  of  the  prison, 
where  those  on  whom  the  sentence  of  condemnation  had 
passed,  were  usually  strangled. 

When  Demochares  saw  that  the  officers  of  justice 
did  not  dare  to  lay  their  hands  on  Agis,  and  that  even 
the  foreign  soldiers  turned  their  eyes  from  such  a  spec- 
tacle of  horror,  and  refused  to  be  accessary  to  so  inhu- 
man an  execution,  he  loaded  them  with  threats  and  re- 
proaches, and  with  his  own  hands  dragged  Agis  to  the 
dungeon.  The  people,  who,  by  this  time,  were  inform- 
ed of  the  manner  in  which  he  had  been  seized,  crowded 
to  the  gates  of  the  prison,  and  began  to  be  very  tumul- 
tuous. The  whole  street  was  already  illuminated  with 
innumerable  tapers  ;  and  the  mother  and  grandmother 
of  Agis  ran  from  place  to  place,  filling  the  air  with 


182  THE  HISTORY  OF 

their  cries,  and  entreating  the  people  that  the  king  of 
Sparta  might  at  least  have  the  privilege  to  defend  him- 
self, and  be  judged  by  his  own  citizens.  The  zeal  oi 
the  people  did  but  animate  the  murderers  the  more  to 
hasten  the  execution  of  Agis,  lest  he  should  be  released 
by  force  that  very  night,  if  the  people  should  have  suf- 
ficient time  allowed  them  for  assembling  together. 

As  the  executioners  were  leading  him  to  the  place 
where  they  intended  to  strangle  him,  he  beheld  tears 
flowing  from  the  eyes  of  one  of  them,  who  was  touched 
\\dth  his  misfortune  ;  upon  which  he  turned  to  him,  and 
said,  "  Weep  not  for  me,  my  friend  ;  for,  as  I  am  cut 
off  in  this  manner,  contrary  to  all  laws  and  justice,  I 
am  much  happier,  and  more  to  be  envied,  than  those 
who  have  condemned  me."  When  he  had  said  these 
words,  he  offered  his  neck  to  the  fatal  cord  without  the 
least  reluctance. 

As  Amphares  came  from  the  prison,  at  the  close  of 
this  tragic  scene,  the  first  object  he  beheld  was  the  dis- 
consolate mother  of  Agis,  who  threw  herself  at  his  feet  : 
he  raised  her  from  the  earth,  and  assured  her  that  Agis 
had  notliing  to  fear  ;  entreating  her,  at  the  same  time, 
to  enter  the  prison  and  see  her  son.     She  then  desired 
him  to  permit  her  aged  mother  to  attend  her  in  that 
mournful  visit.     "  Your  request,"  said  he,   "  is  reason- 
able ;"   and  he  immediately  conducted  them  into  the 
prison,  but  ordered   the  door  to  be  shut  the  moment 
they  entered  it.     He  then  commanded  the  executioner 
to  seize  Archidamia,  the  grandmother  of  Agis,  who  had 
lived  to  a  venerable  old  age  among  her  citizens,  with  as 
much  dignity  and  reputation  as  any  lady  of  her  time. 
When  the  executioner  had  performed  his  fatal  office, 
the  inhuman  Amphares  ordered  the  mother  of  Agis  to 
enter  the  dungeon.      This  unhappy  princess,  the  mo- 
ment she  came  into  that  dismal  place,  beheld  her  son 
lying  dead  on  the  ground,  and,  at  a  little  distance  from 
him,  her  dead  mother,  with  the  fatal  cord  still  about 
her  neck.     She  assisted  the  executioners  in  untying  it, 
after  which  she  laid  the  corpse  by  her  son,  as  decently 
as  she  could,  and  covered  it  with  a  cloth.     When  this 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  18S 

pious  office  was  completed,  she  cast  herself  upon  the 
body  of  Agis,  and  after  she  had  tenderly  kissed  his 
cold  lips,  "  O  my  son,"  said  she,  "  the  excess  of  thy 
humanity  and  sweet  disposition,  and  thy  too  great  cir- 
cumspection and  lenity,  have  undone  thee,  and  been 
fatal  to  us  as  well  as  thee  !" 

Amphares,  who  from  the  door  had  beheld  and  heard 
all  that  passed,  entered  that  moment,  and  addressing 
himself  with  a  savage  air  to  the  mother  of  Agis,  "  Since 
you  knew,"  said  he,  "  and  approved  the  designs  of  your 
son,  you  shall  share  in  his  punishment."  Agesistrata 
arose  at  those  words,  and  running  to  the  fatal  cord, 
"  May  this,"  cried  she,  *'  at  least  be  useful  to  Sparta  !" 

When  the  report  of  these  executions  was  dispersed 
through  the  city,  and  the  inhabitants  beheld  the  bodies 
brought  out  of  the  prison,  the  indignation  occasioned 
by  this  barbarity  was  universal,  and  every  one  declared, 
that  from  the  time  the  Dorians  had  first  established 
themselves  in  Peloponnesus,  so  atrocious  and  horrible 
an  action  had  never  been  committed.  It  must  indeed 
be  acknowledged,  that  all  the  blackest  crimes  in  nature 
were  here  united,  and  under  circumstances  which  in- 
finitely aggravated  their  atrocity;  and  we  may  even 
add  too,  that  the  murder  of  the  king  included  and  sur- 
passed them  all  :  so  barbarous  an  execution,  in  opposi- 
tion to  that  respect  with  which  nature  inspires  the  most 
savage  people  for  the  most  sacred  person  of  their  sove- 
reign, is  such  a  blemish  on  a  nation,  as  ail  succeeding 
ages  can  never  obliterate. 

y  Agis  having  been  destroyed  in  this  manner,  Leo- 
nidas  was  not  expeditious  enough  in  seizing  his  brother 
Archidamus,  who  saved  himself  by  flight  ;  but  he  se- 
cured Agiatis,  the  consort  of  that  unhappy  king,  whom 
he  carried  off  from  her  own  house,  with  the  young  child 
she  had  by  him,  and  then  compelled  her  to  espouse  his 
son  Cleomenes,  who  was  not  marriageable  at  that  time  : 
but  Leonidas  was  determined  that  the  widow  of  Agis 
should  not  be  disposed  of  to  any  other  person,  as  she 
inherited  a  large  estate  from  her  father  Gylippus,  and 

y  Plut,  in  Cleom.  p.  805, 


184  THE  HISTORY  OF 


y 


likewise  excelled  all  the  Grecian  ladies  in  beauty  as 
well  as  wisdom  and  virtue.  She  endeavoured  to  avoid 
this  marriage  by  all  the  means  in  her  power,  but  to  no 
effect.  And  w^hen  she  at  last  was  obliged  to  consent 
to  her  nuptials  with  Cleomenes,  she  always  retained  a 
mortal  aversion  for  Leonidas  ;  but  behaved  with  the 
utmost  complacency  and  kindness  to  her  young  spouse, 
who,  from  the  first  day  of  his  marriage,  conceived  a 
most  sineere  and  passionate  esteem  and  affection  for 
her,  which  never  abated  ;  and  even  sympathized  with 
her  in  the  tenderness  she  preserved  for  Agis,  and  the 
regard  she  expressed  for  his  memory,  and  that  too  in 
such  a  degree,  that  he  would  frequently  listen  to  her 
wdth  the  greatest  attention,  while  she  related  to  him 
the  great  designs  he  had  formed  for  the  regulation  of 
the  government 


SECT.  IV.  Cleomenes  ascends  the  throne  of  Sparta^  and  en^ 
gciges  in  a  war  against  the  Achœans,  over  whom  he  obtains 
several  advantages.  He  reforms  the  government  of  Sparta, 
and  re-establishes  the  ancient  discipline.  Acquires  new  ad- 
vantages over  Aratus  and  the  Achœans.  Aratus  applies  for 
succour  to  AntigGîius,  king  of  Macedonia^  by  whose  aid  the 
Achœans  obtain  repeated  victories,  and  take  several  places 
from  the  enemy. 

^Cleomenes  had  a  noble  soul,  and  an  ardent  passion 
for  glory,  joined  with  the  same  inclination  for  temperance 
and  simplicity  of  manners  as  Agis  had  always  expressed  ; 
but  he  had  not  that  prince's  excessive  sw^eetness  of  dis- 
position, nor  the  timidity  and  precaution  which  accom- 
panied it.  Nature,  on  the  contrary,  had  infused  into 
him  a  vigour  and  vivacity  of  mind,  which  ardently 
prompted  him  to  whatever  appeared  great  and  noble. 
Nothing  seemed  to  him  so  glorious  as  to  reign  over  his 
citizens  with  their  own  good  will  and  consent  ;  but,  at 
the  same  time,  he  did  not  think  it  inconsistent  with  the 
glory  of  a  wise  administration,  to  employ  some  violence 
in  reducing  to  compliance  with  a  measure  of  public 

\  Plut,  in  Cleom.  p.  805—811. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  185 

utility,  an  inconsiderable  number  of  obstinate  and  un- 
just persons,  who  opposed  it  merely  from  a  view  of  pri- 
vate interest. 

He  was  far  from  being  satisfied  with  the  state  of  af- 
fairs which  then  prevailed  in  Sparta.  All  the  citizens 
had  long  been  softened  by  indolence  and  a  voluptuous 
life  ;  and  the  king  himself,  who  was  fond  of  tranquillity, 
had  entirely  neglected  public  affairs.  No  person  what- 
ever had  testified  any  regard  for  the  public  good,  every 
individual  being  solely  intent  upon  his  private  interest, 
and  the  aggrandizement  of  his  family  at  the  public  ex- 
pense. Instead  of  any  care  in  disciplining  the  young 
people,  and  forming  them  to  temperance,  patience,  and 
the  equality  of  freedom,  it  was  even  dangerous  to  men- 
tion any  thing  of  that  nature,  as  Agis  himself  had  pe- 
rished by  attempting  to  introduce  it  among  them. 

It  is  also  said,  that  Cleomenes,  who  was  still  very 
young,  had  heard  some  philosophical  lectures  at  the  time 
when  Spherus,  who  came  from  the  banks  of  the  Boris- 
thenes,  settled  in  Lacedaemon,  and  applied  himself  in 
a  very  successful  manner  to  the  instruction  of  youth. 
This  person  w^as  one  of  the  principal  disciples  of  Zeno, 
the  Citian.  *  The  Stoic  philosophy,  which  he  then  pro- 
fessed, was  exceeding  proper  to  infuse  courage  and 
noble  sentiments  into  the  mind  ;  but,  at  the  same  time, 
was  capable  of  dangerous  effects  in  a  disposition  natu- 
rally warm  and  impetuous  ;  and,  on  the  other  hand, 
might  be  rendered  very  beneficial,  by  being  grafted  on 
a  mild  and  moderate  character. 

f  After  the  death  of  Leonidas,  w^ho  did  not  long 
survive  the  condemnation  and  murder  of  Agis,  his  son 
Cleomenes  succeeded  him  in  the  throne  ;  and  though 
he  was  then  very  young,  it  gave  him  pain  to  consider 
that  he  had  only  the  empty  title  of  king,  while  the 
whole  authority  was  engrossed  by  the  Ephori,  who 
shamefully  abused  their  power.  He  from  that  time 
grew  solicitous  to  change  the  form  of  government  ;  and 
a«  he  was  sensible  that  few  persons  were  disposed  to 

*  So  called  from  Citium,  a  city  of  Cyprus, 
t  A.  M.  3762.     Ant  J.  C.  242. 


186  TH.E  HISTORY  OF 

concur  with  him  in  his  views,  he  imagined  the  accom- 
plishment of  it  would  be  facilitated  by  a  war,  and  there- 
fore endeavoured  to  embroil  his  city  with  the  Achasans, 
who,  very  fortunately  for  his  purpose,  had  given  Sparta 
some  occasions  of  complaint  against  them. 

Aratus,  from  the  very  beginning  of  his  administra- 
tion, had  been  industrious  to  negotiate  a  league  be- 
tween all  the  states  of  Peloponnesus,  through  a  per- 
suasion, that  if  he  succeeded  in  that  attempt,  they 
would  have  nothing  to  fear  for  tlie  future  from  a  foreign 
enemy  ;  and  this  was  the  only  point  to  which  all  his 
measures  tended.  All  the  other  states,  except  the  La- 
cedaemonians, the  people  of  Elis,  and  those  of  Arcadia, 
who  had  espoused  the  party  of  the  Lacedaemonians,  had 
acceded  to  this  league.  Aratus,  soon  after  the  death 
of  Leonidas,  began  to  harass  the  Arcadians,  in  order  to 
make  an  experiment  of  the  Spartan  courage,  and  at  the 
same  time  to  make  it  evident,  that  he  despised  Cleo- 
menes,  as  a  young  man  without  the  least  experience. 

When  the  Ephori  received  intelligence  of  this  act  of 
hostility,  they  caused  their  troops  to  take  the  field  un- 
der the  command  of  Cleomenes  ;  they  indeed  were  not 
numerous,  but  confidence  in  the  general  by  whom  they 
were  commanded,  inspired  them  with  all  imaginable  ar- 
dour for  the  war.  The  Achaeans  marched  against  him 
with  twenty  thousand  foot  and  a  thousand  horse,  under 
the  command  of  Aristomachus.  Cleomenes  came  up 
with  them  near  Pallantium,  a  city  of  Arcadia,  and  of- 
fered them  battle  ;  but  Aratus  was  so  intimidated  by 
this  bold  measure,  that  he  prevailed  upon  the  general 
not  to  hazard  an  engagement,  and  then  made  a  retreat  ; 
which  drew  upon  him  very  severe  reproaches  from  his 
own  troops,  and  sharp  raillery  from  the  enemy,  whose 
numbers  did  not  amount  to  five  thousand  men  in  the 
whole.  The  courage  of  Cleomenes  was  so  much  raised 
by  this  retreat,  that  he  assumed  a  loftier  air  amongst 
his  citizens,  and  reminded  them  of  an  expression  used 
by  one  of  their  ancient  kings,  who  said,  "  That  the  La- 
cedaemonians never  enquired  after  the  numbers  of  their 
enemies,  but  where  they  were."    He  afterwards  defeated 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSOES.  187 

the  Achœans  in  a  second  encounter  ;  but  Aratus  taking 
the  advantage  even  of  his  defeat,  like  an  experienced 
general,  turned  his  arms  immediately  against  Mantinsea, 
and  before  the  enemy  could  have  any  suspicion  of  his 
design,  made  himself  master  of  that  city,  and  put  a  gar- 
rison into  it. 

Cleomenes,  after  his  return  to  Sparta,  began  to  think 
seriously  on  the  execution  of  his  grand  design,  and  had 
influence  enough  to  cause  Archidamus,  the  brother  of 
Agis,  to  be  recalled  from  Messene.  As  that  prince  was 
descended  from  the  other  royal  house  of  Sparta,  he  had 
an  incontestible  right  to  the  crown  ;  and  Cleomenes 
was  persuaded,  that  the  authority  of  the  Ephori  would 
receive  a  much  greater  diminution,  when  the  throne  of 
Sparta  should  be  filled  by  its  two  kings,  whose  union 
would  enable  them  to  counterbalance  their  power.  But, 
unhappily  for  his  purpose,  the  same  persons  who  had 
been  guilty  of  the  death  of  Agis,  found  means  to  assas- 
sinate his  brother  Archidamus.* 

Cleomenes,  soon  after  this  event,  gained  a  new  advan- 
tage over  the  Achaeans,  in  an  action  near  Megalopolis, 
wherein  Lysiades  was  slain,  in  consequence  of  engaging 
too  far  in  the  pursuit  of  the  Lacedaemonians,  who  had 
been  repulsed  when  the  encounter  first  began.  This 
victory  was  very  honourable  to  the  young  king,  and  in- 
creased his  reputation  to  a  great  degree.  He  had  im- 
parted his  design  to  a  small  number  of  select  and  faith- 
ful friends,  who  served  him  in  a  very  seasonable  manner. 
When  he  returned  to  Sparta,  he  concerted  his  march 
so  as  to  enter  the  city  when  the  Ephori  were  at  supper  ; 
at  which  time,  a  set  of  persons  who  had  been  chosen  for 
that  action,  entered  the  hall  with  their  drawn  swords, 
and  killed  four  of  these  magistrates,  f  with  ten  of  those 
who  had  taken  arms  for  their  defence.  Agesilaus,  who 
had  been  left  for  dead  on  the  spot,  found  means  to  save 
himself;  after  which  no  other  person  whatever  sustain- 


*  Polybius  declares,  that  Cleomenes  himself  caused  him  to  be  as- 
sassinated, 1.  V.  p.  383.  &  1.  viii.  p.  511. 

t  This  magistracy  was  composed  of  five  Ephori. 


188  THE  HISTORY  OF 

ed  any  violence  ;  and,  indeed,  what  had  been  already 
committed  was  sufficient. 

The  next  day,  Cleomenes  caused  the  names  of  four- 
score citizens,  whom  he  intended  to  banish,  to  be  fixed 
up  in  places  of  public  resort.  He  also  removed  from 
the  hall  of  audience  all  the  scats  of  the  Ephori  except 
one,  where  he  himself  was  to  sit  when  administering 
♦  justice  ;  and  after  he  had  convoked  an  assembly  of  the 
people,  he  explamed  to  them  his  reasons  for  the  conduct 
he  had  pursued  ;  representing  to  them  in  what  an  enor- 
mous manner  the  Ephori  had  abused  their  power,  by 
suppressing  all  lawful  authority,  and  not  only  banishing 
their  kings,  but  even  causing  them  to  be  destroyed  with- 
out the  least  form  of  justice,  and  menachig  those  who 
were  desirous  of  again  beholding  Sparta  happy  in  the 
most  excellent  and  most  divine  form  of  government.  He 
then  added,  that  the  conduct  he  pursued  rendered  it 
sufficiently  evident,  that,  instead  of  consulting  his  own 
particular  interest,  his  whole  endeavours  were  employed 
to  promote  that  of  the  citizens,  by  reviving  among  them 
the  discipline  and  equality  which  the  wise  Lycurgus  had 
formerly  established,  and  from  whence  Sparta  had  de- 
rived all  her  glory  and  reputation. 

When  he  had  expressed  himself  in  this  manner,  he 
was  the  first  to  consign  his  whole  estate  to  the  common 
stock,  and  was  seconded  in  that  action  by  IMegistones, 
his  father-in-law,  who  was  very  rich.  The  rest  of  his 
friends,  and  at  length  all  the  other  citizens,  then  com- 
plied with  this  example,  and  the  lands  were  distributed 
agreeably  to  the  intended  plan.  He  even  assigned  a 
portion  to  each  of  those  who  had  been  banished,  and 
promised  to  recal  them  as  soon  as  affairs  could  be  set- 
tled in  a  state  of  tranquillity.  He  then  filled  up  the 
proper  number  of  citizens  with  persons  of  the  best  cha- 
racter in  all  the  adjacent  parts,  and  raised  four  thousand 
foot,  whom  he  taught  to  use  lances  instead  of  javelins, 
and  to  wear  bucklers  with  strong  handles,  and  not  with 
leather  straps  buckled  on,  as  had  before  been  the  cus- 
tom. 

His  next  cares  were  devoted  to  the  education  of  chil- 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSOUS.  189 

dren  ;  in  order  to  which  he  endeavoured  to  re-establish 
the  Laconic  discipline,  wherein  the  philosopher  Sphe- 
rus  very  much  assisted  him.  The  exercises  and  public 
meals  soon  resumed  their  ancient  order  and  gravity  ; 
most  of  the  citizens  voluntarily  embraced  this  wise,  no- 
ble, and  regular  method  of  life,  to  which  the  rest,  whose 
number  was  very  inconsiderable,  were  soon  obliged  to 
conform.  In  order  also  to  soften  the  name  of  monarch, 
and  to  avoid  exasperating  the  citizens,  he  appointed  his 
brother  Euclidas  king  with  him  ;  which  is  the  first  in- 
stance of  the  administration  of  the  Spartan  government 
by  two  kings  of  the  same  house  at  one  time. 

Cleomenes,  believing  that  Aratus  and  the  Achaeans 
were  persuaded  he  would  not  presume  to  quit  Sparta, 
amidst  the  dissatisfactions  occasioned  by  the  innovations 
which  he  had  introduced  into  the  government,  thought 
nothing  could  be  more  honourable  and  advantageous  to 
him,  than  to  let  his  enemies  see  how  much  he  was  es- 
teemed by  his  troops  and  beloved  by  his  citizens,  and 
w^hat  confidence  he  entertained,  that  the  new  changes 
had  not  alienated  the  minds  of  the  people  from  him. 
He  first  advanced  into  the  territories  of  JVIegalopolis  ; 
where  his  troops  committed  great  devastations,  and 
gained  a  very  considerable  booty.  To  these  ravages  he 
added  insults,  causing  public  games  or  shows  to  be  ex- 
hibited for  the  space  of  a  whole  day,  in  the  sight  of  the 
enemy  ;  not  that  he  had  any  real  satisfaction  in  such  a 
conduct,  but  only  intended  to  convince  them,  by  this 
contemptuous  bravado,  how  assured  he  was  of  being 
victorious  over  them. 

Though  it  was  very  customary,  in  those  times,  to  see 
troops  of  comedians  and  dancers  in  the  train  of  other 
armies,  his  camp  was  perfectly  free  from  all  such  disso- 
lute attendants.  The  youths  of  his  army  passed  the 
greatest  part  of  their  time  in  exercising  themselves,  and 
the  old  men  were  industrious  to  form  and  instruct  them. 
Their  very  relaxations  from  those  employments  were  de- 
voted to  instructive  and  familiar  conversations,  seasoned 
with  fine  and  delicate  railleries,  which  were  always  mo- 
dest, and  never  rendered  offensive  by  injurious  reflections. 


190  THE  HISTORY  OF 

In  a  word,  they  were  entirely  conformable  to  the  laws 
by  which  the  wise  legislator  of  Sparta  had  been  careful 
to  regulate  conversations. 

Cleomenes  himself  appeared  like  the  master  who  thus 
formed  the  citizens,  not  so  much  by  his  discourse,  as  by 
his  example,  affording,  in  the  simple  and  frugal  life 
which  he  led,  and  which  had  nothing  in  it  superior  to 
that  of  the  meanest  of  his  subjects,  an  aflPecting  model 
of  wisdom  and  abstinence,  which  facilitated  beyond  ex- 
pression his  accomplishment  of  the  great  things  which 
he  performed  in  Greece.  For  those  whose  affairs  car- 
ried them  to  the  courts  of  other  kings,  did  not  admire 
their  riches  and  magnificence,  so  much  as  they  detested 
their  imperious  pride,  and  the  haughtiness  with  which 
they  treated  those  who  approached  them.  On  the  con- 
trary, no  such  offensive  manners  were  ever  experienced 
in  the  court  of  Cleomenes.  He  appeared  in  a  very  plain 
habit,  without  guards,  and  almost  without  officers  :  the 
audiences  he  gave  were  as  long  as  the  people  who  appli- 
ed to  him  could  desire  :  he  gave  all  manner  of  persons  a 
very  agreeable  reception,  without  treating  any  body  with 
an  air  of  austerity.  This  affable  and  engaging  beha- 
viour gained  him  the  universal  love  and  veneration  of 
his  people,  in  which  the  true  grandeur  and  merit  of  a 
king  undoubtedly  consist. 

His  table  was  extremely  simple  and  fi'ugal,  and  truly 
Laconic.  No  music  was  ever  introduced  there,  nor  did 
any  one  desire  it,  as  his  conversation  well  supplied  its 
place  ;  and  it  is  certain  that  those  who  are  capable  of 
discoursing  well,  may  pass  their  time  very  agreeably 
without  hearing  songs.  Cleomenes  never  failed  to  en- 
liven those  repasts,  either  by  proposing  curious  and  im- 
portant questions,  or  relating  some  useful  and  agreeable 
piece  of  history  ;  seasoning  the  whole  with  a  delicate 
vein  of  wit  and  gaiety.  He  thought  it  neither  an  ar- 
gument of  a  prince's  merit  nor  glory  to  attach  men  to 
his  interest  by  the  attractions  of  riches,  and  splendid 
tables  ;  whereas  the  ability  of  gaining  their  hearts  by 
the  amiable  power  of  discourse,  and  the  charms  of  an 
intercourse  in  which   frankness  and  sincerity  always 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSOHS.  191 

prevailed,  was  considered  by  him  as  a  truly  royal  qua- 
lity. . 

*  This  affable  and  engaging  disposition  of  Cleomenes 
secured  him  the  affection  of  all  the  troops,  and  inspired 
them  with  such  an  ardour  for  his  service,  as  seemed  to 
have  rendered  them  invincible.  He  took  several  places 
from  the  Achaean s,  ravaged  the  territories  of  their  allies, 
and  advanced  almost  as  far  as  Pherae,  with  intention 
either  to  give  them  battle,  or  discredit  Aratus  as  a  pu- 
sillanimous leader,  who  had  fled  from  his  enemy,  and 
abandoned  all  their  champaign  country  to  be  plundered. 
The  Achaeans  having  taken  the  field  with  all  their 
troops,  and  encamped  in  the  territories  of  Dymae,  Cleo- 
menes followed  them  thither,  and  harassed  them  per- 
petually with  so  much  intrepidity,  as  at  last  compelled 
them  to  come  to  a  battle,  wherein  he  obtained  a  com- 
plete victory  ;  for  he  put  their  army  to  flight,  killed 
abundance  of  men,  and  took  a  great  number  of  prisoners. 

^  The  Achaeans  were  extremely  dejected  at  these  se- 
vere losses,  and  began  to  be  apprehensive  of  the  greatest 
calamities  from  Sparta,  especially  if  she  should  happen 
to  be  supported  by  the  ^Etolians,  according  to  the  ru- 
mour which  then  prevailed.  Aratus,  who  had  usually 
been  elected  general  every  other  year,  refused  that  com- 
mission when  he  was  chosen  again,  and  Timoxenes  was 
substituted  in  his  stead.  The  Achaeans  severely  cen- 
sured the  conduct  of  Aratus  on  this  occasion,  and  with 
great  justice,  as  he,  who  was  considered  by  them  as 
their  pilot,  had  now  abandoned  the  helm  of  his  vessel 
amidst  a  threatening  tempest,  wherein  it  would  have 
been  proper  and  glorious  for  him  to  have  seized  it  into 
his  own  hands,  even  by  force,  if  it  had  not  been  offered 
to  him,  in  imitation  of  several  great  examples  related 
in  history,  and  thus  to  have  been  solely  solicitous  to 
save  the  state  at  the  expense  of  his  own  life.  If  he  had 
even  despaired  of  retrieving  the  affairs  of  the  Achaeans, 
he  ought  rather  to  have  submitted  to  Cleomenes,  who 
was  a  Grecian  by  birth,  and  king  of  Sparta,  than  to 

^  Plut,  in  Cleom.  p.  811.     Idem  in  Arat.  1044. 
*  A.  M.  3776.     Ant.  J.  C.  228. 


192  THE  HISTORY  OP 

call  in  the  assistance  of  foreigners,  and  mate  tliem 
masters  of  Peloponnesus,  as  he  will  soon  appear  to  have 
done  :  jealousy,  however,  extinguishes  all  prudent  re- 
flections, and  is  a  malady  not  to  be  cured  by  reason 
alone. 

*  The  Achaeans  being  reduced  to  the  last  extremi- 
ties, especially  after  the  loss  of  this  last  battle,  sent  am- 
bassadors to  Cleomenes  to  negociate  a  peace.    The  king 
seemed  at  first  determined  to  impose  very  rigid  terms 
upon  them  ;  but  afterwards  despatched  an  embassy  on 
his  part,  and  only  demanded  to  be  appointed  general 
of  the  Achaean  league,  promising  on  that  condition  to 
accommodate  all  differences  between  them,  and  restore 
the  prisoners  and  places  he  had  taken  from  them.    The 
Achseans,  who  were  very  inclinable  to  accept  of  peace 
on  those  terms,   desired  Cleomenes  to  be  present  at 
Lerna,  where  they  were  to  hold  a  general  assembly,  in 
order  to  conclude  the  treaty.     The  king  set  out  accord- 
ingly for  that  place,  but  an  unexpected  accident  which 
happened  to  him  prevented  the  interview  ;  and  Aratus 
endeavom-ed  to  improve  it  in  such  a  manner  as  to  hinder 
the  négociation  from  being  renewed.    He  imagined,  that 
as  he  had  possessed  the  chief  authority  in  the  Achaean 
league  for  the  space  of  thirty-three  years,  it  would  be 
very  disgraceful  to  him  if  a  young  man  were  suffered, 
as  it  were,  to  graft  himself  upon  him,  and  divest  him  of 
all  his  glory  and  power,  by  supplanting  him  in  a  com- 
mand wdiich  he  had  acquired,  augmented  and  retained 
for  so  many  years.     These  considerations  induced  him 
to  use  all  his  efforts  to  dissuade  the  Achaeans  from  ac- 
cepting the  conditions  proposed  to  them  by  Cleomenes  : 
but  as  he  had  the  mortification  to  find  that  the  Achae- 
ans would  not  coincide  with  him  in  opinion,  because 
they  dreaded  the  bravery  and  uncommon  success  of 
Cleomenes,  and  likewise  thought  that  the  intentions  of 
the  I^acedaemonians  to  restore  Peloponnesus  to  its  an- 
cient state  were  very  just  and  reasonable,  he  had  re- 
course to  an  expedient  which  would  not  have  become 
any  Grecian,  and  was  extremely  dishonourable  in  a  man 

*  A.  M.  3777.     Ant.  J.  C.  227. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  IQS 

of  his  rank  and  character.  This  was  to  call  in  the  as- 
sistance of  Antigonus  king  of  Macedonia,  and  by  ine- 
vitable consequence  make  him  master  of  Greece. 

^He  had  not  forgotten  that  Antigonus  had  great 
cause  to  be  dissatisfied  with  him  :  but  he  was  sensible 
that  princes  may  be  properly  said  to  have  neither  friends 
nor  enemies,  and  that  they  form  their  sentiments  of 
things  by  the  standard  of  their  own  interest.  He,  how- 
ever, would  not  openly  enter  into  a  négociation  of  this 
nature,  nor  propose  it  as  from  himself;  because  he 
knew  that,  if  it  should  happen  to  prove  unsuccessful, 
he  must  inevitably  incur  all  the  odium  ;  and  besides,  it 
would  be  making  a  plain  declaration  to  the  Achaeans, 
that  if  he  had  not  absolutely  despaired  of  retrieving 
their  affairs,  he  would  not  have  advised  them  to  have 
recourse  to  their  professed  enemy.  He,  therefore,  con- 
cealed his  real  views,  like  an  artful  and  experienced  po- 
litician, and  proceeded  by  indirect  and  secret  methods. 
As  the  city  of  Megalopolis  was  nearest  in  situation  to 
Sparta,  it  lay  most  exposed  to  the  incursions  of  the 
enemy,  and  the  inhabitants  began  to  be  tired  of  the  war, 
as  the  Achseans  were  so  far  from  being  in  a  condition 
to  support  them,  that  they  were  unable  to  defend  them- 
selves. Nicophanes  and  Cercides,  two  citizens  of  Me- 
galopolis, whom  Aratus  had  brought  over  to  his  scheme, 
made  a  proposal  in  the  council  of  that  city,  for  demand- 
ing permission  of  the  Achaeans,  to  implore  the  assistance 
of  Antigonus.  This  motion  was  immediately  assented 
to,  and  the  Achaeans  granted  them  the  permission  they 
desired.  These  two  citizens  were  then  deputed  to  be 
the  messengers  to  make  that  proposal  to  the  king,  and 
Aratus  had  been  careful  to  furnish  them  with  sufficient 
instructions  beforehand.  V7hen  they  received  audience 
of  Antigonus,  they  lightly  touched  upon  the  particulars  . 
which  related  to  their  city,  and  then  strongly  insisted, 
in  conformity  to  their  instructions,  on  the  imminent  dan- 
ger to  which  the  king  himself  would  be  exposed,  should 
the  alliance  which  was  then  talked  of  between  the  .^to- 
lians  and  Cleomenes  take  effect.    They  then  represented 

b  Polyb.  1.  ii.  p.  133—140. 
VOL.  VL  O 


194  THE  HISTORY  OF 

to  him,  that  if  the  united  forces  of  those  two  states  should 
have  those  advantages  over  the  Achaeans  which  they  ex- 
pected to  obtain,  the  towering  ambition  of  Cleomenes 
would  never  be  satisfied  with  the  mere  conquest  of  Pelo- 
ponnesus, as  it  was  evident  he  aspired  at  the  empire  of 
all  Greece,  which  it  would  be  impossible  for  him  to  seize, 
without  entirely  destroying  the  authority  of  the  Mace- 
donians. To  these  remonstrances  they  added,  that  if 
the  J^Ltolians  should  not  happen  to  join  Cleomenes,  the 
Achaeans  would  be  capable  of  supporting  themselves 
with  their  own  forces,  and  would  have  no  cause  to  trouble 
the  king  with  their  importunities  for  his  assistance  ; 
but  if,  on  the  other  hand,  fortune  should  prove  adverse 
to  them,  and  permit  the  confederacy  between  those  two 
states  to  take  effect,  they  must  then  entreat  him  not  to 
be  an  unconcerned  spectator  of  the  ruin  of  Peloponnesus, 
which  might  even  be  attended  with  fatal  consequences 
to  himself.  They  also  took  care  to  insinuate  to  the 
king,  that  Aratus  would  enter  into  all  his  measures, 
and  give  him,  in  due  time,  sufficient  security  for  his 
own  fidelity  and  good  intentions. 

Antigonus  highly  approved  all  these  representations, 
and  seized  with  pleasure  the  opportunity  that  was  now 
offered  him,  of  engaging  in  the  affairs  of  Greece.  This 
had  always  been  the  policy  of  the  successors  of  Alex- 
ander, who,  by  declaring  themselves  kings,  had  convert- 
ed the  frame  of  their  respective  governments  into  mo- 
narchy. They  were  sensible  that  they  were  deeply  in- 
terested in  opposing  all  such  states  as  had  any  inchna- 
tion  to  retain  their  liberty,  and  the  form  of  popular  go- 
vernment ;  and  wherever  they  found  themselves  in  no 
condition  to  crush  this  inclination  entirely,  they  attempt- 
ed to  weaken  it  at  least,  and  to  render  the  people  in- 
capable of  forming  any  considerable  enterprises,  by  sow- 
ing the  seeds  of  division  between  republics  and  free 
states,  and  engaging  them  in  wars  against  each  other,, 
in  order  to  render  themselves  necessary  to  them,  and 
prevent  their  shaking  off  the  INIacedonian  yoke  by  unit- 
ing their  forces.     ^  Polybius,  speaking  of  one  of  these 

*^  Lib.  ii.  p.  131. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  195 

princes,  declares,  in  express  terms,  that  he  paid  large 
pensions  to  several  tyrants  in  Greece,  who  were  pro- 
fessed enemies  to  liberty.  * 

It  cannot  therefore  be  thought  surprising,  that  An- 
tigonus  should  so  readily  comply  with  the  solicitations 
and  demands  of  the  Megalopolitans.  He  wrote  them 
an  obliging  letter,  wherein  he  promised  to  assist  them, 
provided  the  Achaeans  would  consent  to  that  proceed- 
ing. The  inhabitants  of  Megalopolis  were  transported 
at  the  happy  result  of  their  négociation,  and  immedi- 
ately despatched  the  same  deputies  to  the  general  as- 
sembly of  the  Achseans,  in  order  to  inform  that  people 
of  the  good  intentions  of  Antigonus,  and  to  press  them 
to  send  for  him  immediately,  and  to  put  their  interests 
into  his  hands. 

Aratus  did  not  fail  to  congratulate  himself  in  private 
on  the  masterly  stroke  by  which  he  had  succeeded  in 
his  intrigue,  and  to  find  Antigonus  not  possessed  with 
any  impressions  to  his  prejudice,  as  he  had  reason  to 
apprehend.  He  wished,  indeed,  to  have  had  no  occa- 
sion for  his  assistance  ;  and  though  necessity  obliged 
him  to  have  recourse  to  that  prince,  he  was  unwilling 
to  have  those  measures  imputed  to  him,  but  wished 
them  to  seem  to  have  been  concerted  by  the  Achaeans, 
without  any  interference  on  his  part. 

When  the  deputies  from  Megalopolis  were  introduced 
into  the  assembly,  they  read  the  letter  of  Antigonus, 
and  related  all  the  particulars  of  the  obliging  reception 
he  had  given  them  ;  with  the  affection  and  esteem  he 
had  expressed  for  the  Achaeans,  and  the  advantageous 
offers  he  made  them.  They  concluded  with  desiring, 
in  the  name  of  their  city,  that  the  Achaeans  would  in- 
vite Antigonus  to  be  present  as  soon  as  possible  in  their 
assembly  ;  and  every  one  seemed  to  approve  of  that  mo- 
tion. Aratus  then  rose  up,  and  after  he  had  represent- 
ed the  good  will  of  the  king  in  the  strongest  light,  and 
commended  the  sentiments  that  prevailed  in  the  assem- 
bly, he  intimated  to  them,  that  there  was  no  necessity 
for  precipitating  measures  ;  that  it  should  be  a  point  of 


]96  THE  HISTORY  OF 

honour  with  tlie  republic  to  endeavour  to  maintain  and 
terminate  her  wars  by  her  own  forces  ;  and  that  if  any- 
calamitous  accident  should  render  her  incapable  of  do- 
ing so,  it  would  then  be  time  enough  to  have  recourse 
to  her  friends.  This  advice  was  generally  approved  ; 
and  it  was  concluded  that  the  Achaeans  should  employ 
only  their  own  forces  in  supporting  the  present  war. 

^  The  events  of  it  were,  however,  very  unfavourable 
to  them  ;  for  Cleomenes  made  himself  master  of  several 
cities  *  of  Peloponnesus,  of  which  Argos  was  the  most 
considerable,  and  at  last  seized  Corinth,  but  not  the 
citadel,  f  The  Achaeans  bad  then  no  longer  timjc  for 
deliberation  ;  Antigonus  was  called  in  to  their  assist- 
ance, and  they  came  to  a  resolution  to  deliver  up  the 
citadel  of  Corinth  to  him,  without  which  he  would 
never  have  engaged  in  that  expedition  ;  for  he  wanted  a 
place  of  strength,  and  there  w^as  none  which  suited  him 
so  eiï'ectuallv  as  that,  as  w'ell  on  account  of  its  advan- 
tageous  situation  between  tw^o  seas,  as  its  fortifications, 
■which  rendered  it  almost  impregnable.  Aratus  sent 
his  son  to  Antigonus  among  the  other  hostages.  That 
prince  advanced  by  long  marches,  with  an  army  of  twenty 
thousand  foot  and  fourteen  hundred  horse.  Aratus  set 
out  by  sea,  with  the  principal  officers  of  the  league,  to 
meet  Antigonus  at  the  city  of  Pegae,  unknown  to  the 
enemy;  and  w^hen  that  prince  was  informed  of  his' ar- 
rival in  person,  he  advanced  to  him,  and  rendered  him 
all  the  honours  due  to  a  general  of  distinguished  rank 
and  merit. 

Cleomenes,  instead  of  attempting  to  defend  the  pas- 
sage of  the  Isthmus,  thought  it  more  advisable  to  throw 
up  trenches  and  raise  strong  walls  to  fortify  the  passes 
of  the  Onian  mountains,  :j:  and  to  harass  the  enemy  by 

^  Plut,  in  Cleom.  p  814,  815.  Plut,  in  Arat.  p.  1047-  A.M. 
^  3778.     Ant.  J.  C.  226. 

*  Caphyse,  Pellene,  Pheneus,  Phlius,  Cleonae,  EpidauruSj  Her- 
xnione,  Trœzene. 

t  A.  M.  3779.     Ant.  J,  C.  225. 

X  These  were  a  rid^e  of  mountains  which  extended  from  the  rocks 
ef  Sciron,  in  the  road  to  Attica,  as  far  as  Bœotia,  and  mount  Cithe- 
yon.     Strab.  1.  viii. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  1^7 

frequent  attacks,  rather  than  hazard  a  battle  against 
such  well- disciplined  and  warlike  troops.  This  conduct 
of  the  king  of  Sparta  reduced  Antigonus  to  great  ex- 
tremities ;  for  he  had  not  provided  himself  with  any 
considerable  quantity  of  provisions,  and  found  it  not 
very  practicable  to  force  the  passes  defended  by  Cleo- 
menes  :  the  only  expedient,  therefore,  to  which  Anti- 
gonus could  have  recourse  in  this  perplexity,  was  to 
advance  to  the  promontory  of  Heraea,  and  from  thence 
to  transport  his  army  by  sea  to  Sicyon,  which  would  re- 
quire a  considerable  space  of  time,  as  well  as  great  pre- 
parations, which  could  not  easily  be  made. 

*  While  Antigonus  was  embarrassed  in  this  manner, 
some  friends  of  Aratus  arrived  at  his  camp^  one  night, 
by  sea,  and  informed  him,  that  the  people  of  Argos  had 
revolted  against  Cleomenes,  and  were  then  besieging 
the  citadel.  Aratus  having  received  fifteen  hundred 
men  from  Antigonus,  set  out  by  sea  and  arrived  at  Epi- 
daurus. 

Cleomenes,  receiving  intelligence  of  these  proceedings 
about  nine  or  ten  in  the  evening,  immediately  detached 
Megistones  with  two  thousand  men,  to  succour  his  party 
at  Argos  as  soon  as  possible  ;   after  which  he  industri- 
ously w^atched  the  motions  of  Antigonus  ;  and  to  ani- 
mate the  Corinthians,  assured  them,  that  the  disorders 
which  had  lately  happened  at  Argos,  were  no  more 
than  a  slight  commotion  excited  by  a  few  mutinous 
persons,  which  would  easily  be  suppressed.     In  this, 
however,  he  was  deceived  ;  for  Megistones  having  been 
slain  in  a  skirmish,  as  soon  as  he  entered  Argos,  the 
Lacedsemonian  garrison  was  reduced  to  the  last  extre- 
mity, and  had  sent  several  couriers  to  demand  imme- 
diate assistance  from  the  Spartan  army.     Cleomenes 
being  then  apprehensive  that  the  enemies,  if  they  should 
happen  to  make  themselves  masters  of  Argos,  would 
shut  up  all  the  passes  against  him  ;  by  which  means 
they  would  be  in  a  condition  to  ravage   all  I^aconia 
with  impunity,  and  even  to  form  the  siege  of  Sparta, 
which  would  then  be  without  defence  ;  he,  therefore, 

*  A.  M.  3780.     Ant.  J.  C.  224. 


198  THE  HISTORY  OF 

thouglit  it  advisable  to  decamp,  and  marched  with  ail 
his  army  from  Corinth. 

Antigonus,  immediately  after  this  retreat  of  the  La- 
cedœmonians,  entered  Corinth,  and  placed  in  it  a  strong 
garrison.  Cleomenes,  in  the  mean  time,  arrived  at  Ar- 
gos,  before  the  revolters  had  any  suspicion  of  his  ap- 
proach, and  at  first  succeeded  so  far,  as  to  scale  several 
parts  of  the  town,  where  he  forced  some  of  the  enemies' 
troops  to  save  themselves  by  flight  ;  but  Aratus  having 
entered  the  city  on  one  side,  and  king  Antigonus  ap- 
pearing with  all  his  troops  on  the  other,  Cleomenes  re- 
tired to  iNIantinea. 

While  he  was  on  his  march,  he  received  at  Tegea,  in 
the  evening,  some  news  by  messengers  from  Lacedaemon, 
which  affected  him  as  much  as  all  his  former  misfor- 
tunes. They  acquainted  him  with  the  death  of  his 
consort  Agiatis,  from  whom  he  had  never  been  able  to 
absent  himself  a  whole  campaign,  even  when  his  ex- 
peditions were  most  successful  ;  and  such  was  his  tender- 
ness and  esteem  for  her,  that  it  had  alwavs  been  eus- 
tomary  for  him  to  make  frequent  returns  to  Sparta  to 
enjoy  the  pleasure  of  her  company.  The  next  morn- 
ing he  renewed  his  march  by  break  of  day,  and  arrived 
early  at  Sparta,  where,  after  he  had  devoted  some  mo- 
ments in  pouring  out  his  sorrows  to  his  mother  and 
children  in  his  own  house,  he  resumed  the  management 
of  public  aflPairs. 

Much  about  the  same  time,  Ptolemy,  who  had  pro- 
mised to  assist  him  in  the  war,  sent  to  him  to  demand 
his  mother  and  children  as  hostages.  It  was  a  long 
time  before  Cleomenes  could  venture  to  acquaint  his 
parent  with  the  king  of  Egypt's  demand  ;  and  though 
he  frequently  went  to  visit  her,  with  an  intention  to  ex- 
plain himself  to  her,  he  never  had  resolution  enough  to 
enter  upon  the  subject.  His  mother  observing  his  em- 
barrassment, began  to  entertain  some  suspicion  of  the 
cause  ;  for  mothers  have  generally  a  great  share  of  pe- 
netration, with  reference  to  their  children.  She  en- 
quired of  those  who  were  most  intimate  with  him,  whe- 
ther her  son  did  not  desire  something  from  her,  which 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  199 

he  could  not  prevail  upon  himself  to  communicate  to 
her  ?  And  when  Cleomenes  had  at  last  the  resolution 
to  open  the  affair  to  her,  "  How,  my  son,"  said  she 
with  a  smile,  "  is  this  the  secret  you  wanted  courage  to 
disclose  to  me  ?  Why,  in  the  name  of  heaven,  did  you 
not  immediately  cause  me  to  be  put  on  board  some  ves- 
sel, and  sent,  without  a  moment's  delay,  to  any  part  of 
the  world,  where  my  person  may  be  useful  to  Sparta, 
before  old  age  consumes  and  destroys  it  in  languor  and 
inaction  ?" 

When  the  preparations  for  her  voyage  were  com- 
pleted, Cratesiclea  (for  so  the  mother  of  Cleomenes  was 
called)  took  her  son  apart,  a  few  moments  before  she 
entered  the  vessel,  and  led  him  alone  into  the  temple  of 
IN^eptune.  There  she  held  him  a  great  while  clasped 
in  her  arms  :  and  after  she  had  tenderly  kissed  him, 
with  her  face  bathed  in  tears,  she  recommended  the  li- 
berty and  honour  of  his  country  to  his  care.  When 
she  saw  him  weep  in  the  excess  of  his  anguish  at  that 
melancholy  parting  ;  "  King  of  Lacedaemon,"  said  she, 
"  let  us  dry  our  tears,  that  no  person,  when  you  quit  the 
temple,  may  see  us  weep,  or  do  any  thing  unworthy  of 
Sparta.  For  this  is  in  our  power  ;  events  are  in  the 
hands  of  God."  When  she  had  expressed  herself  to 
this  effect,  she  composed  her  countenance,  led  her  in- 
fant grandson  to  the  ship,  and  commanded  the  pilot  to 
sail  that  moment  from  the  port. 

As  soon  as  she  arrived  in  Egypt,  she  was  informed 
that  Ptolemy,  having  received  an  embassy  from  Anti- 
gonus,  was  satisfied  with  the  proposals  made  by  that 
prince  ;  and  she  had  likewise  inteUigence  that  her  son 
Cleomenes  was  solicited  by  the  Achaeans  to  conclude  a 
treaty  between  them  and  Sparta,  but  that  he  durst  not 
put  an  end  to  the  war  without  the  consent  of  Ptolemy, 
because  he  was  apprehensive  for  his  mother,  who  was 
then  in  the  power  of  that  king.  When  she  was  ap- 
prised of  these  circumstances,  she  sent  express  orders 
to  her  son,  to  transact,  without  tJie  least  fear  or  hesita- 
tion, whatever  he  imagined  would  prove  beneficial  and 
glorious  to  Sparta,  and  not  to  suffer  himself  to  be  di?- 


SOO  THÉ  HISTORY  OF 

concerted  by  his  apprehensions  of  the  treatment  an  old 
woman  and  a  child  might  sustain  from  Ptolemy.  Such 
were  the  sentiments  which  even  the  women  of  Sparta 
thought  it  their  glory  to  cherish. 

^Antigonus,  in  the  mean  time,  having  made  himself 
master  of  Tegea,  Mantinea,  Orchomenus,  and  several 
other  cities  :  Cleomenes,  who  was  then  reduced  to  the 
necessity  of  defending  Laconia,  permitted  all  the  He- 
lots wlio  were  capable  of  paying  five  mina?  (about  ten 
pounds  sterling)  to  purchase  their  freedom.  From  this 
contribution  he  raised  five  hundred  talents,  (about  one 
hundred  and  twenty-five  thousand  pounds  sterling,)  and 
aimed  two  thousand  of  these  Helots  after  the  ^lace- 
donian  manner,  in  order  to  oppose  them  to  the  Leu- 
caspides  of  Antigonus  ;  he  then  formed  an  enterprise, 
which  certainly  no  one  could  have  expected  from  him. 
The  city  of  Megalopolis  was  very  considerable  at  that 
time,  and  even  not  inferior  to  Sparta  in  power  and  ex- 
tent. Cleomenes  concerted  measiu*es  for  suqirising 
this  city,  and  to  take  it  without  any  opposition  ;  and 
as  Antigonus  had  sent  most  of  his  troops  into  winter- 
quarters  in  Macedonia,  while  he  himself  continued  at 
Egium,  to  assist  in  the  assembly  of  the  Achaîans,  the 
king  of  Sparta  justly  supposed  that  the  garrison  of  the 
city  could  not  be  very  strong  at  that  time,  nor  much 
upon  their  guard,  as  not  being  apprehensive  of  any  in- 
sult from  an  enemy  so  weak  as  himself;  and,  conse- 
quently, that  if  he  proceeded  with  expedition  in  his  de- 
sign, Antigonus,  who  was  then  at  the  distance  of  three 
days'  march  from  the  place,  would  be  incapable  of  af- 
fording: it  any  assistance.  The  event  succeeded  accord- 
ing  to  the  plan  he  had  projected  ;  for  he  arrived  at  the 
city  by  night,  scaled  the  walls,  and  made  himself  mas- 
ter of  the  place  without  any  opposition.  Most  of  the 
inhabitants  retired  to  Messene,  with  their  wives  and 
children,  before  their  enemies  had  any  thoughts  of  pur- 
suing them  ;  and  Antigonus  was  not  informed  of  this 
accident,  till  it  was  too  late  to  retrieve  it. 

^  Polyb.  1.  ii.  p.  149.    Plut,  in  Cleom.  p.  815 — 817-  là.  in  Arat. 
p.  1048.     A.  M.  3781.    Ant.  J.  C.  223. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  SOI 

Cleomenes,  out  of  a  generosity  of  mind  which  has 
few  examples  in  history,  sent  a  herald  to  Messene  to 
acquaint  the  people  of  Megalopolis,  that  he  would  re- 
store them  their  city,  provided  they  would  renounce 
the  Achaean  league,  and  enter  into  a  friendship  and  con- 
federacy with  Sparta;  but  advantageous  as  this  offer 
seemed,  they  could  not  prevail  on  themselves  to  accept 
it,  but  rather  chose  to  be  deprived  of,  their  estates,  as 
well  as  of  the  monuments  of  their  ancestors  and  the 
temples  of  their  gods  ;  in  a  word,  to  see  themselves  di- 
vested of  all  that  was  most  dear  and  valuable  to  them, 
than  to  violate  the  faith  they  had  sworn  to  their  allies. 
The  famous  Philopœmen,  whom  we  shall  frequently 
have  occasion  to  mention  in  the  sequel  of  this  history, 
and  who  was,  then  at  Messene,  contributed  not  a  little 
to  this  generous  resolution.  Who  could  ever  expect  to 
discover  so  much  greatness  of  soul,  and  such  noble  sen- 
timents, in  the  very  dregs  of  Greece;  for  by  that  name 
the  times  of  which  we  now  treat  may  iustlv  be  described, 
when  we  compare  them  with  the  glorious  ages  of  Greece 
united  and  triumphant,  when  even  the  lustre  of  its  vic- 
tories was  surpassed  by  the  splendour  of  its  virtues  Î 

This  refusal  of  the  Megalopolitans  highly  enraged 
Cleomenes,  who,  till  the  moment  he  received  their  an- 
swer, had  not  only  spared  the  city,  but  had  even  been 
careful  to  prevent  the  soldiers  from  committing  the 
least  disorder  ;  but  hie  anger  was  then  inflamed  to  such 
a  degree,  that  he  abandoned  the  place  to  pillage,  and 
sent  all  the  statues  and  pictures  to  Sparta.  He  also 
demolished  the  greatest  part  of  the  walls,  with  the 
strongest  quarters  in  the  place,  and  then  marched  his 
troops  back  to  Sparta.  The  desolation  of  the  city  ex- 
tremely afflicted  the  Achaeans,  who  considered  their  in- 
ability to  assist  such  faithful  allies,  as  a  crime  for  which 
they  ought  to  reproach  themselves. 

This  people  was  soon  sensible,  that,  by  imploring  the 
aid  of  Antigonus,  they  had  subjected  themselves  to  an 
imperious  master,  who  made  their  liberties  the  price  of 
his  aid.  He  compelled  them  to  pass  a  decree,  which 
prohibited  them  from  writing  to  any  king,  or  sending 


202  THE  HISTORY  OP 

an  embassy,  without  his  permission  ;  and  he  obliged 
them  to  furnish  provisions  and  pay  for  the  garrison  he 
had  put  into  the  citadel  of  Corinth  ;  which,  in  reality, 
was  making  them  pay  for  their  own  chains,  for  this  ci- 
tadel was  the  very  place  which  kept  them  in  subjection. 
They  abandoned  themselves  to  slavery  in  so  abject  a 
manner,  as  even  to  offer  sacrifices  and  libations,  and  ex- 
hibit public  games,  in  honour  of  Antigonus.  Even 
Aratus  himself  was  treated  with  equal  disrespect.  An- 
tigonus set  up  in  Argos  all  the  statues  of  those  tyrants 
which  Aratus  had  thrown  down,  and  destroyed  all  those 
which  had  been  erected  in  honour  of  the  persons  who 
surprised  the  citadel  of  Corinth,  except  one,  which  was 
that  of  Aratus  himself;  and  all  the  entreaties  of  this 
general  could  not  prevail  upon  the  king  to  desist  from 
such  a  proceeding.  The  sight  of  these  transactions 
gave  him  the  utmost  anxiety  ;  but  he  was  no  longer 
master,  and  suffered  a  just  punishment  for  subjecting 
himself  and  his  country  to  a  foreign  yoke.  After  An- 
tigonus had  taken  the  city  of  Mantinea,  and  most  in- 
humanly murdered  a  great  number  of  the  citizens,  and 
sold  the  rest  into  captivity,  he  abandoned  the  place  to 
the  Argives,  in  order  to  its  being  repeopled  by  them, 
and  even  charged  Aratus  with  that  commission,  who 
had  the  meanness  to  call  this  new  inhabited  city  *  by 
the  name  of  him  who  had  shown  himself  its  most  cruel 
enemy  :  a  sad,  and,  at  the  same  time,  a  salutary  exam- 
ple, which  shows  that  when  once  a  person  has  consent- 
ed to  stoop  to  a  state  of  servitude,  he  sees  himself  daily 
compelled  to  descend  lower,  without  knowing  where  or 
how  to  stop. 

Aratus,  by  having  himself  contributed  to  load  his 
republic  with  shackles,  was  guilty  of  an  unpardonable 
crime,  the  enormity  of  which  no  great  quality,  nor  any 
shining  action,  can  ever  extenuate.  He  acted  thus 
merely  through  jealousy  of  his  rival  Cleomenes,  whose 
glory,  and  the  superiority  that  young  prince  had  ob- 
tained over  him  by  the  success  of  his  arms,  were  insup- 
portable to  him.    What,  says  Plutarch,  did  Cleomenes 

*  Antigonia. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  203 

demand  of  the  Achaeans,  as  the  sole  preliminary  to  the 
peace  he  offered  them,  but  merely  their  election  of  him 
as  their  general  ?  And  even  that  was  with  a  view  to 
the  welfare  of  their  cities,  and  to  secure  to  them  the 
enjoyment  of  their  liberties,  as  a  testimony  of  his  gra- 
titude for  so  signal  an  honour,  and  so  glorious  a  title. 
If,  therefore,  continues  Plutarch,  it  had  been  absolutely 
necessary  for  them  to  have  chosen  either  Cleomenes  or 
Antigonus,  or,  in  other  words,  a  Greek  or  a  barbarian, 
for  the  Macedonians  were  considered  as  such  ;  in  a 
word,  if  they  were  obliged  to  have  a  master,  would  not 
the  meanest  citizen  of  Sparta  have  been  preferable  to 
the  greatest  of  the  Macedonians  ;  at  least,  in  the  opi- 
nion of  those  who  had  any  regard  to  the  honour  and 
reputation  of  Greece  ?  Jealousy,  however,  extinguished 
all  those  sentiments  in  the  mind  of  Aratus  ;  so  difficult 
is  it  to  behold  superior  merit  with  an  eye  of  satisfaction 
and  tranquillity. 

Aratus,  therefore,  that  he  might  not  seem  to  submit 
to  Cleomenes,  nor  consent  that  a  king  of  Sparta  de- 
scended from  Hercules,  and  a  king  who  had  lately  re- 
established the  ancient  discipline  of  that  city,  should 
add  to  his  other  titles  that  of  captain-general  of  the 
Achaeans,  called  in  a  stranger,  to  whom  he  had  former- 
ly professed  himself  a  mortal  enemy  ;  in  consequence 
of  which  he  filled  Peloponnesus  with  those  very  Mace- 
donians whom  he  had  made  it  his  glory  to  expel  from 
thence  in  his  youth.  He  even  threw  himself  at  their 
feet  ;  and  all  Achaia,  by  his  example,  fell  prostrate  be- 
fore them,  as  an  indication  of  their  promptitude  to  ac- 
complish the  commands  of  their  imperious  masters.  In 
a  word,  from  a  man  accustomed  to  liberty,  he  became 
an  abject  and  servile  flatterer  ;  he  had  the  baseness  to 
offer  sacrifices  to  Antigonus,  to  appear  himself  at  the 
head  of  a  procession  crowned  with  chaplets  of  flowers, 
joining  at  the  same  time  in  hymns  to  the  honour  of 
that  prince,  and  rendering  by  these  low  adulations  that 
homage  to  a  mortal  man,  which  none  but  the  Divinity 
can  claim  ;  to  a  man  who  then  carried  death  in  his  bo- 
som, and  was  ready  to  sink  into  putrefaction  ;  for  he  at 


5Î04  THE  HISTORY  OF 

that  time  was  reduced  to  the  last  extremity  by  a  slow 
consumption.  Aratus  was,  however,  a  man  of  great 
merit  in  other  respects,  and  had  shown  himself  to  be  an 
extraordinary  person,  and  well  worthy  of  Greece.  In 
him,  says  Plutarch,  we  see  a  deplorable  instance  of  hu- 
man frailty  ;  which,  amidst  the  lustre  of  so  many  rare 
and  excellent  qualities,  cannot  form  the  model  of  virtue 
exempt  from  all  blame. 

^  We  have  already  observed,  that  Antigonus  had  sent 
his  troops  into  winter-quarters  in  Macedonia.  Cleo- 
menes,  at  the  retura  of  spring,  formed  an  enterprise, 
which,  in  the  opinion  of  the  vulgar,  was  the  result  of 
temeritv  and  follv  :  but,  according  to  Polvbius,  a  com- 
petent  judge  in  affairs  of  that  nature,  it  was  concerted 
with  all  imaginable  prudence  and  sagacity.  As  he  was 
sensible  that  the  Macedonians  were  dispersed  in  their 
quarters,  and  that  Antigonus  passed  the  winter  season 
with  his  friends  at  Argos,  without  any  other  guard  than 
an  inconsiderable  number  of  foreign  troops  ;  he  made 
an  irruption  into  the  territories  of  Argos  in  order  to  lay 
them  waste.  He  conceived  at  the  same  time,  that  ei- 
ther Antigonus  Avould  be  so  much  affected  with  the 
apprehensions  of  ignominy  as  to  hazard  a  battle,  when 
he  would  certainly  be  defeated  ;  or  that,  on  the  other 
hand,  if  he  should  decline  fighting,  he  would  lose  all  his 
reputation  \\ith  the  Achaeans,  while  the  Spartans,  on 
the  contrary,  would  be  rendered  more  daring  and  intre- 
pid. The  event  succeeded  according  to  his  expectations  ; 
for  as  the  whole  country  was  ruined  by  the  devastations 
of  his  troops,  the  people  of  Argos,  in  their  rage  and  im- 
patience, assembled  in  a  tumultuous  manner  at  the  pa- 
lace gate,  and  with  a  murmuring  tone  pressed  the  king 
either  to  give  their  enemies  battle,  or  resign  the  com- 
mand of  his  troops  to  those  who  were  less  timorous  than 
himself  But  Antigonus,  who  had  so  much  of  the  pru- 
dence and  presence  of  mind  essential  to  a  great  general, 
as  to  be  sensible  that  the  dishonourable  part  of  one  in 
his  station,  did  not  consist  in  hearing  himself  reproach- 
ed, but  in  exposing  himself  rashly  and  without  reason, 
^Plut.  in  Cleom.  p.  81 6,  817-     Polyb.  1.  ii.  p.  149. 


ÀLEXANDEU'S  SUCCESSORS»  205 

ànd  in  quitting  certainties  for  chance,  refused  to  take 
the  field,  and  persisted  in  his  resolution  not  to  fight. 
Cleomenes  therefore  led  up  his  troops  to  the  walls  of 
Argos,  and  when  he  had  laid  the  open  country  w^aste, 
inarched  his  army  hack  to  Sparta.    • 

This  expedition  redounded  very  much  to  his  honour, 
and  obliged  even  his  enemies  to  confess  that  he  was  an 
excellent  general,  and  a  person  of  the  highest  merit  and 
capacity  in  the  conduct  of  the  most  arduous  aflPairs  In 
a  word,  they  could  never  sufficiently-admire  his  manner 
of  opposing  the  forces  of  a  single  city  to  the  whole  power 
of  the  Macedonians,  united  with  that  of  all  Peloponne- 
sus, notwithstanding  the  immense  supplies  which  had 
been  furnished  by  the  king  ;  and  especially  when  they 
considered  that  he  had  not  only  preserved  Laconia  free 
from  all  insults,  but  had  even  penetrated  into  the  terri- 
tories of  his  enemies,  where  he  ravaged  the  country,  and 
made  himself  master  of  several  great  cities.  This  they 
w^re  persuaded  could  not  be  the  effect  of  any  ordinary 
abilities  in  the  art  of  war,  nor  of  any  common  m.agnani- 
mity.  A  misfortune,  however,  unhappily  prevented 
him  from  reinstating  Sparta  in  her  ancient  power,  as 
will  be  evident  in  the  sequel. 


SECT.  V.  Tlie  celebrated  tattle  of  Selasia,  Zù'here'm  Antigo^ 
nus  defeats  Cleomenes,  who  retires  into  E>gypt.  AiHigonua 
makes  himself  master  of  Sparta,  and  treats-  that  city  with 
great  huinanity.  The  death  of  that  Prince,  who  is  succeed- 
ed by  Philip,  the  son  of  Demetrius.  The  death  of  Ptolemy 
Euergetes,  to  whose  tlirœie  Ptolemy  Philopater  succeeds.  A 
great  earthquake  at  Rhodes.  The  noble  generosity  of  those 
princes  and  cities  who  contributed  to  the  reparation  of  the 
losses  which  the  Rhodians  had  sustained  by  that  calamity. 
The  fate  of  the  famous  Colossus. 

8  The  Macedonians  and  Achaeans  having  quitted  their 
quarters  on  the  approach  of  summer,  Antigonus  put 
himself  at  the  head  of  them,  and  advanced  into  Laconia. 

g  Polyb.  1.  ii.  p.  150—154.     Plut,  in  Cleora.  p.  818,  819-  Ibid,  in 
Philop.  p.  S5§.     A.  M.  3781.     Ant.  J.  C.  223. 


^06  THE  HISTORY  OF 

His  army  was  composed  of  twenty-eight  thousand  foot 
and  twelve  hundred  horse  ;  but  that  of  Cleomenes  did 
not  amount  to  more  than  twenty  thousand  men.  As 
the  latter  of  these  two  princes  expected  an  irruption 
from  the  enemy,  he  had  fortified  all  the  passes,  by  post- 
ing detatchments  of  his  troops  in  them,  and  by  throwing 
up  intrenchments,  and  cutting  down  trees,  after  which 
he  formed  his  camp  at  Selasia.  He  imagined,  and  with 
good  reason,  that  the  enemies  would  endeavour  to  force 
a  passage  into  the  country  through  this  avenue,  in  which 
he  was  not  deceived.  This  defile  was  fonned  by  two 
mountains,  one  of  which  had  the  name  of  Eva,  and  the 
other  that  of  Olympus.  The  river  Oeneus  ran  between 
them,  on  the  banks  of  which  was  the  road  to  Sparta. 
Cleomenes,  having  throw^n  up  a  strong  intrenchment  at 
the  foot  of  these  mountains,  posted  his  brother  Eucli- 
das  on  the  eminence  of  Eva,  at  the  head  of  the  allies, 
and  planted  himself  on  Olympus  with  the  Lacedaemo- 
nians, and  a  party  of  the  foreign  troops,  placing,  at  the 
same  time,  along  each  bank  of  the  river,  a  detachment 
of  the  cavalry  and  foreign  auxiliaries. 

Antigonus,  when  he  arrived  there,  saw  all  the  passes 
fortified,  and  was  sensible,  by  the  manner  in  which  Cleo- 
menes had  posted  his  troops,  that  he  had  neglected  no 
precaution  either  for  defending  himself  or  attacking  his 
enemies,  and  that  he  had  formed  his  camp  into  such  an 
advantageous  disposition,  as  rendered  all  approaches  to 
it  extremely  difficult.  All  this  abated  his  ardour  for 
a  battle,  and  caused  him  to  encamp  at  a  small  distance, 
where  he  had  an  opportunity  of  covering  his  troops  with 
a  rivulet.  He  continued  there  for  several  days,  in  order 
to  view  the  situation  of  the  different  posts,  and  sound 
the  disposition  of  the  nations  who  composed  the  enemy's 
army.  Sometimes  he  seemed  to  be  forming  designs, 
which  kept  the  enemy  in  suspense  how  to  act.  They, 
however,  were  always  upon  their  guard,  and  their  situa- 
tion secured  them  from  insults  in  any  quarter.  At  last 
both  sides  resolved  upon  a  decisive  battle. 

It  is  not  easy  to  comprehend  why  Cleomenes,  who 
w^as  posted  so  advantageously,  and  whose  troops  were 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  20T 

inferior  to  those  of  the  enemy  by  one  third,  while  they 
were  secure  of  a  free  communication*  in  their  rear  with 
Sparta,  from  whence  they  might  easily  be  supplied  with 
provisions,  should  resolve,  without  the  least  apparent 
necessity,  to  hazard  a  battle,  the  event  of  which  was  to 
decide  the  fate  of  Lacedaemon. 

Polybius  indeed  seems  to  intimate  the  cause  of  this 
proceeding,  when  he  observes,  that  Ptolemy  caused 
Cleomenes  to  be  acquainted,  that  he  no  longer  would 
supply  him  with  money,  and  exhorted  him  at  the  same 
time  to  come  to  an  accommodation  with  Antigonus. 
As  Cleomenes  therefore  was  incapable  of  defraying  the 
expense  of  this  war,  and  was  not  only  in  arrear  with  his 
foreign  troops  to  the  amount  of  a  very  considerable  sum, 
but  found  it  extremely  difficult  to  maintain  his  Spar- 
tan forces,  we  may  consequently  suppose  that  this  situ- 
ation of  his  affairs  was  his  inducement  to  venture  a 
battle. 

When  the  signals  were  given  on  each  side,  Antigo- 
nus detached  a  body  of  troops,  consisting  of  Macedonian 
and  lUyrian  battalions,  alternately  disposed,  against 
those  of  the  enemy  posted  on  moimt  Eva.  His  second 
line  consisted  of  Acarnanians  and  Cretans,  and  in  the 
rear  of  tliese,  two  thousand  Achaeans  were  drawn  up  as 
a  body  of  reserve.  He  drew  up  his  cavalry  along  the 
bank  of  the  river,  in  order  to  oppose  those  of  the  enemy, 
and  caused  them  to  be  supported  by  a  thousand  of  the 
Achaean  foot  and  the  same  number  of  Megalopolitans. 
He  then  placed  himself  at  the  head  of  the  Macedonians 
and  the  light-armed  foreign  troops,  and  advanced  to 
mount  Olympus  to  attack  Cleomenes.  The  foreigners 
were  disposed  into  the  first  line,  and  marched  immediate- 
ly before  the  Macedonian  phalanx,  which  was  divided 
into  two  bodies,  the  one  in  the  rear  of  the  other,  be- 
cause the  ground  would  not  admit  their  forming  a  larger 
front. 

The  action  began  at  mount  Eva,  when  the  light- 
armed  troops,  who  had  been  posted  with  an  intention 
to  cover  and  support  the  cavalry  of  Cleomenes,  observ- 
ing that  the  rear  of  the  Achasan  cohorts  was  imcovered. 


208  THE  HISTORY  OF 

immediately  wheeled  about  and  attacked  them.  Those* 
who  endeavoured  to  gain  the  summit  of  the  mountain, 
found  themselves  vigorously  pressed  by  the  enemy,  and 
in  great  danger,  being  threatened  in  front  by  Euclidas, 
w^ho  was  on  the  heights,  at  the  same  time  that  they 
"were  charged  in  their  rear  by  the  foreign  troops,  who 
assaulted  them  with  the  utmost  impetuosity.  Philo- 
pœmen  and  his  citizens  were  posted  among  the  cavaliy 
of  Antigonus,  who  were  supported  by  the  Illyrians,  and 
had  orders  not  to  move  from  that  post  till  a  particular 
signal  shoidd  be  given.  Philopœmen  observing  that  it 
would  not  be  difficult  to  fall  upon  this  light  infantiy 
of  Euclidas,  and  rout  them  entirelv,  and  that  this  was 
the  critical  moment  for  the  charge,  immediately  com- 
municated his  opinion  to  such  of  the  king's  officers  as 
commanded  the  cavalry.  They,  however,  would  not  so 
much  as  hear  him,  merely  because  he  had  never  com- 
manded, and  was  then  very  young  ;  and  even  treated 
what  he  said  as  absurd.  Philopœmen  was  not  diverted 
from  his  purpose  by  this  rebuff,  but  at  the  head  of  his 
own  citizens,  whom  he  prevailed  upon  to  follow  him,  he 
attacked  and  repulsed  that  body  of  infantry  with  great 
slaughter. 

The  Macedonians  and  Illyrians  being  disengaged  by 
this  operation  from  what  before  had  retarded  their  mo- 
tions, boldly  marched  up  the  hill  to  their  enemies.  Eu- 
clidas was  then  to  engage  with  a  phalanx,  w^hose  whole 
force  consisted  in  the  strict  union  of  its  parts,  the  close- 
ness of  its  ranks,  the  steady  and  equal  force  of  its  nu- 
merous and  pointed  spears,  and  the  uniform  impetuosity 
of  that  heavy  body,  which  by  its  weight  overthrew  and 
bore  down  all  before  it. 

In  order  to  prevent  this  inconvenience,  an  able  officer 
would  have  marched  down  the  mountain,  with  such  of 
his  troops  as  were  lightest  armed  and  most  active,  to 
have  met  the  phalanx.  He  would  have  attacked  them 
as  soon  as  they  began  to  ascend,  and  would  then  have 
harassed  them  on  every  side.  The  inequalities  of  the 
mountain,  with  the  difficulty  of  ascending  it  entirely 
uncovered,  would  have  enabled  him  to  have  opened  a 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  209 

passage  through  tliis  body  of  men,  and  to  have  inter- 
rupted their  Triarch,  by  putting  their  ranks  into  confu- 
sion, and  breaking  their  order  of  battle  ;  he  would  also 
have  fallen  back  by  degrees,  in  order  to  regain  the  sum- 
mit of  the  mountain,  as  the  enemy  advanced  upon  him, 
and  after  he  had  deprived  them  of  the  only  advantage 
they  could  expect  from  the  quality  of  their  arms  and 
the  disposition  of  their  troops,  he  might  have  improved 
the  advantage  of  his  post  in  such  a  manner  as  to  have 
easily  put  them  to  flight. 

Euclidas,  instead  of  acting  in  this  manner,  continued 
on  the  top  of  the  mountain,  flattering  himself  that  vic- 
tory would  infallibly  attend  his  arms.  He  imagined, 
in  all  probability,  that  the  higher  he  permitted  the  ene- 
my to  advance,  the  easier  it  would  be  for  him  to  preci 
pitate  their  troops  down  the  steep  declivity  :  but  as  he 
had  not  reserved  for  his  own  forces  a  sufficient  extent 
of  ground  for  any  retreat  that  might  happen  to  be  ne- 
cessary for  avoiding  the  formidable  charge  of  the  pha- 
lanx, which  advanced  upon  him  in  good  order,  his  troops 
were  crowded  together  in  such  a  manner,  as  obliged 
them  to  fight  on  the  summit  of  the  mountain^  where 
they  could  not  long  sustain  the  weight  of  the  Illyrian 
arms,  and  the  order  of  battle  into  which  that  infantry 
formed  themselves  on  the  eminence  ;  and  as  his  men 
could  neither  retreat  nor  change  their  ground,  they  w^ere 
soon  defeated  by  their  enemies. 

During  this  action,  the  cavalry  of  each  army  had  also 
engaged.  That  of  the  Achaeans  behaved  themselves 
with  great  bravery,  and  Philopœmen  in  particular  ;  be- 
cause they  w^re  sensible  that  the  liberties  of  their  re- 
public would  be  decided  by  this  battle.  Philopœmen, 
in  the  heat  of  the  action,  had  his  horse  killed  under  him, 
and  while  he  fought  on  foot  he  had  both  his  thighs 
pierced  through  with  a  ja\  jlin  ;  the  wound,  however, 
was  not  mortal,  nor  attended  with  any  ill  consequences. 

The  two  kings  began  the  engagement  on  mount 
Olympus,  with  their  light- armed  troops  and  foreign 
soldiers,  of  whom  each  of  them  had  about  five  thousand. 
As  the  action  took  place  in  the  sight  of  each  sovereign 

VOL.  vi.  p 


210  THE  HISTORY  OF 

and  his  army,  the  troops  vied  with  each  other  in  sig- 
nahzing  themselves,  as  well  in  parties,  as  when  the 
battle  became  general.    INI  an  to  man,  and  rank  to  rank, 
all  fought  with  the  utmost  vigour  and  obstinacy.    Cleo- 
menes,  when  he  saw  his  brother  defeated,  and  his  caval- 
ry beginning  to  give  ground  in  the  plain,  was  appre- 
hensive that  the  enemy  would  pour  upon  him  from  all 
quarters  :  and  therefore  thought  it  advisable  to  level  all 
the  intrenchments  around  his  camp,  and  cause  his  whole 
army  to  march  out  in  front.     The  trumpets  having 
sounded  a  signal  for  the  light- armed  troops  to  retreat 
fiom  the  space  between  the  two  camps,  each  phalanx 
advanced  with  loud  shouts,  shifting  their  lances  at  the 
same  time,  and  began  the  charge.    The  action  was  very 
hot.     One  while  the  INIacedonians  fell  back  before  the 
valour  of  the  Spartans  ;  and  these,  in  their  turn,  were 
unable  to  sustain  the  weight  of  the  Macedonian  pha- 
lanx ;  till  at  last  the  troops  of  Antigonus  advancing 
with  their  lances  lowered  and  closed,  charged  the  Lace- 
daemonians with  all  the  impetuosity  of  a  phalanx  that 
had  doubled  its  ranks,  and  drove  them  from  their  in- 
trenchments.    The  defeat  then  became  general;  the 
Lacedaemonians  fell  in  great  numbers,  and  those  who 
survived,  fled  from  the  field  of  battle  in  the  greatest 
disorder.     Cleomenes,  with  only  a  few  horse,  retreated 
to  Sparta.    Plutarch  assures  us,  that  most  of  the  foreign 
troops  perished  in   this  battle,  and  that  no  more  than 
two  hundred  Lacedaemonians  escaped  out  of  six  thou- 
sand. 

It  may  justly  be  said,  that  Antigonus  owed  his  suc- 
cess, in  some  measure,  to  the  prudence  and  bravery  of 
the  young  Philopœmen,  His  boldness  and  resolution 
in  attacking  the  light  infantry  of  the  enemy  with  his 
own  troop  alone,  contributed  to  the  overthrow  of  the 
wing  commanded  by  Euclidas,  and  that  drew  on  the 
general  defeat.  This  action,  undertaken  by  a  private 
captain  of  horse,  not  only  without  orders,  but  in  opposi- 
tion to  the  superior  officers,  and  even  contrary  to  the 
command  of  the  general,  seems  to  be  a  transgression  of 
military  discipline  ;  but  it  ought  to  be  remembered,  that 


ALEXANDERS  SUCCESSORS.  211 

the  welfare  of  an  army  is  a  circumstance  superior  to  all 
other  considerations.  Had  the  general  been  present, 
he  himself  would  have  given  directions  for  that  move- 
ment, and  the  delay  even  of  a  single  moment  might  oc- 
casion the  impossibility  of  its  success.  It  is  evident 
that  Antigonus  judged  of  the  action  in  tliis  manner  ; 
for  when  the  battle  was  over,  he  assumed  an  air  of  seem- 
ing displeasure,  and  demanded  of  Alexander,  who  com- 
manded his  cavalry,  what  his  reason  could  be  for  be- 
ginning the  attack  before  the  signal,  contrary  to  the 
orders  he  had  issued  ?  Alexander  tlien  replying,  that  it 
was  not  himself,  but  a  young  officer  of  Megalopolis, 
who  had  transgressed  his  commands  in  that  manner  : 
"  That  young  man,"  said  Antigonus,  "  in  seizing  the 
opportunity,  behaved  like  a  great  general,  but  you  the 
general  like  a  young  man." 

Sparta,  on  this  disaster,  showed  that  ancient  steadi- 
ness and  intrepidity,  which  seemed  to  have  something 
of  a  savage  air,  and  had  distinguished  her  citizens  on 
all  occasions.  No  wife  was  seen  to  mourn  for  the  loss 
of  her  husband.  The  old  men  celebrated  the  death  of 
their  children  ;  and  the  children  congratulated  their  fa- 
thers who  had  fallen  in  battle.  Every  one  deplored  the 
fate  which  had  prevented  them  from  sacrificing  their 
lives  to  the  liberty  of  their  country.  They  opened  their 
hospitable  doors  to  those  who  returned  covered  with 
wounds  from  the  army  ;  they  attended  them  with  pe- 
culiar care,  and  eagerly  supplied  them  with  all  the  ac- 
commodations they  needed.  No  trouble  or  oonfusion 
was  seen  through  the  whole  city,  and  every  individual 
lamented  more  the  public  calamity,  than  any  particular 
loss  of  their  own. 

Cleomenes,  upon  his  arrival  at  Sparta,  advised  his 
citizens  to  receive  Antigonus  ;  assuring  them,  at  the 
same  time,  that  whatever  might  be  his  own  condition,  he 
would  always  promote  the  welfare  of  his  country,  with 
the  utniost  pleasure,  whenever  it  should  happen  to  be 
in  his  power.  He  then  retired  into  his  own  house,  but 
would  neither  drink,  though  very  thirsty,  nor  sit  down, 
though  extremely  fatigued  :  but  armed  as  he  was,  he 


212  THE  HISTORY  OF 

leaned  against  a  column,  with  his  head  reclined  on  his 
arm  ;  and  after  he  had  deliberated  with  himself  for 
8ome  time  on  the  different  measures  which  he  might 
adopt,  he  suddenly  quitted  the  house,  and  went  with 
his  friends  to  the  port  of  Gythium,  where  he  embarked 
in  a  vessel  he  had  prepared  for  that  purpose,  and  sailed 
for  Egypt. 

A  Spartan,  having  made  a  lively  representation  to 
him  of  the  melancholy  consequences  that  might  attend 
bis  purposed  voyage  to  Egypt  and  the  indignity  a  king 
of  Sparta  would  sustain  by  crouching  in  a  servile  man- 
ner to  a  foreign  prince,  took  that  opportunity  to  exhort 
him  in  the  strongest  manner,  to  prevent  those  just  re-r 
proaches  by  a  voluntary  and  glorious  deatli,  and  to  justi- 
fy himself,  by  that  action,  to  those  who  had  sacrificed 
tlieir  lives  in  the  fields  of  Selasia  for  the  liberty  of  Spar- 
ta. "  You  are  deceived,"  cried  Cleomenes,  "  if  you 
imagine  there  is  any  bravery  in  confronting  death,  mere- 
ly through  the  apprehension  of  false  shame,  or  the  de- 
sire of  empty  applause  :  say  rather,  that  such  an  action 
is  mean  and  pusillanimous.  The  death  we  may  be  in- 
duced to  covet,  instead  of  being  the  retreat  from  an  ac- 
tion, ought  to  be  an  action  itself,  *  since  nothing  can  be 
more  dishonourable  than  either  to  live  or  die,  merely 
for  one's  self  For  my  part,  I  shall  endeavour  to  be 
useful  to  my  counti'y,  to  my  latest  breath  ;  and  when- 
ever this  hope  happens  to  fail  us,  it  will  be  easy  for  us 
to  have  recourse  to  death,  if  such  should  be  then  our 
inclination." 

^  Cleomenes  had  scarce  set  sail,  before  Antigonus  ar- 
rived at  Sparta,  and  made  himself  master  of  the  city. 
He  seemed  to  treat  the  inhabitants  more  like  a  friend 
than  a  conqueror  ;  and  declared  to  them,  that  he  had 

^  Plut,  in  Cleom.  p.  819-  Polyb.  1.  ii.  p.  155.  Justin.  L  xxviir. 
c.  4.     A.  M.  3781.     Ant  J.  C  223. 

*  The  ancients  maintained  it  as  a  principle^  that  the  death  of  per- 
sons employed  in  the  administration  ot  ,i  state  ought  neither  to  be 
useless  with  respect  to  the  public,  nor  muctive  ;  but  a  natural  conse- 
quence of  their  ministry,  and  one  of  their  most  important  actions; 
Plut,  in  Lycurg.  p.  57. 


Alexander's  successohs.  S13 

not  engaged  in  a  war  against  the  Spartans,  but  against 
Cleomenes,  whose  flight  bad  satisfied  and  disarmed  bis 
resentment.     He  added,  that  it  would  be  glorious  to 
his  memory,  to  have  it  said  by  posterity,  that  Sparta 
had  been  preserved  by  the  prince  who  alone  had  the 
good  fortune  to  take  it.     What  he  called  preserving 
that  city,  was  the  abolishing  all  that  the  zeal  of  Cleo- 
menes had  accomplished,  for  the  re-establishment  of  the 
ancient  laws  of  Lycurgus,  though  that  conduct  was  the 
real  cause  of  its  ruin      Sparta  lost  ail  that  was  valuable 
to  her,  by  the  overthrow  and  involuntary  retreat  of  Cleo- 
menes.    One  fatal  battle  obscured  that  happy  dawn  of 
power  and  glory,  and  for  ever  deprived  him  of  the  hopes 
of  reinstating  his  city  in  her  ancient  splendour  and  ori- 
ginal authority,  which  were  incapable  of  subsisting  af- 
ter the  abolition  of  those  ancient  laws  and  customs  on 
•which  they  had  been  founded.     Corruption  then  re- 
sumed her  former  course,  and  daily  gathered  strength, 
till  Sparta  sunk  to  her  last  declension  in  a  very  short 
space  of  time.     It  may  therefore  be  justly  said,  that  the 
bold  views  and  enterprises  of  Cleomenes  were  the  last 
struggles  of  its  expiring  liberty. 

Antigonus  left  Sparta  three  days  after  he  had  enter- 
ed it  ;  and  his  departure  was  occasioned  by  the  intelli- 
gence he  had  received,  that  a  war  had  broken  out  in 
5lacedonia,  where  the  barbarians  -committed  dreadful 
ravages.  If  this  news  had  arrived  three  days  sooner, 
Cleomenes  might  have  been  saved.  Antigonus  was  al- 
ready afflicted  with  a  severe  indisposition,  which  at  last 
ended  in  a  deep  consumption  and  continual  defluxion 
of  humours,  that  carried  him  off  two  or  three  years  after. 
He,  however,  would  not  suffer  himself  to  be  dejected 
by  his  ill  state  of  health,  and  had  even  spirit  enough 
to  engage  in  new  battles  in  his  own  kingdom.  It  is  said, 
that  after  he  had  been  victorious  over  the  Illyrians,  he 
was  so  transported  with  joy,  that  he  frequently  repeated 
these  expressions,  "  O  the  glorious  happy  day  !"  and 
that  he  uttered  this  exclamation  with  so  much  exer- 
tion, that  he  burst  a  vein,  and  lost  a  large  quantity  of 
blood  ;  this  symptom  was  succeeded  by  a  violent  fever, 


314  THE  HISTORY  OF 

which  ended  his  days.  Some  time  before  his  death,  he 
settled  the  succession  to  his  dominions  in  favour  of 
Philip,  the  son  of  Demetrius,  who  was  then  fourteen 
years  of  age  ;  or  it  may  be  rather  said,  that  he  returned 
him  the  sceptre,  which  had  only  been  deposited  in  his 
hand. 

Cleomenes,  in  the  mean  time,  arrived  at  Alexandria, 
where  he  met  with  a  very  cold  reception  from  the  king, 
when  he  was  first  introduced  into  his  presence.  But 
after  he  had  given  that  monarch  proofs  of  his  admirable 
sense,  and  shown  in  his  common  conversation  the  gene- 
rous freedom,  openness,  and  simplicity  of  the  Spartan 
manners,  tempered  with  a  graceful  politeness,  in  which 
there  was  nothing  mean,  and  even  a  noble  piide  that 
became  his  birth  and  dignity,  Ptolemy  was  then  sensi- 
ble of  his  merit,  and  esteemed  him  infinitely  above  all 
those  corn-tiers  who  were  only  solicitous  to  please  him 
by  abject  flatteries.  He  was  even  stnick  ^^ith  confu- 
sion and  remorse  for  having  neglected  so  great  a  man, 
and  for  having  abandoned  him  to  Antigonus,  who  had 
raised  his  own  reputation,  and  enlarged  his  power  to  an 
infinite  degree,  by  his  victory  over  that  prince.  *  The 
king  of  Egypt  then  endeavoured  to  comfort  and  relieve 
Cleomenes,  by  treating  him  with  every  mark  of  honour, 
and  giving  him  repeated  assurances  that  he  would  send 
him  into  Greece  with  a  fleet  and  a  supply  of  money, 
?.nd  would  re-establish  him  on  the  throne.  He  also 
assigned  him  a  yearly  pension  of  twenty-four  talents 
(about  five  thousand  pounds  sterling,)  with  which  he 
supported  himself  and  his  friends,  with  the  utmost  fru- 
gality, reserving  all  the  remainder  of  that  allowance  for 
the  relief  of  those  who  retired  into  Eg^-pt  from  Greece. 
f  Ptolemy,  however,  died  before  he  could  accomplish  his 
promise  to  Cleomenes.  This  prince  had  reigned  twenty- 
five  vears,  and  was  the  last  of  that  race  in  whom  any 
true  virtue  and  moderation  was  conspicuous  ;  ^  for  the 
generality  of  his  successors  were  monsters  of  debauchery 

'  Strab.  1.  xvii.  p.  79^- 

*  A.  M.  3782.     Ant.  J.  C.  222. 

tA.  M.  3783.     Ant.  J.  C.  221. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  215 

and  wickedness.  The  prince,  whose  character  we  are 
now  describing,  had  made  it  his  principal  care  *  to  ex- 
tend his  dominions  to  the  South,  from  the  time  of  his 
concluding  the  peace  with  Syria.  Accordingly  he  had 
extended  it  the  whole  length  of  the  Red  Sea,  as  well 
along  the  Arabian,  as  the  ^î^thiopian  coasts,  and  even  to 
the  Straits,!  which  form  a  communication  with  the 
southern  ocean.  He  was  succeeded  on  the  throne  of 
Egypt  by  his  son  Ptolemy,  surnamed  Philopator. 

^  Some  time  before  this,  Rhodes  suffered  very  con- 
siderable damages  from  a  great  earthquake  :  the  walls  of 
the  city,  with  the  arsenals,  and  the  docks  in  the  har- 
bour where  the  ships  were  laid  up,  were  reduced  to  a 
very  ruinous  condition  ;  and  the  famous  Colossus,  which 
was  esteemed  one  of  the  wonders  of  the  world,   was 
thrown  down  and  entirely  destroyed.     It  is  natural  to 
think,  that  this  earthquake  spared  neither  private  houses, 
nor  public  structures,  nor  even  the  temples  of  the  gods. 
The  loss  sustained  by  it  amounted  to  immense  sums  ; 
and  the  Rhodians,  reduced  to  the  utmost  distress,  sent 
deputations  to  all  the  neighbouring  princes,  to  implore 
relief.     An  emulation  worthy  of  praise,  and  not  to  be 
paralleled  in  history,  prevailed  in  favour  of  that  deplo- 
rable city  ;  and  Hiero  and  Gelon  in  Sicily,  and  Ptole- 
my in  Egypt,  signalized  themselves  in  a  peculiar  man- 
ner on  that  occasion.     The  two  former  of  these  princes 
contributed  above  a  hundred  talents,  and  erected  two 
statues  in  the  public  square  ;  one  of  which  represented 
the  people  of  Rhodes,  and  the  other  that  of  Syracuse  ; 
the  former  was  crowned  by  the  latter,  to  testify,  as  Po- 
lybius  observes,  that  the  Syracusans  thought  the  oppor- 
tunity of  relieving  the  Rhodians  a  favour  and  obliga- 
tion conferred  upon  themselves.     Ptolemy,  besides  his 
other  expenses,  which  amounted  to  a  very  considerable 
sum,  supplied  that  people  with  three  hundred  talents, 
a  million  of  bushels  of  corn,  and  materials  sufficient  for 

^  Polyb.  1.  V.  p.  428,  431.     A.  M.  3782.     Ant.  J.  C.  222. 
*  Monum.  Adulit.  t  Straits  of  BabelmandeL 


216  THE  HISTORY  OF 

building  ten  galleys  of  five  benches  of  oars,  and  as  many 
more  of  three  benches,  besides  an  infinite  quantity  of 
timber  for  other  buildings  ;  all  which  donations  were 
accompanied  with  three  thousand  talents  for  erecting 
the  Colossus  anew.  Antigonus,  Seleucus,  Pmsias, 
^Mithridates,  and  all  the  princes,  as  well  as  cities,  sig- 
nalized their  liberality  on  this  occasion.  Even  private 
persons  were  desirous  of  sharing  in  this  glorious  act  of 
humanity  ;  and  historians  have  recorded,  that  a  lady, 
whose  name  was  Chryseis,  *  and  who  truly  merited  that 
appellation,  furaished  from  her  own  substance  a  hun- 
dred thousand  bushels  of  com.  Let  the  princes  of  these 
times,  says  Polybius,  who  imagine  they  have  done  glo- 
riously in  giving  four  or  five  thousand  crowns,  only  con- 
sider how  inferior  their  generosity  is  to  that  we  have 
Î10W  described.  Rhodes,  in  consequence  of  these  li- 
beralities, was  re-established  in  a  few  years,  in  a  more 
opident  and  splendid  state  than  she  had  ever  experi- 
enced before,  if  we  only  except  the  Colossus. 

This  Colossus  wa&  a  brazen  statue  of  a  prodigious 
size,  as  I  have  akeadv  observed.  Some  authors  have 
affirmed,  that  the  money  arising  from  the  contributions 
already  mentioned,  amounted  to  ^\ç:  times  as  much  as 
the  loss  which  the  Rhodians  had  sustained.  ^  This 
people,  instead  of  employing  the  sums  they  had  re- 
ceived, in  replacing  that  statue  according  to  the  inten- 
tion of  the  donors,  pretended  that  the  oracle  of  Delphi 
had  forbidden  it,  and  given  them  a  command  to  pre- 
serve that  money  for  other  purposes,  by  which  they  en- 
riched themselves.  The  Colossus  lay  neglected  on  the 
ground,  for  the  space  of  eight  himdred  and  seventy-five 
years  ;  at  the  expiration  of  which  (that  is  to  say,  in  the 
six  hundred  and  fifty-third  year  of  our  Lord)  JNIoa- 
îvyasjf  the  sixth  caliph  or  emperor  of  the  Saracens,  made 
himself  master  of  Rhodes,  and  sold  this  statue  to  a 


^  Strab.  1.  xiv.  p.  652. 

*  Chryseis  signifies  golden. 

+  Zonar,  sub  regno  Consianiis  Impei'ai.  and  Cedrenns. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  217 

Jewish  merchant,  who  loaded  nine  hundred  camels  with 
the  metal  ;  which,  computed  by  eight  quintals  for  each 
load,  after  a  deduction  of  the  diminution  which  the 
statue  had  sustained  by  rust,  and  very  probably  by  theft, 
amounted  to  more  than  eight  hundred  and  six  thousand 
pounds,  or  seven  thousand  two  hundred  quintals. 


s. 


/'.'V 


318  THE  HISTORY  OF 


BOOK  THE  EIGHTEENTH. 


THE 

HISTORY 

OF 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS. 


SECT.  I.  Ptolemy  Philopator  7'eigns  in  Egypt.  The  short 
reign  of  Seleucus  Ceraunus.  He  is  succeeded  by  his  brother 
Antiochus^  surmnned  the  Great.  AchceiiSs  fidelity  to  him. 
Hermias,  his  chief  minister.,  Jirst  removes  Epigenes^  the 
ablest  of  all  his  generals,  and  aftei'icards  puts  him  to  death. 
AntiochiLS  subdues  the  rebels  in  the  East.  He  rids  himself 
of  Hermias.  He  attempts  to  recover  Cœle-Syria  frmn  Pto- 
lemy Philopator,  and  possesses  himself  of  the  strongest  cities 
m  it.  After  a  short  truce,  a  war  breaks  out  again  in  Syria. 
Battle  of  Raphia,  in  which  Antiochus  is  entirely  defeated. 
The  anger  and  revenge  of  Philopator  against  the  Jews  for 
refusing  to  let  him  enter  the  Sanctuary.  Antiochus  concludes 
a  peace  with  Ptolemy.  He  turns  his  arms  against  Achceus, 
who  had  rebelled.  He  at  last  seizes  him  treacherously,  and 
puts  him  to  death. 


I  OBSERVED  in  the  preceding  book,"^  that  Ptolemy 
Philopator  had  succeeded  Ptolemy  Euergetus,  his  fa- 
ther, in  Egypt.  On  the  other  side,  Seleucus  Callinicus 
was  dead  in  Parthia.  He  had  left  two  sons,  Seleucus 
and  Antiochus  ;  and  the  first,  who  was  the  elder,  suc- 


m 


Polyb.  1.  iv.  p.  315.  &  1.  v.  p.  386.     Hieron.  in  Daniel.  Appian. 
in  Syriac.  p.  131.     Justin.  1.  xxix.  c.  1.     A.  M.  3778.     Ant.  J.  C. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  219 

ceeded  to  his  father's  throne,  and  assumed  the  surname 
of  Ceraunus,  or  the  Thunder,  a  title  very  little  suited 
to  his  character  ;  for  he  was  a  very  weak  prince  both  in 
foody  and  mind,  and  never  did  any  actions  that  corre- 
sponded with  the  idea  suggested  by  that  name.  His 
reign  was  short,  and  his  authority  but  ill  established, 
either  in  the  army  or  the  provinces.  What  prevented 
his  losing  it  entirely  was,  that  Achgeus,  his  cousin,  son 
to  Andromachus,  his  mother's  brother,  a  man  of  cou- 
rage and  abilities,  assumed  the  management  of  his  af- 
fairs, which  his  father's  ill  conduct  had  reduced  to  a 
very  low  ebb.  As  for  Andromachus,  he  was  taken  by 
Ptolemy,  in  a  war  with  Callinicus,  and  kept  prisoner 
in  Alexandria,  during  all  his  reign  and  part  of  the  fol- 
lowing. 

*  Attains,  king  of  Pergamus,  having  seized  upon  all 
Asia  Minor,  from  mount  Taurus  as  far  as  the  Helles- 
pont, Seleucus  marched  against  him,  and  left  Hermias 
the  Carian  regent  of  Syria.  Achaeus  accompanied  him 
in  that  expedition,  and  did  him  all  the  good  services 
which  the  low  state  of  his  affairs  would  admit. 

f  As  there  was  no  money  to  pay  the  forces,  and  the 
king  was  despised  by  the  soldiers  for  his  weakness,  Ni- 
canor  and  Apaturius,  two  of  the  chief  officers,  formed 
a  conspiracy  against  him  during  his  absence  in  Phrygia, 
and  poisoned  him.  However,  Acliseus  revenged  that 
horrid  action,  by  putting  to  death  the  two  ringleaders, 
and  all  who  had  engaged  in  their  plot.  He  acted  after- 
wards with  so  much  prudence  and  resolution  with  re- 
gard to  the  army,  that  he  kept  the  soldiers  in  their 
obedience  ;  and  prevented  Attalus  from  taking  advan- 
tage of  this  accident,  which,  but  for  his  excellent  con- 
duct, would  have  lost  the  Syrian  empire  all  it  still  pos- 
sessed on  that  side. 

Seleucus  dying  without  children,  the  army  offered 
the  crown  to  Achasus,  and  several  of  the  provinces  did 
the  same.  However,  he  had  the  generosity  to  refuse  it 
at  that  time,  though  he  afterwards  thought  himself 

*  A.  M.  3780.     Ant.  J.'C.  224. 
t  A.  M.  3781.     Ant.  J.  C.  223. 


220  THE  HISTOlîY  OF 

obliged  to  act  in  a  different  manner.  In  the  present 
conjuncture,  he  not  only  refused  the  crown,  but  preserved 
it  carefully  for  the  lawful  heir,  Antiochus,  brother  of 
the  deceased  king,  who  was  but  in  his  fifteenth  year. 
Seleucus,  at  his  setting  out  for  Asia  Minor,  had  sent 
him  into  Babylonia,  *  to  be  educated,  where  he  was 
when  his  brother  died.  He  was  now  brought  from 
thence  to  Antioch,  where  he  ascended  the  throne,  and 
enjoyed  it  thirty-six  years. — For  his  illustrious  actions 
he  has  been  surnamed  the  Great.  Achaeus,  to  secure 
the  succession  in  his  favour,  sent  a  detachment  of  the 
army  to  him  in  Syria,  with  Epigenes,  one  of  the  late 
king's  most  experienced  generals.  The  rest  of  the  forces 
he  kept  for  the  service  of  the  state,  in  that  part  of  the 
country  w-here  he  himself  was. 

°  As  soon  as  Antiochus  was  possessed  of  the  crown, 
he  sent  Molo  and  Alexander,  two  brothers,  into  the 
East,  the  former  as  governor  of  Media,  and  the  latter 
of  Persia.  Achaeus  was  appointed  to  preside  over  the 
provinces  of  Asia  Minor.  Epigenes  had  the  command  of 
the  troops  which  were  kept  about  the  king's  person  ; 
and  Hermias  the  Carian  was  declared  his  prime  minis- 
ter, as  he  had  been  under  his  brother.  Achaeus  soon 
recovered  all  the  territories  which  Attains  had  taken 
from  the  empire  of  Syria,  and  forced  him  to  confine 
himself  within  his  kingdom  of  Pergamus.  Alexander 
and  Molo,  despising  the  king's  youth,  were  no  sooner 
fixed  in  their  governments,  than  they  refused  to  ac- 
knowledge him  ;  and  each  declared  himself  sovereign 
in  the  province  over  which  he  had  been  appointed  lieu- 
tenant. Hermias,  by  his  ill  treatment  of  them,  had 
very  much  contributed  to  their  revolt. 

This  minister  was  of  a  cruel  disposition.  The  most 
inconsiderable  faults  were  by  him  considered  as  crimes, 
and  punished  with  the  utmost  rigour.  He  was  a  man 
of  very  little  genius,  but  haughty,  full  of  himself,  te- 

"  Polyb.  1.  V.  p.  336.     A.  M.  3782.     Ant.  J.  C.  222. 

*  To  Seleucia,  which  is  in  that  province,  and  the  capital  of  the 
East,  instead  of  Babylon,  which  was  no  longer  in  being,  or  at  least 
was  uninhabited. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  221 

Hacious  of  his  own  opinion,  and  would  have  thought  it 
a  dishonour  to  have  either  asked  or  followed  another 
man's  advice.  He  could  not  bear  that  any  person 
should  share  with  him  in  credit  and  authority.  Merit 
of  every  kind  was  suspected  by,  or  rather  was  odious  to 
him.  But  the  chief  object  of  his  hatred  was  Epigenes, 
who  had  the  reputation  of  being  one  of  the  ablest  ge- 
nerals of  his  time,  and  in  whom  the  troops  reposed  an 
entire  confidence.  It  was  this  reputation  which  gave 
the  prime  minister  umbrage  ;  and  it  was  not  in  his 
power  to  conceal  the  ill  will  he  bore  him. 

«News  being  brought  of  Molo's  revolt,  Antiochus 
assembled  his  council,  in  order  to  consider  what  was  to 
be  done  in  the  present  posture  of  affairs  ;  and  whether 
it  would  be  advisable  for  him  to  march  in  person  against 
that  rebel,  or  turn  towards  Cœle-svria,  to  check  the  en- 
terprises  of  Ptolemy.  Epigenes  was  the  first  who  spoke, 
and  declared,  that  they  had  no  time  to  lose:  that  it 
was  absolutely  necessary  the  king  should  go  in  person 
into  the  East,  in  order  to  take  advantage  of  the  most 
favourable  conjunctures  and  opportunities  for  acting 
against  the  rebels  ;  that  when  he  should  be  on  the  spot, 
either  Molo  would  not  dare  to  attempt  any  thing  in 
the  sight  of  his  prince,  and  of  an  army,  or,  in  case  he 
should  persist  in  his  design,  the  people,  struck  with  the 
presence  of  their  sovereign,  in  the  return  of  their  zeal 
and  affection  for  him,  would  not  fail  to  deliver  him  up  ; 
but  that  the  most  important  point  of  all  was,  not  to  give 
him  time  to  fortify  himself.  Hermias  could  not  for- 
bear interrupting  him  ;  and  cried,  in  an  angry  and  self- 
sufficient  tone  of  voice,  that  to  advise  the  king  to  march 
in  person  against  Molo,  with  so  inconsiderable  a  body 
of  forces,  would  be  to  deliver  him  up  to  the  rebels. 
The  real  motive  of  his  speaking  in  this  manner  was, 
his  being  afraid  of  sharing  in  the  dangers  of  that  expe- 
dition. Ptolemy  was  to  him  a  much  less  formidable 
enemy.  There  was  little  to  be  feared  from  invading  a 
prince  entirely  devoted  to  trivial  pleasures.     The  ad- 

*  Polyb.  1.  V.  p.  386—395.     A.  M.  3783.     Ant.  J.  C.  221. 


i22  THE  HISTORY  OF 

vice  of  Hermias  prevailed  ;  the  command  of  part  of  the 
troops  was  given  to  Zeno  and  Theodotus,  with  orders 
to  carry  on  the  war  against  Molo  ;  and  the  king  him- 
self marched  with  the  rest  of  the  army  towards  Cœle- 
syria. 

Being  come  to  Seleucia  near  Zeugma,  he  there  found 
Laodice,  daughter  of  Mithridates  king  of  Pontus,  who 
was  brought  thither  to  espouse  him.  He  made  some 
stay  there  to  solemnize  his  nuptials,  the  joy  of  which 
was  soon  interrupted  by  the  news  brought  from  the 
East,  viz.  that  his  generals,  unable  to  make  head  against 
JVIolo  and  Alexander,  who  had  united  their  forces,  had 
been  forced  to  retire,  and  leave  them  masters  of  the  field 
of  battle.  Antiochus  then  saw  the  error  he  had  com- 
mitted, in  not  following  Epigenes's  advice  ;  and  there- 
upon was  for  laying  aside  the  enterprise  against  Cœle- 
syria,  m  order  to  march  with  all  his  troops  to  suppress 
that  revolt.  But  Hermias  persisted  as  obstinately  as 
ever  in  his  first  opinion.  He  fancied  he  spoke  wonders, 
in  declaring,  in  an  emphatic,  sententious  manner,  "  That 
it  became  kings  to  march  in  person  against  kings,  and 
to  send  their  lieutenants  against  rebels."  Antiochus 
was  so  weak  as  to  acquiesce  again  in  Hermias's  opinion. 

It  is  scarce  possible  to  conceive,  how  useless  expe- 
rience of  every  kind  is  to  an  indolent  prince,  who  lives 
without  reflection.  This  artful,  insinuating,  and  de- 
ceitful minister,  who  knew  how  to  adapt  himself  to  all 
the  desires  and  inclinations  of  his  master,  inventive  and 
industrious  in  finding  out  new  methods  to  please  and 
amuse,  had  had  the  cunning  to  make  himself  necessary, 
by  easing  his  prince  of  the  weight  of  public  business  ; 
so  that  Antiochus  imagined  he  could  not  do  without 
hirni  And  though  he  perceived  several  things  in  his 
conduct  and  counsels  which  gave  him  disgust,  he  would 
not  give  himself  the  trouble  to  examine  strictly  into 
them  ;  nor  had  resolution  enough  to  resume  the  au- 
thority he  had  in  a  manner  abandoned  to  him.  So  that 
acquiescing  again  in  his  opinion  on  this  occasion  (not 
from  conviction  but  weakness  and  indolence),  he  con- 
tented himself  v.ith  sending  a  general  and  a  body  of 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  222 

troops  into  the  East  ;  and  himself  resumed  the  expedi- 
tion of  Cœje- Syria. 

Tlie  general  he  sent  on  that  occasion  was  Xenatas 
the  Achaean,  in  whose  commission  it  was  ordered,  that 
the  two  former  generals  should  resign  to  him  the  com- 
mand of  their  forces,  and  serve  under  him.  He  had 
never  commanded  in  chief  before,  and  his  only  merit 
was,  his  being  the  prime  minister's  friend  and  creature. 
Raised  to  an  employment  to  which  his  vanity  and  pre- 
sumption could  never  have  emboldened  him  to  aspire, 
he  behaved  with  haughtiness  to  the  other  officers,  and 
with  boldness  and  temerity  to  the  enemy.  The  suc- 
cess was  such  as  might  be  expected  from  so  ill  a  choice. 
In  passing  the  Tigris  he  fell  into  an  ambuscade,  inta 
which  the  enemy  drew  him  by  stratagem,  and  himself 
and  all  his  army  were  cut  to  pieces.  This  victory  open- 
ed to  the  rebels  the  province  of  Babylonia  and  all  Me- 
sopotamia, of  which  they,  by  this  means,  possessed 
themselves  without  any  opposition. 

Antiochus,  in  the  mean  time,  had  advanced  into 
Cœle-syria,  as  far  as  the  valley  lying  between  the  two 
ridges  of  the  mountains  Libanus  and  Antilibanus.  He 
found  the  passes  of  these  mountains  so  strongly  fortified, 
and  so  well  defended  by  Theodotus  the  jÉtolian,  to 
whom  Ptolemy  had  confided  the  government  of  this 
province,  that  he  was  obliged  to  march  back,  finding  it 
not  possible  for  him  to  advance  farther.  There  is  no 
doubt  but  the  news  of  the  defeat  of  his  troops  in  the 
East  hastened  also  his  retreat.  He  assembled  his  coun- 
cil, and  again  debated  on  the  rebellion.  Epigenes,  af- 
ter saying,  in  a  modest  tone,  that  it  would  have  been 
most  advisable  to  have  marched  at  first  against  them,  to 
prevent  their  having  time  to  fortify  themselves  as  they 
had  done,  added,  that  the  same  reason  ought  to  make 
them  more  expeditious  now,  and  devote  their  whole 
care  and  study  to  a  war,  which,  if  neglected,  might  ter- 
minate in  the  ruin  of  the  empire.  Hermias,  who  thought 
himself  affronted  by  this  discourse,  began  to  exclaim 
against  Epigenes  in  the  most  opprobrious  terms  on  thig 
occasion.     He  conjured  the  king  not  to  lay  aside  the 


224  THE  HISTORY  OF 

enterprise  of  Coele-syria,  affirming  that  lie  could  not 
abandon  it,  without  evincing  a  levity  and  inconstancy 
entirely  unbecoming  a  prince  of  his  wisdom  and  know- 
ledge. The  whole  council  hung  down  their  heads 
through  shame  ;  and  Antiochus  himself  was  much  dis- 
satisfied. It  was  unanimously  resolved  to  march  with 
the  utmost  speed  against  the  rebels  :  and  Hermias, 
finding  that  all  resistance  would  be  in  vain,  grew  imme- 
diately quite  another  man.  He  came  over  with  great 
zeal  to  the  general  opinion,  and  seemed  more  ardent 
than  any  body  for  hastening  its  execution.  According- 
ly the  troops  set  out  towards  Apamea,  where  the  ren- 
dezvous was  fixed. 

They  had  scarce  set  out,  when  a  sedition  arose  in  the 
army  on  account  of  the  soldiers'  arrears.  This  unlucky 
accident  threw  the  king  into  the  utmost  consternation 
and  anxiety  ;  and  indeed  the  danger  was  imminent. 
Hermias,  seeing  the  king  in  such  perplexity,  comfort- 
ed him,  and  promised  to  pay  immediately  the  whole 
arrears  due  to  the  army  ;  but  at  the  same  time  earnest- 
ly besought  Antiochus  not  to  take  Epigenes  with  him 
in  this  expedition,  because,  after  the  noise  their  quar- 
rels had  made,  it  would  no  longer  be  possible  for  them 
to  act  in  concert  in  the  operations  of  the  war,  as  the 
good  of  the  service  might  require.  His  view  in  this 
was,  to  begin  by  lessening  Antioclius's  esteem  and  af- 
fection for  Epigenes  by  absence,  well  knowing  that 
princes  soon  forget  the  virtues  and  services  of  a  man  re- 
moved from  their  sight. 

This  proposal  perplexed  the  king  very  much,  who 
was  perfectly  sensible  how  necessary  the  presence  of  a 
general  of  Epigenes's  experience  and  ability  was  in  so 
important  an  expedition.  But,  *  as  Hermias  had  in- 
dustriously contrived  to  besiege,  and  in  a  manner  gain 
possession  of  him  by  all  manner  of  methods,  such  as 
suggesting  to  him  pretended  plans  of  economy,  watch- 

^xttîichç,  vtto  T'^<  'E^tciift  x.xKOïiôiieiç,  VK^v  uvrQ  y.v^toc.  Circumventus  et 
prœoccupatus  œconomiis,  et  cusiodiis,  et  ohsequiis,  Hernùœ,  Tnàlignitaie;, 
sui  non  erat  domimis.    This  is  a  literal  translation. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  225 

ing  his  every  action,  and  bribing  his  affection  by  obse- 
quiousness and  adulation,  that  unhappy  prince  was  no 
longer  his  own  master.  The  king  therefore  consented, 
though  with  the  utmost  rehictance,  to  what  he  re- 
quired ;  and  Epigenes  was  accordingly  ordered  to  re- 
tire to  Apamea.  This  event  surprised  and  terrified 
all  the  courtiers,  who  were  apprehensive  of  the  same 
fate  ;  but  the  soldiers,  having  received  all  their  arrears, 
were  very  easy,  and  thought  themselves  highly  obliged 
to  the  prime  minister,  by  whose  means  they  had  been 
paid.  Having  in  this  manner  made  himself  master  of 
the  nobles  by  fear,  and  of  the  army  by  their  pay,  he 
marched  with  the  king. 

As  Epigenes's  disgrace  extended  only  to  his  removal, 
it  was  far  from  satiating  his  vengeance  ;  and  as  it  did 
not  calm  his  uneasiness  with  regard  to  the  future,  he 
was  apprehensive  that  he  might  obtain  leave  to  return, 
to  prevent  which  he  employed  effectual  means.  Alexis, 
governor  of  the  citadel  of  Apamea,  was  entirely  at  his 
devotion  ;  and,  indeed,  how  few  w^ould  be  otherwise 
with  regard  to  an  all-powerful  minister,  the  sole  dis- 
penser of  his  master's  favours  !  Hermias  orders  this  man 
to  despatch  Epigenes,  and  prescribes  him  the  manner. 
In  consequence  of  this,  Alexis  bribes  one  of  Epigenes's 
domestics  ;  and,  by  gifts  and  promises,  engages  him  to 
slide  a  letter  he  gave  him  among  his  master's  papers. 
This  letter  seemed  to  have  been  written  and  subscribed 
by  JMolo,  one  of  the  chiefs  of  the  rebels,  who  thanked 
Epigenes  for  having  formed  a  conspiracy  against  the 
king,  and  communicated  to  him  the  methods  by  which 
he  might  safely  put  it  in  execution.  Some  days  after 
Alexis  went  to  him,  and  asked  whether  he  had  not  re- 
ceived a  letter  from  JMolo  ?  Epigenes,  surprised  at  this 
question,  expressed  his  astonishment,  and  at  the  same 
time  the  highest  indignation.  The  other  replied  that 
he  was  ordered  to  inspect  his  papers.  Accordingly,  a 
search  being  made,  the  forged  letter  was  found  ;  and 
Epigenes,  without  being  called  to  a  trial,  or  otherwise 
examined,  was  put  to  death.  The  king,  at  the  bare 
sight  of  the  letter,  imagined  that  the  charge  had  been 

VOL.  VI.  Q 


226  THE  HISTORY  OF 

fullv  proved  against  him.  However,  tlie  courtiers 
thought  otherw-ise;  but  fear  kept  them  all  tougue-tiecl 
and  dmnb.  How  unhappy,  and  how  much  to  be  pitied, 
are  princes  ! 

Although  the  season  was  now  very  far  advanced, 
Antiochus  passed  the  Euphrates,  assembled  all  his 
forces  ;  and  that  he  might  be  nearer  at  hand  to  open  the 
campaign  ^.er}'  early  the  next  spring,  he  in  the  mean  time 
sent  them  into  winter-quarters  in  the  neighboiu'hood. 

^  Upon  the  return  of  the  spring  he  marched  them  to- 
wards the  Tigris,  passed  that  river,  forced  Molo  to  come 
to  an  engagement,  and  gained  so  complete  a  victoiy  over 
him,  that  the  rebel,  seeing  all  lost,  in  despair  laid  vio- 
lent hands  on  himself  His  brother  Alexander  was  at 
that  time  in  Persia,  w  here  Xeolas,  another  of  their  bro- 
thers, who  escaped  out  of  this  battle,  brought  him  the 
momiiful  news.  Finding  their  affairs  desperate,  they 
first  killed  their  mother,  afterwards  their  wives  and 
children,  and  at  last  despatched  themselves,  to  prevent 
their  falling  into  the  hands  of  the  conqueror.  Such  was 
the  end  of  this  rebellion,  which  proved  the  ruin  of  all 
who  engaged  in  it  :  a  just  reward  for  all  those  who  dare 
to  take  up  anns  against  their  sovereign. 

After  this  victor}^  the  remains  of  the  vanquished 
army  submitted  to  the  king,  who  only  reprimanded 
them  in  very  severe  terms,  and  afterwards  pardoned 
them.  He  then  sent  them  into  Media,  under  the  com- 
mand of  those  to  whose  care  he  had  committed  the  go- 
vernment of  that  province  ;  and  returning  from  thence 
to  Seleucia  on  the  Tigris,  he  spent  some  time  there  in 
gi\ing  the  orders  necessary  for  re-establishing  his  autho- 
rity in  the  provinces  which  had  revolted,  and  for  settling 
all  things  on  their  former  foundation. 
•  This  being  done  by  persons  whom  he  appointed  for 
thai  purpose,  he  marched  against  the  Atropatians,  who 
inhabited  the  countr\^  situated  to  the  west  of  Media» 
and  which  is  now  called  Georgia.  Their  king,  Arta- 
bazanes  by  name,  was  a  decrepit  old  man,  who  was  so 
greatly  terrified  at  Antiochus's  approach  at  the  head  of 

*  A.  M  3784.     Ant.  J.  C.  220. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  2^7 

fl  victorious  army,  that  he  sent  and  made  his  submis- 
sion, and  concluded  a  peace  on  such  conditions  as  An- 
tiochus  thought  proper  to  prescribe. 

P  News  came  at  tliis  time,  that  the  queen  was  deli- 
vered of  a  son,  which  proved  a  subject  of  joy  to  the 
court  as  well  as  the  army.  Hermias,  from  that  moment, 
revolved  in  his  mind  how  he  might  despatch  Antiochus  ; 
in  hopes  that,  after  his  death,  he  should  certainly  be  ap- 
pointed guardian  of  the  young  prince  ;  and  that,  in  his 
name,  he  might  reign  with  unlimited  power.  His  pride 
and  insolence  had  made  him  odious  to  all  men.  The 
people  groaned  under  a  government,  which  the  avarice 
and  cruelty  of  the  prime  minister  had  rendered  insup- 
portable. Their  complaints  did  not  reach  the  throne, 
the  avenues  to  which  were  all  closed  against  them.  No 
one  dared  to  inform  the  king  of  the  oppression  under 
which  his  people  groaned.  It  was  well  known  that  he 
dreaded  inspecting  the  truth  ;  and  that  he  abandoned 
to  Hermias's  cruelty  all  who  dared  to  speak  against 
him.  Till  now  he  had  been  an  utter  stranger  to  the 
injustice  and  violence  which  Hermias  exercised  under 
his  name.  At  last,  however,  he  began  to  open  his 
eyes  ;  but  was  himself  afraid  of  his  minister,  on  whom 
he  had  made  himself  dependent,  and  who  had  assumed 
an  absolute  authority  over  liim,  by  taking  advantage  of 
the  indolence  of  this  prince's  disposition,  who,  at  first, 
was  well  pleased  with  transferring  the  burden  of  public 
affairs  from  himself  to  Hermias. 

Apollophanes,  his  physician,  in  whom  the  king  re- 
posed great  confidence,  and  who,  by  his  em.ployment, 
had  free  access  to  him,  took  a  proper  time  to  represent 
the  general  discontent  of  his  subjects,  and  the  danger  to 
which  himself  was  exposed,  by  the  ill  conduct  of  his 
prime  minister.  He  therefore  warned  Antiochus  to 
take  care  of  himself,  lest  the  same  fate  should  attend 
him  as  his  brother  had  experienced  in  Phrygia  ;  who 
fell  a  victim  to  the  ambition  of  those  on  whom  he  most 
relied  :  that  it  was  plain  Hermias  was  hatching  some  ill 
design  ;  and  that  to  prevent  it,  not  a  moment  was  to 

P  Polyb.  1.  V.  p.  399—401.      A.  M.  3785.     Ant.  J.  C.  219- 


228  THE  HISTORY  f)F 

be  lost.  These  were  real  services,  which  an  officer  who 
is  attached  to  the  person  of  his  king,  and  who  has  a 
sincere  affection  for  him,  may  and  ought  to  perform. 
Such  is  the  use  he  ought  to  make  of  the  free  access 
which  his  sovereign  vouchsafes,  and  the  confidence  \Nith 
which  he  honours  him. 

Antiochus  was  surrounded  hy  courtiers  whom  he  had 
loaded  with  his  favours,  of  whom  not  one  had  the  cou- 
rage to  hazard  his  fortune  by  telling  him  the  truth. 
It  has  been  very  justly  said,  that  one  of  the  greatest 
blessings  which  God  can  bestow  on  kings,  is  to  deliver 
them  from  the  tongues  of  flatterers,  and  the  silence  of 
good  men. 

The  king,  as  has  been  already  observed,  had  begun 
to  entertain  some  suspicions  of  his  chief  minister,  but 
had  not  revealed  his  thoughts  to  any  person,  not  know- 
ing whom  to  trust.  He  was  extremely  well  pleased 
that  his  physician  had  given  him  this  advice  ;  and  con- 
certed measures  with  him  to  rid  himself  of  a  minister 
so  universally  detested,  and  so  dangerous.  According- 
ly, he  removed  to  some  small  distance  from  the  army, 
upon  pretence  of  being  indisposed,  and  carried  Her- 
mias  with  him  to  bear  him  company  ;  here  taking  him 
to  walk  in  a  solitary  place,  where  none  of  his  creatures 
could  come  to  his  assistance,  he  caused  him  to  be  assas- 
sinated. His  death  caused  an  universal  joy  through- 
out the  whole  empire.  This  haughty  and  cruel  man 
had  governed,  on  all  occasions,  with  great  cmelty  and 
violence  ;  and  whoever  dared  to  oppose  either  his  opi- 
nions or  designs,  was  sure  to  fall  a  victim  to  his  resent- 
ment. Accordingly,  he  was  universally  hated  ;  and 
this  hatred  displayed  itself  more  strongly  in  Apamea 
than  in  any  other  place  :  for  the  instant  the  news  was 
brought  of  his  death,  all  the  citizens  rose  with  the  ut- 
most fui'y,  and  stoned  his  wife  and  children. 

1  Antiochus,  having  so  happily  re-established  his  af- 
fairs in  the  East,  and  raised  to  the  government  of  the 
several  pro^Tuces  persons  of  merit,  in  whom  he  could 
repose  the  greatest  confidence,  marched  back  his  army 

P  Polyb.  1.  V.  p.  401. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  229 

into  Syria,  and  put  it  into  winter- quarters.  He  spent 
the  remainder  of  the  year  in  Antioch,  in  holding  fre- 
quent councils  with  his  ministers,  on  the  operations  of 
the  ensuing  Qampaign. 

This  prince  had  two  other  very  dangerous  enterprises 
still  to  put  in  execution,  for  re-establishing  entirely  the 
safety  and  glory  of  the  empire  of  Syria  ;  one  was  against 
Ptolemy,  to  recover  Cœle-syria  ;  and  the  other  against 
Achaeus,  who  had  lately  usurped  the  sovereignty  of 
Asia  Minor. 

Ptolemy  Euergetes  having  seized  upon  all  Cœle- 
syria,  in  the  beginning  of  Seleucus  Callinicus's  reign, 
as  was  before  related,  the  king  of  Egypt  was  still  pos- 
sessed of  a  great  part  of  that  province,  and  Antiochus 
was  not  a  little  incommoded  by  such  a  neighbour. 

With  respect  to  Achaeus,  we  have  already  seen  in 
what  manner  he  refused  the  crown  which  was  offered 
him  after  the  death  of  Seleucus  Ceraunus  ;  and  had 
placed  it  on  the  head  of  Antiochus  the  lawful  monarch, 
who,  to  reward  his  fidelity  and  services,  had  appointed 
him  governor  of  all  the  provinces  of  Asia  Minor.  By 
his  valour  and  good  conduct  he  had  recovered  them  all 
from  Attains,  king  of  Pergamus,  who  had  seized  upon 
those  countries,  and  fortified  himself  strongly  in  them. 
Such  a  series  of  success  drew  upon  him  the  envy  of  the 
nobles.  A  report  was  spread  at  the  court  of  Antiochus 
that  he  intended  to  usurp  the  crown  ;  and  with  that 
view  held  a  secret  correspondence  with  Ptolemy.  Whe- 
ther these  suspicions  were  well  grounded  or  not,  he 
thought  it  advisable  to  prevent  the  evil  designs  of  his 
enemies;  and,  therefore,  taking  the  crown  which  he 
had  refused  before,  he  caused  himself  to  be  declared 
king. 

He  soon  became  one  of  the  most  powerful  monarchs 
of  Asia,  and  every  state  solicited  very  earnestly  his  al- 
liance. ^  This  was  evident  in  a  war  which  then  broke 
out  between  the  Rhodians  and  the  Byzantines,  on  oc- 
casion of  a  tribute  which  the  latter  had  imposed  on  all 
the  ships  that  passed  through  the  straits;  a  tribute 

^  Polyb.  1.  iv.  p.  314—319. 


230  THE  HISTOKY  0¥ 

which  was  very  grievous  to  the  Rhodians,  because  of 
the  great  trade  they  carried  on  in  the  Black  Sea.  Ach- 
a?us,  at  the  earnest  solicitations  of  the  inhabitants  of 
Byzantium,  had  promised  to  assist  them  ;  and  this  re- 
port threw  th^  Rhodians  into  the  utmost  consternation, 
as  well  as  Pnisias  king  of  Bithynia,  whom  they  had 
engaged  on  their  side.  In  the  extreme  perplexity  they 
were  under,  they  thought  of  an  expedient  to  disengage 
Achfeus  from  the  Byzantines,  and  to  bring  him  over  to 
their  interest.  Andromachus,  his  father,  brother  to 
Laodice,  wliom  Seleucus  had  married,  was  at  that  time 
prisoner  in  Alexandria.  The  Rhodians  sent  a  deputa- 
tion to  Ptolemy,  requesting  that  he  might  be  set  at  li- 
berty. The  king,  who  was  very  glad  to  oblige  Achaeus, 
as  it  was  in  his  power  to  furnish  him  with  considerable 
succours  against  Antiochus,  with  whom  he  was  engaged 
in  war,  readily  granted  the  Rhodians  their  request,  and 
put  Andromachus  into  their  hands.  This  was  a  very 
agreeable  present  to  Achœus,  and  made  the  Byzantines 
lose  all  hopes.  They  thereupon  consented  to  reinstate 
things  upon  tlîeir  former  footing,  and  to  take  off  the 
new  tribute  which  had  occasioned  the  war.  Thus  a 
peace  was  concluded  between  the  two  states,  and  Ach- 
geus  had  all  the  honour  of  it. 

^  It  was  against  that  prince  and  Ptolemy  that  Anti- 
ochus was  resolved  to  turn  his  arms.  These  were  the 
two  dangerous  wars  he  had  to  sustain  ;  and  the  subject 
of  the  deliberations  of  his  council  was,  which  of  them 
he  should  undertake  first.  After  weighing  all  things 
maturelv,  it  was  resolved  to  march  first  against  Ptole- 
my,  before  they  attacked  Achaeus,  whom  they  then  only 
menaced  in  the  strongest  terms  :  and  accordingly  all  the 
forces  were  ordered  to  assemble  in  Apamea,  in  order  to 
be  employed  against  Cœle-syria. 

In  a  council  that  was  held  before  the  army  set  out, 
Apollophanes,  the  king's  physician,  represented  to  him, 
that  it  would  be  a  great  oversight  should  they  march 
into  Cœle-syria,  and  leave  behind  them  Seleucia  in  the 
hands  of  the  enemy,  and  so  near  the  capital  of  the  em- 
^  Polyb.  1.  V.  p.  402—409.     A.  M.  3785.     Ant.  J.  C.  219- 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  231 

pire.  His  opinion  brought  over  the  whole  council,  by 
the  evident  strength  of  the  reasons  which  supported  it  ; 
for  this  city  stands  on  the  same  river  as  Antioch,  and 
is  but  ûve  leagues  below,  near  the  mouth  of  it.  When 
Ptolemy  Euergetes  undertook  the  invasion  already 
mentioned,  to  avenge  the  death  of  his  .sister  Berenice, 
he  seized  that  city,  and  put  a  strong  Egyptian  garrison 
into  it,  which  had  kept  possession  of  that  important 
place  full  twenty-seven  years.  Among  many  incon- 
veniences to  which  it  subjected  the  inhabitants  of  An- 
tioch, one  was,  its  cutting  off  entirely  their  communica- 
tion with  the  sea,  and  ruining  all  their  trade  ;  for  Se- 
leucia  being  situated  near  the  mouth  of  the  Orontes, 
was  the  harbour  of  Antioch,  which  suffered  grievously 
by  that  means.  All  these  reasons  being  clearly  and 
strongly  urged  by  Apollophanes,  determined  the  king 
and  council  to  follow  his  plan,  and  to  open  the  cam- 
paign with  the  siege  of  Seleucia.  Accordingly  the 
whole  army  marched  thither,  invested  it,  took  it  by 
storm,  and  drove  the  Egyptians  out  of  it. 

This  being  done,  Antiochus  marched  with  diligence 
into  Cœle-syria,  where  Theodotus  the  ^tolian,  governor 
of  that  province  under  Ptolemy,  promised  to  put  him 
in  possession  of  the  whole  country.  We  have  seen  how 
vigorously  he  had  repulsed  him  the  year  before  ;  never- 
theless, the  court  of  Egypt  had  not  been  satisfied  with 
his  services  on  that  occasion.  Those  who  governed  the 
king,  had  expected  greater  things  from  his  valour  ;  and 
were  persuaded,  that  it  was  in  his  power  to  have  done 
something  more.  Accordingly  he  was  sent  for  to  Alex- 
andria, to  give  an  account  of  his  conduct;  and  was 
threatened  with  no  less  than  losing  his  head.  It  is  true 
that  after  his  reasons  had  been  heard,  he  was  acquitted, 
and  sent  back  to  his  government.  However,  he  could 
not  forgive  the  insult  which  had  been  offered  to  him  by 
this  unjust  accusation,  and  was  so  exasperated  at  the 
affront,  that  he  resolved  to  revenge  it. 

The  luxury  and  effeminacy  of  the  whole  court,  to 
which  he  had  been  an  eye-witness,  heightened  still  more 
his  indignation  aiid  resentment.     He  could  not  bear 


2S2  THE  HISTORY  OF 

the  idea  of  being  dependent  on  the  caprice  of  so  base 
and  contemptible  a  set  of  people.  And,  indeed,  it  would 
be  impossible  for  fancy  to  conceive  more  abominable  ex- 
cesses than  those  in  which  Philopator  plunged  himself 
during  his  whole  reign  ;  and  the  court  imitated  but  too 
exactly  the  example  he  set  them.  It  was  thought  that 
he  had  poisoned  his  father,  whence  he  was,  by  antiphra- 
sis,  surnamed  P/ii/opator.  *  He  publicly  caused  Bere- 
nice his  mother,  and  ^lagas  his  only  brother,  to  be  put 
to  death.  After  he  had  got  rid  of  all  those  who  could 
either  give  him  good  counsel  or  excite  his  jealousy,  he 
abandoned  himself  to  the  most  infamous  pleasures  ;  and 
was  solely  intent  on  gratifying  his  luxury,  brutality,  and 
the  most  shameful  passions.  His  prime  minister  was 
Sosibius,  a  man  every  way  qualified  for  the  service  of 
such  a  master  as  Philopator  ;  and  one  whose  sole  view- 
was  to  support  himself  in  power  by  any  means  whatso- 
ever. The  reader  will  naturally  imagine,  that,  in  such 
a  court,  the  power  of  women  had  no  bounds. 

Theodotus  could  not  bear  to  be  dependent  on  such 
people,  and  therefore  resolved  to  find  a  sovereign  more 
worthy  of  his  services.  Accordingly,  he  was  no  sooner 
returned  to  his  government,  than  he  seized  upon  the 
cities  of  Tyre  and  Ptolemais,  declared  for  king  Antio- 
chus,  and  immediately  despatched  the  cornier  above 
mentioned  to  invite  him  thither. 

Xicolaus,  one  of  Ptolemy's  generals,  though  he  was 
of  the  same  country  ^^ith  Theodotus,  woidd  not,  how- 
ever, desert  Ptolemy,  but  preserved  his  fidelity  to  that 
prince.  The  instant  therefore  that  Theodotus  had 
taken  Ptolemais,  he  besieged  him  in  it  ;  possessed  him- 
self of  the  passes  of  mount  Libanus  to  stop  Antiochus, 
W'ho  was  advancing  to  the  aid  of  Theodotus,  and  de- 
fended them  to  the  last  extremity.  However,  he  was 
at  lenorth  forced  to  abandon  them,  bv  which  means  An- 
tiochus  took  possession  of  Tyre  and  Ptolemais,  whose 
gates  were  opened  to  him  by  Theodotus. 

In  these  two  cities  were  the  magazines  which  Ptole- 

*  This  word  signifies  a  lover  of  his  father. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  233 

ïny  had  laid  up  for  the  use  of  his  army,  with  a  fleet  of 
forty  sail.  He  gave  the  command  of  these  ships  to 
Diognetus,  his  admiral,  who  was  ordered  to  sail  to  Pe- 
lusium,  whither  the  kiug  intended  to  march  by  land, 
with  the  view  of  invading  Egypt  on  that  side  :  how- 
ever, being  informed  that  this  was  the  season  in  which 
the  inhabitants  used  to  lay  the  country  under  water, 
by  opening  the  dikes  of  the  Nile,  and  consequently, 
that  it  would  be  impossible  for  him  to  advance  into 
Egypt  at  that  time,  he  abandoned  that  project,  and 
employed  the  whole  force  of  his  arms  to  reduce  the  rest 
of  Coele-syria.  He  seized  upon  some  fortresses,  and 
others  submitted  to  him  ;  ^and  at  last  he  possessed  him^ 
self  of  Damascus,  the  capital  of  that  province,  after  ha- 
ving deceived  Dinon  the  governor  of  it  by  a  stratagem. 

The  last  action  of  this  campaign  was  the  siege  of 
Dora,  a  maritime  city,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  mount 
Carmel.  This  place,  which  was  strongly  situated,  had 
been  so  well  fortified  by  Nicolaus,  that  it  was  impossi- 
ble for  Antiochus  to  take  it.  He  therefore  was  forced 
to  agree  to  a  four  months  truce,  proposed  to  him  in  the 
name  of  Ptolemy;  and  this  served  as  an  honourable 
pretence  for  marching  back  his  army  to  Seleucia  on  the 
Or  on  tes,  where  he  put  it  into  winter-quarters.  Anti- 
ochus appointed  Theodotus  the  jï^tolian  governor  of  all 
the  places  he  had  conquered  in  this  country. 

"  During  the  interval  of  this  truce  a  treaty  was  ne- 
gociated  between  the  two  crowns,  in  which,  however, 
the  only  view  of  both  parties  was  to  gain  time.  Ptole- 
my had  occasion  for  it,  in  order  to  make  the  necessary 
preparations  for  carrying  on  the  war  ;  and  Antiochus 
for  reducing  Achaeus.  The  latter  was  not  satisfied  with 
Asia  Minor,  of  which  he  was  already  master  ;  but  had 
no  less  in  view  than  to  dethrone  Antiochus,  and  to  dis- 
possess him  of  all  his  dominions.  To  check  his  ambi- 
tious view^s,  it  was  necessary  for  Antiochus  not  to  be 
employed  on  the  frontiers,  or  engaged  in  remote  con- 
quests. 

*  Polyaen.  1.  iv.  c.  15. 

''  Polyb.  1.  V.  p.  409—415. 


234  THE  HISTORY  OF 

In  tliis  treaty,  the  main  point  was  to  know  to  whom 
Coele-svria,  Phœnicia,  Samaria,  and  Judasa,  had  been 
given,  in  the  partition  of  Alexander  the  Great's  em- 
pire, between  Ptolemy,  Seleucus,  Cassander,  and  I^y- 
simachus,  after  the  death  of  Antigonus,  in  the  battle 
of  Ipsus.  Ptolemy  laid  claim  to  them  by  virtue  of 
their  having  been  assigned  by  this  treaty  to  Ptolemy 
Soter,  his  great  grandfather.  On  the  other  side,  An- 
tiochus  pretended  that  they  had  been  given  to  Seleucus 
Nicator  ;  and  therefore  that  they  were  his  right,  he  be- 
ing heir  and  successor  of  that  king  in  the  empire  of 
Syria.  Another  difficulty  embarrassed  the  commis- 
sioners. Ptolemy  would  have  Achœus  included  in  the 
treaty,  which  Antiochus  opposed  absolutely,  alleging 
that  it  was  a  shameful  and  infamous  thing,  for  a  king 
like  Ptolemy  to  espouse  the  party  of  rebels,  and  coun- 
tenance revolt. 

*  During  these  contests,  in  which  neither  side  would 
yield  to  the  other,  the  time  of  the  truce  elapsed  ;  and 
nothing  being  concluded,  it  became  necessary  to  have 
recourse  again  to  arms.  Nicolaus  the  ^ïLtolian  had 
given  so  many  proofs  of  valour  and  fidelity  in  the  last 
campaign,  that  Ptolemy  gave  him  the  command  in 
chief  of  his  army,  and  charged  him  with  every  thing 
relating  to  the  service  of  the  king,  in  those  provinces 
which  were  the  occasion  of  the  war.  Perigenes,  the  ad- 
miral, put  to  sea  with  the  fleet,  in  order  to  act  against 
the  enemy  on  that  side.  Nicolaus  appointed  Gaza  for 
the  rendezvous  of  all  his  forces,  whither  all  the  neces- 
sary provisions  had  been  sent  from  Egypt.  From  thence 
he  marched  to  mount  Libanus,  where  he  seized  all  the 
passes  between  that  chain  of  mountains  and  the  sea,  by 
which  Antiochus  was  necessarily  obliged  to  pass  ;  firmly 
resolved  to  wait  for  him  there,  and  to  stop  his  march, 
by  the  superiority  which  the  advantageous  posts  he  oc- 
cupied gave  him. 

In  the  mean  time  Antiochus  was  not  inactive,  but 
made  every  preparation  both  by  sea  and  land  for  a  vi- 
gorous invasion.     He  gave  the  command  of  his  fleet  to 

*A.  M.  3786.     Ant.  J.  Ç.  218. 


aleXxVNder's  successors.  235 

Diognetus,  his  admiral,  and  put  himself  at  the  head  of 
his  land  forces.  The  fleets  on  both  sides  kept  along 
the  coast,  and  followed  the  army  ;  so  that  the  naval  as 
well  as  land  forces  met  at  the  passes  which  Nicolaus 
had  seized.  ^\^hilst  Antiochus  attacked  Nicolaus  by  ' 
land,  the  fleets  also  came  to  an  engagement  ;  so  that 
the  battle  began  both  by  sea  and  land  at  the  same  time. 
At  sea  neither  party  had  the  superiority  :  but  on  land 
Antiochus  had  the  advantage,  and  forced  Nicolaus  to 
retire  to  Sidon,  after  losing  four  thousand  of  his  soldiers, 
who  were  either  killed  or  taken  prisoners.  Perigenes 
followed  him  thither  with  the  Egyptian  fleet  ;  and  An- 
tiochus pursued  them  to  that  city  both  by  sea  and  land, 
with  the  design  of  besieging  them  in  it.  He  found, 
however,  that  this  conquest  would  be  attended  with 
too  many  difficulties,  because  of  the  great  number  of 
troops  in  the  city,  where  they  had  a  great  abundance 
of  provisions,  and  other  necessaries  ;  and  he  was  not 
willing  to  besiege  it  in  form.  He  therefore  sent  his 
fleet  to  Tyre,  and  marched  into  Galilee.  After  having 
made  himself  master  of  it  by  the  taking  of  several  cities, 
he  passed  the  river  Jordan,  entered  Gilead,  and  posses- 
sed himself  of  all  that  part  of  the  country,  which  was 
formerly  the  inheritance  of  the  tribes  of  Kcuben  and 
Gad  and  half  the  tribe  of  IManasseh. 

The  season  was  now  too  far  advanced  to  prolong  the 
campaign  ;  for  which  reason  he  returned  back  by  the 
river  Jordan,  left  the  government  of  Samaria  to  Hip- 
polochus  and  Kereas,  who  had  deserted  Ptolemy's  ser- 
vice, and  came  over  to  him  ;  and  he  gave  them  five 
thousand  men  to  keep  it  in  subjection.  He  marched 
the  rest  of  the  forces  back  to  Ptolemais,  where  he  put 
them  into  winter-quarters. 

^  The  campaign  w  as  again  opened  in  spring.  Ptole- 
my caused  seventy  thousand  foot,  five  thousand  horse, 
and  seventy- three  elephants,  to  advance  towards  Pelu- 
sium.  He  placed  himself  at  the  head  of  these  forces, 
and  marched  them  through  the  deserts  which  divide 
Egypt  from  Palestine,  and  encamped  at  Raphia,  be- 

l  Polyb.i.  V.  p.  431-— 428.     A,M.  3787.     Ant.  J.  C.  217. 


236  THE  HISTORY  OF 

tween  Rliinocorura  and  Gaza,  at  the  latter  of  which 
cities  the  two  armies  met  That  of  Autiochus  was 
something  more  numerous  than  the  otlier.  His  forces 
consisted  of  seventy- two  tnousand  foot,  six  thousand 
horse,  and  a  hundred  and  two  elephants.  He  first  en- 
camped within  ten  furlongs,  *  and  soon  after  within  five 
of  tlie  enemy.  All  the  time  they  lay  so  near  one  ano- 
ther there  were  perpetually  skirmishes  between  the 
parties  who  went  to  fetch  fresh  water  or  to  forage,  as 
well  as  between  individuals  who  wished  to  distinguish 
themselves 

Theodotus  the  ^^tolian,  who  had  served  many  years 
under  the  Egyptians,  entered  their  camp,  favoured  by 
the  darkness  of  the  night,  accompanied  only  by  two 
persons.  He  was  taken  for  an  Egyptian  ;  so  that  he 
advanced  as  far  as  Ptolemy's  tent,  with  a  design  to  kill 
him,  and  by  that  bold  action  to  put  an  end  to  the  war  ; 
but  the  king  happening  not  to  be  in  his  tent,  he  killed 
his  first  physician,  having  mistaken  him  for  Ptolemy. 
He  also  wounded  two  other  persons  ;  and  during  the 
alarm  and  noise  which  this  attempt  occasioned,  he  esca- 
ped to  his  camp. 

At  last  the  two  kings,  resolving  to  decide  their  quar- 
rel, drew  up  their  armies  in  battle  array.  They  rode 
fi'om  one  body  to  another,  at  the  head  of  their  lines,  to 
animate  their  troops.  Arsinoe,  the  sister  and  wife  of 
Ptolemy,  was  not  content  with  exhorting  the  soldiers 
to  behave  manfully  before  the  battle,  but  did  not  leave 
her  husband  even  during  the  heat  of  the  engagement. 
The  issue  of  it  was,  that  Antiochus,  at  the  head  of  his 
right  wing,  defeated  the  enemy's  left.  But  whilst  hur- 
ried on  by  an  inconsiderate  ardour,  he  engaged  too  warm- 
ly in  the  pursuit  ;  Ptolemy,  who  had  been  as  successful 
in  the  other  wing,  charged  Antiochus's  centre  in  flank, 
which  was  then  uncovered  ;  and  broke  it  before  it  was 
possible  for  that  prince  to  come  to  its  relief  An  old 
officer,  who  saw  which  way  the  dust  flew,  concluded  that 
the  centre  was  defeated,  and  accordingly  made  Antio- 
chus observe  it.     But  though  he  faced  about  that  in- 

■"   Half  a  French  league. 


ALEîtANDEU'S  SUCCESSORS.  23? 

slant,  he  came  too  late  to  amend  his  fault  ;  and  found 
the  rest  of  his  army  broken  and  put  to  flight.  He  liim- 
self  was  now  obliged  to  provide  for  his  retreat,  and  re- 
tired to  Raphia,  and  afterwards  to  Gaza,  with  the  loss 
of  ten  thousand  men  killed,  and  four  thousand  taken 
prisoners.  Finding  it  would  now  be  impossible  for  him 
to  maintain  himself  in  that  country  against  Ptolemy,  he 
abandoned  all  his  conquests,  and  retreated  to  Antioch 
with  the  remains  of  his  army.  This  battle  of  Raphia 
was  fought  at  the  same  time  with  that  in  which  Han- 
nibal defeated  Flaminius  the  consul  on  the  banks  of  the 
lake  Thrasymenus  in  Etruria. 

After  Antiochus's  retreat,  all  Cœle-syria  and  Pa- 
lestine submitted  with  great  cheerfulness  to  Ptolemy. 
Having  been  long  subject  to  the  Egyptians,  they  were 
more  attached  to  them  than  to  Antiochus.  The  con- 
queror's court  was  soon  crowded  with  ambassadors  from 
all  the  cities  (and  from  Judsea  among  the  rest)  to  make 
their  submission,  and  to  offer  him  presents  ;  and  ail  met 
with  a  gracious  reception. 

y  Ptolemy  was  desirous  of  making  a  progress  through 
the  conquered  provinces,  and  among  other  cities,  he 
visited  Jerusalem.  He  saw  the  temple*^  there,  and 
even  offered  sacrifices  to  the  God  of  Israel  ;  making  at 
the  same  time  oblations,  and  bestowing  considerable 
gifts.  However,  not  being  satisfied  with  viewing  it  from 
the  outward  court,  beyond  which  no  Gentile  was  allow- 
ed to  go,  he  was  desirous  to  enter  the  sanctuary,  and 
even  as  far  as  the  Holy  of  Holies  ;  to  which  no  one  was 
allowed  access  but  the  high-priest,  and  that  but  once 
every  year,  on  the  great  day  of  expiation.  The  report 
of  this  being  soon  spread,  occasioned  a  great  tumult. 
The  high-priest  informed  him  of  the  holiness  of  the 

y  Maccab.  1.  iii.  c.  1 . 

*  The  third  book  of  Maccabees,  whence  this  story  is  extracted,  is 
not  admitted  by  the  church  among  the  canonical  books  of  Scripture, 
any  more  than  the  fourth.  They  are  prior,  with  regard  to  the  or- 
der of  time,  to  the  two  first.  Dr  Prideaux,  speaking  of  the  third 
book,  says,  that  the  ground-work  of  the  story  is  true,  though  the 
author  has  changed  some  circumstances  of  it,  by  intermixing  fabuloiiv 
incidents. 


2SS  THE  HISTORY  OF 

place  ;  and  the  express  law  of  God,  by  which  he  wai' 
forbidden  to  enter  it.  The  priests  and  Lévites  drew 
together  in  a  body  to  oppose  his  rash  design,  which  the 
people  also  conjured  him  to  lay  aside.  And  now  all 
places  echoed  with  lamentations,  occasioned  by  the  idea 
of  the  profanation  to  which  their  temple  would  be  ex- 
posed ;  and  in  all  places  the  people  were  lifting  up  their 
hands  to  implore  Heaven  not  to  suffer  it.  However, 
all  this  opposition,  instead  of  prevailing  with  the  king, 
only  inflamed  his  curiosity  the  more.  He  forced  his 
w'ay  as  far  as  the  second  court  ;  but  as  he  was  preparing 
to  enter  the  temple  itself,  God  struck  him  with  a  sud- 
den terror,  which  threw  him  into  such  prodigious  dis- 
order, that  he  was  carried  off  half  dead.  After  this  he 
left  the  city,  highly  exasperated  against  the  Jewish  na- 
tion, on  account  of  the  accident  which  had  befallen  him, 
and  loudly  threatened  it  with  his  vengeance.  He  ac- 
cordingly kept  his  word  ;  and  the  following  year  raised 
a  cruel  persecution,  especially  against  the  Jew's  of  Alex- 
andria, whom  he  endeavoured  to  reduce  by  force  to  wor- 
ship false  deities. 

2  The  instant  that  Antiochus,  after  the  battle  of  Ka- 
phia,  arrived  in  Antioch,  he  sent  an  embassy  to  Ptole- 
my, to  sue  for  peace.  The  circumstance  which  prompt- 
ed him  to  this  was,  his  suspecting  the  fidelity  of  his 
people  ;  for  he  could  not  but  perceive  that  his  credit 
and  authority  were  very  much  lessened  since  his  last 
defeat.  Besides,  it  was  high  time  for  him.  to  turn 
his  arms  tov/ards  Achaeus,  and  check  the  progress  he 
made,  which  increased  daily.  To  obviate  the  danger 
which  threatened  him  on  that  side,  he  concluded  that 
it  w^ould  be  most  expedient  for  him  to  make  a  peace 
upon  any  terms  with  Ptolemy,  to  avoid  being  opposed 
by  two  such  pow^erful  enemies,  who,  invading  him  on 
both  sides,  would  certainly  overpower  him  at  last.  He 
therefore  invested  his  ambassadors  with  full  powers  to 
give  up  to  Ptolemy  all  those  provinces  which  were  the 
subject  of  their  contest,  i.  e.  Cœle-syria  and  Palestine. 
Cœle-syria  included  that  part  of  Syria  which  lies  be- 

^  Polyh.  1.  V.  p.  428.    Justin.  1.  xxx,  c.  1.    Hieron.  in  Daniel,  e.  1 1 . 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  239 

tween  the  mountains  Libanus  and  Antilibanus  ;  and 
Palestine,  all  the  country  which  anciently  was  the  in- 
heritance of  the  children  of  Israel  ;  and  the  coast  of  these 
two  provinces  was  what  the  Greeks  called  Phœnicia. 
Antiochus  consented  to  resign  up  all  this  country  to  the 
king  of  Egypt,  to  purchase  a  peace  at  this  juncture  ; 
choosing  rather  to  give  up  this  part  of  his  dominions, 
than  hazard  the  losing  them  all.  A  truce  was  there- 
fore agreed  for  twelve  months  ;  and  before  the  expiration 
of  that  time,  a  peace  was  concluded  on  these  terms. 
Ptolemy,  who  might  have  taken  advantage  of  this  vic- 
tory, and  have  conquered  all  Syria,  was  desirous  of  put- 
ting an  end  to  the  war,  that  he  might  have  an  oppor- 
tunity of  devoting  himself  entirely  to  his  pleasures.  His 
subjects,  knowing  his  want  of  spirit  and  effeminacy, 
could  not  conceive  how^  it  had  been  possible  for  him  to 
have  been  so  successful  ;  and  at  the  same  time  they  were 
displeased  at  his  having  concluded  a  peace,  by  which  he 
had  tied  up  his  hands.  The  discontent  they  conceived 
on  this  account,  was  the  chief  source  of  the  subsequent 
disorders  in  Egypt,  which  at  last  rose  to  an  open  rebel- 
lion :  so  that  Ptolemy,  by  endeavouring  to  avoid  a  fo- 
reign war,  drew  one  upon  himself  in  the  centre  of  his 
own  dominions. 

*  Antiochus,  after  having  concluded  a  peace  with 
Ptolemy,  devoted  his  whole  attention  to  the  war  against 
Achaeus,  and  made  all  the  preparations  necessary  for 
taking  the  field.  At  last  he  passed  mount  Taurus, 
and  entered  Asia  Minor  with  an  intention  to  subdue  it. 
Here  he  concluded  a  treaty  with  Attains  king  of  Per- 
gamus,  by  virtue  of  which  they  united  their  forces  against 
their  common  enemy.  They  attacked  him  with  so  much 
vigour,  that  he  abandoned  the  open  country  to  them, 
and  shut  himself  up  in  Sardis,  to  w  hich  Antiochus  lay- 
ing siege,  Achaeus  held  it  out  above  a  year.  He  often 
made  sallies,  and  a  great  many  battles  were  fought  un- 
der the  w  alls  of  the  city.  At  last  by  a  stratagem  of  I^i- 
goras,  one  of  Antiochus's  commanders,  Sardis  was  taken  ; 
Achaeus  retired  into  the  citadel,  where  he  defended  hiiii- 

^  Polyb.  1.  V.  p.  444.     A.  M.  3788.    Ant.  J.  C.  2l6. 


240  THE  HISTORY  OF 

self,  till  he  was  delivered  up  by  two  traitorous  Cretans. 
This  fact  is  worthy  of  notice,  and  confirms  the  truth  of 
the  proverb,  which  said,  that  the  "  Cretans  were  liars 
and  knaves."* 

^  Ptolemy  Philopator  had  made  a  treaty  with  Achaeus, 
and  was  very  sorry  for  his  being  so  closely  blocked  up 
in  the  castle  of  Sardis  ;  and  therefore  commanded  Sosi- 
bius  to  relieve  him  at  any  rate  whatsoever.  There  was 
then  in  Ptolemy's  court  a  very  cunning  Cretan,  Bolis 
by  name,  who  had  lived  a  considerable  time  at  Sardis. 
Sosibius  consulted  this  man,  and  asked  whether  he  could 
not  think  of  some  method  for  Achaeus's  escape.  The 
Cretan  desired  time  to  consider  of  it  ;  and  returning  to 
Sosibius,  offered  to  undertake  it,  and  explained  to  him 
the  manner  in  which  he  intended  to  proceed.  He  told 
him,  that  he  had  an  intimate  friend,  who  was  also  his 
near  relation,  Cambylus  by  name,  a  captain  in  the  Cre- 
tan troops  in  Antiochus's  service  :  that  he  commanded 
at  that  time  in  a  fort  behind  the  castle  of  Sardis,  and 
that  he  would  prevail  with  him  to  let  Achaeus  escape 
that  way.  His  project  being  approved,  he  was  sent 
witli  the  utmost  speed  to  Sardis  to  put  it  in  execution, 
and  f  ten  talents  were  given  him  to  defray  his  expenses, 
and  a  much  more  considerable  sum  promised  him  in 
case  he  succeeded.  After  his  arrival,  he  communicates 
the  affair  to  Cambylus,  when  those  two  miscreants  agree 
(for  their  greater  advantage)  to  go  and  reveal  their  de- 
sign to  Antiochus.  They  offered  that  prince,  as  they 
themselves  had  determined,  to  play  their  parts  so  well, 
that,  instead  of  procuring  Achasus's  escape,  they  would 
bring  him  to  him,  upon  condition  of  receivhig  a  consi- 
derable reward,  to  be  divided  between  them,  as  well  as 
the  ten  talents  which  Bolis  had  already  received-. 

±  Antiochus  was  overjoyed  at  this  proposal,  and  pro- 
mised them  a  reward  that  sufficed  to  engage  them  to 
do  him  that  important  service.     Upon  this  Bolis,  by 

^  Polyb.  1.  viii.  p.  522—531. 

*  t'^^iirz';  KÙ  •I'lvorxt,  Kcix-cc  '.K^ia,  St  Paul.  Ej^ist.  ad  Tit.  i.  12. 

f  Ten  thousand  French  crowns. 

i  A.  M.  3789.     Ant.  J.  C.  ,215. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSOUS.  241 

Cambylus's  assistance,  easily  got  admission  into  the 
castle,  where  the  credentials  he  produced  from  Sosibius, 
and  some  other  of  Achasiis's  friends,  gained  him  the 
«ntire  confidence  of  that  ill-fated  prince.  Accordingly, 
he  trusted  himself  to  those  two  wretches,  w^ho,  tlie  in- 
stant he  was  out  of  the  castle,  seized  and  delivered 
him  to  Antiochus.  This  king  caused  him  to  be  im- 
mediately beheaded,  and  thereby  put  an  end  to  that 
war  of  Asia  ;  for  the  moment  those  who  still  sustained 
the  siege  heard  of  Achœus's  death,  they  surrendered  ; 
and  a  little  after,  all  the  other  places  in  the  provinces 
of  Asia  did  the  same. 

Rebels  very  seldom  come  to  a  good  end  ;  and  though 
the  perfidy  of  these  traitors  strikes  us  with  horror,  and 
raises  our  indignation,  we  are  not  inclined  to  pity  the 
unhappy  fate  of  Achaeus,  who  had  made  himself  deser- 
ving of  it  by  his  infidelity  to  his  sovereign. 

^  It  was  about  this  time  that  the  discontent  of  the 
Egyptians  against  Philopator  began  to  break  out.  Ac- 
cording to  Polybius,  it  occasioned  a  civil  war  ;  but 
neither  himself  nor  any  other  author  gives  us  the  par- 
ticulars of  it. 

^  We  also  read  in  Livy,  that  the  Romans  some  time 
after  sent  deputies  to  Ptolemy  and  Cleopatra  (doubt- 
less the  same  queen  who  before  was  called  Arsinoe)  to 
renew  their  ancient  friend.ship  and  alliance  with  Egypt. 
These  carried  as  a  present  to  the  king,  a  robe  and  pur- 
ple tunic,  with  an  ivory  *  chair  ;  and  to  the  queen,  an 
embroidered  robe  and  a  purple  scarf.  Such  kind  of 
presents  show  the  happy  simplicity  which  in  those  ages 
prevailed  among  the  Romans. 

«  Philopator  had  at  that  time  by  f  Arsinoe,  his  wife 

^  Polyb.  1.  V.  p.  444. 

^  Liv.  1.  xxvii.  c.  4.     A.  M.  3794.     Ant.  J.  C.  210. 

®  Justin.  1.  XXX  c.  4.      A.  M.  3795.      Ant  J.  C.  209- 

*  This  was  allowed  in  Rome  to  none  but  the  highest  officers  in 
the  state. 

t  Justin  calls  her  Eurydice.  In  case  he  is  not  mistaken,  this  queen 
had  three  names,  Arsinoe,  Cleopatra,  and  Eurydice.  But  Cleopatra 
was  a  name  common  to  the  queens  of  Egypt,  as  that  of  Ptolemy  was 
to  the  kings. 

VOL.  VI.  K 


248  THE  HISTORY  OF 

and  sister,  a  son  called  Ptoleniy  Epiphanes,  who  suo- 
ceeded  him  at  live  years  of  age. 

*  Phiiopator,  from  the  time  of  the  signal  victory  which 
he  had  obtained  over  Antiochus  at  Raphia,  had  aban- 
doned himself  to  pleasures  and  excesses  of  every  kind. 
Agathoclea  his  concubine,  Agathocles  the  brother  of 
that  woman,  and  their  mother,  governed  him  entirely. 
He  spent  all  his  time  in  gaming,  drinking,  and  the 
most  infamous  irregularities.  His  nights  were  passed 
in  debauches,  and  his  days  in  feasts  and  dissolute  re- 
vels. Forgetting  entirely  the  duties  and  character  of 
a  king,  instead  of  applying  himself  to  the  affairs  of 
state,  he  valued  himself  upon  presiding  in  concerts,  and 
his  skill  in  playing  upon  instruments.  Tlie  *  women 
disposed  of  every  thing.  They  conferred  all  employ- 
ments and  governments  ;  and  no  one  had  less  authority 
in  the  kingdom  than  the  prince  himself.  Sosibius,  an 
old  artful  minister,  who  had  been  in  office  during  three 
reigns,  was  at  the  helm,  and  his  great  experience  had 
made  him  very  capable  of  the  administration  ;  not  in- 
deed entirely  in  the  manner  he  desired,  but  as  the  fa- 
vourites would  permit  him  to  act  ;  and  he  was  so  wicked 
as  to  pay  a  blind  obedience  to  the  most  unjust  com- 
mands of  a  corrupt  prince  and  his  unworthy  m  niions. 

B  Arsinoe,  the  king's  sister  and  wife,  had  no  power  or 
authority  at  court  ;  the  favourites  and  the  prime  mi- 
nister did  not  show  her  the  least  respect.  She,  on  her 
side,  was  not  patient  enough  to  suffer  every  thing  with- 
out murmuring  ;  and  they  at  last  grew  weary  of  her 
continual  complaints  The  king,  and  those  who  go- 
verned him,  commanded  Sosibius  to  rid  them  of  her. 
He  obeyed,  and  employed  for  that  pui*pose  one  Philam- 
mon,  who,  without  doubt,  did  not  want  experience  in 
.  such  cruel  and  barbarous  assassinations. 

This  last  action,  added  to  so  many  more  of  the  most 

^  Justin.  1.  XXX.  c.  1  &  2.  Polyb.  in  Excerpt.  Vales.  1.  xv.  xvi 
A.  M.  3797.     Ant.  J.  C.  207. 

^  Liv.  1.  xxvii.  c.  4. 

*  *^  Tribunatus,  praefecturas,  et  ducatus  mulieres  ordinabant  ;  nee 
^uisc[uani  in  re^no  suo  minus,  ^uam  ipse  rex,  poterat."     Justin. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSOHS,  243 

flagrant  nature,  displeased  the  people  so  much,  that  So- 
sibius  was  obliged,  before  the  king's  death,  to  quit  his 
employment.  He  was  succeeded  by  Tlepolemus,  a 
young  man  of  quality,  who  had  signalized  himself  in 
the  army  by  his  valour  and  conduct.  He  had  all  the 
voices  in  a  grand  council  held  for  the  purpose  of  choosing 
a  prime  minister.  Sosibius  resigned  to  him  the  king's 
seal,  which  was  the  badge  of  his  ofiice.  Tlepolemus 
performed  the  several  functions  of  it,  and  governed  all 
the  affairs  of  the  kingdom,  during  the  king's  life.  But 
though  this  was  not  long,  he  discovered  but  too  plainly 
that  he  had  not  all  the  qualifications  necessary  for  duly 
supporting  so  great  an  employment.  He  had  neither 
the  experience,  ability,  nor  application  of  his  predecessor. 
As  he  had  the  administration  of  all  the  finances,  and 
disposed  of  all  the  honours  and  dignities  of  the  state, 
and  all  payments  passed  through  his  hands,  every  body, 
as  is  usual,  was  assiduous  in  making  their  court  to  him. 
He  was  extremely  liberal  :  but  then  his  bounty  was  be- 
stowed without  choice  or  discernment,  and  almost  solely 
on  those  who  shared  in  his  parties  of  pleasure.  The 
extravagant  flatteries  of  those  who  were  for  ever  crowd- 
ing about  his  person,  made  him  fancy  his  talents  supe- 
rior to  those  of  all  other  men.  He  assumed  haughty 
airs,  abandoned  himself  to  luxury  and  profusion,  and  at 
last  grew  insupportable  to  every  one. 

The  wars  of  the  East  have  made  me  suspend  the  re- 
lation of  the  affairs  that  happened  in  Greece  during 
their  continuance  :  we  now  retmn  to  them. 


SECT.  II.  The  JEtolians  declare  against  the  Acliœans.  Bat- 
tle qfCaphyce  lost  by  Aratus.  The  Achœans  have  recourse 
to  Philip,  who  undertakes  their  defeiice.  Troubles  break  out 
in  Lacedœmonia.  The  unhappy  death  qfCleomenes  in  Egypt. 
Tzvo  kings  are  elected  in  Lacedœmonia.  Tliat  republic  joins 
with  the  jEtolians. 

The  ^tolians,  ^^  particularly  in  the  time  we  are  now 
speaking  of,  were  become  a  very  powerful  people  in 

^  Strab.  1.  X.  p.  450.    Polyb.  p.  331  &  746.    Pausan.  1.  x.  p.  650. 


244  THE  HISTORY  OF 

G7*eecc.  Originally  their  territories  extended  from  the 
river  Achelous,  to  the  strait  of  the  gulf  of  Corinth,  and 
to  the  cpiintiy  of  the  Locrians,  surnamed  Ozolae.  But, 
in  process  of  time,  they  had  possessed  themselves  of  se- 
veral cities  in  Acarnania,  Thessaly,  and  other  neigh- 
bouring countries.  They  led  much  the  same  life  upon 
land  as  pirates  do  at  sea,  that  is,  they  were  perpetually 
engaged  in  plunder  and  rapine.  Wholly  bent  on  lucre, 
tiiey  did  not  consider  any  gain  as  infamous  or  unlawful  ; 
and  were  entire  strangers  to  the  laws  of  peace  or  war. 
Thcv  were  very  much  inured  to  toils,  and  intrepid  in 
battle.  They  signalized  themselves  particularly  in  the 
war  against  the  Gauls,  who  made  an  irruption  into 
Greece  ;  and  showed  themselves  zealous  defenders  of 
the  public  liberty  against  the  Macedonians.  The  in- 
crease of  their  power  had  made  them  haughty  and  inso- 
lent. That  haughtiness  appeared  in  the  answer  they 
gave  the  Romans,  when  they  sent  ambassadors  to  order 
them  not  to  infest  Acarnania.  They  expressed,  if  we 
may  believe  Trogus  Pompeius,  or  Justin  ^  his  epitomi- 
ze-, the  highest  contempt  for  Rome,  which  they  said 
was  in  its  origin  a  shameful  receptacle  of  thieves  and 
robbers,  founded  and  built  by  a  fratricide,  and  formed 
by  an  assemblage  of  women  ravished  from  the  aims  of 
their  parents.  They  added,  that  the  ^^tolians  had  al- 
ways distinguished  themselves  in  Greece,  as  much  by 
their  valour  as  their  virtue  and  descent  ;  that  neither 
Philip  nor  Alexander  his  son  had  been  formidable  to 
tl>em  ;  and  that  at  a  time  when  the  latter  made  the 
wliole  earth  tremble,  they  had  not  been  afraid  to  reject 
his  edicts  and  injunctions.  That  therefore  the  Romans 
would  do  well  to  beware  of  provoking  the.'Etolians  against 
them  ;  a  people  whose  arms  had  extirpated  the  Gauls, 
and  despised  the  Macedonians.  The  reader  may.  from 
this  speech,  form  a  judgment  of  the  .^tolians,  of  whom 
much  will  be  said  in  the  sequel. 

^  From  the  time  that  Cleomenes  of  Sparta  had  lost 
his  kingdom,  and  Antigonus,  by  his  victor}^  at  Selasia^^ 

'  Just'n.  I  xxviii.  c.  2. 

^  Polyb.  1.  iv.  p.  272—292.     Plut,  in  Arat.  p.  1049. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  â45 

had  in  some  measure  restored  the  peace  of  Greece,  the 
inhabitants  of  Peloponnesus,  who  were  tired  by  the  first 
wars,  and  imagined  that  affairs  would  always  continue  ^ 
on  the  same  foot,  had  laid  their  arms  aside,  and  totally 
neglected  military  discipline.  The  iEtolians  meditated 
taking  advantage  of  this  indolence.  Peace  was  insup- 
portable to  them,  as  it  obliged  them  to  subsist  at  their 
own  expense,  accustomed  as  they  were  to  support  them- 
selves wholly  by  rapine.  Antigonus  had  kept  them  in 
awe,  and  prevented  them  from  infesting  their  neigh- 
bours;,  but,  after  his  death,  despising  Philip  because  of 
his  youth,  they  marched  into  Peloponnesus  sword  in 
hand,  and  laid  waste  the  territories  of  the  Messenians. 
Aratus,  exasperated  at  this  perfidy  and  insolence,  and 
seeing  that  Timoxenes,  at  that  time  captain- general  of 
the  Achagans,  endeavoured  to  gain  time,  because  his 
year  was  near  expiring  ;  as  he  was  nominated  to  suc- 
ceed him  the  following  year,  he  took  upon  himself  the 
command  five  days  before  the  due  time,  in  order  to 
march  the  sooner  to  the  aid  of  the  Messenians.  Ac- 
cordingly, *  having  assembled  the  Achseans,  whose  vi- 
gour and  strength  had  suffered  by  repose  and  inactivity, 
he  was  defeated  near  Caphyae,  in  a  great  battle  fought . 
there. 

Aratus  was  charged  with  being  the  cause  of  this  de- 
feat, and  not  without  some  foundation.  He  endeavour- 
ed to  prove,  that  the  loss  of  the  battle  imputed  to 
him  was  not  his  fault.  He  declared,  that,  however 
this  might  be,  if  he  had  been  wanting  in  any  of  the 
duties  of  an  able  commander,  he  asked  pardon  ;  and 
entreated  that  his  actions  might  be  examined  with  less 
rigour  than  indulgence.  His  humility  on  this  occasion 
changed  the  minds  of  the  whole  assembly,  whose  fury 
now  turned  against  his  accusers  ;  and  nothing  was  after- 
wards undertaken  but  by  his  advice.  However,  the  re- 
membrance of  his  defeat  had  exceedingly  damped  his 
courage  ;  so  that  he  behaved  as  a  wise  citizen  rather 
than  as  an  able  warrior  ;  and  though  the  iEtolians  often 
gave  him  opportunities  to  distress  them,  he  took  no  ad- 
*  A.  M.  3783.     Ant.  J.  C.  221. 


246        ,  THE  HISTORY  OF 

Tantage  of  them,  but  suffered  tliat  people  to  lay  waste 
the  whole  country  almost  with  impunity. 

The  Achaeans  were  therefore  forced  to  apply  to  IVIa- 
cedonia  again,  and  to  call  in  king  Philip  to  their  as- 
sistance, in  hopes  that  the  affection  he  bore  Aratus,  and 
the  confidence  he  had  in  him,  would  incline  that  mo- 
narch to  favour  them.  And  indeed  Antigonus,  at  his 
kst  moments,  had,  above  all  things,  entreated  Philip 
to  keep  well  with  Aratus,  and  to  follow  his  counsel,  in 
treating  with  the  Achaeans.  Some  time  before,  he  had 
sent  him  into  Peloponnesus,  to  form  himself  under  his 
eye,  and  by  his  counsels.  Aratus  gave  him  the  best  re- 
ception in  his  power  ;  treated  him  with  the  distinction 
due  to  his  rank  ;  and  endeavoured  to  instil  into  him 
such  principles  and  sentiments,  as  might  enable  him  to 
govern  with  wisdom  the  great  kingdom  to  which  he  was 
heir.  Accordingly,  that  young  prince  returned  into 
INIacedonia  with  the  highest  sentiments  of  esteem  for 
Aratus,  and  the  most  favourable  disposition  with  regard 
to  the  welfare  of  Greece. 

But  the  courtiers,  whose  interest  it  was  to  remove  a 
person  of  Aratus's  known  probity,  in  order  to  have  the 
sole  ascendant  over  their  young  prince,  made  that  mo- 
narch suspect  his  conduct  ;  and  prevailed  so  far,  as  to 
make  him  declare  openly  against  Aratus.  Neverthe- 
less, finding  soon  after  that  he  had  been  imposed  upon, 
he  punished  the  informers  with  great  severity  ;  the  sole 
means  to  banish  for  ever  from  princes  that  calumny, 
which  impunity,  and  sometimes  money,  raise  up  and 
arm  against  persons  of  the  most  consummate  virtue. 
Philip  afterwards  reposed  the  same  confidence  in  Ara- 
tus as  he  had  formerly  done,  and  resolved  to  be  guided 
by  4iis  counsels  only  ;  which  was  manifest  on  several  oc- 
casions, and  partiailarly  in  the  affair  of  Lacedaemonia. 
^  That  unhappy  city  was  perpetually  torn  by  seditions, 
in  one  of  which,  one  of  the  Ephori  and  a  great  many 
other  citizens  were  killed,  because  they  had  declared 
for  king  Philip.  When  that  prince  arrived  from 
JMacedonia,  he  gave  audience  to  the  ambassadors  of 

i  Polyb.  p.  292—294. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  â47 

Sparta  at  Tegaea,  wliither  he  had  sent  for  them.  In 
the  council  he  held  there,  several  were  of  opinion,  that 
he  should  treat  that  city  as  Alexander  had  treated 
Thehes.  But  the  king  rejected  that  proposal  with  hor- 
ror, and  contented  himself  with  pimishing  the  principal 
authors  of  the  insurrection.  Such  an  instance  of  mo- 
deration and  wisdom  in  a  king  who.  was  hut  seventeen 
years  of  age,  was  greatly  admired  ;  and  every  one  was 
persuaded,  that  it  was  owing  to  the  good  counsels  of 
Aratus.  However,  he  did  not  always  make  the  same 
use  of  them. 

^  Being  arrived  at  Corintli,  complaints  were  made  to 
him  by  many  cities  against  the  ^^.tolians  ;  and  accord- 
ingly war  was  unanimously  declared  against  them. 
This  was  called  the  war  of  the  allies,  which  began  much 
about  the  same  time  that  Hannibal  was  meditating  the 
siege  of  Saguntum.  This  decree  was  sent  to  all  the 
cities,  and  ratified  in  the  general  assembly  of  the  Acliae- 
ans.  The  ^Etolians,  on  the  other  side,  prepared  for 
war,  and  elected  Scopas  their  general,  the  principal  con- 
triver of  the  broils  they  had  raised,  and  the  havoc  they 
had  made.  Philip  now  marched  back  his  forces  into 
Macedonia  ;  and  whilst  they  were  in  winter-quaiteis, 
was  very  diligent  in  making  the  necessary  military  pre- 
parations. He  endeavoured  to  strengthen  himself  by 
the  aid  of  his  allies,  few  of  whom  answered  his  views  ; 
colouring  their  delays  with  false  and  specious  pretences. 
He  also  sent  to  king  Ptolemy,  to  entreat  him  not  to 
aid  the  iEtolians  either  with  men  or  money. 

"  Cleomenes  w^as  at  that  time  in  Egypt  ;  but  as  a 
horrid  licentiousness  prevailed  in  that  court,  and  the 
king  regarded  nothing  but  pleasures  and  excesses  of 
every  kind,  Cleomenes  led  a  very  melancholy  life  there. 
Nevertheless  Ptolemy,  in  the  beginning  of  his  reign, 
had  made  use  of  Cleomenes  ;  for,  as  he  w  as  afraid  of 
his  brother  Magas,  who,  on  his  mother's  account,  had 
great  authority  and  power  over  the  soldiery,  he  con- 
tracted a  stricter  amity  with  Cleomenes,  and  admitted 

"^  Polyb.  1.  iv.  p.  294—299. 

»  Plut,  in  Cleom.  p.  820—823.     A.  M.  3784.     Ant.  J.  C.  220. 


248  THE  HISTORY  OF 

iiim  into  his  most  secret  councils,  in  which  means  for 

srettins:  rid  of  his  brother  were  devised.      Cleomenes 
^^  1 

was  tlie  only  person  who  opposed  the  scheme  ;  declar- 
ing, that  a  king  cannot  have  any  ministers  more  zea- 
lous tor  his  service,  or  more  obliged  to  aid  him  in  sus- 
taining the  weighty  burthen  of  government,  than  his 
brothers.      This  advice  prevailed  for  that  time  ;   but 
Ptolemy's  fears  and  suspicions  soon  returning,  he  ima- 
gined there  would  be  no  way  to  get  rid  of  them,  but 
by  taking  away  the  life  of  him  that  occasioned  them. 
°After  this  he  thought  himself  secure  ;  fondly  conclud- 
ing, that  he  had  no  enemies  to  fear,  either  at  home  or 
abroad  ;    because   Antigonus    and    Seleucus,    at   their 
death,  had  left  no  other  successors  but  Philip  and  An- 
tiochus,  both  whom  he  despised  on  account  of  their 
tender  age.     In  this  security  he  devoted  himself  entire- 
ly to  all  sorts  of  pleasures,  which  were  never  interrupt- 
ed by  cares  or  business  of  any  kind.     Neither  his  cour- 
tiers, nor  those  who  had  emplo}Tncnts  in  the  state,  dar- 
ed to  approach  him  ;  and  he  would  scarce  deign  to  be- 
stow the  least  attention  on  what  passed  in  the  neigh- 
bouring kingdoms.     That,  however,  was  what  employ- 
ed the  attention  of  his  predecessors,  even  more  than  the 
affairs  of  their  own  dominions.      Being  possessed  of 
Cœle-syria  and  Cyprus,-  they  awed  the  kings  of  Syria 
both  by  sea  and  land.    As  the  most  considerable  cities, 
the  posts  and  harbours  which  lie  along  the  coast  from 
Pamphylia  to  the  Hellespont,  and  the  places  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Lysimachia,  were  subject  to  them  ; 
from  thence  they  had  an  eye  on  the  princes  of  Asia, 
and  even  on  the  islands.      How  would  it  have  been 
possible  for  any  one  to  move  in  Thrace  and  Macedonia, 
whilst  they  had  the  command  of  Ene^  or  Maronea,  and 
of  cities  that  lay  at  a  still  greater  distance  ?  With  so 
extensive  a  dominion,  and  so  many  strong  places,  which 
served  them  as  barriers,  their  own  kingdom  was  secure. 
They  therefore   had  always   great  reason  to  keep  a 
watchful  eye  over  what  was  transacting  without  doors. 
Ptolemy,  on  the  contrary,   disdained  to  give  himself 

^  Polyb.  1.  V.  p.  S  8  0—385. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  249 

that  trouble  ;  wine  and  women  being  his  only  pleasure 
and  employment. 

With  such  dispositions,  the  reader  will  easily  sup- 
pose that  he  could  have  no  great  esteem  for  Cleomenes. 
The  instant  the  latter  had  news  of  Antigonus's  death, 
that  the  Achseans  were  engaged  in  a  great  war  with 
the  iEtolians,  that  the  Lacedaemonians  were  united  with 
the  latter  against  the  Achaean  s  and  Macedonians,  and 
that  all  things  seemed  to  recal  him  to  his  native  coun- 
try, he  solicited  earnestly  to  leave  Alexandiia.     He 
therefore  implored  the  king  to  favour  him  with  troops 
and  warlike  stores  sufficient  for  his  return.     Finding 
he  could  not  obtain  his  request,  he  desired  that  he  at 
least  might  be  suifered  to  depart  with  his  family,  and 
be  allowed  to  embrace  the  favourable  opportunity  for 
repossessing  himself  of  his  kingdom.    But  Ptolemy  was 
too  much  engaged  by  his  pleasures,  to  lend  an  ear  to 
Cleomenes's  entreaties. 

Sosibius,  who  at  that  time  had  great  authority  in  the 
kingdom,  assembled  his  friends  ;  and  in  this  council  a 
resolution  was  formed,  not  to  furnish  Cleomenes  either 
with  a  fleet  or  provisions.  They  believed  such  an  ex- 
pense would  be  useless  ;  for,  from  the  death  of  Antigo- 
nus,  all  foreign  affairs  had  seemed  to  them  of  no  import- 
ance. Besides,  this  council  were  apprehensive  that  as 
Antigonus  was  dead,  and  as  there  was  none  to  oppose 
Cleomenes,  that  prince,  after  having  made  an  expedi- 
tious conquest  of  Greece,  would  become  a  very  formida- 
ble enemy  to  Egypt  :  what  increased  their  fears  was, 
his  having  thoroughly  studied  the  state  of  the  kingdom, 
his  knowing  its  strong  and  weak  side,  his  holding  the 
king  in  the  utmost  contempt,  and  seeing  a  great  many 
parts  of  the  kingdom  separated  and  at  a  great  distance, 
W'hich  an  enemy  might  have  a  thousand  opportunities 
of  invading.  For  these  reasons,  it  was  not  thought  pro- 
per to  grant  Cleomenes  the  fleet  and  other  succours 
which  he  desired.  On  the  other  side,  to  give  so  bold 
and  enterprising  a  prince  leave  to  depart,  after  having 
refused  him  in  so  contemptuous  a  manner,  would  be 
making  an  enemy  of  him,  who  would  certainly,  one 


250  THE  HISTORY  OF 

time  or  other,  remember  the  affront  which  had  been  put 
upon  him.  Sosibius  was  therefore  of  opinion,  that  it 
was  not  even  safe  to  allow  him  his  liberty  in  Alexandria. 
'  A  word  which  Cleomenes  had  let  drop,  came  then  into 
his  mind.  In  a  council,  where  INIagas  was  the  subject 
of  the  debate,  the  prime  minister  had  signified  his  fears 
lest  this  prince  should  raise  an  insurrection  by  means  of 
the  foreign  soldiers.  "  I  answer  for  them,"  says  Cleo- 
menes, speaking  of  those  of  Peloponnesus  :  "  and  you 
may  depend,  that  upon  the  first  signal  I  give,  they  will 
take  up  arms  in  your  favour."  This  made  Sosibius  hesi- 
tate no  longer  :  on  a  fictitious  accusation,  which  he  cor- 
roborated by  a  letter  he  himself  had  forged  in  that  un- 
happy prince's  name,  he  prevailed  with  the  king  to  seize 
his  person,  and  to  imprison  him  in  a  secure  place,  wJiere 
he  might  maintain  him  always  in  the  manner  he  had 
hitherto  done,  with  the  liberty  of  seeing  his  friends,  but 
not  of  going  abroad. 

This  treatment  threw  Cleomenes  into  the  deepest 
affliction  and  melancholy.  As  he  did  not  perceive  any 
end  of  his  calamities,  he  formed  a  resolution,  in  concert 
with  those  friends  who  used  to  visit  him,  which  despair 
only  could  suggest  ;  and  this  was,  to  repel  the  injustice 
of  Ptolemy  by  force  of  arms  ;  to  stir  up  his  subjects 
against  him  ;  to  die  a  death  worthy  of  Sparta  ;  and  not 
to  wait,  as  stalled  victims,  till  it  was  thought  proper  to 
sacrifice  them. 

His  friends  having  found  means  to  get  him  out  of  the 
prison,  they  all  ran  in  a  body,  with  drawn  swords,  into 
all  the  streets,  exhorting  and  calling  upon  the  populace 
to  recover  their  liberty  ;  but  not  a  man  joined  them. 
They  killed  the  governor  of  the  city,  and  some  other 
noblemen  who  came  to  oppose  them  ;  and  afterwards 
ran  to  the  citadel  with  intention  to  force  the  gates,  and 
set  all  the  prisoners  at  liberty  ;  but  they  found  them 
shut  and  strongly  barricadoed.  Cleomenes,  now  lost 
to  all  hopes,  ran  up  and  down  the  city,  during  which 
not  a  soul  either  followed  or  opposed  him  ;  but  all  fled 
through  fear.  When  they,  therefore,  saw  that  it  would 
be  impossible  for  them  to  succeed  in  their  enterprise. 


V     ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  251 

tîiey  terminated  it  in  a  tragical  and  bloody  manner,  by 
running  upon  each  other's  swords,  to  a^  old  tlie  infamy 
of  punishment.  Thus  died  Cleomenes,  after  having 
reigned  sixteen  years  over  Spnrta.  The  king  caused 
his  body  to  be  hanged  on  a  cross,  and  ordered  his  mo- 
ther, children,  and  ali  tlie  women  who  attended  them, 
to  be  put  to  death.  When  that  unhappy  princess  was 
brought  to  the  place  of  execution,  the  only  favour  she 
asked  was,  that  she  might  die  before  her  children.  But 
they  began  with  them  ;  a  torment  more  grievous  to  a 
mother  than  death  itself:  after  which,  she  presented 
her  neck  to  the  executioner,  saying  only  these  words  : 
"  Ah  !  my  dear  children,  to  what  a  place  did  you  come  !" 
The  design  of  Agis  and  Cleomenes  to  reform  Sparta, 
and  revive  its  ancient  discipline,  was  certainly  very 
laudible  in  itself  :  and  both  had  reason  to  think,  that 
in  a  state  w  holly  infected  and  corrupted  as  that  of  Spar- 
ta then  was,  to  pretend  to  reform  abuses  one  after  ano- 
ther, and  remedy  disorders  by  degrees,  was  only  cutting 
off  the  heads  of  a  hydra  ;  and  therefore  that  it  would 
be  absolutely  necessary  to  strike  at  the  root  of  the  evil. 
However,  I  cannot  say  whether  Plato's  maxim  *  should 
not  be  adopted  here,  vk.  that  nothing  should  be  attempt- 
ed in  a  free  state,  but  what  the  citizens  may  be  prevail- 
ed on  to  admit  by  gentle  means  ;  and  that  violence 
should  never  be  employed.  Are  there  not  some  des- 
perate diseases,  in  which  medicines  would  only  accele- 
rate death  ?  And  have  not  f  some  disorders  gained  so 
great  an  ascendant  in  a  state,  that  to  attempt  a  refor- 
mation at  such  a  time  would  only  discover  the  impotency 
of  the  magistrates  and  laws  ?  But,  a  circumstance  which 
admits  of  no  excuse  in  Cleomenes,  is,  his  having,  against 
all  the  laws  of  reason  and  justice,  murdered  the  Ephori, 

*  "  Jubit  Plato,  q\iem  ego  auctorem  vehementer  sequor,  Tantum 
contendere  in  republica,  quantum  probare  civibus  tuis  possis  :  vim 
neque  parenti  neque  patriae  afferrc  oportere."  Cic.  1.  1.  Epist.  9* 
ad  Fmnil, 

t  "  Decebat  omittere  potius  praevalida  et  adulta  vitia,  quam  hoc 
adsequi,  ut  palam  fieret  quibus  flagitiis  impares  essemus."  Tacit. 
Annal,  1.  iii.  c.  53. 


252  THE  HISTORY  OF 

ill  order  to  ^aiii  success  to  his  enterprise  ;  a  conduct 
aV;solutely  tyrannical,  unworthy  of  a  Spartan,  and  more 
unworthy  of  a  king  ;  and  which  at  the  same  time  seem- 
ed to  give  a  sanction  to  those  tyrants,  who  afterwards 
inflicted  such  evils  on  Lacedaemonia.  And,  indeed, 
Oeomenes  himself  has  been  called  a  tyrant  by  some 
historians,  and  with  him  they  have  begun  *  the  series 
of  the  tyrants  of  Sparta. 

P  Durins:  the  three  years  that  Cleomenes  had  left 
Sparta,  the  citizens  had  not  thought  of  nominating  kings, 
from  the  hopes  they  entertained  that  he  would  return 
again  ;  and  had  always  preserved  the  highest  esteem  and 
veneration  for  him.  But,  as  soon  as  news  was  brought 
of  his  death,  they  proceeded  to  the  election  of  kings. 
They  first  nominated  Agesipolis,  a  child,  descended 
from  one  of  the  royal  families,  and  appointed  his  uncle 
Cleomenes  his  governor.  Afterwards  they  chose  Ly- 
curgus,  none  of  whose  ancestors  had  reigned,  but  who 
had  bribed  the  Ephori,  by  giving  each  of  them  a  talent,  f 
which  was  putting  the  crown  to  sale  at  a  very  low  price. 
They  soon  had  reason  to  repent  their  choice,  which  was 
in  direct  opposition  to  all  laws,  and  till  then  had  never 
had  an  example.  The  factious  party,  which  openly  op- 
posed Philip,  and  committed  the  most  enormous  vio- 
lences in  the  city,  had  presided  in  this  election  ;  and 
immediately  after,  they  caused  Sparta  to  declare  in  fa- 
vour of  the  JEtolians. 

P  Polyb.  1.  iv.  p.  304.. 

*  "  Post  mortem  Cleomenis,  qui  primus  Tyrannus  Lacedaemone 
fuit."    Liv.  1.  xxxiv.  n.  26. 
f  A  thousand  crowns. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  25 


a 


SECT.  III.  Various  expeditions  of  Philip  agawst  the  ene- 
mies of  the  Achœans.  Apelles,  his  prime  minister^  abuses 
his  confidence  in  an  extraordinary  manner.  Philip  makes 
an  inroad  into  JEtolia.  Thermœ  taken  without  opposition. 
Excesses  of  Philip'' s  soldiers  in  that  city.  Prudent  retreat 
of  that  Prince.  Tumults  in  the  camp.  Punishment  of  those 
wJw  had  occasioned  them.  Inroad  of  Philip  into  Laconia. 
The  conspirators  form  new  cabals.  Punishment  infàcted  on 
them.  A  peace  is  proposed  between  Philip  and  the  Achœans 
071  one  side,  and  the  JEtolians  on  the  other,  which  at  last  i^ 
concluded. 

^  We  have  already  related,  that  Philip  king  of  Mace- 
don  being  called  in  by  the  Acliaeans  to  their  aid,  had 
come  to  Corinth,  where  their  general  assembly  was  held, 
and  that  there  war  had  been  unanimously  declared 
against  the  iEtolians.  The  king  returned  afterwards 
to  Macedonia,  to  make  the  necessary  preparations  for 
carrying  on  the  war. 

Philip  brought  over  Scerdiledes  to  the  alliance  with 
the  Achseans.  He  was,  as  has  been  observejl,  a  petty 
king  of  Illyria.  The  JiLtolians,  whose  ally  he  was,  had 
broken  their  engagements  with  him,  by  refusing  to  give 
him  a  certain  share  of  the  spoils  they  had  gained  at  the 
taking  of  Cynethium,  according  to  the  articles  agreed 
upon  between  them.  Philip  embraced  with  joy  this 
opportunity  of  revenging  himself  for  their  perfidy. 

^  Demetrius  of  Pharos  joined  also  with  Philip.  We 
have  already  seen  that  the  Romans,  in  whose  favour  he 
had  declared  at  first,  had  bestowed  on  him  several  of 
the  cities  they  had  conquered  in  Illyria.  As  the  chief 
revenue  of  those  petty  princes  had  consisted  hitherto  in 
the  plunder  they  got  from  their  neighbours  ;  when  the 
Romans  were  removed,  he  could  not  forbear  pillaging 
the  cities  and  territories  subject  to  them.  Besides,  De- 
metrius, as  well  as  Scerdiledes,  had  sailed,  on  the  same 
design,  beyond  the  city  of  Issus  ;  which  was  a  direct  in- 
fraction of  the  chief  article  of  the  treaty  concluded  with 

q  Polyb.  1.  iv.  p.  5294—306.     A.  M.  8785.     Ant.  J.  C   '219. 
'  Polyb.  1.  iii.p.  171 — 174.     Lib.  iv.  p.  'z85 — 305 — 330. 


254  THE  HISTORY  OP 

queen  Teuta.  For  these  reasons,  the  Romans  declared 
war  against  Demetrius.  jEmilius  the  consul  attacked 
him  with  great  vigour,  dispossessed  him  of  his  strongest 
fortresses,  and  besieged  him  in  Pharos,  from  whence  he 
escaped  with  the  utmost  difficulty.  The  city  surrender- 
ed to  the  Romans.  ^  Demetrius,  being  dispossessed  of 
all  his  dominions,  fled  to  Phili}),  who  received  him  with 
open  arms.  This  offended  the  Romans  very  much,  who 
thereupon  sent  ambassadors  to  him,  demanding  Deme- 
trius to  be  delivered  up.  However,  Philip,  who  medi- 
tated at  that  time  the  design  which  broke  out  soon  after, 
paid  no  regard  to  their  demand,  and  Demetrius  spent 
the  remainder  of  his  days  with  that  monarch.  Fie  was 
a  valiant  and  bold  man,  but  at  the  same  time  rash  and 
inconsiderate  in  his  enterprises  ;  and  his  courage  was 
entirely  void  of  prudence  and  judgment. 

The  Achasans,  being  on  the  point  of  engaging  in  a 
considerable  war,  sent  to  their  allies.  The  Acarnanians 
joined  them  very  cheerfully,  though  they  incurred  great 
danger,  as  they  lay  nearest  the  jEtolians,  and  conse- 
quently were  most  exposed  to  the  inroads  of  that  people. 
Poly  bins  praises  their  fidelity  exceedingly. 

The  people  of  Epirus  did  not  show  so  much  good  will, 
and  seemed  desirous  of  continuing  neuter  :  nevertheless, 
they  engaged  in  the  war  a  little  after. 

Deputies  were  also  sent  to  king  Ptolemy,  to  desire 
him  not  to  assist  the  j^itolians  either  with  troops  or 
money. 

The  Messenians,  for  whose  sake  that  war  had  been 
first  begun,  no  way  answered  the  hopes  which  had  been 
naturally  entertained,  of  their  employing  their  whole 
force  to  carry  it  on. 

The  Lacedaemonians  had  declared  at  first  for  the 
Achasans  ;  but  the  contrary  faction  caused  the  decree 
to  be  reversed,  and  they  joined  the  ^tolians.  It  was 
on  this  occasion,  as  I  have  said  before,  that  Agesipolis 
and  Lycurgus  were  elected  kings  of  Sparta. 

Aratus  the  younger,  son  of  the  great  Aratus,  was  at 

®  Liv.  1.  xxii.  n.  S3. 


ALEXANDER'S  STTCCESSORS.  255 

that  time  supreme  magistrate  of  the  Achneans,  as  was 
Scopas  of  the  .^toliaiis. 

'  Philip  marched  from  Macedonia  with  fifteen  thou- 
sand foot,  and  eight  hundred  horse.  Having  crossed 
Tliessaly,  he  arrived  in  Epirus.  Had  he  marched  di- 
rectly against  the  ^tolians,  he  would  have  come  upon 
them  unawares,  and  have  defeated  them  :  but,  at  the 
request  of  the  Epirots,  he  laid  siege  to  Ambracia,  which 
employed  him  forty  days,  and  gave  the  enemy  time  to 
make  preparations,  and  wait  his  coming  up.  They  did 
more.  Scopas,  at  the  head  of  a  body  of  ^tolians,  ad- 
vanced into  IMacedonia,  made  dreadful  havoc,  and  re- 
turned in  a  very  short  time  laden  with  spoils  :  this  ac- 
tion did  him  prodigious  honour,  and  greatly  animated 
his  forces.  Ilowever,  this  did  not  hinder  Philip  from 
entering  iEtolia,  and  seizing  on  a  great  number  of  im- 
portant fortresses.  He  would  have  entirely  conquered 
it,  had  not  the  news  he  received,  that  the  Dardanians  ^' 
intended  to  make  an  inroad  into  his  kingdom,  obliged 
him  to  return  thither.  At  his  departure  he  promised 
the  ambassadors  of  the  Achaeans  to  return  soon  to  their 
assistance.  His  sudden  arrival  disconcerted  the  Dar- 
danians, and  put  a  stop  to  their  enterprise.  He  then 
returned  to  Thessaly,  with  an  intention  to  pass  the  rest 
of  the  summer  in  Larissa. 

"In  the  mean  time,  Dorimachus,  whom  the  J^tolians 
had  just  before  nominated  their  general,  entered  Epirus, 
laid  waste  all  the  open  country,  and  did  not  spare  even 
the  temple  of  Dodona. 

Philip,  though  it  was  now  the  depth  of  winter,  had 
left  Larissa,  and  arrived  at  Corinth,  without  any  one's 
having  had  the  least  notice  of  his  march.  He  there 
ordered  the  elder  Aratus  to  attend  him,  and  by  a  letter 
to  his  son,  who  commanded  the  forces  this  year,  gave 
him  orders  whither  to  march  them.  Caphyae  was  to  be 
the  rendezvous.  Euripidas,  who  knew  nothing  of  Phi- 
lip's arrival,  was  then  marching  a  detachment  of  above 

*  Polyb.  1.  iv.  p.  325—350.  "  Polyb.  1.  iv.  p.  .^30— 386. 

*  These  were  a  people  bordering^  on  Macedonia,  to  the  north  %i 
that  kingdom. 


^56  THE  HISTORY  OF 

two  thousand  natives  of  Elis,  to  lay  waste  the  tenitory 
of  Sicyon.  They  fell  into  the  hands  of  Philip,  and  all 
except  a  hundred  were  either  killed  or  taken  prisoners. 

The  king,  having  joined  Aratus  the  younger  with 
his  forces  at  the  rendezvous  appointed,  marched  towards 
Psophis,  *  in  order  to  hesiege  it.  This  was  a  very 
daring  attempt  ;  for  the  city  was  thought  almost  im- 
pregnable, as  well  from  its  natural  situation,  as  from 
the  fortifications  which  had  been  added  to  it.  As  it 
was  the  depth  of  ^^•inter,  the  inhabitants  were  under  no 
apprehension  that  any  one  would,  or  even  could,  attack 
them  :  Philip,  however,  did  it  with  success  ;  for,  first 
the  citv,  and  afterwards  the  citadel,  surrendered  after 
making  some  resistance.  As  they  were  very  far  from 
expecting  to  be  besieged,  the  want  of  ammuniton  and 
provisions  very  much  facilitated  the  taking  of  that  city. 
Philip  gave  it  very  generously  to  the  Acheeans,  to 
whom  it  was  a  most  important  post,  assuring  them  that 
there  was  nothing  he  desired  more  than  to  oblige  them; 
and  to  give  them  the  strongest  proofs  of  his  zeal  and 
affection  for  their  interest.  A  prince  who  always  acts 
in  this  manner  is  truly  great,  and  does  honour  to  the 
royal  dignity. 

From  thence,  after  possessing  himself  of  some  other 
cities,  which  he  also  gave  to  his  allies,  he  marched  to 
Elis,  in  order  to  lay  it  waste.  This  territory  was  very 
rich  and  populous,  and  the  inhabitants  of  the  country 
were  in  a  flourishing  condition.  Formerly  this  terri- 
tory had  been  deemed  sacred,  on  account  of  the  Olvm- 
pic  games  solemnized  there  every  four  years  ;  and  all 
the  nations  of  Greece  had  agreed  not  to  infest  it,  or 
carry  their  arms  into  it.  But  the  Eleans  had  them- 
selves  been  the  occasion  of  their  losing  that  privilege, 
because,  like  other  states,  they  had  engaged  in  the 
wars  of  Greece.  Here  Philip  got  a  very  considerable 
booty,  with  which  he  enriched  his  troops,  after  which 
he  retired  to  Olympia. 

^  Among  the  several  courtiers  of  king  Philip.  Apelles 

^  Polyb.  1.  iv.  p..S38,  SSp. 
*  A  citv  of  Arcadia. 


ALEXANDEH'S  SUCCESSORS.  257 

held  the  chief  rank,  and  had  a  considerable  influence  on 
the  mind  of  his  sovereign,  whose  governor  he  had  been  : 
but,  as  too  frequently  happens  on  these  occasions,  he 
very  much  abused  his  power,  which  he  employed  wholly 
in  oppressing  individuals  and  states.  He  had  taken  it 
into  his  head,  to  reduce  the  Achœans  to  the  same  con- 
dition as  that  in  which  Thessaly  was  at  that  time  ;  that 
is,  to  subject  them  absolutely  to  the  commands  of  the 
ministers  of  Macedonia,  by  leaving  them  only  the  name 
and  a  vain  shadow  of  liberty  ;  and  to  accustom  them  to 
the  yoke,  he  caused  them  to  suffer  every  kind  of  inju- 
rious treatment.  Aratus  complained  of  this  to  Philip, 
who  was  highly  exasperated  upon  that  account  ;  and 
accordingly  assured  him,  he  would  give  such  orders,  that 
nothing  of  that  kind  should  happen  for  the  future. 
Accordingly,  he  enjoined  Apelles  nerver  to  lay  any  com- 
mands on  the  Achgeans,  but  in  concert  with  their  ge- 
neral. This  was  behaving  with  an  indolent  tenderness 
towards  a  minister  who  had  so  shamefully  abused  his 
master's  confidence,  and  had  therefore  deserved  to  be 
entirely  disgraced.  The  Achaeans,  overjoyed  at  the  fa- 
vour which  Philip  showed  them,  and  at  the  orders  he 
had  given  for  their  peace  and  security,  were  continually 
bestowing  the  highest  encomiums  on  that  prince,  and 
extolling  his  excellent  qualities.  And,  indeed  he  pos- 
sessed those  which  can  endear  a  king  to  his  people  ; 
such  as  a  lively  genius,  a  happy  memory,  easy  elocution, 
and  an  unaffected  grace  in  all  his  actions  ;  a  beautiful 
aspect,  heightened  by  a  noble  and  majestic  air,  which 
struck  the  beholders  with  awe  and  respect  ;  a  sweetness 
of  temper,  affability,  and  a  desire  to  please  ;  and  to 
finish  the  picture,  a  valour,  an  intrepidity,  and  an  ex- 
perience in  war,  which  far  exceeded  his  years  :  so  that 
one  can  hardly  conceive  the  strange  alteration  that  af- 
terwards appeared  in  his  morals  and  behaviour. 

y  Philip  having  possessed  himself  of  Aliphera,  which 
was  a  post  of  great  strength,  the  greatest  part  of  the 
people  of  that  country,  astonished  at  the  rapidity  of  his 
conquests,  and  weary  of  the  iEtolian  tyranny,  submit- 

y  Polyb.  1.  iv.  p.  S39--34!3. 
VOL.  VI.  S 


258  THE  HISTORY  OF 

tefl  to  his  arms.     Thus  he  soon  made  himself  master  of 
aU  Triphylia. 

2  At  this  time,  Chilo,  the  Lacedaemonian,  pretend- 
ing that  he  had  a  better  right  to  the  crown  than  Ly- 
curgus,  on  whose  head  they  had  placed  it,  resolved  to 
dispossess  him  of  it,  and  to  set  it  on  his  own.  Having 
engaged  in  his  party  about  two  hundred  citizens,  he 
entered  the  city  in  a  forcible  manner,  killed  the  Ephori 
who  were  at  table  together,  and  marched  directly  to- 
wards Lycurgus's  house,  intending  to  kill  him  ;  but 
hearing  the  tumult,  he  had  made  his  escape.  Chilo 
then  went  into  the  great  square  of  the  city,  and  exhorted 
the  citizens  to  recover  their  liberty  ;  making  them,  at 
the  same  time,  the  greatest  promises.  Seeing,  however, 
that  he  could  make  no  impression  on  them,  and  that 
be  had  failed  in  his  attempt,  he  sentenced  himself  to 
banishment,  and  retired  to  Achaia,  It  is  surprising  to 
see  Sparta,  formerly  so  jealous  of  its  liberty,  and  mistress 
of  all  Greece  till  the  battle  of  Leuctra,  now  filled  with 
tumults  and  insurrections,  and  ignominiously  subjected 
to  a  kind  of  tyrants,  whose  very  name  formerly  she 
could  not  endure.  Such  were  the  effects  of  their  having 
violated  Lycurgus's  laws  ;  and  especially  of  their  in- 
troducing gold  and  silver  into  Sparta,  which  drew  after 
them,  by  insensible  degrees,  the  lust  of  power,  avarice, 
pride,  luxiu-y,  effeminacy,  immorality,  and  all  those  vices 
which  are  generally  inseparable  from  riches. 

^  Philip,  being  arrived  at  Argos,  spent  the  rest  of  the 
winter  there.  Apelles  had  not  yet  laid  aside  the  de- 
sign he  meditated  of  enslaving  the  Achaeans.  But 
Aratus,  for  whom  the  king  had  a  very  particular  re- 
gard, and  in  whom  he  reposed  the  highest  confidence, 
was  an  invincible  obstacle  to  his  project.  He  therefore 
resolved,  if  possible,  to  get  rid  of  him  ;  and  fbr  this  pur- 
pose he  sent  privately  for  all  those  who  were  his-  secret 
enemies,  and  used  his  utmost  endeavours  to  gain  them 
the  prince's  favour.  After  this,  in  all  his  conversations 
with  him,  he  hinted  that  so  long  as  Aratus  should  en- 
joy any  authority  in  the  republic  of  the  Achaeans,  he 
2  Polyb.  1.  iv.  p.  3éS,  344.  *  Idem,  344—349. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  259? 

(Philip)  would  have  no  power  ;  and  would  be  as  much 
subject  to  tbeir  laws  and  usages  as  the  meanest  of  their 
citizens  ;  whereas,  were  he  to  raise  to  the  chief  admini- 
stration of  affairs  some  person  who  might  be  entirely 
dependent  on  him,  he  then  might  act  as  sovereign,  and 
govern  others,  instead  of  being  himself  governed.  The 
new  friends  enforced  these  reflections,  and  refined  on 
the  arguments  of  Apelles.  This  idea  of  despotic  pow  ?r 
pleased  the  young  kingi  and  indeed  it  is  the  strongest 
temptation  that  can  be  laid  in  the  way  of  princes.  Ac- 
cordingly he  went  for  that  purpose  to  ^gium,  where  > 
the  assembly  of  the  states  was  held  for  the  election  of  a 
new  general  ;  and  prevailed  so  far  by  his  promises  and 
menaces,  that  he  got  Philoxenus,  whose  election  Ara- 
tus  had  supported  and  gained,  excluded  ;  and  obliged 
them  to  make  choice  of  Eperatus,  who  was  his  direct 
enemy.  Implicitly  devoted  to  the  will  of  his  prime 
minister,  he.  did  not  perceive  that  he  degraded  himself 
in  the  most  ignominious  manner  ;  nothing  being  more 
disgusting  to  free  assemblies,  such  as  those  of  Greece, 
than  the  least  attempt  to  violate  the  freedom  of  elec- 
tions. 

A  person  was  thus  chosen  entirely  unworthy  of  the 
post,  as  is  commonly  the  case  in  all  forced  elections.  . 
Eperatus,  having  neither  merit  nor  experience,  was  imi- 
versally  despised.  As  Aratus  intermeddled  no  longer 
in  public  affairs,  nothing  was  well  done,  and  all  things 
were  hastening  to  their  ruin.  Philip,  on  whom  the 
blame  fell,  became  sensible  that  very  pernicious  counsels 
had  been  given  him.  Upon  this,  he  again  had  recourse 
to  Aratus,  and  reinstated  him  entirely  in  his  friendship 
and  confidence  ;  and  perceiving  that  after  this  step  his 
affairs  flourished  visibly,  and  that  his  reputation  and 
power  increased  daily,  he  would  not  make  use  of  any 
counsel  but  that  of  Aratus,  as  of  the  only  man  to  whom 
he  owed  all  his  grandeur  and  glory.  Who  would  not 
imagine,  after  such  evident  and  repeated  proofs  on  one 
side  of  Aratus's  innocence,  and  on  the  other  of  Apel- 
les's  black  malice,  that  Philip  would  have  been  unde- 
ceived for  ever  ;  and  have  been  fully  sensible  which  of 


260  THE  HISTORY  OF 

the  tt\'o  had  the  most  sincere  zeal  for  his  service  ?  The 
sequel,  however,  will  show,  that  jealousy  never  dies  but 
T^ith  the  object  that  excited  it  ;  and  that  princes  sel- 
dom overcome  prejudices  that  are  grateful  to  their  au- 
thority. 

A  new  proof  of  this  soon  appeared.  As  the  inhabi- 
tants of  Elis  refused  the  advantageous  conditions  which 
Philip  offered  them  by  one  Amphidamus,  Apelles  hint- 
ed to  him,  that  so  unreasonable  a  refusal  was  owing  to 
the  ill  services  which  Aratus  did  him  clandestinely, 
tliough  outw^ardly  he  pretended  to  have  his  interest 
very  much  at  heart  :  that  he  alone  had  kept  Amphi- 
damus from  enforcing,  as  he  ought  to  have  done,  and 
as  he  had  engaged  to  do,  to  the  inhabitants  of  Elis, 
the  offers  which  the  king  made  them  :  and  on  this 
foundation  he  invented  a  long  story,  and  named  several 
witnesses  of  its  truth.  The  king,  however,  was  so  just, 
as  to  insist  upon  his  prime  minister's  repeating  these 
accusations  in  presence  of  the  man  whom  he  charged 
with  them  :  and  this  Apelles  did  not  scruple  to  do,  and 
that  with  such  an  air  of  assurance,  or  rather  impudence, 
as  might  have  disconcerted  the  most  virtuous  man. 
He  even  added,  that  the  king  would  lay  this  affair  be- 
fore the  council  of  the  Achaean s,  and  leave  to  them  the 
decision  of  it.  This  was  what  he  wanted  ;  firmly  per- 
suaded, that,  by  the  influence  he  had  there,  he  should 
not  fail  to  get  him  condemned.  Aratus,  in  making  his 
defence,  began  by  beseeching  the  king,  not  lightly  to 
give  credit  to  the  several  things  laid  to  his  charge  ;  that 
it  was  a  justice  which  a  king,  more  than  any  other  man, 
owed  to  a  person  accused,  to  command  a  strict  enquiry 
to  be  made  into  the  several  articles  of  the  accusation, 
and  till  then  to  suspend  his  judgment.  In  consequence 
of  this,  he  required,  that  Apelles  should  be  obliged  to 
produce  his  witnesses  ;  him,  especially,  from  whom  he 
pretended  to  have  heard  the  several  particulars  laid  to 
his  charge  ;  and  that  they  should  omit  none  of  the  me- 
thods used  and  prescribed  in  establishing  a  fact  before 
it  was  laid  before  the  public  council.  The  king  thought 
Aratus's  demand  very  just  and  reasonable,  and  pro- 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSOUS.  26l 

raised  it  should  be  complied  with.  However,  the  time 
passed  on,  and  Apelles  did  not  prepare  to  give  in  his 
proofs:  how,  indeed,  would  it  have  been  possible  for 
him  to  do  that  ?  An  unforeseen  accident  broug'it  Am- 
phidamus,  by  a  kind  of  chance,  to  the  city  of  Dyinae, 
w^hither  Philip  was  come  to  settle  some  affairs.  Aratus 
snatched  the  opportunity  ;  and  begged  the  king  himself 
to  take  cognizance  of  this  matter.  He  complied  with 
Aratus's  request,  and  found  that  there  was  not  the  least 
ground  for  the  charge.  Accordingly,  Aratus  was  pro- 
nounced innocent,  but  no  punishment  was  inflicted  on 
the  calumniator. 

This  impunity  emboldened  him  the  more  :  so  that  he 
continued  his  secret  intrigues,  in  order  to  remove  those 
who  gave  him  the  least  umbrage.  Besides  Apelles, 
there  were  four  other  persons  who  divided  the  chief  of- 
fices of  the  crown  among  them,  and  at  the  same  time 
enjoyed  the  king's  confidence.  Antigonus  had  appoint- 
ed them  by  his  will,  and  assigned  each  of  them  his  em- 
ployment. His  principal  view  in  this  choice  was,  to 
prevent  those  cabals  and  intrigues  which  are  almost  un- 
avoidable during  the  minority  of  an  infant  prince.  T^vo 
of  these  noblemen,  Leontius  and  Megaleas,  were  entire- 
ly devoted  to  Apelles  ;  but  as  to  the  other  two,  Taurion 
and  Alexander,  he  had  not  the  same  ascendant  over 
them.  Taurion  presided  over  the  affairs  of  Peloponne- 
sus, and  Alexander  had  the  command  of  the  guards. 
Now  the  prime  minister  wanted  to  give  their  employ- 
ments to  noblemen  on  whom  he  could  entirely  rely,  and 
who  would  be  as  much  devoted  to  his  views  as  he  could 
wish  them.  However,  he  endeavoured  to  vmdermii.e 
their  credit  by  other  methods  than  those  he  had  em- 
ployed against  Aratus  :  for,  says  Poly  bins,  courtiers 
have  the  art  of  moulding  themselves  into  all  shapes, 
and  employ  sometimes  praise  and  sometimes  slander  to 
gain  their  ends.  Whenever  Taurion  was  mentioned, 
Apelles  would  applaud  his  merit,  his  courage,  his  ex- 
perience ;  and  speak  of  him  as  a  man  worthy  of  the 
king's  more  intimate  confidence  :  he  did  this  in  the  view 
of  detaining  him  at  court,  and  procuring  the  government 


262  THE  HISTORY  OP 

of  Peloponnesus  (a  place  of  great  importance,  and  whicli 
required  the  presence  of  the  person  invested  A^ith  it)  for 
one  of  his  creatures.  Whenever  Alexander  was  the 
subject  of  the  discourse,  he  lost  no  opportunity  of  re- 
presenting him  in  the  most  odious  colours  to  the  king, 
and  even  endeavoured  to  render  his  fidelity  suspected, 
in  order  to  remove  him  from  court,  that  his  post  might 
be  given  to  some  person  who  would  be  dependent  en- 
tirely on  him.  Polvbius  will  show  hereafter,  what  was 
the  result  of  all  these  secret  machinations.  He  only 
hints  in  this  place,  that  Apelles  was  at  last  taken  in  his 
own  snare,  and  met  with  the  treatment  he  was  prepar- 
ing for  others.  But  we  shall  first  see  him  commit  the 
blackest  and  most  abominable  injustice  towards  Aratus, 
and  even  direct  his  criminal  designs  against  the  king 
himself 

^I  before  observed,  that  Philip  having  discovered 
that  he  had  been  more  than  once  imposed  upon,  had  re- 
stored Aratus  to  his  favour  and  confidence.  Supported 
by  his  credit  and  counsels,  he  went  to  the  assembly  of 
the  Achœans,  which  had  been  appointed  on  his  account, 
to  meet  at  Sicyon.  On  the  report  he  made  of  the  state 
of  his  exchequer,  and  of  the  urgent  need  in  which  he 
stood  of  money  to  maintain  his  forces,  a  resolution  was 
passed  to  furnish  him  with  fifty  *  talents,  the  instant  his 
troops  should  set  out  upon  their  march  ;  with  three 
months'  pay  for  his  soldiers,  and  ten  thousand  measures 
of  wheat  :  and,  that  afterwards,  as  long  as  he  should 
carry  on  the  war  in  person  in  Peloponnesus,  they  should 
furnish  him  with  seventeen  f  talents  a  month. 

1  When  the  troops  returned  from  their  winter-quar- 
ters, and  were  assembled,  the  king  debated  in  council 
on  the  operations  of  the  ensuing  campaign.  It  was  re- 
solved to  act  by  sea,  because  they  thereby  should  infalli- 
bly divide  the  enemy's  forces,  from  the  uncertainty  they 
must  be  under,  with  regard  to  the  side  on  which  they 

*>  Polyb.  1.  V.  p.  350,  360. 

*  Fifty  thousand  crowns. 

+  Seventeen  thousand  crowns. 

i  A.  M.  3786.     Ant.  J.  C.  218. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS,  268 

should  be  attacked.    Philip  was  to  make  war  on  the  in- 
habitants of  ^tolia,  Lacedaemonia,  and  Elis. 

Whilst  the  king,  who  was  now  returned  to  Corinth^ 
was  training  his  Macedonians  in  the  several  exercises 
of  the  sea- service,  Apelles,  who  found  his  influence  les^ 
sened,  and  was  exasperated  to  see  the  counsels  of  Ara- 
tus  followed,  and  not  his  own,  took  secret  measures  to 
defeat  all  the  king's  designs.  His  view  was  to  make 
himself  necessary  to  his  sovereign  ;  and  to  force  him,  by 
the  ill  posture  of  his  affairs,  to  throw  himself  into  the 
arms  of  a  minister,  who  was  best  acquainted  with,  and 
then  actually  in  the  administration  of  them.  How  vil- 
lanous  was  this  !  Apelles  prevailed  with  Leontius  and 
Megaleas,  his  two  confidants,  to  behave  with  negligence 
in  the  employments  with  which  they  should  be  intrust- 
ed. As  for  himself,  he  went  to  Chalcis,  upon  pretence 
of  having  some  affairs  to  transact;  and  there,  as  his 
orders  were  punctually  obeyed  by  every  one,  he  stop- 
ped the  convoys  of  money  which  were  sending  to  the 
king  ;  and  thereby  reduced  him  to  such  necessity,  that 
he  was  forced  to  pawn  his  plate  to  subsist  himself  and 
his  household. 

Philip  having  put  to  sea,  arrived  the  second  day  at 
Patrae  ;  and  from  thence  having  landed  at  *  Cephalenia, 
he  laid  siege  to  Paleis,  a  city  which,  from  its  situation, 
would  be  of  great  advantage  to  him,  as  a  place  of  arms  ; 
and  as  enabling  him  to  infest  the  territories  of  his  ene- 
mies. He  caused  his  military  engines  to  be  advanced, 
and  mines  to  be  run.  One  of  the  ways  of  making 
breaches  was,  to  dig  out  the  earth  under  the  very  foun- 
dation  of  the  walls.  When  they  were  got  to  it,  they 
propped  and  supported  the  walls  with  great  wooden 
beams,  to  which  the  miners  afterwards  set  fire,  and  then 
retired  ;  when  presently  great  part  of  the  wall  would 
fall  down.  As  the  Macedonians  had  worked  with  in- 
credible ardour,  they  very  soon  made  a  breach  more 
than  thirty  fathoms  wide.  Leontius  was  commanded 
to  mount  this  breach  with  his  troops.  Had  he  exerted 
himself  ever  so  little,  the  city  would  certainly  have  been 

*  An  island  in  the  Ionian  sea. 


264  THE  HISTORY  OF 

taken  :  but  he  attacked  the  enemy  very  faintly,  so  that 
he  was  repulsed,  lost  a  great  number  of  his  men,  and 
Philip  was  obliged  to  raise  the  siege. 

The  moment  he  began  it,  the  enemy  had  sent  Ly- 
curgus  with  some  troops  into  jMessenia,  and  Dorima- 
chus  with  half  of  the  army  into  Thessaly,  to  oblige  Phi- 
lip, by  this  double  diversion,  to  lay  aside  his  enterprise. 
Deputies  had  arrived  soon  after  from  the  Acarnanians 
and  Messenians.  Philip,  having  raised  the  siege,  as- 
sembled his  council,  to  debate  on  which  side  he  should 
turn  his  arms.  The  Messenians  represented,  that  in 
one  day  the  forces  might  march  from  Cephalenia  into 
their  country,  and  at  once  overpower  Lycurgus,  who 
did  not  expect  to  be  so  suddenly  attacked.  Leontius 
enforced  this  advice  very  strongly.  His  secret  reason 
was,  that  as  it  would  be  impossible  for  Philip  to  return, 
as  the  winds  would  be  directly  contrary  at  that  time, 
he  tlierefore  would  be  forced  to  stay  there,  by  which 
means  the  campaign  would  be  spent  and  nothing  done. 
The  Acarnanians,  on  the  contrary,  urged  him  to  march 
directly  into  iEtolia,  which  was  then  unprovided  with 
troops  :  declaring,  that  the  whole  country  might  be  laid 
w^aste  without  the  least  resistance  ;  and  that  Dorima- 
chus  would  be  prevented  from  making  an  irruption  into 
JNIacedonia.  Aratus  did  not  fail  to  declare  in  favour 
of  the  latter  opinion  ;  and  the  king,  who,  from  the  time 
of  the  cowardly  attack  at  Paleis,  had  begun  to  suspect 
Leontius,  acquiesced  in  the  advice  of  Aratus. 

Having  provided  for  the  urgent  necessities  of  the 
Messenians,  he  went  from  Cephalenia,  arrived  the  se- 
cond day  at  Leucadia,  from  thence  entered  the  gulf  of 
Ambracia,  and  came  a  little  before  day-break  to  Lim- 
nsea.  Immediatelv  he  commanded  the  soldiers  to  take 
some  refreshment,  to  rid  themselves  of  the  greatest  part 
of  their  baggage,  and  be  ready  for  marching.  In  the 
afternoon,  Philip  having  left  the  baggage  under  a  strong 
guard,  set  out  from  Limnaea  ;  and  after  a  march  of  about 
sixty  furlongs,  he  halted,  to  give  his  army  some  time 
for  refreshment  and  rest.  He  then  marched  all  night, 
and  arrived  at  day-break  at  the  river  Achelous,  intend- 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  Q.65 

ing  to  fall  suddenly  and  unexpectedly  upon  Thermae. 
Leontius  advised  the  king  to  halt  for  some  time,  giving 
for  his  reason,  that  as  the  soldiers  had  heen  fatigued  with 
the  length  of  their  march,  it  would  be  proper  for  them 
to  take  breath  ;  but,  in  reality,  to  give  the  iÊtolians  time 
to  prepare  for  their  defence.  Aratus,  on  the  contrary, 
knowing  that  opportunity  is  s vvift- winged,  and  that 
Leontius's  advice  was  manifestly  traitorous,  conjured 
Philip  to  seize  the  favourable  moment,  and  set  out  on 
his  march  that  instant. 

The  king,  who  was  already  offended  at  Leontius,  and 
began  to  suspect  him,  sets  out  immediately,  crosses  the 
Achelous,  and  marches  directly  to  Thermae,  throughavery 
rugged  and  almost  impervious  road  cut  between  very  steep 
rocks.  This  was  the  capital  city  of  the  country,  in  which 
the  jEtolians  every  year  held  their  fairs  and  solemn  as- 
semblies, as  w^ell  for  the  worship  of  the  gods,  as  for  the 
election  of  magistrates.  As  this  city  was  thought  im- 
pregnable, because  of  the  advantage  of  its  situation,  and 
that  no  enemy  had  ever  dared  to  approach  it  ;  the  ^to- 
lians  used  to  leave  their  richest  effects  and  all  their 
wealth  there,  imagining  they  were  very  safe.  But  how 
great  was  their  surprise,  when,  at  the  close  of  the  day, 
they  saw  Philip  enter  it  with  his  army  ! 

After  having  taken  immense  spoils  in  the  night,  the 
Macedonians  pitched  their  camp.  The  next  morning 
it  was  resolved  that  the  most  valuable  effects  should  be 
carried  away  ;  and  having  piled  up  the  rest  of  the  booty 
at  the  head  of  the  camp,  they  set  fire  to  it.  They  did 
the  same  with  regard  to  the  arms  which  hung  on  the 
galleries  of  the  temple  ;  the  best  were  laid  by  for  service, 
and  the  remainder,  amounting  to  upwards  of  fifteen 
thousand,  were  burnt  to  ashes.  Hitherto  every  thing 
which  had  been  transacted  was  just,  and  agreeable  to 
the  laws  of  war. 

But  the  JSIacedonians  did  not  stop  here.  Transport- 
ed with  fury  at  the  remembrance  of  the  wild  havoc  which 
the  iEtolians  had  made  in  Dium  and  Dodona,  they  set 
fire  to  the  galleries  of  the  temple,  tore  down  all  the  of- 
ferings w^hich  hung  on  them,  among  which  were  some 


^6  THE  HISTOUY  OF 

of  exceeding  beauty  and  prodigious  value.  Not  satis- 
fied with  burning  the  roofs,  they  razed  the  temple.  The 
statues,  of  which  there  were  at  least  two  thousand,  were 
thrown  down.  A  great  number  of  tliem  were  broken 
to  pieces  ;  and  those  only  spared  which  were  known,  by 
their  form  or  inscriptions,  to  represent  ^ods.  They 
wrote  the  following  verse  on  the  walls  : 

Remember  Dium  :  Dium  sends  you  this. 

The  horror  with  which  the  sacrileges  committed  by 
the  .^tolians  at  Dium  had  inspired  Philip  and  his  al- 
lies, without  doubt  convinced  them  that  they  might  re- 
venge it  by  the  commission  of  the  like  crimes  ;  and  that 
they  were  then  making  just  reprisals.  However,  says 
Polvbius,  the  reader  will  allow^  me  to  think  otherwise. 
To  support  his  opinion,  he  cites  three  great  examples, 
taken  from  the  very  family  of  the  prince  whose  conduct 
he  here  censures.  Antigonus,  after  having  defeated 
Cleomenes,  king  of  the  I  iacedaemonians,  and  possessed 
himself  of  Sparta,  so  far  from  extending  his  rage  to  the 
temples  and  sacred  things,  did  not  even  make  those  he 
had  conquered  feel  the  effects  of  it  ;  on  the  contrary,  he 
restored  to  them  the  form  of  government  which  they 
had  received  from  their  ancestors,  and  treated  them  with 
the  highest  testimonies  of  kindness  and  friendship, 
Philip,  to  whom  the  royal  family  owed  all  its  splendour, 
and  who  defeated  the  Athenians  at  Chaeronea,  made 
them  sensible  of  his  power  and  victory  by  no  other 
marks  than  his  beneficence  ;  restoring  their  prisoners 
without  ransom  ;  himself  taking  care  of  the  dead,  order- 
ing Antipator  to  convey  their  bones  to  Athens,  and 
giving  clothes  to  such  of  the  prisoners  as  w^re  most  in 
want  of  them.  And  lastly,  Alexander  the  Great,  in 
the  height  of  his  fury  against  Thebes,  which  he  razed 
to  the  ground,  so  far  from  being  forgetful  of  the  vene- 
ration due  to  the  gods,  took  care  not  to  suffer  his  sol- 
diers (even  through  imprudence)  to  do  the  least  injury 
to  the  temples  and  other  sacred  places  :  and  what  is  still 
more  worthy  our  admiration,  in  his  war  with  the  Per- 
sians, who  had  plundered  and  burned  most  of  the  tem- 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  267 

pies  in  Greece,  Alexander  spared  and  reverenced  all 
places  dedicated  to  the  worship  of  the  gods. 

It  were  to  be  wished,  continues  Polybius,  that  Phi- 
lip, mindful  of  the  examples  his  ancestors  set  him,  had 
strove  to  show  that  he  had  succeeded  rather  to  their 
moderation  and  magnanimity,  than  to  their  empire  and 
power.  The  laws  of  war,  indeed,  frequently  oblige  a 
conqueror  to  demolish  towns  and  citadels  ;  to  fill  up  har- 
bours, to  capture  men  and  ships,  to  carry  off  the  fruits 
of  the  earth,  and  things  of  a  like  nature,  in  order  to 
lessen  the  strength  of  the  enemy,  and  increase  his  own  : 
but  to  destroy  what  neither  can  do  him  any  prejudice, 
nor  will  contribute  to  the  defeat  of  the  enemy  ;  to  burn 
temples,  to  break  statues,  and  similar  ornaments  of  a 
city,  in  pieces  ;  certainly  nothing  but  the  wildest  and 
most  extravagant  fury  can  be  capable  of  such  violence. 
It  is  not  merely  to  ruin  and  destroy  those  who  have  done 
us  injury,  that  we  ought  to  declare  w^ar,  in  case  we  de- 
sire to  be  thought  just  and  equitable  ;  but  only  to  oblige 
such  people  to  acknowledge  and  make  amends  for  their 
faults.  The  true  end  of  war  is  not  to  involve  in  the 
same  ruin  the  innocent  and  the  guilty,  but  rather  to 
save  both.  These  are  the  sentiments  of  a  soldier  and 
a  heathen. 

Though  Philip,  on  this  occasion,  showed  no  great 
regard  for  religion,  he  acted  like  an  excellent  captain. 
His  view  in  putting  to  sea,  was  to  go  and  surprise  the 
city  of  Thermae,  taking  advantage  of  the  absence  of 
part  of  the  ^tolian  forces.  To  conceal  his  design,  he 
took  so  large  a  compass,  as  left  the  enemy  in  doubt 
with  regard  to  the  place  he  intended  to  attack  ;  and 
prevented  their  seizing  some  passes  of  the  mountains 
and  defiles  in  which  he  might  have  been  stopped  short. 
Some  rivers  were  to  be  passed  :  it  was  necessary  for  him 
to  make  the  utmost  haste,  and  turn  short  upon  ^tolia 
by  a  swift  counter-march.  This  Philip  does  without 
listening  to  the  advice  of  traitors.  To  lighten  his 
army,  he  leaves  his  baggage.  He  goes  through  the  de- 
files without  meeting  the  least  obstacle,  and  enters  Ther- 
mae, as  if  he  had  dropped  from  the  skies  ;  so  well  had 


268  THE  HISTORY  OF 

he  concealed  and  hastened  his  march,  of  which  the  ene- 
my do  not  seem  to  have  had  the  least  suspicion. 

His  retreat  was  full  as  extraordinar)\  To  secure  it, 
he  had  seized  upon  several  important  posts  ;  expecting 
that  at  his  coming  down,  his  rear- guard  particularly 
would  be  attacked.  It  was  accordingly  charged  at  two 
different  times  ;  however,  the  prudent  precautions  he 
had  taken,  entirely  baffled  all  the  efforts  of  the  enemy. 

An  enterprise  so  well  concerted,  so  secretly  carried 
on,  and  executed  with  so  much  wisdom  and  despatch, 
surpasses  the  abilities  of  so  young  a  prince  as  Philip  ; 
and  seems  to  characterise  a  Teteran  warrior,  long  exer- 
cised in  all  the  arts  and  stratagems  of  war.  We  can 
scarce  doubt  (and  Polybius  seems  to  insinuate  it  evi- 
dently enough)  that  Aratus,  as  he  had  been  the  first 
contriver  of  so  noble  a  project,  was  also  the  soul,  as  it 
were,  and  chief  agent  in  it  afterwards.  I  have  already 
observed,  that  his  talents  lay  more  in  conducting  a  w^ar- 
like  stratagem,  in  forming  extraordinary  enterprises, 
and  in  giving  success  to  them  by  his  bold  counsels,  than 
in  executing  them  himself  How  happy  is  it  for  a 
young  prince  to  possess  a  general  of  this  character  ; 
prudent,  able,  versed  by  long  experience,  and  habitua- 
ted to  all  the  parts  of  the  art  of  war  ;  to  be  able  to  ap- 
preciate the  worth  of  these  qualities  ;  to  be  perfectly 
sensible  of  their  high  value  ;  to  be  docile  to  his  advice, 
though  frequently  contrar}*  to  his  own  taste  and  opi- 
nion ;  and  to  let  himself  be  guided  by  such  wise  coun- 
sels] After  the  happy  success  of  an  action,  the  person 
whose  advice  directed  it  vanishes,  and  all  the  glory  of 
it  is  reflected  upon  the  monarch.  ^  Plutarch,  who  en- 
forces what  I  have  now  said,  thinks  it  equally  glorious 
to  Philip  for  suffering  himself  to  be  guided  by  such 
good  counsels,  and  to  Aratus  for  having  ability  to  sug- 
gest them.  ' 

When  Philip,  who  had  marched  back  the  same  way 
he  came,  was  arrived  at  Limnaea,  finding  himself  in  re- 
pose and  security,  he  offered  sacrifices  to  the  gods  by 
xvay  of  thanksgiving,  for  the  success  they  had  given  to 

*=  Plut,  in  Arat.  p.  104^ 


^ 


alexander'^s  successors.  269 

his  arms  ;  and  made  a  splendid  banquet  for  his  officers, 
who  were  as  strongly  affiscted  as  himself  with  the  glory 
he  had  acquired.  Leon ti us  and  Megaleas  were  the 
only  persons  who  heartily  repined  at  the  good  fortune 
of  their  sovereign.  Every  one  soon  perceived  that  they 
did  not  share  with  the  rest  of  the  company  in  the  joy 
which  so  successful  an  expedition  must  naturally  create. 
During  the  whole  entertainment,  they  vented  their  ani- 
mosity against  Aratus  in  the  most  insulting  and  most 
shocking  railleries.  But  words  were  not  all  ;  for,  at 
their  rising  from  the  banquet,  heated  with  the  fumes 
of  wine,  and  fired  with  anger,  they  threw  stones  at  him 
all  the  way,  till  he  was  got  into  his  tent.  The  whole 
army  was  in  an  uproar  ;  and  the  noise  reaching  the 
king,  he  caused  an  exact  inquiry  to  be  made  into  the 
affair  ;  laid  a  fine  of  twenty  talents  *  on  Megaleas,  and 
threw  him  into  prison.  Leon  tins,  hearing  of  what  had 
happened,  ran  with  a  crowd  of  soldiers  to  the  king's 
tent  ;  persuaded  that  the  young  prince  would  be  fright- 
ened at  seeing  so  great  a  body  of  men,  and  for  that  rea- 
son be  prompted  to  change  his  resolution.  Being  come 
into  the  king's  presence,  "  Who  has  been  so  bold,"  says 
he,  "  as  to  lay  hands  on  Megaleas  and  throw  him  into 
prison?"  "  I,"  answered  the  king,  in  a  lofty  tone. 
This  terrified  Leon  tins  ;  so  that,  after  venting  a  deep 
sigh,  he  left  the  king's  tent  in  a  rage.  Some  days  af- 
ter he  gave  security  for  the  fine  laid  on  Megaleas,  who 
was  then  set  at  liberty. 

d  During  Philip's  expedition  against  JEtolia,  Lycur- 
gus,  the  Spartan  king,  had  engaged  in  an  enterprise 
against  the  Messenians,  but  it  proved  abortive.  Dori- 
machus,  who  had  led  a  considerable  body  of  iEtolians 
into  Thessaly,  with  an  intention  to  lay  waste  the  coun- 
try, and  to  oblige  Philip  to  raise  the  siege  of  Paleis,  in 
order  to  go  and  succour  his  allies,  found  troops  there 
ready  prepared  to  give  him  a  warm  reception.  He  did 
not  venture  to  attack  them.  The  news  of  Philip's  in- 
road into  J^tolia,  forced  him  to  hasten  thither  to  de- 

'^  Polyb.  1.  V.  p.  365—372. 
*  Twenty  thousand  crowns. 


270  THE  HISTORY  OF 

fend  his  own  country.  But  though  he  made  the  ut- 
most expedition,  he  arrived  too  late  ;  the  ^Macedonians 
Laving  already  quitted  it. 

Philip  marched  his  army  with  almost  incredible  dili- 
gence. Having  left  Leucadia  with  his  fleet,  and  being 
arrived  at  Corinth,  he  laid  up  his  ships  in  the  harbour 
of  Lechaeum,  landed  his  troops,  began  his  march,  and, 
passing  through  Argos,  arrived  on  the  twelfth  day  at 
Tegea,  which  he  had  fixed  for  the  rendezvous  of  his 
allies.  The  Spartans  having  heard  from  public  report 
what  had  passed  at  Thermae,  w^re  truly  alarmed  when 
they  saw  that  young  victor  in  their  territories,  where  he 
was  not  expected  so  suddenly.  Some  actions  took  place 
between  the  two  armies,  in  w^hich  Philip  had  always 
the  advantage  ;  but  I  shall  omit  the  particulars,  to  avoid 
prolixity.  Philip  displayed,  on  all  occasions,  a  bravery 
and  prudence  far  above  his  years  ;  and  this  expedition 
did  him  no  less  honour  than  that  of  JEitolia.  After 
laying  waste  the  whole  country,  and  taking  abundance 
of  spoils,  he  returned  by  the  way  of  Argos  to  Corinth. 

Here  he  found  ambassadors  from  Rhodes  and  Chios, 
who  came  to  offer  him  their  mediation,  and  to  incline 
both  parties  to  peace.  The  king  dissembling  his  real 
intentions,  told  them  that  he  had  always  wished,  and 
did  still  wish,  to  be  at  peace  with  the  ^-Etolians  ;  and 
therefore  charged  them,  at  their  going  away,  to  dispose 
them  to  it.  He  afterwards  landed  at  Lechaeum,  in  or- 
der to  go  from  thence  to  Phocis,  where  he  intended  to 
engage  in  some  more  important  enterprise. 

The  faction  formed  by  Leontius,  Megaleas,  and  Pto- 
lemy, who  also  was  one  of  Philip's  principal  officers, 
having  employed  all  the  clandestine  methods  possible, 
to  remove  and  destroy  all  those  who  either  opposed  or 
were  suspected  by  them  ;  and  seeing  with  grief,  that 
those  secret  practices  had  not  been  as  successful  as  they 
had  flattered  themselves,  resolved  to  make  themselves 
formidable,  even  to  their  sovereign,  by  employing  the 
authority  they  had  over  the  forces,  to  draw  off  their  af- 
fections from  him,  and  to  attach  them  to  their  ovn  in- 
terest.    The  greatest  part  of  the  army  had  staid  in  Co- 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  271 

rinth  ;  and  they  imagined,  that  the  absence  of  the  king 
gave  them  a  favourable  opportunity  for  executing  their 
designs.  They  represented  to  the  light- armed  troops, 
and  to  the  guards,  that,  for  the  sake  of  the  public  wel- 
fare, they  exposed  themselves  to  the  greatest  toils  and 
dangers  of  war  ;  that  nevertheless  justice  had  not  been 
done  them,  nor  the  ancient  law  relating  to  the  distribu- 
tion of  plunder  been  observed  with  regard  to  them. 
The  young  men,  fired  by  these  seditious  discourses,  di- 
vide themselves  into  bands,  plunder  the  houses  of  the 
principal  courtiers,  and  carry  their  fury  to  that  excess, 
as  to  force  the  gates  of  the  king's  palace,  and  break  to 
pieces  the  tiles  which  covered  it.  Immediately  a  great 
tumult  broke  out  in  the  city,  of  which  Philip  having 
notice,  he  left  Lecha^um  in  great  haste.  He  then  as- 
sembles the  Macedonians  in  the  theatre,  where,  in  a 
speech  intermixed  with  gentleness  and  severity,  he 
makes  them  sensible  of  their  fault.  In  the  trouble  and 
confusion  which  reigned  at  that  time,  some  declared 
that  it  would  be  necessary  to  seize  and  punish  the  pro- 
moters of  this  insurrection  ;  and  others,  that  it  would 
be  more  prudent  to  appease  them  by  gentle  methods, 
and  forget  all  that  was  past. 

The  king  was  still  young  ;  so  that  his  authority  was 
not  entirely  confirmed  in  the  minds  of  the  people  and 
soldiery.  Those  who  were  against  him  enjoyed  the 
highest  posts  in  the  kingdom  ;  had  governed  it  during 
his  minority  ;  had  filled  all  employments  with  their 
creatures  ;  had  acquired  a  kind  of  unlimited  power  over 
all  orders  of  the  state  ;  had  the  command  of  the  forces, 
and  during  a  long  time  had  employed  the  most  insinu- 
ating arts  to  gain  their  affection,  and  had  divided  the 
whole  administration  among  themselves.  In  so  delicate 
a  conjuncture,  he  did  not  think  it  advisable  to  com.e  to 
an  open  rupture,  lest  he  should  inflame  the  minds  of 
the  people,  by  employing  chastisements  at  an  unseason- 
able time.  For  this  reason  he  stifled  his  resentment, 
pretending  to  be  very  well  satisfied  ;  and  having  ex- 
horted his  forces  to  union  and  peace,  he  went  back  to 
Lecbœum.     But  after  this  insurrection,  it  was  not  easy 


272  THE  HISTORY  OF 

for  liim  to  execute  in  Pliocis  the  schemes  he  had  pro- 
jected. 

Leontius  having  now  lost  all  hopes,  after  so  many 
fruitless  attempts,  had  recourse  to  Apelles.  He  sent 
courier  upon  courier,  to  give  him  notice  of  the  danger 
he  was  in,  and  to  urge  his  presence  immediately.  That 
minister,  during  his  stay  in  Chalcis,  had  disposed  of  all 
things  in  the  most  despotic  manner,  and  by  that  means 
was  universally  odious.  According  to  him,  the  king, 
being  still  young,  had  no  manner  of  power,  but  obeyed 
implicitly  the  dictates  of  his  { Apelles's)  will.  He  arro- 
gated to  himself  the  management  of  all  affairs,  as  having 
full  power  to  act  in  every  thing  as  he  should  think  fit. 
The  magistrates  of  INlacedonia  and  Thessaly,  and  the 
officers  who  enjoyed  any  employment,  made  their  re- 
ports to  him  alone.  In  all  the  cities  of  Greece,  scarce 
the  least  mention  3^'as  made  of  the  king  :  for  whether 
any  resolutions  were  to  be  taken,  affairs  to  be  regulated, 
judgments  passed,  honours  to  be  bestowed,  or  favours 
to  be  granted,  Apelles  engrossed  and  transacted  all 
things. 

Philip  had  long  before  been  apprised  of  this  conduct 
of  Apelles,  which  gave  him  very  great  uneasiness.  Ara- 
tus  was  frequently  urgent  with  him  to  exert  himself  ou 
this  occasion,  and  endeavoured  to  make  him  throw  off 
his  irresolution  and  servitude  :  but  the  king  concealed 
his  thoughts,  and  did  not  discover  his  resolutions  to  any 
body.  Apelles,  not  knowing  how  the  king  was  disposed 
toward  him,  but  persuaded,  on  the  contrary,  that  the 
instant  he  appeared  before  his  sovereign  he  would  not 
fail  of  taking  his  opinion  in  all  things,  hastened  from 
Chalcis  to  the  support  of  Leontius. 

When  he  arrived  in  Corinth,  Leontius,  Ptolemy, 
and  Megaleas,  who  commanded  the  flower  of  the  troops, 
engaged  all  the  young  men  to  go  and  meet  him.  Apel- 
les, thus  received  with  pomp  and  splendour,  and  attend- 
ed by  a  large  body  of  officers  and  soldiers,  advances  di- 
rectly to  the  king's  palace,  which  he  was  going  to  enter 
as  usual.  However,  the  officer  who  attended  at  the 
gate,  (having  been  instructed  before,)  stopped  him  short. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  273 

and  told  him  that  his  majesty  was  husy.  Astonished 
at  so  uncommon  a  reception,  which  he  nowise  expect- 
ed, he  dehberated  for  some  time  how  he  ought  to  be- 
have, and  at  last  withdrew  in  the  utmost  confusion. 
*  Nothing  is  so  transient  and  frail  as  a  borrowed  power, 
not  supported  by  foundations  or  strength  of  its  own. 
The  shining  train  he  had  caused  to  follow  him  vanish- 
ed in  an  instant  ;  and  he  arrived  at  his  own  house  fol- 
lowed only  by  his  domestics  :  a  lively  image,  says  Poly- 
bius,  of  what  happens  in  the  courts  of  kings  ;  and  of 
the  fate  which  the  most  powerful  comtiers  ought  to 
dread.  A  few  davs  suffice  to  show  their  most  exalted 
state  and  fall.  Like  counters,  which  one  moment  are 
of  the  highest,  and  the  next  of  the  most  inconsidera- 
ble value,  at  the  will  of  him  who  reckons  with  them  : 
as  princes  please  to  extend  or  witlidraw  their  favours,  to- 
day they  enjoy  the  greatest  credit,  and  the  next  are  re- 
duced to  the  extremes  of  misery  and  universal  disgrace. 
Megaleas,  sensible  of  the  storm  he  himself  might  ex- 
pect, now  the  prime  minister  was  disgraced,  thought  of 
nothing  but  how  he  might  best  secure  himself  by  flight, 
and  accordingly  withdrew  to  Thebes,  leaving  Leon  tins 
bound  for  twenty  talents,  which  he  had  engaged  to  see 
his  accomplice  pay. 

The  king,  whether  he  was  unwilling  to  drive  Apelles 
to  despair  ;  or  whether  he  did  not  think  his  power  suf- 
ficiently established  to  exert  it  in  an  extraordinary  man- 
ner ;  or  from  some  remains  of  esteem  and  gratitude  for 
his  guardian  and  governor  ;  still  continued  occasionally 
to  converse  with  him,  and  left  him  some  other  honours 
of  that  kind  ;  but  he  excluded  him  from  the  council, 
and  from  the  number  of  those  he  used  to  invite  to  sup- 
per with  him.  On  his  arrival  at  Sicyon,  the  magis- 
trates offered  him  a  house  ;  but  he  preferred  that  of 
Aratus,  whom  he  never  quitted,  and  spent  whole  days 
in  his  company.  As  for  Apelles,  he  ordered  him  to 
retire  to  Corinth. 

*  "  Nihil  rerum  mortaliam  tarn  instabile  ac  fluxum  est;  quam  fanta 
potentiae  non  sua  vi  nixce."  Tacit.  AnnaL  1.  xiii.  c.  19» 
VOL.  VL  T 


274  THÉ  HISTORY  OF 

Ha\ing  removed  Leon  tins  from  his  command  of  the 
o-uards,  which  were  ordered  to  march  elsewhere,  upon 
pretence  of  their  heing  employed  upon  some  iu*gent  oc- 
casion, he  caused  him  to  be  thrown  into  prison  ;  the 
pretended  reason  of  which  was,  to  oblige  him  to  pay 
the  twenty  talents  for  which  he  had  engaged  for  INIe- 
galeas  ;  but  in   reality   to   secure  his  person,   and  to 
sound  the  dis]josition  of  the  troo])s.     Leontius  sent 
word  of  this  to  the  infantry  over  which  he  had  com- 
manded, who  that  moment  sent  a  petition  to  the  king, 
importing,  that  if  Leontius  were  charged  with  some 
new  crime  for  which  he  deserved  to  be  imprisoned,  they 
insisted  that  nothing  might  be  decreed  against  him  but 
in  their  presence  :  that  if  he  refused  them  that  favour, 
they  should  look  upon  this  refusal  as  a  contempt,  and 
a  signal  insult  ;  (such  was  the  liberty  the  Macedonians 
had  the  privilege  of  using  with  their  king  ;)  but  that  in 
case  Leontius   was  imprisoned  only  for  the  twenty  ta- 
lents, they  offered  to  pay  that  sum  among  them.    This 
testimony  of  their  affection  did  but  inflame  the  king's 
anger,  and  hasten  the  death  of  Leontius. 

JDuring  this  interval,  there  arrived  from  jEtolia,  am- 
bassadors from  Rhodes  and  Chios,  after  having  prevail- 
e<l  with  the  ^tolians  to  consent  to  a  thirty  days'  truce. 
They  assiured  the  king  that  the  .^tolians  were  inclined 
to  a  peace.  Philip  accepted  of  the  truce,  and  wrote  to 
the  alUes,  desiring  them  to  send  their  plenipotentiaries 
to  Patrae,  to  negociate  a  peace  with  the  iEtolians.  He 
himself  set  out  immediately  for  that  place  from  Lechae- 
um,  and  arrived  there  after  two  days'  sail. 

He  then  received  letters,  directed  by  Megaleas  from 
Phocis  to  the  -îLtoiians,  in  which  that  traitor  exhorted 
the  iE.tolians  not  to  entertain  the  least  fear,  but  to  con- 
tinue the  war  ;  that  Philip  was  in  the  utmost  distress* 
for  want  of  ammunition  and  provisions  ;  to  which  he 
added  expressions  highly  injurious  to  the  king.  Philip, 
upon  reading  these  letters,  judging  Apelles  the  chief 
author  of  them,  seized  both  him  and  his  son  ;  at  the 
same  time  he  sent  to  Thebes,  with  orders  for  Megaleas 
to  be  proceeded  against  there  ;  however,  he  did  not  stay 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSOKS.  275 

for  his  trial,  but  laid  violent  hands  on  himself.     A  lit- 
tle after  Apelles  and  his  son  were  also  put  to  death. 

I  do  not  know  whether  history  can  furnish  us  with 
a  more  remarkable  example  of  the  ascendant  whicli  a 
favourite  may  gain  over  the  mind  of  a  young  sovereign, 
in  order  to  satiate  with  impunity  his  avarice  and  ambi- 
tion. Apelles  had  been  Philip's  guardian,  and  as  such 
intrusted  with  the  care  of  his  education.  He  had  been 
at  the  head  of  the  council  of  regency  establislied  by  the 
late  king.  This  double  title  of  guardian  and  governor 
had,  on  one  side,  inspired  the  young  prince  (as  might 
naturally  be  expected)  with  sentiments  of  regard,  es- 
teem, respect,  and  confidence  for  Apelles  ;  and,  on  the 
other,  had  made  Apelles  assume  an  air  of  authority  and 
command  over  his  pupil,  which  he  never  laid  aside, 
Philip  did  not  want  genius,  judgment,  or  penetration. 
When  he  was  arrived  to  more  mature  years,  he  per- 
ceived into  what  hands  he  had  fallen,  but  at  the  same 
time  shut  his  eyes  to  all  his  master's  faults.  He  had 
discovered,  more  than  once,  the  mean  jealousy  which 
Apelles  entertained  of  conspicuous  merit  of  every  kind  ; 
and  his  declared  hatred  of  all  such  of  the  kin2:'s  sub- 
jects  as  were  most  capable  of  serving  him.  Proofs  of 
his  extortion  and  oppression  were  daily  renewed,  and 
the  repeated  complaints  against  them  rendered  the  go- 
vernment odious  and  insupportable.  However,  all  this 
made  no  impression,  or  but  a  very  slight  one,  on  the 
mind  of  the  young  king,  over  which  the  prime  minister 
had  gained  such  an  influence,  that  he  even  stood  in  fear 
of  him.  The  reader  has  seen  how  extremely  difncult 
it  was  for  the  king  to  break  this  charm. 

^  In  the  mean  time,  the  iî'.tolians  wished  earnestly 
that  the  peace  might  be  concluded  ;  and  were  quite 
weary  of  a  war,  in  which  all  their  expectations  had  been 
frustrated.  They  had  flattered  themselves,  that  they 
had  to  do  with  a  young  unexperienced  king,  and  ac- 
cordingly believed  that  they  might  amuse  him  as  a 
child  ;  but  Philip,  on  the  contrary,  had  proved  to  them, 
that  in  wisdom  and  resolution  he  was  a  man,  and  that 

«  Polyb.  1.  V.  p.  376,  377. 


^Ç  THE  HISTOUY  OF 

they  had  behaved  like  children  in  all  their  enterprises. 
But  having  heard  of  the  insurrection  of  the  troops,  and 
the  conspiracy  of  Apelles  and  Leontius,  they  postpo- 
ned the  day  on  which  they  were  to  meet  at  Patrae,  in 
hopes  that  some  sedition  would  break  out  at  court,  to 
perplex  and  embroil  the  king's  affairs.  Philip,  who 
wished  for  nothing  more  ardently  than  to  break  off  the 
conferences  upon  the  peace,  joyfully  seized  the  opportu- 
nity with  which  the  enemies  themselves  furnished  him  ; 
and  engaged  the  allies,  who  were  come  to  the  rendez- 
vous, to  continue  the  war.  He  then  set  sail  on  his  re- 
turn to  Corinth.  He  gave  the  Macedonians  leave  to 
go  by  the  way  of  Thessaly,  to  take  up  their  winter-quar- 
ters in  their  own  country:  then  coasting  Attica  along 
the  Euripus,  he  went  from  Cenchraea  to  Demetrias,  * 
where  he  found  Ptolemy,  the  only  conspirator  that  sur- 
vived, and  caused  sentence  of  death  to  be  passed  upon 
him  in  an  assembly  of  Macedonians. 

All  these  incidents  happened  at  the  time  that  Han- 
nibal was  encamped  on  the  banks  of  the  river  Po  in 
Italy  ;  and  Antiochus,  after  having  subdued  the  great- 
est part  of  Cœle-syria,  had  sent  his  troops  into  winter- 
quarters.  It  was  then  also  that  Lycurgus> king  of  La- 
cedsemonia,  fled  to  iEtolia,  in  order  to  secure  himself 
from  the  anger  of  the  Ephori,  who,  on  a  false  report 
tl^at  this  king  designed  to  embroil  the  state,  had  as- 
sembled in  the  night,  and  invested  his  house,  in  ordei* 
to  seize  his  person.  But  Lycurgus,  having  some  notion 
of  this,  fled  with  his  whole  family.  However,  he  was 
recalled  a  little  after,  as  soon  as  it  was  known  that  the 
suspicions  raised  against  him  were  all  groundless.  It 
being  now  winter,  Philip  returned  to  Macedonia. 

Eperatus  was  by  this  time  universally  despised  by 
the  Achaeans  ;  nobody  obeyed  his  orders  ;  and  the  coun- 
try being  open  and  defenceless,  dreadful  havoc  was  made 
in  it.  The  cities  being  abandoned,  and  receiving  no 
succours,  were  reduced  to  the  last  extremity,  and  conse- 
quently could  scarce  furnish  their  quota.  The  auxiliary 
troops,  the  payment  of  whose  arrears  was  put  oflP  from 

*  A  maritime  citv  of  Thessalv. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  277 

day  to  day,  served  as  they  were  paid,  and  great  num- 
bers of  them  deserted.  All  this  was  owing  to  the  inia- 
pacity  of  the  general  ;  and  the  reader  has  seen  in  what 
manner  he  was  elected.  Happily  for  the  Achasans, 
the  time  of  his  command  was  almost  expired.  He  quit- 
ted it  in  the  beginning  of  the  spring,  and  the  elder  Ara- 
tus  was  appointed  to  succeed  him. 

^  Philip,  in  his  journey  to  Macedonia,  had  taken 
Bylazora,  the  greatest  city  in  Peonia,  and  the  most  ad- 
vantageously situated  for  making  incursions  from  Dar- 
dania  into  Slacedonia  ;  so  that  having  possessed  him- 
self of  it,  he  had  very  little  to  fear  from  the  Darda- 
nians. 

*  After  taking  that  city,  he  marched  again  towards 
Greece.  He  judged  it  would  be  proper  to  lay  siege  to 
Thebes  of  Phthiotis,  from  whence  the  jEtolians  used 
to  make  continual  inroads,  and  at  the  same  time  com- 
mit great  waste  in  the  territories  of  Demetrias,  Phar- 
salus,  and  even  Larissa.  The  attack  was  carried  on 
with  great  bravery,  and  the  defence  was  equally  vigor- 
ous ;  but  at  last  the  besieged,  fearing  they  should  be 
taken  by  storm,  surrendered  the  city.  By  this  con- 
quest, Philip  secured  Magnesia  and  Thessaly,  and  car- 
ried off  a  great  booty  from  the  iEtolians. 

Here  ambassadors  came  again  to  him  from  Chios, 
Rhodes,  and  Byzantium,  and  also  from  Ptolemy,  to 
propose  the  concluding  of  a  peace.  Philip  made  the 
same  answer  as  before,  that  it  was  what  he  very  much 
desired  ;  and  that  they  had  only  to  inquire  of  the  ^îito- 
lians,  whether  they  also  were  inclined  to  it.  Philip,  in 
reality,  was  not  very  desirous  of  peace,  but  he  did  not 
care  to  declare  himself. 

He  afterwards  set  out  with  his  favourites,  for  the 
Nemaean  games  at  Argos.  Whilst  he  was  viewing  one 
of  the  combats,  a  courier  arrived  from  Macedonia,  with 
advice  that  the  Romans  had  lost  a  great  battle  in  Tus- 
cany, near  the  lake  Thrasymenus,  and  that  Hannibal 
was  master  of  the  open  country.     The  king  showed 

f  Polyb.  1.  V.  p.  435. 

•*  A.  M.  3787.     Ant.  J.  C.  217. 


278  THE  HISTORY  OF 

this  letter  to  none  but  Demetrius  of  Pharos,' giving  him 
strict  charge  not  to  speak  of  it.  The  latter  took  this 
opportunity  to  represent  to  him,  that  he  ought  to  dis- 
engage himself  as  soon  as  possible  from  the  .-Etohan 
war,  in  order  to  invade  Illyria,  and  afterwards  cross 
into  Italy.  He  added,  that  Greece,  already  subjected 
in  all  respects,  would  obey  him  no  less  afterwards  ;  that 
the  Achaeans  had  joined  voluntarily,  and  with  the  ut- 
most cheerfulness,  in  his  cause  ;  that  the  /Etolians,  quite 
depressed  and  discouraged  by  their  ill  success  in  the 
present  war,  would  not  fail  to  follow  their  example; 
that  if  he  was  desirous  of  making  himself  master  of  the 
whole  world,  a  noble  ambition,  which  suited  no  prince 
better  than  himself,  he  must  begin  by  conquering  Italy  ; 
that  after  the  defeat  of  the  Romans,  the  news  of  which 
he  had  then  received,  the  time  was  come  for  executing 
so  noble  a  project,  and  that  he  ought  not  to  delay  a 
moment.  Such  counsel  could  not  but  charm  a  king  in 
the  flower  of  his  youth,  suc<!essful  in  his  exploits,  bold, 
enterprising,  and  vrho  besides  was  sprung  from  a  family 
which  had  always  flattered  itself  with  the  hopes  of  uni- 
versal empire. 

Nevertheless,  as  he  was  master  of  his  temper,  and 
governed  his  thoughts  in  such  a  manner,  as  to  discover 
only  such  of  them  as  suited  his  interest  (a  very  rare  and 
valuable  quahty  in  so  young  a  prince),  he  did  not  ex- 
press too  great  an  inclination  for  peace,  though  he  now 
eamestlv  desired  it.  He  therefore  onlv  caused  the  al- 
lied  states  to  be  told  to  send  their  plenipotentiaries  to 
Naupactura,  in  order  to  negociate  a  peace  :  and  at  the 
earnest  desire  of  the  -:îLtolians,  he  soon  arrived  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  that  city,  at  the  head  of  his  troops. 
All  parties  were  so  wearv  of  the  war,  that  there  was  no 
occasion  for  long  conferences.  The  first  article  which 
the  king  caused  to  be  proposed  to  the  ^Etolians,  by  the 
ambassadors  of  the  confederate  powers,  was,  that  every 
one  should  continue  in  jiossession  of  his  conquests  :  and 
to  this  they  assented.  The  rest  of  the  articles  were  soon 
agreed  upon  ;  so  that  the  treaty  was  ratified,  and  all 
retired  to  their  respective  countries.     This  peace  con- 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  279 

duded  by  Philip  and  the  Achœans  with  the  ^Etolians  ; 
the  battle  lost  by  the  Romans  near  the  lake  Thrasy- 
meuus  ;  and  the  defeat  of  Antiochus  near  Raphia  ;  ail 
these  events  happened  in  the  third  year  of  the  140th 
Olympiad.  * 

In  the  first  separate  conference  held  in  presence  of 
the  king  and  the  ambassadors  of  the  confederate  powers, 
Agelas  of  Naupactum,  who  was  one  of  them,  enforced 
his  opinion  by  arguments  that  deserve  a  place  here,  and 
which  Polybius  has  thought  v/orthy  of  being  related  at 
length  in  his  history.  He  said  that  it  were  to  be 
wished,  that  the  Greeks  would  never  make  war  upon 
one  another  ;  that  it  would  be  a  great  blessing  from 
the  gods,  if,  breathing  only  the  same  sentiments,  they 
should  all  in  a  manner  join  hand  in  hand,  and  unite 
their  whole  force,  to  secure  them  from  the  insults  of 
the  barbarians.  But  if  this  was  not  possible,  that  at 
least,  in  the  present  juncture,  they  ought  to  unite  to- 
gether, and  watch  over  the  preservation  of  all  Greece  : 
that,  to  be  sensible  of  the  necessity  of  such  an  union, 
they  need  but  turn  their  eyes  to  the  formidable  armies 
of  the  two  powerful  states  actually  engaged  in  war: 
that  it  was  evident  to  every  one  who  was  ever  so  little 
versed  in  the  maxims  of  policy,  that  the  conquerors, 
whether  Carthaginians  or  Romans,  would  not  confiné* 
themselves  to  the  empire  of  Italy  and  Sicily  ;  but  would 
doubtless  extend  their  projects  much  further  :  that  all 
the  Greeks  in  general,  and  especially  Philip,  ought  to 
keep  a  strict  eye  on  the  dangers  with  which  they  were 
threatened  :  that  this  prince  would  have  nothing  to  fear, 
if,  instead  of  attempting  to  ruin  the  Greeks,  and  to  give 
the  enemy  an  easier  opportunity  of  defeating  them,  as 
he  had  hitherto  done,  he  would  labour  as  much  for  their 
welfare  as  his  own,  and  exert  himself  as  vigorously  in 
the  defence  of  all  Greece,  as  if  it  was  his  own  kingdom  : 
that  by  this  means  he  would  acquire  the  love  and  affec- 
tion of  the  Greeks,  who  on  their  part  would  be  invio- 
lably attached  to  him  in  all  his  enterprises  ;  and,  by  their 
fidelity  to  him,  disconcert  all  the  projects  which  foreign- 

*  A.  M.  3787.     Ant.  J.  C.  217- 


280  THE  HISTORY  OF 

ers  might  form  against  his  kingdom  :  that  if,  instead  of 
barely  acting  upon  the  defensive,  he  were  desirous  of 
taking  the  field,  and  executing  some  great  enterprise  ; 
he  need  but  turn  his  arms  towards  the  ^Vest,  and  keep 
an  eye  on  the  events  of  the  war  in  Italy  :  that,  provided 
he  would  only  put  himself  into  a  condition  for  seizing 
successfully  the  first  opportunity  that  should  present  it- 
self, every  thing  seemed  to  smooth  the  w^ay  for  universal 
empire  :  that,  in  case  he  had  any  difference  with  the 
Greeks,  he  should  leave  the  decision  of  it  to  another 
season  :  that  he  ought  especially  to  be  careful  to  pre- 
serve to  himself  the  liberty  of  making  war  or  peace  with 
them,  whenever  he  might  think  proper  :  that,  in  case 
he  should  suflPer  the  storm  which  was  gathering  in  the 
West  to  burst  upon  Greece,  it  was  very  much  to  be 
feared,  that  it  would  then  be  no  longer  in  their  power 
to  take  up  arms,  to  treat  of  peace,  nor  to  determine 
their  aflPairs  in  a  manner  agreeable  to  themselves,  or  as 
they  might  judge  most  expedient. 

Nothing  can  be  more  judicious  than  this  speech, 
which  is  a  clear  prediction  of  what  was  to  happen  after- 
wards to  Greece,  of  which  the  Romans  will  soon  render 
themselves  absolute  masters.  This  is  the  first  time 
that  the  affairs  of  Italy  and  Africa  influence  those  of 
Greece,  and  direct  their  motions.  After  this,  neither 
Philip,  nor  the  other  powers  of  Greece,  regulated  their 
conduct,  when  they  were  to  make  peace  or  war,  by  the 
state  of  their  respective  countries,  but  directed  all  their 
views  and  attention  towards  Italy.  The  Asiatics,  and 
the  inhabitants  of  the  islands,  did  the  same  soon  after. 
All  those  who,  from  that  time,  had  reasons  to  be  dis- 
satisfied with  the  conduct  of  Philip  or  Attains,  no  longer 
addressed  Antiochus  or  Ptolemy  for  protection  :  they 
no  longer  turned  their  eyes  to  the  south  or  east,  but  fixed 
them  upon  the  west.  Sometimes  ambassadors  were  sent 
to  the  Carthaginians,  and  at  other  times  to  the  Romans. 
Some  also  came  to  Philip,  at  different  intervals,  from 
tlie  Romans,  who,  knowing  the  enterprising  genius  of 
that  prince,  were  afraid  he  should  come  and  add  to  the 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  281 

confusion  and  perplexity  of  their  affairs  :  which  is  what 
the  sequel  of  this  history  will  now  show  us. 


SECT.  IV.  Philip  concludes  a  treaty  with  Hannibal.  The 
Romans  gain  a  considei^able  victory  over  him  at  ApoUonia. 
He  changes  his  conduct.  His  breach  of  faith  and  irregidari- 
ties.  He  causes  Aratus  to  be  poisoned.  The  jEtolians  con- 
clude an  alliance  with  the  Romans.  Attains,  king  of  Per- 
gamus,  and  the  Lacedcemonians,  accede  to  it.  Machanidas 
usurps  a  tyrannical  power  at  Sparta.  Various  expeditions 
of  Philip  and  Sulpitius  the  Roman  prcetor,  in  erne  of  which 
Phïlopœmen  signalizes  himself. 

g  The  w^ar  between  the  Carthaginians  and  the  Romans, 
who  were  the  two  greatest  powers  at  that  time,  drew 
the  attention  of  all  the  kings  and  nations  of  the  earth. 
Philip,  king  of  Macedon,  imagined  that  he  was  more 
particularly  interested,  as  his  dominions  were  separated 
from  Italy  only  by  the  Adriatic  Sea,  now  called  the 
Gulf  of  Venice.  When  he  heard,  by  the  rumours 
which  were  spread,  that  Hannibal  had  marched  over 
the  Alps,  he  was  indeed  very  well  pleased  to  see  the 
Romans  and  Carthaginians  at  war  ;  but,  as  the  event 
was  doubtful,  he  did  not  yet  perceive  clearly  which  of 
those  powers  it  would  be  his  interest  to  join.  *  But 
after  Hannibal  had  gained  three  victories  successively, 
all  his  doubts  were  removed,  and  he  hesitated  no  longer. 
He  sent  ambassadors  to  that  general,  but  unhapijily 
they  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Romans.  They  were 
carried  to  Valerius  Levinus  the  praetor,  who  was  then 
encamped  near  Luceria.  The  principal  of  the  ambas- 
sadors, Xenophanes  by  name,  without  being  in  the  least 
disconcerted,  answered  with  a  resolute  tone  of  voice  ; 
that  he  had  been  despatched  by  Philip  to  conclude  an 
alliance  and  friendship  with  the  Romans  ;  and  that  he 
had  orders  to  execute  with  the  consuls,  as  well  as  with 
the  senate  and  people  of  Rome.  Levinus,  overjoyed 
to  find,  at  a  time  when  the  defection  of  their  ancient 

g  Liv.  1.  xxiii.  n.  SS,  31,  8c  SS. 
*A.  M.  3788.     Ant.  J.  C.  216. 


282  ÏHE  HISTORY  OF 

allies  had  become  so  general,  so  powerful  a  monarch  de- 
sirous of  making  an  alliance  witli  the  Romans,  treated 
the  ambassadors  with  all  possible  respect,  and  gave  them 
an  escort  for  their  safety.  Being  arrived  at  Campania, 
they  escaped,  and  iled  to  Flannibal's  c-amp,  where  they 
concluded  a  treaty,  the  purport  of  which  was  as  follows  : 
"  That  king  Philip  should  cross  into  Italy  with  a  fleet 
of  tv.'o  huucbed  sail,  and  lay  waste  the  sea- coasts  ;  and 
should  assist  the  Carthasrinians  with  his  forces  both  bv 
sea  and  land  :  that  the  latter,  at  the  conclusion  of  the 
war,  should  possess  all  Italy  and  Rome  ;  and  that  Han- 
nibal should  have  all  the  spoils  :  that  after  the  conquest 
of  Italy,  tliey  should  cross  into  Greece,  and  there  make 
war  against  any  power  the  king  should  nominate  ;  and 
that  both  the  cities  of  the  continent,  and  the  islands 
lying  towards  Macedonia,  should  be  enjoyed  by  Philip, 
and  annexed  to  his  dominions."  Hannibal,  on  the 
other  side,  sent  ambassadors  to  Philip,  for  his  ratifica- 
tion of  this  treaty  :  and  they  set  out  with  those  of  Ma- 
cedonia I  observed  elsewhere,  that  in  this  treaty,  the 
whole  of  which  is  preserved  by  '^  Polybius,  express  men- 
tion is  made  of  a  great  number  of  deities  of  the  two  na- 
tions, as  present  at  this  treaty,  and  \^'itnesses  to  the 
oaths  with  which  the  ceremony  was  attended.  Polybius 
omits  a  great  number  of  particulars,  which,  according 
to  Livy,  were  stipulated  by  this  treaty. 

The  ambassadors,  who  set  out  together,  were  unh  ip- 
pily  discovered  and  intercepted  by  the  Romans.  Xeno- 
phanes's  lie  would  not  do  him  the  same  service  as  before. 
The  Carthaginians  were  known  by  their  air,  their  diTss, 
and  still  more  by  their  language.  Upon  them  were 
found  letters  from  Hannibal  to  Philip,  and  a  copy  of 
the  treaty.  The  ambassadors  were  earned  .to  Rome. 
In  the  condition  in  which  the  affairs  of  the  Romans 
(attacked  so  vigorously  by  Hannibal)  then  were,  the 
discovery  of  a  new  enemy,  so  powerful  as  Philip,  must 
necessarily  alarm  them  prodigiously.  But  it  is  on  such 
occasions  that  the  Roman  grandeur  was  chiefly  conspi- 
cuous.    For,  without  expressing  the  least  perplexity  or 

^  Polvb.  1.  vii.  p.  50^—507. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  283 

discouragement,  they  took  all  the  measures  necessary 
for  carrying  on  this  new  war.  Philip,  informed  of  what 
had  befallen  his  ambassadors,  sent  a  second  embassy  to 
Hannibal,  which  was  more  successful  than  the  former, 
and  brought  back  the  treaty.  But  these  disappointments 
prevented  their  forming  any  enterprise  that  year,  and 
still  kept  matters  in  suspense. 

^  Philip  was  now  wholly  employed  on  his  great  design 
of  carrying  the  war  into  Italy.  Demetrius  of  Pharos 
being  with  him,  was  continually  urging  him  to  that  en- 
terprise ;  not  so  much  out  of  zeal  for  the  interest  of  that 
prince,  as  out  of  hatred  to  the  Tlomans,  who  had  dis- 
possessed him  of  his  territories,  which  he  thought  it 
would  be  impossible  for  him  to  recover  by  any  other 
means.  It  vvas  by  his  counsel  that  he  had  concluded  a 
peace  with  most  of  his  enemies,  in  order  that  he  might 
devote  his  whole  care  and  attention  to  this  war,  the 
thoughts  of  which  haunted  him  day  and  night  ;  so  that 
even  in  his  dreams  he  spoke  of  nothing  but  of  war  and 
battles  with  the  Romans  ;  and  frequently  would  start 
from  his  sleep,  in  the  highest  agitation  of  mind,  and 
covered  with  sweat.  This  prince,  who  was  still  young, 
was  naturally  lively  and  ardent  in  all  his  enterprises. 
The  success  of  his  arms,  the  hopes  Demetrius  gave 
him,  and  the  remembrance  of  the  great  actions  of  his 
predecessors,  kindled  an  ardour  in  him,  which  increased 
daily. 

^^  During  the  winter  season,  he  thought  of  fitting  out 
a  fleet  ;  not  with  the  view  of  venturing  a  battle  with 
the  Romans,  for  this  he  was  not  in  a  condition  to  do  ; 
but  to  transport  his  forces  into  Italy  with  the  greater 
expedition,  and  by  that  means  surprise  the  enemy  when 
they  should  least  expect  it.  Accordingly  he  made  the 
lUyrians  build  a  hundred  or  a  hundred  and  twenty  ves- 
sels for  him  ;  and  after  having  exercised  his  Macedoni- 
ans for  some  time  in  naval  discipline,  he  put  to  sea. 
He  first  seized  upon  the  city  of  Oricum,  situated  on  the 
western  coast  of  Epirus.  Valerius,  commander  of  the 
fleet  that  lay  before  Brundusium,  having  advice  of  it, 

'  Polyb.  1.  V.  p.  4^39,  &  44-5—447.  ^  Liv.  L  xxiv.  n.  40. 


284  THE  HISTORY  OF 

weio'hecl  anchor  immediate! v  with  all  the  ships  in  readi- 
Hess  for  sailing  ;  retook,  the  next  day,  Oricum,  in  which 
Philip  had  left  hut  a  slender  garrison,  and  sent  a  large 
reinforcement  to  the  aid  of  Apollonia,  to  which  Philip 
had  laid  siege.  Xevius,  an  ahie  and  experienced  otncer, 
who  commanded  this  reinforcement,  having  landed  his 
troops  at  the  mouth  of  tlie  river  Aous,  upon  which 
Apollonia  stands,  marched  through  a  hy-way  ;  and  en- 
tered the  city  in  the  night  unperceived  hy  the  enemy. 
The  jNIacedonians,  imagining  they  were  very  secure, 
because  the  sea  lay  between  them  and  the  enemy,  had 
neglected  all  the  precautions  which  the  rules  of  v»'ar 
prescribe,  and  the  exactness  of  military  discipline  re- 
quires. Nevius,  being  infoiTned  of  this,  marched  silent- 
ly out  of  the  city  in  the  night,  and  arrived  in  the  camp, 
where  he  found  all  the  soldiers  asleep.  And  now  the 
cries  of  those  who  were  first  attacked  awaking  the  rest, 
thev  all  endeavoured  to  save  themselves  bv  flight.  The 
king  himself,  who  was  but  half  awake  and  almost  naked, 
found  it  very  difficult  for  him  to  escape  to  his  ships. 
The  soldiers  crowded  after  him,  and  three  thousand  of 
them  were  either  killed  or  taken  prisoners.  Valerius, 
W'ho  staid  at  Oricum,  the  instant  he  heard  this  news, 
had  sent  his  fleet  towards  the  mouth  of  the  river,  to 
shut  up  Philip.  This  prince,  finding  it  impossible  for 
him  to  advance  forward,  after  setting  fire  to  his  ships, 
returned  by  land  to  ^Macedonia  ;  carrying  with  him 
the  sorrowful  remains  of  his  troops,  who  seemed  more 
like  prisoners  disarmed  and  plundered,  than  the  body 
of  an  army. 

^  For  some  time,  Philip,  who  till  then  had  been  ad- 
mired for  many  of  those  qualities  which  form  the  great 
prince,  had  begun  to  change  his  conduct  and  character  ; 
and  this  change  was  ascribed  to  the  evil  counsels  of  those 
about  him,  who,  to  please  him,  were  perpetually  lavish- 
ing their  encomiums  on  him,  fomenting  all  his  passions, 
and  suggesting  to  him,  that  the  grandeur  of  a  king 
consisted  in  reigning  with  unlimited  power,  and  in 
making  his  subjects  pay  a  blind  implicit  obedience  to 

^  Plat,  in  Arat.  p.  1049—1052.     Polyb.  I.  viiL  p.  518,  519- 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS,  285 

his  will.  Instead  of  the  gentleness,  moderation,  and 
wisdom,  he  till  then  had  displayed,  he  treated  cities  and 
states,  not  only  with  pride  and  haughtiness,  but  with 
cruelty  and  injustice  ;  and  having  no  longer,  as  former- 
ly, his  fame  in  view,  he  abandoned  himself  entirely  to 
riot  and  excesses  of  every  kind  ;  the  too  common  effect 
of  flattery,  whose  subtle  poison  generally  corrupts  the 
best  princes,  and  sooner  or  later  destroys  the  great  hopes 
which  had  been  entertained  of  them. 

One  would  have  imagined  that  the  defeat  before 
Apollonia,  in  covering  him  with  shame,  would  have 
abated  his  pride,  and  softened  his  temper.  But  this 
only  soured  it  ;  and  one  would  have  concluded,  that 
this  prince  was  resolved  to  revenge,  on  his  subjects  and 
allies,  the  affront  he  had  received  from  his  enemies. 

Being  arrived  at  Peloponnesus,  a  little  after  his  de- 
feat, he  used  every  effort  to  over- reach  and  surprise  the 
Messenians.  But  his  artifices  being  discovered,  he 
pulled  off  the  mask,  and  laid  waste  the  whole  country. 
Ara  tus,  who  was  a  man  of  the  greatest  honour  and  pro- 
bity, was  exceedingly  shocked  at  so  flagrant  an  injustice, 
and  made  loud  complaints  against  it.  He  had  before 
begun  to  retire  insensibly  from  court  ;  but  now  he 
thought  it  high  time  to  break  entirely  with  a  prince, 
who  no  longer  valued  his  people,  and  kept  no  terms 
even  with  himself:  for  he  was  not  ignorant  of  his  con- 
nection with  his  daughter-in-law,  (a  subject  of  the 
greatest  grief  to  him,)  which,  however,  he  had  not  once 
hinted  to  his  son  ;  from  the  consideration,  that  it  would 
not  be  of  service  to  him  to  inform  him  of  his  ignominy, 
as  it  was  not  in  his  power  to  revenge  it. 

As  it  was  impossible  but  that  this  rupture  must  make 
some  noise,  Philip,  w^hom  the  greatest  crimes  now  cost 
nothing,  resolved  to  rid  himself  of  a  troublesome  censor, 
whose  very  absence  reproached  him  with  all  his  irregu- 
larities. Aratus's  great  reputation,  and  the  respect 
paid  to  his  virtue,  would  not  suffer  Philip  to  employ 
open  force  and  violence  ;  and  therefore  he  charged 
Taurion,  one  of  his  confidants,  to  despatch  him  secretly 
during  his  absence.     His  horrid  command  was  obeyed; 


286  THE  HISTORY  OF 

for  Taurion  having  insinuated  himself  into  Aratus\< 
familiarity  and  friendship,  invited  him  several  times  to 
dinner,  and  at  one  of  these  entertainments  poisoned 
him  ;  not  with  a  violent  and  immediate  poison,  but 
with  one  of  those  which  lights  up  a  slow  fire  in  the 
body,  consumes  it  by  insensible  degrees,  and  is  the  more 
dangerous,  as  it  gives  less  notice. 

Aratus  knew  very  w^ell  the  cause  of  his  illness  ;  but 
as  complaints  would  not  be  of  any  service  to  him,  he 
bore  it  patiently,  without  once  murmuring,  as  a  com- 
mon and  natural  disease.  One  day  only,  happening  to 
spit  blood  before  a  friend  who  was  in  the  room  vv^itli 
him,  and  seeing  that  his  friend  was  sui'prised,  he  said, 
^  Behold,  my  dear  Cephalon,  the  fruits  of  royal  friend- 
ship !"  He  died  in  this  manner  at  .Egium,  being  then 
captain-general  for  the  seventeenth  time. 

The  Achîeans  desired  to  have  him  buried  in  the 
place  where  he  died,  and  were  j^reparing  such  a  magni- 
ficent mausoleum  to  his  memory  as  might  be  suited  to 
the  glory  of  his  life,  and  worthy  of  his  great  services. 
But  the  Sicyonians  obtained  that  honour  for  their  city, 
where  Aratus  was  born  ;  and  chan^ino^  their  mouniino: 
to  festivity,  crowned  with  chaplets  of  flowers,  and  cloth- 
ed in  white  robes,  tliey  went  and  fetched  tlic  corpse 
from  ^gium,  and  carried  it  in  pomp  to  Sicyon,  dancing 
before  it,  and  singing  liymns  and  odes  in  honour  of  the 
deceased.  They  made  choice  of  the  highest  part  of  the 
city,  where  tliey  buried  him  as  the  founder  and  pre- 
server of  it,  which  place  was  afterwards  called  Af^afium. 
In  Plutarch's  time,  that  is,  about  three  hundred  years 
after^  two  solemn  sacrifices  were  offered  him  annually  : 
the  first,  on  the  day  that  he  freed  tlie  city  from  the 
yoke  of  tyranny,  w^hich  sacrifice  was  called  Soteria;  and 
the  other  on  his  birth- day.  During  the  sacrifice,  choirs 
of  music  suuff  odes  to  \}ï\ç:  Ivre  ;  and  the  chief  chorister,  at 
the  head  of  the  young  men  and  children,  walked  in  pro- 
cession round  the  altar.  The  senate,  crowTied  with  cliap- 
lets  of  flovv'ers,  and  a  great  part  of  the  inhabitants,  fol- 
lowed this  procession. 

Tt  must  be  ovmed,  that  Aratus  was  one  of  the  greatest 


ALEXANDER  s  SUCCESSORS.  i287 

liieii  of  his  time,  and  may  be  considered,  in  some  mea- 
sm'e,  as  the  founder  of  the  Acliaean  republic  :  it  was  he 
at  least  who  brought  it  to  the  form  and  splendour  it 
preserved  so  long  afterwards,  and  by  which  it  became 
one  of  the  most  powerful  states  of  Greece^  However, 
he  committed  a  considerable  error,  in  calling  in  to  the 
assistance  of  that  commonwealth  tlie  kings  of  Mace- 
donia, who  made  themselves  masters  and  tyrants  of  it  ; 
and  this,  as  we  have  before  observed,  was  an  effect  of 
his  jealousy  of  Cleomencs  king  of  Sparta. 

But  he  was  fully  punished  for  it,  by  the  manner  in 
which  Philip  treated  him.  Ara  tus  his  son  met  with  a 
still  more  deplorable  fate:  for  that  prince,  being  become 
completely  wicked,  says  Plutarch,  and  who  aficctrd  to 
add  outrage  to  cruelty,  got  rid  of  him,  not  by  mortal 
poisons,  but  by  those  which  destroy  reason,  and  craze 
the  brain  ;  and  by  that  means  made  him  commit  such 
abominable  actions,  as  would  have  reflected  eternal  in- 
famy on  him,  had  they  been  done  voluntarily,  and 
when  he  was  in  his  senses  :  insomuch  that,  though  he 
w\as  at  that  time  very  young  and  in  the  bloom  of  life, 
his  death  was  considered,  not  as  a  misfortune  with  re- 
gard to  himself,  but  as  the  remedy  and  period  of  his 
miseries. 

ï^^  About  this  time  Philip  engaged  in  an  expedition 
against  the  Illyrians,  which  was  attended  with  success. 
He  had  long  desired  to  possess  himself  of  Lissus;  but 
believed  it  would  be  impossible  for  him  ever  to  take  the 
castle,  which  was  so  happily  situated,  and  so  strongly 
fortified,  that  it  was  thouglit  impregnable.  Finding 
that  force  would  not  prevail,  be  had  recourse  to  strata- 
gem. The  city  was  separated  from  the  castle  by  a  little 
valley  ;  in  that  he  observed  a  spot  covered  with  trees^ 
and  very  fit  to  conceal  an  ambuscade.  Here,  during 
the  night,  he  posted  the  flower  of  his  troops.  The 
next  day  he  assaulted  another  part  of  the  city.  The 
inhabitants,  who  were  very  numerous,  defended  them- 
selves  with  great  bravery  ;  and  for  some  time,  the  suc- 
cess was  equal  on  both  sides.     At  last  they  made  a  fu- 

>^  Polyb.  L  viii.  p.  5 1 9—52 } . 


288  THE  HISTORY  OF 

rioiis  sally,  and  charged  the  besiegers  with  great  vigour 
The  ganison  of  the  castle,  seeing  Philip  retire,  imagined 
that  his  defeat  was  certain  ;  and  being  desirous  of  sha- 
ring in  the  plunder,  most  of  them  came  out,  and  joined 
the  inhabitants.  In  the  mean  time,  the  soldiers  who 
lay  in  ambuscade  attacked  the  castle,  and  carried  it 
without  great  resistance.  And  now,  the  signal  agreed 
upon  being  made,  the  fugitives  faced  about,  and  pur- 
sued the  inhabitants  as  far  as  the  city,  which  suiTender- 
ed  a  few  days  after. 

^  yi.  Valerius  Levinus,  as  praetor,  had  been  allotted 
Greece  and  Macedonia  for  his  province.  He  was  very 
sensible  that,  in  order  to  lessen  the  forces  of  Philip,  it 
would  be  absolutely  necessar}'  to  detach  some  of  his  al- 
lies (of  whom  the  ^^tolians  were  the  pnost  powerful) 
from  his  interest.  He  therefore  began  by  sounding,  in 
private  conferences,  the  disposition  of  the  chief  men 
among  the  people  ;  and  after  having  brought  them  over 
to  his  views,  he  went  to  the  general  assembly.  There, 
after  expatiating  on  the  flourishing  state  of  the  Romans, 
and  proving  it  by  their  taking  of  Spacuse  in  Sicily, 
and  Capua  in  Italy,  he  extolled  the  great  generosity 
with  which  the  Romans  behaved  towards  their  allies, 
and  their  constant  fidelity.  He  added,  that  the  iEto- 
lians  might  expect  to  meet  with  so  much  the  better 
treatment  from  the  Romans,  as  they  would  be  the  first 
people  in  that  part  of  the  world  who  would  have  con- 
cluded an  alliance  with  them  :  that  Philip  and  the  Ma- 
cedonians were  dangerous  neighbours,  whose  power 
would,  in  all  probability,  be  of  the  most  fatal  conse- 
quence to  them  :  that  the  Romans  had  already  hum- 
bled their  pride,  and  would  oblige  them,  not  only  to 
restore  such  fortresses  as  they  had  taken  from  the  ^to<- 
lians,  but  even  give  them  cause  to  fear  for  their  o^vn 
territories  :  that  with  regard  to  the  Acamanians,  who 
had  broke  with  the  jEtolians,  the  Romans  would  force 
them  to  return  to  their  alliance,  on  the  same  conditions 
which  had  been  prescribed  to  them  when  they  were  ad- 

■  Liv.  1.  xxvi.  B.  24—26.     A.  M.  5793.     Ant.  J.  C.  211. 


ALEXANDi:il'S  SUCCESSORS.  2^89 

mitted  into  it  ;  or,  in  case  of  their  refusal,  would  make 
them  submit  to  the  iEtolians  by  force  of  arms. 

Scopas,  who  was  at  that  time  chief  magistrate  of  the 
-^tolian  state  ;  and  Dorimachus,  who,  of  all  the  citizens, 
had  the  greatest  credit  and  authority  ;  strongly  enforced 
the  arguments  and  promises  of  the  praetor,  and  laid  still 
greater  stress  upon  the  grandeur  and  powder  of  the  Ro- 
mans, because  they  were  not  obliged  to  speak  as  modest- 
ly on  those  lopics  as  Valerius  Levinus,  and  the  people 
would  be  more  inclined  to  believe  them  than  a  foreigner, 
who  spoke  for  the  interests  of  his  country.  The  cir- 
cumstance which  affected  them  most  was,  the  hopes  of 
their  possessing  themselves  of  Acarnania.  Accordingly, 
the  treaty  was  concluded  between  the  Romans  and  the 
iEtolians.  The  people  of  Elis,  of  Lacedœmonia,  Atta- 
ins king  of  Pergamus,  Pleuratus  king  of  Thrace,  and 
Scerdiledes  of  lllyria,  were  left  at  liberty  to  accede  to 
this  treaty,  on  the  same  conditions,  if  they  thought  pro- 
per. The  conditions  w^ere,  "  That  the  ^Etolians  should 
declare  war  as  soon  as  possible  against  Philip  :  that  the 
Romans  should  furnish  them,  at  least,  with  tv/enty-five 
galleys  of  five  benches  of  oars  :  that  such  cities  as  should 
be  taken  from  ^Etolia,  as  far  as  the  island  of  *  Corcyra, 
should  be  possessed  by  the  ^tolians,  and  all  the  spoils 
and  captives  by  the  Romans  :  that  the  Romans  should 
aid  the  jîLtolians  in  making  themselves  masters  of  Acar- 
nania :  that  the  iEtolians  should  not  be  allowed  to  con- 
clude a  peace  with  Philip,  but  upon  condition  that  he 
should  be  obliged  to  withdraw  his  troops  out  of  the  ter- 
ritories of  the  Romans,  and  those  of  their  allies  ;  nor 
the  Romans  with  Philip,  but  on  the  same  terms."  Im- 
mediately hostilities  commenced.  Philip  was  dispos- 
sessed of  some  cities,  after  which  Levinus  retired  to 
Corcyra  ;  fully  persuaded  that  the  king  had  so  much 
business,  and  so  many  enemies,  upon  his  hands,  that  he 
would  have  no  time  to  think  of  Italy  or  Hannibal. 

Philip  was  now  in  winter-quarters  at  Pella,  wheiLad- 
viee  was  brought  him  of  the  treaty  of  the  ^tolians. 
To  be  the  sooner  able  to  march  out  against  them,  he 

*  Corfu. 
YOL.  VI.  U 


290  THE  HISTORY  OF 

endeavoiu'ed  to  settle  the  affairs  of  jNTacedonia,  and  to 
secure  it  from  any  invasicnis  of  its  neighbours.  Scopas, 
on  the  other  side,  made  preparations  for  carrying  on  the 
war  against  the  Acamanians,  who,  though  they  saw  it 
would  be  absolutely  impossible  for  them  to  oppose,  at 
one  and  the  same  time,  two  such  powerful  states  as  the 
iEtolians  and  Romans,  yet  took  up  arms  out  of  despair, 
rather  than  from  prudential  motives,  and  resolved  to 
sell  their  lives  as  dear  as  possible.  Accordingly,  having 
sent  into  Epirus,  vvhich  lay  very  near  them,  their  wives, 
children,  and  the  old  men  who  were  upwards  of  sixty; 
all  those  who  remained,  from  the  age  of  fifteen  to  three- 
score, engaged  themselves  by  oath  never  to  return  ex- 
cept victorious  ;  denounced  the  most  dreadful  impreca- 
tions against  such  among  them  as  should  break  their 
oath  ;  and  only  desired  the  Epirots  to  bury,  in  the 
same  grave,  all  who  should  fall  in  the  battle,  with  the 
following  inscription  over  them  :  Heke  lie  the  Acar- 

NANIANS,  W  HO  DIED  EKiHTING  FOR  THEIR  COUN- 
TRY,   AGAINST    THE  YIOLENCE    AND    INJUSTICE    OF 

THE  iETOLiANS.  Full  of  courage,  they  set  out  direct- 
ly, and  advanced  to  meet  the  enemy  to  the  very  fi'on- 
tiers  of  their  country.  Such  resolution  teiTified  the 
^.tolians,  who  had  also  received  advice  that  Philip  was 
already  upon  his  march  to  aid  his  allies.  Upon  this 
they  returned  home,  and  Philip  did  the  same. 

In  the  ver\'  beginning  of  the  spring,  Levinus  besieged 
Anticyra,  *  which  surrendered  a  little  after.  He  gave 
this  city  to  the  .^tolians,  keeping  only  the  plunder  for 
himself  Here  news  was  brought  him,  that  he  had  been 
nominated  consul  in  his  absence,  and  that  P.  Sulpitius 
was  coming  to  succeed  him  as  praetor. 

^In  the  treaty  concluded  between  the  Romans  and 
iEtolians,  several  other  powers  had  been  invited  to  ac- 
cede to  it  ;  and  we  find  that  Attains,  Pleuratus,  and 
Scerdiledes,  accepted  of  the  invitation.  The  iîLtolians 
exhorted  the  Spartans  to  imitate  those  princes.  Chle- 
neas,  their  deputy,  represented  in  the  strongest  terms 

°  Polyb.  1.  ix.  p.  561—571. 
*  A  city  of  Achaia  in  Phoci?. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  291 

to  the  Lacedœmonians-all  the  evils  which  the  Macedo- 
nians had  brought  upon  them  ;  the  design  they  had  al- 
ways harboured,  and  still  entertained,  of  enslaving  all 
Greece  ;  particularly  the  sacrilegious  impiety  of  Philip, 
in  plundering  a  temple  in  the  city  of  Thermae  ;  and  his 
horrid  treachery  and  cruelty  to  the  Messenians.  He 
added,  that  they  had  no  reason  to  be  under  any  appre- 
liensions  from  the  Achseans,  who,  after  all  the  losses 
they  had  sustained  in  the  last  campaign,  would  think  it 
a  great  happiness  to  be  able  to  defend  their  own  coun- 
try ;  that  with  respect  to  Philip,  when  he  should  lind 
the  iîLtolians  invade  him  bv  land,  and  the  Romans  and 
Attains  by  sea,  he  would  not  think  of  carrying  his  arms 
into  Greece.  He  concluded  with  desiring  the  Lacedae- 
monians to  persist  in  their  alliance  with  J^^tolia,  or  at 
least  to  stand  neuter. 

Lyciscus,  the  representative  of  the  Acarnanians^ 
spoke  next,  and  declared  immediately  in  favour  of  the 
Macedonians.  Pie  expatiated  on  the  services  which 
Philip,  and  afterwards  Alexander. the  Great,  had  done 
Greece,  by  invading  and  ruining  the  Persians,  its  most 
ancient  and  most  cruel  enemies.  He  put  the  Laceda;- 
monians  in  mind  of  the  gentleness  and  clemency  with 
which  Antigonus  had  treated  them,  when  he  took  Spar- 
ta. He  insisted  upon  the  ignominy,  as  well  as  danger, 
of  suffering  barbarians,  for  so  he  called  the  Romans,  to 
enter  Greece.  He  said,  that  it  was  worthy  of  the  Spar- 
tan wisdom,  to  foresee  from  far  the  storm,  already  o^a- 
thering  in  the  West  ;  and  which  would  certainly  break, 
first  upon  Macedonia,  and  afterwards  upon  all  Greece, 
which  it  would  involve  in  ruin.  *'  -From  wliat  motive 
did  your  ancestors  (continued  he)  throw  into  a  well  the 
man  who  came  in  Xerxes's  name,  to  invite  them  to  sub- 
mit themselves  to,  and  Join  with,  that  monarch  ?  Where- 
fore did  Leonidas  your  king,  with  his  three  hundred 
Spartans,  brave  and  defy  death  ?  Was  it  not  merely  to 
defend  the  common  liberties  of  Greece  ?  And  now  you 
are  advised  to  give  them  up  to  other  barbarians,  who,  the 
more  moderate  tliey  appear,. are  so  much  the  more  dan- 
gerous. Let  the  ^^tolians  (says  he.)  if  they  please,  disho- 


y 


292  THE  HISTORY  OF 

Hour  tlien^selves  hy  so  shaireful  a  prévarication  :  this,  in- 
deed, would  be  natural  for  them  to  do.  as  they  are  utter 
strangers  to  glory,  and  affected  with  nothing  but  sordid 
views  of  interest.  But  as  to  you,  O  Spartans,  who  are 
born  defenders  of  the  liberty  and  honour  of  Greece,  you 
will  sustain  that  glorious  title  to  the  end." 

The  fragment  of  Polybius,  where  these  two  speeches 
are  reported,  goes  no  farther,  and  does  not  inform  us 
what  was  the  result  of  them.  However,  the  sequel  of 
the  history  shows,  that  Sparta  joined  with  the  iEtolians, 
and  entered  into  the  general  treaty.*  It  was  at  that 
time  divided  into  two  factions,  whose  intrigues  and  dis- 
putes, being  carried  to  the  utmost  height,  occasioned 
great  disturbances  in  the  city.  One  faction  was  zealous 
for  Philip,  and  the  other  declared  openly  against  him  : 
the  latter  prevailed.  We  find  it  was  headed  by  Ma- 
chanidas,  who,  taking  advantage  of  the  feuds  which  in- 
fested the  commonwealth,  seized  u]X)n  the  government, 
and  made  himself  tvrant  of  his  country. 

pp.  Sulpitius  and  king  Attains  being  arrived  with 
their  fleet  to  succour  the  ^^tolians,  the  latter  were  flush- 
ed with  the  most  sanguine  hopes,  and  the  opposite  party 
filled  with  terror;  especially  as  Machanidas,  the  tyrant 
of  Sparta,  was  already  invading  the  territories  of  the 
Achaeans,  whose  near  neighbour  he  was.  Immediately 
the  latter  people  and  their  allies  sent  a  deputation  to 
king  Philip,  and  solicited  him  to  come  into  Greece,  to 
defend  and  support  them.  Philip  lost  no  time.  The 
jEtolians,  under  Pyrrhias,  who  that  year  had  been  ap- 
pointe d  their  general  in  conjunction  with  king  Attains, 
advanced  to  meet  him  as  tar  as  Lamia.  *  Pyrrhias  had 
been  joined  by  the  troops  which  Attains  and  Sulpitius 
had  sent  him.  Philip  defeated  him  twice;  and  the 
iEtolians  were  forced  to  shut  themselves  up  in  Lamia. 
As  to  Philip,  he  retired  to  Phalaraf  with  his  army. 

During  his  stay  there,  ambassadors  came  from  Pto- 
lemy king  of  Egypt,  from  the  Rhodians,  the  Atheni- 

P  Liv.  1.  xxN-ii.  n  29—33.  Polyb.  1.  x.  p.  6l2.  A.  M.  3796.  Ant. 
J.  C.  208. 

*  A  city  of  Thessaly  in  Phthiotis.  t  A  city,  of  Thessaly. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  293 

ans,  and  the  inhabitants  of  Chios  ;  all  with  instructions 
to  use  their  utmost  endeavours  for  re-estal)Hshing  a 
lasting  peace  between  Philip  and  the  jEtolians.  It 
was  not  so  much  out  of  good  will  towards  the  latter,  as 
from  the  imeasiness  they  were  under  in  seeing  Philip 
engage  so  strenuously  in  the  affairs  of  Greece,  which 
might  render  him  more  powerful  than  suited  their  in- 
terests. For  his  conquests  over  the  iE.tolians,  and  their 
confederates,  paved  the  way  for  his  making  himself 
master  of  all  Greece,  to  which  his  predecessors  had  al- 
ways aspired,  and  even  gave  him  access  to  those  cities 
(out  of  Egypt)  which  Ptolemy  possessed.  Philip, 
however,  suspended  the  debates  on  the  peace,  till  the 
next  assembly  of  the  Achaeans  ;  and  in  the  mean  time 
granted  the  ^Etolians  a  truce  for  thirty  days.  When 
he  came  to  the  assembly,  the  iEtolians  made  such  very 
unreasonable  proposals,  as  took  away  all  hopes  of  an  ac- 
commodation. Philip,  offended  that  the  vanquished 
should  take  upon  them  to  prescribe  laws  to  him,  de- 
clared, that  in  coming  to  the  assembly  he  had  not  de- 
pended in  any  manner  on  the  justice  and  sincerity  of 
the  JîLtolians,  but  that  he  was  very  glad  to  convmce  his 
allies,  that  he  himself  was  sincerely  desirous  of  peace, 
and  that  the  .^tolians  were  the  only  people  who  oppo- 
sed it.  He  set  out  from  thence,  after  having  left  four 
thousand  troops  to  defend  the  Achaeans  ;  and  went  to 
Argos,  where  the  Nemaean  games  were  going  to  be  ex- 
hibited, the  splendour  of  which  he  was  desirous  of  aug- 
menting by  his  presence. 

While  he  was  busied  in  solemnizing  these  games, 
Sulpitius  having  set  out  from  Naupactum,  and  landed 
between  Sicyon  and  Corinth,  laid  waste  all  the  open 
country.  Philip  upon  this  news  left  the  games,  march- 
ed with  speed  against  the  enemy,  and  meeting  thtm 
laden  with  spoils,  put  them  to  flight,  and  pursued  them 
to  their  ships.  Being  returned  to  the  games,  he  was  re- 
ceived with  universal  applause;  and  particularly  because 
he  had  laid  down  his  diadem  and  robes  of  state,  and 
mixed  indiscriminately  with  the  rest  of  the  s])tctators  ; 
a,  very  pleasing  as  well  as  soothing  sight  to  the  inhabi- 


294  THE  HISTORY  OF 

tants  of  free  cities.  Bat  as  his  unaffected  and  popular 
beliaviour  had  gained  him  the  love  of  all,  so  his  enor- 
mous excesses  soon  made  him  odious.  It  was  now  his 
custom  to. go  at  night  into  people's  houses  in  a  plebeian 
dress,  and  tliere  practise  every  kind  of  licentiousness. 
It  was  not  safe  for  fathers  and  husbands  to  oppose  him 
on  these  occasions,  in  which  they  would  have  endanger- 
ed their  lives. 

Some  days  after  the  solemnization  of  the  games, 
Philip,  with  the  Acbœans,  whose  captain-general  was 
Cvcliadus,  having  crossed  the  river  of  Larissa,  advances 
as  far  as  the  city  of  Elis,  which  had  received  an  jE.to- 
lian  garrison.  The  first  day  he  laid  waste  the  neigh- 
bouring lands  ;  afterwards  he  drew  near  the  city  in  bat- 
tle array,  and  caused  some  bodies  of  horse  to  advance 
to  the  gates,  to  induce  the  ^-Etolians  to  make  a  sally. 
Accordingly  they  came  out  ;  but  Philip  was  greatly 
surprised  to  find  some  Reman  soldiers  among  them. 
Sulpitius  having  left  Naupactum  with  fifteen  galleys, 
and  landed  four  thousand  men,  had  entered  the  city  of 
Elis  in  the  night.  ^^  The  fight  was  very  bloody.  De- 
mophantus,  general  of  the  cavalry  of  Elis,  seeing  Philo- 
pœmen,  who  commanded  that  of  the  Achseans,  advan- 
ced out  of  the  ranks,  and  spurred  toward  him  with 
great  impetuosity.  The  latter  waited  for  him  with  the 
utmost  resolution  ;  and  preventing  his  blow,  laid  him 
dead,  with  a  thrust  of  his  pike,  at  his  horse's  feet.  De- 
mopliantus  being  thus  fallen,  his  cavalry  fled.  I  men- 
tioned Philopœmen  before,  and  shall  have  occasion  to 
speak  more  parti cularlv  of  him  hereafter.  On  the  other 
side,  the  infantry  of  Elis  had  fought  with  advantage. 
And  now  the  king,  perceiving  that  his  troops  began  to 
give  way,  spurred  his  horse  into  the  midst  of  the  Ro- 
man foot.  His  horse  being  wounded  with  a  javelin, 
threw  him.  It  was  tiien  the  battle  grew  furious,  both 
sides  making  extraordinary  efforts  ;  the  Romans  to  take 
Philip  prisoner,  and  the  Macedonians  to  save  him. 
The  king  signalized  his  courage  on  this  occasion,  ha- 
ving been  obliged  to  fight  a  long  time  on  foot,  in  the 

1  Plut,  in  Philop.  p.  360. 


»  •> 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSOUS.  295 

midst  of  the  cavalry  ;  and  a  great  slaughter  was  made 
ill  this  engagement.  At  last,  being  carried  off  by  his 
soldiers,  and  remounted  on  another  horse,  he  retired. 
The  king  encamped  about  ûve  miles  from  that  place; 
and  the  next  day,  having  attacked  a  castle,  in  which  a 
great  number  of  peasants,  with  all  their  flocks,  were  re- 
tired, he  took  four  thousand  prisoners,  and  twenty  thou- 
sand head  of  cattle  of  all  sorts  :  an  advantage  which 
might  console  him  for  the  affront  he  had  lately  received 
at  Elis. 

That  instant,  advice  was  brought  him,  that  the  bar- 
barians had  made  an  incursion  into  Macedonia  ;  upon 
which  he  immediately  set  out  to  defend  his  country, 
having  left  with  the  allies  a  detachment  from  his  army 
of  two  thousand  five  hundred  men  Sulpitius  retired 
with  his  fleet  to  JEgina,  where  he  joined  king  Attains, 
and  passed  the  winter.  Some  time  after  the  Achasans 
gave  the  iïLtolians  and  the  people  of  Elis  battle  near 
Messene,  in  which  they  had  the  advantage. 


SECT.  V.     Education  and  great  qualities  of  Philopœmen. 

Phii.opœmen,  1^  of  whom  large  mention  will  be  made 
hereafter,  was  of  Megalopolis,  a  city  of  Arcadia,  in  Pe- 
loponnesus. He  had  received  an  excellent  education 
through  the  care  of  Cassander  of  Mantinea,  who,  after 
his  father's  death,  out  of  gratitude  for  the  important 
services  he  had  received  from  him,  undertook  to  be 
guardian  and  governor  to  his  son  Pliilopœmen. 

When  he  was  past  the  years  of  childhood,  he  was 
put  under  the  care  of  Ecdemus  and  Dernophanes,  citi- 
zens of  Megalopolis,  who  had  been  scholars  to  Arcesi- 
laus,  founder  of  the  New  Academy.  The  scope  of  phi- 
losophy in  those  days  was,  to  prompt  mankind  to  serve 
their  countiy  ;  and,  by  its  precepts,  to  enable  them  to 
govern  republics,  and  transact  the  greatest  affairs  of 
state.  This  was  the  inestimable  advantage  tlie  two 
philosophers  in  question  procured   Philopœmen,  and 

^  Plut,  in  Philop.  p.  356-^261, 


296  THE  HISTORY  OF 

thereby  rendered  him  the  common  blessing  of  Greece. 
And,  indeed,  as  it  is  said  that  mothers  love  those  chil- 
dren best  which  they  bring  forth  when  advanced  in 
years,  Greece,  as  having  given  birth  to  Philopœmen  in 
her  old  age,  and  after  having  prodnced  so  many  illus- 
trious personages,  had  a  singular  affection  for  him,  and 
took  a  pleasure  in  enlarging  his  power,  in  proportion  as 
his  fame  increased.  He  was  called  tJie  last  of  the 
GreehSf  as  Brutus  was  afterwards  called  the  last  of  the 
Roinaîis  ;  undoubtedly  to  imply,  that  Greece,  after 
Philopœmen,  had  produced  no  great  man  worthy  of  her 
ancient  gloiy. 

Having  formed  himself  upon  the  model  of  Epami- 
nondas,  he  copied  admirably  his  prudence  in  debating 
and  resolving  upon  affairs  ;  his  activity  and  boldness 
in  executing  ;  and  his  perfect  disinterestedness  :  but  as 
to  his  gentleness,  patience,  and  moderation,  with  regard 
to  the  feuds  and  divisions  which  usuallv  break  out  in  a 
state,  these  he  could  never  imitate.  A  certain  spirit  of 
contention,  which  resulted  naturally  from  his  head- 
strong and  fiery  temper,  had  qualified  him  better  for 
the  military  than  political  virtues. 

And,  indeed,  from  his  infancy,  the  only  class  of  peo- 
ple he  loved  was  soldiers  ;  and  he  took  a  delight  only 
in  such  exercises  as  were  necessary  to  qualify  him  for 
the  profession  of  arms  ;  such  as  fighting  in  armour, 
riding,  and  throwing  the  javelin.  And  as  he  seemed, 
by  his  muscles  and  stature,  to  be  very  well  made  for 
wTestling,  and  some  particular  friends  advised  him  to 
apply  himself  to  it,  he  asked  them,  whether  this  exer- 
cise of  the  athletse  contributed  to  the  making  a  man 
the  better  soldier  ?  His  friends  could  not  help  answer- 
ing, that  the  life  of  the  athlet»,  who  were  obliged  to 
observe  a  fixed  and  regular  regimen  ;  to  eat  a  certain 
food,  and  that  always  at  stated  hours  ;  and  to  devote  a 
certain  number  of  hours  to  sleep,  in  order  to  preserve 
their  robustness,  in  which  the  greatest  part  of  their 
merit  consisted  ;  that  this  way  of  life,  I  say,  differed 
entirely  from  that  of  soldiers,  who  frequently  are  obli- 
ged to  submit  to  hunger  and  thirst,  cold  and  heat,  and 


ALEXANDETl'S  SUCCESSORS.  297 

îiave  not  always  fixed  hours  either  for  eating  or  sleeping. 
From  thenceforth  he  conceived  the  highest  contempt  for 
the  athletic  exercises  ;  looking  upon  them  as  of  no  ser- 
vice to  the  public,  and  considering  them,  from  that  in- 
stant, as  unworthy  a  man  of  any  elevation  of  soul,  hap- 
piness of  talents,  or  love  for  his  country. 

The  moment  he  quitted  his  governors  and  masters, 
he  entered  among  the  troops  which  the  city  of  Megalo- 
polis sent  to  make  incursions  into  Laconia,  in  order  to 
plunder  and  bring  off  from  thence  cattle  and  slaves. 
And  in  all  these  inroads,  he  was  ever  the  first  that 
marched  out,  and  the  last  who  came  in. 

During  the  intervals  in  which  there  were  no  troops 
in  the  field,  he  used  to  employ  his  leisure  in  hunting, 
to  make  himself  robust  and  nimble  ;  or  else  used  to 
spend  his  hours  in  cultivating  the  ground,  having  a  fine 
estate  three  miles  from  the  city,  whither  he  used  to  re- 
tire very  frequently  after  dinner  or  supper.  At  night 
he  would  throw  himself  on  a  bed  of  straw,  like  one  of 
his  slaves,  and  thus  pass  the  night.  The  next  morning 
by  day-break,  he  used  to  go  with  his  vine-dressers,  and 
work  in  the  vineyard,  or  follow  the  plough  with  his  pea- 
sants. After  this,  it  was  his  custom  to  return  to  the 
city,  and  employ  himself  in  public  affairs  with  his  friends 
and  the  magistrates. 

Whatever  he  got  in  war,  he  expended  either  in  horses 
and  arms,  or  employed  it  in  ransoming  those  of  his  fel- 
low-citizens who  had  been  taken  prisoners.  He  endea- 
voured to  increase  his  estate,  by  improving  his  lands, 
which  of  all  profits  is  the  most  lawful  ;  and  was  not  sa- 
tisfied with  barely  visiting  it  now  and  then,  and  merely 
for  diversion  ;  but  devoted  his  whole  care  to  it  ;  per- 
suaded that  nothing  is  more  worthy  of  a  man  of  probity 
and  honour,  than  to  improve  his  own  fortune,  provided 
he  does  not  injure  that  of  his  neighbour. 

I  must  entreat  my  readers,  in  order  that  they  may 
form  a  right  judgment  of  what  I  have  here  said  of  Phi- 
lopœmen,  to  convey  themselves  in  imagination  back  to 
the  ages  I  am  speaking  of,  and  to  call  to  mind  with 
what  industiy  all  well-governed  nations,  as  the  Hebrews, 


298  THE  HISTORY  OF 

Persians,  Greeks,  and  Romans,  applied  themselves  to  the 
tilling  of  land  and  manual  labour,  a]id  the  high  esteem  in 
which  such  exercises  were  had  in  those  ages.  It  is  uni- 
versally known  that  the  Romans,  after  having  gained 
signal  victories,  and  alighted  from  the  triumphal  car 
crowned  with  laurels  and  glory,  retunied  immediately  to 
their  farms,  whence  they  had  been  elected  to  command 
armies  ;  and  went  to  guide  the  plougli  and  oxen,  with 
the  same  hands  wliich  had  just  before  vanquished  and 
defeated  their  enemies.  According  to  our  customs  and 
way  of  thinking,  the  exercises  above  mentioned  are  very 
low  and  contemptible  ;  but  it  is  our  misfortune  that 
they  should  be  thought  so.  Luxury,  by  corrupting  our 
manners,  has  vitiated  our  judgments.  It  makes  us  con- 
sider as  great  and  valuable,  what  really  in  itself  deserves 
nothing  but  contempt  ;  and  it  atRxes,  on  the  contrary, 
an  idea  of  contempt  and  meanness,  to  things  of  solid 
beauty  and  real  greatness. 

Philopœmen  was  very  fond  of  the  conversation  of  phi- 
losophers, and  read  their  works  with  the  greatest  satis- 
faction ;  however,  he  did  not  read  them  all  without 
distinction,  but  such  only  as  could  contribute  to  his  im- 
provement in  virtue.  Of  all  the  great  ideas  in  Homer, 
he  sought  and  retained  such  only  as  exalt  the  courage, 
and  excite  to  great  exploits  ;  and  that  poet  abounds 
with  ideas  of  this  kind,  no  writer  having  ever  painted 
valour  in  such  stroni^  and  livelv  colours.  But  the  other 
works  in  which  Philopœmen  delighted  most,  were  those 
of  Evangelus,  called  the  Tactics,  that  is,  the  art  of 
drawing  up  troops  in  battle  array  ;  and  the  histories  of 
Alexander  the  Great  :  for  it  was  his  opinion,  that  words 
should  always  have  reference  to  actions,  and  theory  to 
practice  ;  and  he  had  very  little  regard  for  those  books 
that  are  written  merely  to  satisfy  a  vain  curiosity,  or 
furnish  a  rapid  and  transient  amusement. 

After  he  had  read  the  precepts  and  rules  of  the  Tac- 
tics, he  did  not  value  the  seeing  demonstrations  of  them 
in  plans  drawn  upon  paper,  but  used  to  make  the  ap- 
plication on  the  spot,  in  the  field  :  for  in  his  marches, 
he  used  to  observe  exactly  the  position  of  the  hills  and 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  299 

valleys  ;  all  the  irregularities  of  the  ground  ;  the  several 
different  forms  and  figures  which  battalions  and  squa- 
drons are  obliged  to  take  by  rivulets,  ditches,  and  de- 
files in  their  way,  which  oblige  them  to  close  or  extend 
themselves  :  and  after  having  reflected  seriously  on  these 
particulars,  he  would  discourse  on  them  with  those  in 
his  company. 

He  was  in  his  thirtieth  year  when  Cleomenes,  king 
of  Sparta,  attacked  Megalopolis.  We  have  seen  what 
courage  and  greatness  of  soul  he  displayed  on  that  oc- 
casion. He  signalized  himself  no  less,  some  months 
after,  in  the  battle  of  Selasia,  where  Antigonus  gained 
a  famous  victory  over  the  same  Cleomenes.  The  king 
of  Macedon,  charmed  with  such  exalted  merit,  to  which 
he  himself  had  been  Vvitness,  made  him  very  advantage- 
ous offers  to  attach  him  to  his  service.  However,  so 
great  was  his  love  for  his  country,  that  he  refused  them  ; 
not  to  mention  that  he  had  naturallv  an  aversion  to  a 
court  life,  which  not  only  requires  great  subjection  in 
the  man  who  devotes  himself  to  it,  but  deprives  him  of 
his  liberty.  However,  as  he  did  not  choose  to  pass  his 
life  in  indolence  and  inaction,  he  went  into  Crete,  whiqli 
was  engaged  in  war,  to  improve  himself  in  the  military 
art.  Crete  served  him  as  an  excellent  school  ;  so  that 
he  made  a  great  progress,  and  acquired  a  perfect  know- 
ledge in  that  science.  He  there  found  men  of  a  very 
warlike  disposition,  expert  in  combats  of  every  kind, 
extremely  temperate,  and  inured  to  most  severe  disci- 
pline. 

After  having  served  for  some  time  in  the  troops  of 
that  island,  he  returned  among  the  Achaeans,  with  so 
much  renown,  that  immediately  upon  his  arrival  he  was 
appointed  general  of  the  horse.  The  first  thing  he  did 
was  to  inquire  into  the  state  of  his  forces,  among  whom 
he  did  not  find  the  least  order  or  discipline.  But  he 
could  neither  dissemble  nor  suffer  such  remissness.  He 
himself  therefore  went  from  city  to  city,  exhorting  par- 
ticularly all  the  young  men,  inspiring  them  with  senti- 
ments of  honour,  animating  them  with  promises  of  reward, 
and  sometimes  employing  severity  and  punishment  when 


300  THE  HISTORY  OF 

lie  found  them  rebellious  and  ungovernable.  He  ex- 
ercised and  reviewed  them  often  ;  or  made  them  en- 
gage in  tournaments,  or  similar  sports,  in  places  where 
the  greatest  number  of  spectators  was  likely  to  be  found. 
By  this  practice,  he  soon  made  all  his  soldiers  so  robust, 
expert,  and  courageous,  and  at  the  same  time  so  ready 
and  nimble,  that  the  several  evolutions  and  movements, 
to  the  right,  to  the  left,  or  from  the  front  to  the  rear, 
either  of  all  the  squadrons  together,  or  of  each  trooper 
singly,  were  performed  with  so  much  skill  and  ease, 
that  a  spectator  would  almost  have  concluded,  that  this 
cavalry  was  only  one  individual  body,  moving  spontane- 
ously, at  the  impression  of  one  and  the  same  will. 

In  the  battle  fought  near  the  city  of  Elis,  the  last 
we  mentioned,  and  in  which  he  commanded  the  horse, 
he  gained  great  honour  ;  and  it  was  said  universally, 
that  he  was  not  inferior  to  any  of  the  private  soldiers, 
with  regard  to  the  strength  and  ardour  of  his  attacks  ; 
nor  showed  less  wisdom  and  prudence  than  the  oldest 
and  most  experienced  generals  ;  and  that  therefore  he 
was  equally  capable  either  of  fighting  or  commanding. 

Aratus,  indeed,  was  the  first  who  raised  the  Achaean 
league  to  the  exalted  pitch  of  glory  and  powTr  which  it 
attained.  Before  his  time  they  were  despised  and  weak, 
because  they  were  divided,  and  every  city  among  them 
was  studious  of  nothing  but  its  peculiar  interest.  But 
Aratus  made  them  formidable,  by  uniting  and  allying 
them  together  ;  and  his  design  was,  to  form  one  body 
and  one  powder  of  all  Peloponnesus,  which,  by  this  union, 
would  have  become  invincible.  The  success  of  his  en- 
terprises was  not  owing  so  much  to  his  courage  and  in- 
trepidity, as  to  his  prudence,  address,  affability,  and 
gentleness  of  demeanour  ;  and,  what  indeed  was  con- 
sidered as  a  defect  in  his  politics,  to  the  friendship  he 
contracted  with  foreign  princes,  which  at  length  sub- 
jected his  state  to  them.  But  the  instant  Philopœmen 
assumed  the  reins  of  government,  as  he  was  a  great  cap- 
tain, and  had  come  off  victorious  in  all  his  first  battles, 
he  roused  the  courage  of  the  Achasans  ;  and  finding 
they  were  able  to  make  head  alone  against  their  ene- 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  301 

mies,  he  obliged  them  to  shake  off  the  yoke  of  foreign 
powers. 

He  made  a  great  number  of  improvements  in  the 
discipline  of  the  Achaean  troops,  and  changed  the  man- 
ner of  drawing  up  their  forces,  and  their  arms,  which 
had  a  great  many  defects.  He  obliged  them  to  use 
large  and  strong  shields  ;  gave  them  stout  lances  ;  arm- 
ed them  with  helmets,  breast-plates,  and  greaves  ;  and 
thereby  accustomed  them  to  fight  vigorously  and  gain 
ground,  instead  of  hovering  and  flying  about  like  light- 
armed  troops,  who  rather  skirmish  than  fight  in  line  of 
battle. 

He  afterwards  endeavoured  to  effect  another  im- 
provement, which  was  much  more  difficult  as  well  as 
more  important  in  one  sense  ;  and  this  was  to  curb  and 
restrain  their  luxury,  and  excessive  profusion  and  ex- 
pense. I  say,  to  restrain  ;  for  he  imagined  that  it  would 
not  be  possible  for  him  completely  to  eradicate  their 
violent  fondness  for  dress  and  ornament.  He  began  by 
substituting  a  different  object  in  their  place,  by  inspi- 
ring them  with  a  love  for  another  kind  of  magnificence, 
viz.  to  distinguish  themselves  by  their  horses,  tlieir  arms, 
and  other  accoutrements  of  war.  This  ardour  had  an 
effect  even  on  their  women,  who  now  spent  their  whole 
time  in  working  for  their  husbands  or  children.  The 
only  things  now  seen  in  their  hands  were  helmets, 
which  they  adorned  with  plumes  of  feathers  tinged  with 
the  brightest  dyes  ;  coats  of  mail  for  horsemen,  and 
jackets  for  the  soldiers  ;  all  which  they  embroidered. 
The  bare  sight  of  these  things  inflamed  their  courage^ 
breathed  into  them  a  strong  desire  to  defy  the  greatest 
dangers,  and  a  kind  of  impatience  to  fly  in  quest  of 
glory.  Expense  in  all  other  things  which  attract  the 
eye  (says  Plutarch),  infallibly  induces  luxury  ;  and  in- 
spires all  those  who  take  a  pleasure  in  gazing  upon  it, 
with  a  secret  effeminacy  and  indolence  :  the  senses,  en- 
chanted and  dazzled  by  these  deceitfid  charms,  conspi- 
ring to  seduce  the  mind  itself,  and  to  enervate  it  by 
their  soft  insinuations.      But,  on  the  contrary,  that 


302  THE  HISTORY  OF 

magnificence,  whose  object  is  arms,  animates  and  exalts 
courage.  / 

Philopœmen  is  not  the  only  great  man  who  had  this 
way  of  thinking.  ^  Plutarch  observes,  that  Brutus,  who 
had  accustomed  his  officers  to  shun  what  was  superflu- 
ous on  every  other  occasion,  was  persuaded  that  the 
richness  and  splendour  of  the  armour  and  weapons 
which  soldiers  have  always  in  their  hands,  or  on  their 
bodies,  exalt  the  courage  of  those  men  who  are  natu- 
rally brave  and  ambitious  ;  and  engage  such  as  are  of 
a  covetous  temper  to  exert  themselves  the  more  in  fight, 
in  order  to  defend  their  arms,  which  they  look  upon  as 
a  precious  and  honourable  possession.  The  same  au- 
thor teils  us,  that  the  circumstance  which  gained  Ser- 
torius  the  affection  of  the  Spaniards,  w^as  his  bestowing 
on  them,  with  a  very  liberal  hand,  gold  and  silver  to 
adorn  their  helnrets  and  enrich  their  shields.  This  was 
also  the  opinion  of  *  Cgesar,  who  always  gave  his  sol- 
diers arms  that  glittered  with  gold  and  silver  ;  and  this 
he  did  not  only  for  pomp  and  splendour,  but  that  they 
might  act  with  greater  courage  in  battle,  through  fear 
of  losing  arms  of  so  great  value. 

However,  I  must  not  omit  observing,  that  generals, 
no  less  renowned  than  those  we  have  mentioned,  differ- 
ed in  opinion  from  them.  *  IMithridates,  taught  by  his 
m.isfortunes^  of  how  little  advantage  splendoiu*  is  to  an 
army,  would  not  allow  among  his  soldiers  such  arms  as 
were  gilded  and  enriched  with  precious  stones  ;  and  be- 
gan to  consider  them  as  the  riches  of  the  conqueror,  and 
not  the  strength  of  those  who  wore  them.  Papirius, 
the  famous  dictator,  who,  by  defeating  the  Samnites, 
so  signally  avenged  the  affront  which  the  Romans  had 
received  at  the  Furcse  Caudinae,  said  f  to  his  troops, 

=^  Plut  in  Brut.  p.  1001. 

*  Plut,  in  LucuUo,  p.  4'Q6. 

*  "  Ffabebtit  tarn  cultos  milites,  ut  argento  et  auro  politis  annis 
omuret,  simul  et  ad  speciem,  et  quo  tenuciores  eorem  in  praelio  essent 
mctu  damni."     Sueton.  in  Jul.  Cœsar.  e.  67. 

f  "  Horriflum  militem  esse  debere.  non  cœlatum  auro  argentoque^ 
sed  ferro  et  animis  fretum.     Quippe  ilia  prsedana  verius  quam  arraa 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  303 

that  it  was  proper  for  a  soldier  to  appear  with  a  rough 
and  stern  aspect  ;  that  ornaments  of  gold  and  silver  ill 
became  him  ;  and  that  steel  and  bravery  ought  to  form 
his  glory  and  pride.  And  indeed,  added  he,  gold  and 
silver  are  rather  spoils  tlian  arms.  These  ornaments 
dazzle  the  eye  before  the  battle  ;  but  make  a  most  hi- 
deous appeaiance  in  the  midst  of  blood  and  slaughter. 
The  soldier's  ornament  is  his  valour  ;  the  rest  is  always 
the  consequence  of  victory.  A  rich  enemy  falis  a  prey 
to  the  conqueror,  how  poor  soever  he  may  be.  It  is 
well  known,  tliat  *  Alexander  the  Great  entertained  the 
same  idea  of  the  richness  and  nîagniiicence  of  the  arms 
of  the  Persians. 

In  this  opposition  of  opinions,  it  does  not  become  me 
to  decide'which  of  those  great  men  had  the  niost  just 
way  of  thinking.  But  we  cannot  but  admire  the  skill 
and  address  of  Philopœmen,  who,  seeing  luxury  preva- 
lent and  established  in  his  country,  did  not  think  it 
advisable  to  attempt  to  banish  it  entirely  ;  but  content- 
ed himself  with  directing  it  to  an  object  more  laudable 
in  itself,  and  more  worthy  of  brave  men. 

After  Philopœmen  had  accustomed  the  young  men 
to  make  their  splendoiir  consist  in  that  of  their  arms, 
he  himself  exercised  and  formed  them  very  carefully  in 
all  the  parts  of  military  discipline.  On  the  other  side, 
the  youths  were  very  atten|^ive  to  the  instructions  he 
gave  them  concerning  military  evolutions,  and  there 
arose  a  kind  of  emulation  among  themj,  which  should  ex- 
ecute them  with  the  greatest  ease  and  promptitude. 
They  were  wonderfully  pleased  with  the  manner  of 
drawing  up  in  order  of  battle,  which  he  taught  them  ; 
because  they  conceived,  that  where  the  ranks  were  so 
very  close,  they  would  be  the  more  difficult  to  break  ; 
and  their  arms,  though  much  more  ponderous  than  be- 

esse  ;  nitentia  ante  rem,  leformia  inter  sanguinem  et  vulnera.  Vir- 
tutçm  esse  militis  decus,  et  omnia  ilia  victoriam  sequi  :  et  ditem  hos- 
tem  quamvis  pauperfs  victoris  prsemium  esse."     Liv.  1  ix.  n.  40. 

*  "  Aciem  hostiura  auro  purpuraque  fulj.\entem  intiif  ri  jubeLat, 
praedara  non  arma  gestantem.  Irent,  et  irabellibus  iemihis  aurum 
viri  eriperent."     Q.  Curt.  1.  iii.  c.  10. 


304  .  THE  HISTORY  OF 

fore,  became  much  more  easy  and  light  in  the  wearing^ 
because  they  took  greater  deliglit  in  carrying  them  on 
account  of  their  splendour  and  beauty  ;  and  for  this 
reason  they  panted  to  try  them,  and  to  see  them  im- 
brued in  the  blood  of  their  enemies. 

It  must  be  confessed  that  Philopœmen,  in  what  light 
soever  we  view  him,  is  a  great  captain,  and  a  noble  pat- 
tern for  the  imitation  of  all  who  embrace  a  military  life. 
I  cannot  too  strongly  exhort  young  officers  and  noble- 
men to  study  diligently  so  perfect  a  model,  and  to  imi- 
tate him  in  all  those  things  in  which  he  can  be  imita- 
ted by  them.  Our  young  noblemen  are  full  of  courage, 
sentiments  of  honour,  love  of  their  country,  and  zeal  for 
their  prince  :  the  war  which  has  broken  out  so  sudden- 
ly in  Europe,  and  to  which  they  fly  with  incredible  ar- 
dour, is  a  convincing  proof  of  this,  and  still  more  their 
behaviour  in  Italy  and  on  the  Rhine.  They  have  fire, 
vivacity,  genius,  and  do  not  want  talents  and  qualities 
capable  of  raising  them  to  the  highest  pinnacle  of  great- 
ness ;  but  then  they  sometimes  want  a  manly  and  vi- 
gorous education,  which  alone  can  form  great  men  in 
any  profession.  Our  manners  being  unhappily  turned, 
through  a  taste  which  prevails  almost  universally,  to- 
wards effeminacy,  pleasures,  and  luxury  ;  the  admira- 
tion of  things  trifling  in  themselves,  and  a  fondness  for 
false  splendour,  enervate  our  courage  in  our  most  ten- 
der years,  and  blunt  the  edge  of  that  valoiu:  of  ancient 
Gaul,  which  was  once  natural  to  us. 

Were  the  youth  among  oui*  nobility  educated  like 
Philopœmen,  so  far,  I  mean,  as  is  consistent  with  oiu* 
manners  ;  were  they  to  imbibe  in  their  early  years  an 
inclination  for  studies  of  a  solid  kind,  for  sound  philo- 
sophy, history,  and  polity  ;  were  they  to  propose  as  mo- 
dels for  their  imitation,  the  many  illustrious  generals 
which  the  last  age  produced;  were  they  to  put  them- 
selves under  the  tuition  of  those  who  are  now  the  orna- 
ment and  glory  of  our  nation  ;  and  would  tliey  once 
duly  consider,  that  true  greatness  does  not  consist  in 
surpassing  others  merely  in  pomp  and  profusion,  but  in 
distinguishing  themselves  by  solid  merit  :  were  they,  in 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCES^SORS.  305 

a  word,  to  make  it  their  delight  and  glory  to  perfect 
themselves  in  the  art  of  war,  to  study  it  in  all  its  branches, 
and  acquire  the  true  scope  and  design  of  it,  without 
omitting  any  of  the  means  which  conduce  to  their  per- 
fection in  it  ;  how  illustrious  a  set  of  officers,  command- 
ers, and  heroes,  would  France  produce!  One  single 
man  inspired  the  breast  of  the  Achaeans  with  this  ar- 
dour and  emulation.  How  much  were  it  to  be  wished 
(and  why  should  we  not  hope  it?)  that  some  one  of  our 
princes^  great  in  all  things,  in  valour  as  w^ell  as  birth, 
would  revive  in  our  armies  this  taste  of  the  ancients, 
for  simplicity,  frugality,  and  generosity;  and  direct  the 
taste  of  the  French  nation  to  things  truly  beautiful,  so- 
lid, and  just  !  All  conquests  would  be  infinitely  short 
of  such  a  glory» 


SECT.  VI.    Various  expeditions  of  Philip  and  Sulpifius.     A 
digression  of  Polifbius  upon  signals  made  by  Jive. 

We  have  already  said,  ^  that  Sulpitius  the  proconsul, 
and  king  Attains,  had  continued  in  winter  quarters  at 
jEgina.  As  soon  as  spring  appeared  they  quitted  them, 
and  sailed  to  Lemnos  with  their  fleets,  which  together 
amounted  to  sixty  galleys.  Philip,  on  the  other  side, 
having  appointed  Larissa,  a  city  in  Thessaly,  as  the 
rendezvous  for  his  army,  advanced  towards  Demetrias, 
that  he  might  be  able  to  oppose  the  enemy  either  by 
sea  or  land,  whither  the  ambassadors  of  the  allies  came 
from  all  parts  to  implore  his  aid  in  the  imminent  dan- 
ger to  which  they  were  exposed.  Philip  gave  them  a 
favourable  reception  ;  and  promised  to  furnish  them 
with  such  succours  as  the  present  juncture  and  the  ne- 
cessity of  their  affairs  might  require.  He  kept  his  pro- 
mise, and  sent  bodies  of  soldiers  into  different  places, 
to  secure  them  from  the  attacks  of  the  enemy.  He  re- 
paired to  Scotussa,  and  made  his  troops  march  thither 
fiom  Larissa,  which  lies  very  near  it  ;  and  then  return- 

"  Polyb.  1.  X.  p.  612—614-.    Liv.  1.  xxviii.  n.  5—8.    A.  M.  3797- 
Ant.  J.  C.  207. 

VOL.  VI.  X 


306  THE  HISTORY  OF 

ed  to  Demetrias.  And  in  order  to  enable  himself  to 
give  seasonable  succour  to  such  of  his  allies  as  should  be 
attacked,  he  fixed  signals  in  Phocis,  Eubœa,  and  in  the 
little  island  Peparethos  ;  and  placed,  in  that  part  where 
he  lay,  on  Tis^um,  a  very  lofty  mountain  of  Thessaly, 
men  to  observe  them,  that  he  might  have  speedy  no- 
tice of  the  enemy's  march,  and  of  the  places  he  might 
design  to  attack.  I  shall  explain  the  nature  of  these 
signals  hereafter. 

The  proconsul  and  king  Attains  advanced  towards 
Enbœa,  and  laid  siege  to  Oreum,  one  of  its  chief  cities. 
It  was  defended  by  two  castles  strongly  fortified,  and 
was  able  to   hold  out  a  long  time  ;  but  Plator,  who 
commanded  it  for  Philip,  surrendered  it  treacherously 
to  the  besiegers.     He  had  purposely  made  the  signals 
too  late,  that  Philip  might  not  have  an  opportunity  of 
succouring  it.     But  the  same  did  not  happen  with  re- 
spect to  Chalcis,  which  Sulpitius  besieged  immediately 
after  the  taking  of  Oreum.     The  signals  were  made 
very  seasonably  there  ;  and  the  commander,  deaf  and 
inaccessible  to  the  offers  of  the  proconsul,  prepai'ed  for 
a  stout  defence.     Sulpitius  perceived  that  he  had  made 
an  imprudent  attempt,  and  was  so  wise  as  to  desist  im- 
mediately from  it.     The  city  was  strongly  fortified  in 
itself;  and  besides,  situated  on  the  Euripus,  that  &- 
mous  strait,  *  in  which  the  sea  does  not  ebb  and  flow 
seven   times  every  day,  at  fixed  and  stated  hours,  as 
(says  I^ivy)  is  commonly  reported,  but  irregularly,  whilst 
the  waves  roll  on  all  sides  with  so  much  impetuosity, 
that  they  seem  like  torrents  rushing  down  from   the 
mountains  ;  so  that  ships  can  never  ride  there  in  safety. 

Attains  besieged  Opus,  a  city  situated  not  far  from 
the  sea-side,  among  the  Locriaus,  in  Achaia.  Philip 
advanced  with  incredible  diligence  to  its  aid,  having 

*  "  Haud  alia  infestior  classi  static  est.  Nam  et  venti  ab  utrius- 
que  terrœ  prsealtis  montibus  subiti  ac  procellosi  se  dejiciunt,  et  fretum 
ipsum  Eurigi,  non  septies  die,  sicut  fama  fert,  temporibus  statis  re- 
ciprocat  ;  sed  temere,  in  modum  venti  nunc  hue  nunc  illuc  verso 
murv,  velut  monte  prsecipiti  devolutus  torrens  rapitur.  Itanec  nocte, 
«lec  die,  quies  navibus  datur."     Liv. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  307 

marched  upwards  of  *  sixty  miles  in  one  day.  The 
city  had  been  just  taken  before  he  arrived  at  it  ;  and  he 
might  have  surprised  Attains,  who  was  employed  in 
plundering  the  place,  had  not  the  latter,  the  instant  he 
heaixl  of  his  approach,  retired  with  gi'eat  precipitation. 
However,  Philip  pursued  him  to  the  sea- side. 

Attains  having  retired  to  Oreum,  and  received  ad- 
vice there  that  Prusias  king  of  Bithynia  had  entered 
his  territories,  returned  towards  Asia,  and  Sulpitius  to 
the  island  of  Mgma.  Philip,  after  having  taken  some 
small  cities,  and  frustrated  the  project  of  Machanidas, 
the  Spartan  tyrant,  who  designed  to  attack  the  people 
of  Elis,  who  were  employed  in  preparing  for  the  so- 
lemnization of  the  Olympic  games,  repaired  to  the  as- 
sembly of  the  Achaeans,  which  was  held  at  /Egium, 
where  he  expected  to  find  the  Carthaginian  fleet,  :ind 
to  join  it  with  his  own  ;  but  advice  being  brought  that 
the  ships  of  the  Romans  and  king  Attains  had  sailed 
away,  that  fleet  had  done  the  same. 

Philip  f  was  truly  grieved  to  fincl,  that  though  he 
employed  the  utmost  diligence,  he  always  came  too  late 
to  put  his  projects  in  execution  ;  fortune,  he  would  say, 
taking  a  pleasure  in  bereaving  him  of  every  opportuni- 
ty, and  in  frustrating  all  his  incursions  and  expeditions. 
However,  he  concealed  his  uneasiness  from  the  assem- 
bly, and  spoke  with  an  air  of  confidence  and  resolution. 
Having  called  the  gods  and  men  to  witness,  that  he  had 
never  neglected  any  opportunity  of  marching  out,  on 
all  occasions,  in  quest  of  the  enemy  ;  he  added,  that  he 
did  not  know  which  side  used  the  greatest  despatch  ; 
whether  himself  in  flying  to  the  aid  of  his  allies,  or  his 
enemies  in  avoiding  him  by  flight  :  that  this  was  a  tacit 
confession  that  they  thought  themselves  inferior  to  him 
in  strength  ;  nevertheless,  that  he  hoped  soon  to  gain 


*  So  Livy  has  it  ;  which  is  certainly  a  prodigious  day's  march  for 

an  army. 

t  "  Philippus  mserebat  et  angebatur,  cum  ad  omnia  ipse  rapt  ira 
isset,  nulli  tamen  se  rei  in  tempore  occurrisse  ;  et  rapientem  omnin  ex 
oculis  elusisse  celeritatem  suam  fortunam,"     Liv.  1.  xxviii.  n.  §. 


308  THE  HISTOTIY  OF 

SO  complete  a  victory  over  them,  as  would  evidently  de- 
iT^onstrate  his  superiority.  This  speech  greatly  encou- 
raged the  allies.  After  having  given  the  necessary  or- 
ders, and  made  some  expeditions  of  no  great  importance, 
be  returned  into  Macedonia,  to  carry  on  the  war  against 
the  Dardanians. 

Digression  of  Polybius  on  signals  made  hyjire. 

Thk  subject  which   Polyhiushere  treats  is  curious 
enough  in  itself;  and  besides,  it  is  so  closely  connected 
with  the  history  I  am  now  relating,  as  to  excuse  my  in- 
troducing a  digression,  that  will  not  be  of  great  length, 
and  which  the  reader  may  pass  over,  if  he  finds  it  te- 
dious.    I  shall  repeat  it  almost  literally  as  I  find  it  in 
Polybius.     Livy,  in  his  account  of  the  particulars  above 
related,  and  which  he  has  copied  almiOst  word  for  word 
from  Po]yl)ius, *  mentions  these  signals  nnade  by  fire: 
but  then  he  only  hints  at  them,  because,  as  they  were 
not  invented  by  the  Eon  ans,   this  was  consequently  a 
subject  which  did  not  relate  so  immediately  to  the  his- 
tory he  was  writing.     But  this  use  of  signals,  which  is 
a  part  of  the  art  of  war,  belongs  properly  to  the  history 
of  the  Greeks  ;  and  shows  to  how  great  a  perfection 
thev  had  carried  all  the  branches  of  that  noble  art,  the 
judicious  reflections  they  had  form.ed  upon  every  thing 
connected  with  it,   and  the  astonishing  progress  they 
had  made  with  respect  to  the  construction  of  machines 
of  war,  different  kinds  of  armour,  and  military  signals. 

'^  As  the  method  of  making  signals  by  fire,  says  Poly- 
bius, though  of  great  use  in  war,  has  hitherto  not  been 
treated  with  any  accuracy,  I  believe  it  ^ill  be  proper 
not  to  pass  over  them  superficially,  but  to  dwell  a  lit- 

^  Polyb.  1.  X.  p.  6l4— 618. 

*  "  Philippus.  ut  ad  omnes  hostium  motus  posset  occurrere,  in 
Phocidem  atque  FuTjœ;'.ic,  et  Pep'-^rethuin  mittit,  qui  loca  alta  alitè- 
rent, undc  editi  ignes  app;irerent  •  ipse  in  Tisaeo  (mons  est  in  altitu- 
dinem  ino-entem  cacuminis  editi)  sppcuhim  posuit,  ut  igniVms  procul 
sublatis,  si^n\iro,  \ih\  quid  moUrentur  hostes,  momento  temporis  ac- 
oiperet."     Liv.  1.  xxviii.  n.  5. 


ALEXANDEU'S  SUCCESSORS.  309 

tie  upon  that  head,  in  order  to  give  my  readers  a  more 
perfect  idea  of  it. 

It  is  a  truth  universally  acknowledged,  that  opportu- 
nity is  of  great  advantage  in  all  things,  but  especially  In 
war.  Now,  among  the  several  things  which  have  been 
invented  to  enable  men  to  seize  it,  nothing  can  be  more 
conducive  to  that  end  than  signals  made  by  fire.  Whe- 
ther transactions  have  happened  but  a  little  bpfore,  or 
are  then  actually  taking  place,  they  may,  by  this  method, 
be  very  easilv  made  known,  at  places  distant  three  or 
four  days'  journey  from  where  they  happened,  and  some- 
times at  a  still  greater  distance  ;  and  by  this  means  the 
necessary  aids  may  be  obtained  in  time. 

Formerly  this  method  of  giving  notice  was  of  very 
little  advantage,  because  of  its  too  great  simplicity.  For, 
in  order  to  make  use  of  it,  it  was  necessary  that  certain 
signals  should  be  agreed  upon  ;  and,  -as  events  are  in- 
finitely various,  it  was  impossible  to  communicate  the 
greatest  part  of  them  by  this  method.  As  for  instance, 
not  to  depart  from  the  present  history,  it  was  very  easy 
to  make  known,  that  a  fleet  was  arrived  at  Oreum,  at 
Peparethos,  or  at  Chalcis  ;  because  the  parties  whom  it 
concerned  had  foreseen  this  event,  and  accordingly  had 
agreed  upon  such  signals  as  might  denote  it.  But  an 
unexpected  insurrection,  treason,  a  horrid  murder  com- 
mitted in  a  city,  and  such  like  accidents,  as  happen  but 
too  often,  and  which  cannot  be  foreseen  ;  this  kind  of 
events,  which  require  immediate  consideration  and  a 
speedy  remedy,  cannot  be  signified  by  a  beacon.  For 
it  is  not  possible  to  agree  upon  a  signal  for  such  events 
as  it  is  impossible  to  foresee. 

Mneas,  *  who  wrote  a  treatise  on  the  duties  of  a  ge- 
neral, endeavoured  to  complete  what  was  wanting  on 

*  jîlneas  was  contemporary  with  Aristotle.  He  wrote  a  treatise 
on  the  art  of  war.  Cineas,  one  of  Pyrrhus's  counsellors,  made  an 
abridgment  of  it.  Pyrrhus  also  wrote  on  the  same  subject.  Mlian, 
Tact.  cap.  1.  Cicero  mentions  the  two  last  in  one  of  his  epistles. 
"  Summum  me  ducem  literae  tuae  reddiderunt.  Plane  nesciebara  te 
tarn  peritum  esse  rei  militaris.  Pyrrhi  te  libros  et  Cineae  video  lec- 
titasse."    Lib.  ix.  Epist.  25.  ad  Papir.  Paetura. 


310  '  THE  HISTORY  OF 

tliis  occasion  ;  but  he  was  far  from  succeeding  so  well 
as  could  liave  been  wished,  or  as  he  himself  had  propo- 
sed, of  which  the  reader  may  now.  judge. 

Those,  says  he,  who  would  give  signals  to  one  ano- 
ther upmi  affairs  of  importance,  must  first  prepare  two 
earthen  vessels,  exactly  equal  in  breadth  and  depth  ; 
and  they  need  be  but  four  feet  and  a  half  deep,  and  a 
foot  and  a  half  wide.  They  then  must  take  pieces  of 
cork,  proportioned  to  the  mouth  of  these  vessels,  but 
not  quite  so  wide,  (that  they  may  sink  with  ease  to  the 
bottom  of  these  vessels.)  They  next  ûx,  in  the  middle 
of  this  cork,  a  stick,  which  must  be  of  equal  size  in  both 
these  vessels.  This  stick  must  be  divided  into  portions, 
of  three  inches  each,  very  distinctly  marked,  in  order 
that  such  events  as  generally  happen  in  war  may  be 
written  on  them.  For  example,  in  one  of  these  inter- 
vals the  following  words  may  be  written  :  A  body  of 

HORSE  ARE  MARCHED  INTO  THE  COUNTRY.  Ou  ano- 
ther :    A  BODY  OF  INFANTRY  HEAVILY  ARMED  ARE 

ARRIVED  HITHER.  On  a  third  :  Infantry  lightly 
ARMED.  On  a  fourth  :  A  body  of  cavalry  and 
infantry.  On  another  :  Snirs.  Then,  Provisions  ; 
and  so  on  till  all  the  events,  which  are  foreseen  as  pro- 
bable to  happen  in  the  war  that  is  carrying  on,  are 
written  down  in  these  intervals. 

This  being  done,  each  of  the  two  vessels  must  have 
a  little  tube  or  cock  of  equal  bigness,  to  let  out  the 
water  in  equal  proportion.  Then  the  two  vessels  must 
be  filled  with  water  ;  the  pieces  of  cork,  with  their  sticks 
thrust  through  them,  must  be  laid  upon  them,  and  the 
cocks  must  be  opened.  Xow  it  is  plain,  that  as  these 
vessels  are  equal,  the  corks  will  sink,  and  the  sticks  de- 
scend lower  in  the  vessels,  in  proportion  as  they  empty 
themselves.  But  to  be  more  certain  of  this  exactness, 
it  will  be  proper  to  make  the  experiment  first,  and  to 
examine  whether  all  things  correspond  and  agree  to- 
gether, by  an  uniform  execution  on  both  sides. 

When  this  is  well  ascertained,  the  two  vessels  must 
be  carried  to  the  two  places  where  the  signals  are  to  be 
made  and  observed  :  water  is  poured  in,  and  the  corks 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSOHS.  311 

and  sticks  are  put  in  the  vessels.  According  as  any  of 
the  events  which  are  written  on  the  sticks  shall  happen, 
a  torch,  or  other  light,  is  raised,  which  must  be  held 
aloft,  till  such  time  as  another  is  raised  by  the  party  to 
whom  it  is  directed.  (This  first  signal  is  only  to  ascer- 
tain that  both  parties  are  ready  and  attentive.)  Tlien 
the  torch  must  be  taken  away,  and  the  cocks  set  run- 
ning. When  the  interval,  that  is,  that  part  of  the 
stick  where  the  event  of  which  notice  is  to  be  given  is 
written,  shall  be  fallen  to  a  level  with  the  mouth  of  the 
vessels,  then  the  man  who  gives  the  signal  lifts  up  his 
torch  ;  and  on  the  other  side  the  correspondent  signal- 
maker  immediately  stops  the  cock  of  his  vessel,  and  looks 
at  what  is  written  on  that  part  of  the  stick  which  touches 
the  mouth  of  the  vessel  ;  on  which  occasion,  if  every  thing 
has  been  executed  exactly  and  equally  on  both  sides, 
both  will  read  the  same  thing. 

Although  this  method  differs  from  that  which  was 
practised  in  early  ages,  in  which  men  agreed  only  upon 
a  single  signal  which  was  to  denote  the  event  the  other 
party  desired  to  be  informed  of,  and  which  had  been 
agreed  upon,  it  nevertheless  was  too  vague  and  indeter- 
minate. For  it  is  impossible  to  foresee  all  the  accidents 
that  may  happen  in  a  war  ;  and  even  though  they  could 
be  foreseen,  there  would  be  no  possibility  of  writing 
them  all  on  a  piece  of  stick.  Besides,  when  any  unex- 
pected accident  should  happen,  how  could  notice  be 
given  of  it  according  to  this  metliod  ?  Add  to  this,  that 
the  inscription  on  the  stick  is  nowise  exact  and  circum- 
stantial. It  does  not  tell  how  many  horse  and  foot  are 
come,  what  part  of  the  country  they  are  in,  how  many 
ships  are  arrived,  nor  the  quantity  of  provisions.  For 
before  these  several  particulars  could  be  written  on  the 
stick,  they  must  have  been  foreseen,  which  was  altogether 
impossible,  though  these  are  points  of  the  highest  im- 
portance ;  and  how  can  succours  be  sent,  when  it  is  not 
known  how  many  enemies  are  to  be  opposed,  nor  in 
what  part  of  the  country  they  are  ?  How  can  a  party 
either  confide  in  or  doubt  their  own  strength  ?  In  a  word, 
how  will  they  know  what  to  do,  when  they  are  not  told 


31^  THE  HISTORY  OF 

how  many  ships,  or  what  quantity  of  provisions,  are  come 
from  the  enemy  ? 

-  The  last  method  was  invented  by  Cleoxenus,  while 
others  ascribe  it  to  Democlitus  ;  however,  we  have 
brought  it  to  perfection,  says  Poly  bins,  who  continues  the 
sole  speaker  upon  this-  head.  This  fixes  every  circum- 
stance, and  enables  us  to  give  notice  of  whatsoever  hap- 
pens. The  only  thing  required,  is  great  care  and  ex- 
actness.    This  method  is  as  follows  : 

The  twenty-four  letters  of  the  alphabet  must  be  taken 
and  divided  into  five  parts  ;  and  these  must  be  fixed  on 
a  board,  from  top  to  bottom,  in  their  natural  order  in 
five  columns  ;  five  letters  in  each  column,  the  last  ex- 
cepted, which  will  have  but  four. 

The  alphabet  being  disposed  in  this  manner,  the  man 
who  is  to  make  the  signal  must  begin  by  showing  two 
torches  or  lights  ;  and  these  he  must  hold  aloft  till  the 
other  party  has  also  shown  tv>'o  lights.  This  first  signal 
is  only  to  show  that  both  sides  are  ready,  after  which 
the  lights  must  be  removed. 

The  next  point  is,  to  make  the  other  party  read,  in 
this  alphabet,  the  information  we  want  to  acquaint  them 
with.  The  person  who  gives  the  signal,  shall  hold  up 
torches  to  his  left,  in  order  to  denote  to  the  correspon- 
dent party,  from  which  of  the  columns  he  must  take 
letters,  to  write  them  down  in  proportion  as  they  shall 
be  pointed  out  to  him  ;  so  that  if  it  is  the  first  column, 
he  only  holds  up  one  torch  :  if  the  second,  he  shows  two, 
and  so  on,  and  always  to  the  left.  He  must  do  the 
same  to  the  right  hamd,  to  point  out  to  the  person  who  re- 
ceives the  signal,  which  letter  in  the  column  he  must  ob- 
serve and  write  down.  This  both  parties  must  agree 
upon  between  them. 

These  several  preliminaries  being  arranged,  and  each 
of  them  taken  his  post,  the  man  who  gives  the  signal 
must  have  a  *  geometrical  instrument  with  two  tubes, 
in  order  that  he  may  know  by  one  of  them  the  right, 
and  by  the  other  the  left  of  him  w^ho  is  to  answer.  The 
board  must  be  set  up  near  to  this  instrument  ;  and  to  the 

*  The  figure  of  it  is  annexed  at  the  end  of  this  little  treatise. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  313 

right  and  left  a  solid  must  be  raised  ten  feet  broad,  and 
-about  the  height  of  a  man  ;  in  order  that  the  torches, 
which  shall  be  lifted  up  over  it,  may  spread  a  strong, 
clear  light  ;  and  that  when  they  are  to  be  lowered,  they 
may  be  entirely  hid  behind  it. 

All  things  being  thus  disposed  on  each  side,  I  will 
suppose,  for  instance,  that  advice  is  to  be  given,  that 
"  A  hundred  Cretans,  or  Kretans,  are  gone  over  to  the 
enemy."  First,  it  will  be  necessary  to  choose  such  words 
as  will  express  what  is  here  said  in  the  fewest  letters 
possible,  as  "  Cretans,  or  Kretans,  *  a  hundred  have  de- 
serted," which  expresses  the  very  same  idea  in  much 
fewer  letters.  The  following  is  the  manner  in  which 
this  information  will  be  given. 

The  first  letter  is  a  K,  which  is  in  the  second  column. 
Two  torches  must  therefore  be  lifted  to  the  left,  to  in- 
form the  person  who  receives  the  signal,  that  he  must 
look  into  the  second  column.  Five  torches  are  then  to 
be  lifted  up  to  the  right,  to  denote  that  the  letter  sought 
for  is  the  fifth  of  the  second  column,  that  is,  a  K. 

Afterwards  four  torches  must  be  held  up  to  the  left, 
to  point  out  the  P,  f  which  is  in  the  fourth  column  ; 
then  tw^o  to  the  right,  to  denote  that  this  letter  is  the 
second  of  the  fourth  column.  The  same  must  be  ob- 
served with  respect  to  the  rest  of  the  letters. 

By  this  method,  every  event  that  comes  to  pass  may 
be  communicated  in  a  fixed  and  determinate  manner. 

The  reason  why  two  sets  of  lights  are  used  is,  because 
every  letter  must  be  pointed  out  twice  ;  the  first  time, 
to  denote  the  column  to  which  it  belongs  ;  and  the  se- 
cond, to  show  its  place  in  order  in  the  column  pointed 
out.  If  the  persons  employed  on  these  occasions  ob- 
serve the  rules  here  laid  clown,  they  will  give  exact  no- 
tice :  but  it  must  be  practised  a  long  time,  before  they 
will  be  able  to  be  very  quick  and  exact  in  the  opera- 
tion. 

This  is  what  is  proposed  by  Polybius,  who,  it  is  well 
known,  was  a  great  soldier  and  politician,  and  for  this 

*  The  words  are  disposed  in  this  manner  in  the  Greek, 
t  This  is  the  capital  letter  R  in  the  Greek  tongue. 


314  THE  HISTORY  OP 

reason  his  hints  ouglit  to  be  valued.  They  might  be 
improved  and  put  in  practice  on  a  great  many  occasions. 
These  signals  were  employed  in  a  mountainous  country. 

Apamphlet  was  lent  me,  printed  in  170Î2,  and  entitled, 
"  The  art  of  making  signals  both  by  sea  and  land." 
The  pamphlet  was  dedicated  to  the  king,  by  the  Sieur 
3Iarcel,  commissioner  of  tlie  navv  at  Aries.  This  au- 
thor  affirms,  that  he  communicated  several  times,  at  the 
distance  of  two  leagues  (in  as  short  a  space  of  time  as 
a  man  could  write  down  and  form  exactly  the  letters 
contained  in  the  advice  he  communicated)  an  unexpected 
piece  of  news  that  took  up  a  page  in  wTiting. 

I  cannot  say  what  this  new  invention  was,  nor  what 
success  it  met  with  ;  but  in  my  opinion  such  discoveries 
as  these  ought  not  to  be  neglected.  In  all  âges  and 
nations,  men  have  been  very  desirous  of  finding  out  and 
employing  methods  for  receiving  or  communicating  new^s 
with  speed,  and  of  these,  signals  by  fire  are  one  of  the 
principal. 

y  In  the  fabulous  times,  when  the  fifty  daughters  of 
Danaus  murdered  all  their  husbands  in  one  night,  Hy- 
permnestra  excepted,  who  had  spared  Ljuceus,  it  is  re- 
lated that  when  they  escaped  by  flight,  and  had  each 
arrived  at  a  place  of  safety,  they  informed  one  another 
of  it  by  signals  made  by  fire  ;  and  that  this  circum- 
stance gave  rise  to  the  festival  of  torches  established  in 
Argos. 

Agamemnon,  at  his  setting  out  for  the  Trojan  expe- 
dition, had  promised  Clytemnestra,  that  the  very  day 
the  city  should  be  taken,  he  would  give  notice  of  the 
victory  by  fires  kindled  for  that  piu*pose.  He  kept  his 
word,  as  appears  from  the  tragedy  of  iEschylus,  which 
takes  its  name  from  that  prince  ;  in  which  the  sentinel, 
appointed  to  watch  for  this  signal,  declares  he  had  spent 
many  tedious  nights  in  that  uncomfortable  post. 

AVe  also  find,  *  in  the  Commentaries  of  Julius  Caesar, 
that  he  himself  used  the  same  method. 

>■  Pausan.  1.  ii.  p.  130. 

*  "  Celeriter,  ut  ante  Caesar  impgraverat,  ignibus  significatione 
fecta,  ex  proxiinis  castellis  eo  concursum  est."    Cm9:  BetL  Gall.  1.  ii. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  315 

Caesar  gives  us  an  account  of  another  method  in  use 
amongst  the  Gauls.  Whenever  any  extraordinary  event 
happened  in  their  country,  or  they  stood  in  need  of  im- 
mediate succour,  they  gave  notice  to  one  another  by 
repeated  shouts,  which  were  catched  from  place  to  place  ; 
so  that  the  massacre  of  the  Romans  in  Orleans  at  sun- 
rise, was  known  by  eight  or  nine  o'clock  in  the  evening 
in  Auvergne,  forty  leagues  from  the  other  city. 

2  We  are  told  of  a  much  shorter  method.  It  is  pre- 
tended that  the  king  of  Persia,  when  he  carried  the  war 
into  Greece,  had  posted  a  kind  of  sentinels  at  proper 
distances,  who  communicated  to  one  another,  by  their 
voices,  such  news  as  it  was  necessary  to  transmit  to  a 
great  distance  ;  and  that  advice  could  be  communicated 
from  Athens  to  Susa  (upwards  of  a  hundred  and  fifty 
leagues),  in  forty- eight  hours. 

It  is  also  related  that  a  *  Sidonian  proposed  to  Alex- 
ander the  Great,  an  infallible  method  for  establishing 
a  speedy  and  safe  communication  between  all  the  coun- 
tries subject  to  him.  He  required  but  five  days  for 
giving  notice,  through  so  great  a  distance  as  thatl)etween 
his  hereditary  kingdom,  and  his  most  remote  conquest 
in  India  :  but  the  king,  looking  upon  this  offer  as  a 
mere  chimera,  rejected  it  with  contempt  :  however,  he 
soon  repented  it,  and  very  justly  ;  for  the  experiment 
might  have  been  made  with  little  trouble  to  himself. 

^  Pliny  relates  another  method,  which  is  not  altogether 
improbable.  Decimus  Brutus  defended  the  city  of 
Modena,  besieged  by  Antony,  who  kept  him  closely 
blocked  up,  and  prevented  his  sending  the  least  advicç 
to  the  consuls,  by  drawing  lines  round  the  city,  and  lay- 
ing nets  in  the  river.  However,  Brutus  employed 
pigeons,  to  whose  feet  he  fastened  letters,  which  arrived 
in  safety  wherever  he  thought  proper  to  send  them. 
Of  what  use,  says  Pliny,  f  were  Antony's   intrench- 

^  Cœl.  Rhodig.  1.  xviii.  c.  8.  ^  Plin.  1.  vii.  c.  37- 

*  Vigenere,  in  his  remarks  on  the  seventh  book  of  Caesar's  wars  in 

Gaul,  relates  this  without  citing  directly  the  author. 

t  "  Quid  vallum,  et  vigil  obsidio,  atque  etiam  retia  amne  prse- 

texta  profuere  Antonio,  per  ccelum  eunte  nuntio?" 


316  THE  HISTORY  OF 

ments  and  sentinels  to  him  ?  Of  what  service  were  all 
the  nets  he  spread,  when  the  new  courier  took  his  route 
through  the  air  ? 

Travellers  relate,  that  to  carry  advices  from  Alex- 
andria  to  Aleppo,  when  ships  arrive  in  that  harbour, 
they  make  use  of  pigeons,  who  have  young  ones  at 
Aleppo.  Letters,  containing  the  advices  to  be  commu- 
nicated, are  fastened  about  the  pigeons'  necks,  or  feet  ; 
this  being  done,  the  pigeons  take  wing,  soar  to  a  great 
height,  and  fly  to  Aleppo,  where  the  letters  are  taken 
from  them.  The  same  method  is  used  in  many  other 
places. 

Description  of  the  instrument  employed  in  signals  made  hy  fire. 

JVIr  Chevalier,  mathematical  professor  in  the  royal 
college,  a  fellow-member  with  me,  and  my  particular 
friend,  has  been  so  good  as  to  delineate,  at  my  request, 
the  figiu'e  of  the  instrument,  mentioned  by  Polybius, 
and  to  add  the  following  explication  of  it. 

In  this  manner  I  conceive  to  have  been  constructed 
the  instruments  described  by  Polybius,  for  communica- 
ting advices  at  a  great  distance,  by  signals  made  by  fire. 

AB  is  a  beam  about  four  or  five  feet  long,  five  or 
six  inches  broad,  and  two  or  three  inches  thick.  At 
the  extremities  of  it  are,  well  dove-tailed  and  fixed  ex- 
actly pei*pendicular  in  the  middle,  two  cross  pieces  of 
wood,  CD,  EF,  of  equal  breadth  and  thickness  with 
the  beam,  and  three  or  four  feet  long.  The  sides  of 
these  cross  pieces  of  timber  must  be  exactly  parallel, 
and  their  upper  superficies  very  smooth.  In  the  middle 
of  the  surface  of  each  of  these  pieces,  a  right  line  must 
be  dra\Mi  parallel  to  their  sides  :  and  consequently  these 
lines  will  be  parallel  to  one  another.  At  an  inch  and  a 
half  or  two  inches  distance  from  these  lines,  and  exactly 
in  the  middle  of  the  length  of  each  cross  piece,  there  must 
be  driven  in  very  strongly,  and  exactly  perpendicular, 
an  iron  or  brass  screw  (!^),  whose  upper  part,  which  must 
be  cylindrical,  and  five  or  six  *  lines  in  diameter,  shall 

*  Twelfth  part  of  an  inch. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  31T 

project  seven  or  eight  lines  above  the  superficies  of  these 
cross  pieces. 

On  these  pieces  must  be  placed  two  hollow  tubes  or 
cylinders  GH,  IK,  through  which  the  observations  are 
made.  These  tubes  must  be  exactly  cylindrical,  and 
formed  of  some  hard,  solid  metal,  in  order  that  they 
may  not  shrink  or  warp.  They  must  be  a  foot  longer 
than  the  cross  piece  on  which  they  are  fixed,  and  there- 
by will  extend  six  inches  beyond  it  at  each  end.  These 
two  tubes  must  be  fixed  on  two  plates  of  the  same  metal, 
in  the  middle  of  whose  length  shall  be  a  small  convexity 
(3)  of  about  an  inch  round.  In  the  middle  of  this  part 
(^)  must  be  a  hole  exactly  round,  about  half  an  inch 
in  diameter.;  so  that  applying  the  plates  on  which  these 
tubes  are  fixed,  upon  the  cross  pieces  of  wood,  CD,  EF, 
this  hole  must  be  exactly  filled  by  the  projecting  and 
cylindrical  part  of  the  screw  (  *)  which  was  fixed  in  it, 
and  in  such  a  manner  as  to  prevent  its  play.  The  head 
of  the  screw  may  extend  some  lines  beyond  the  super- 
ficies of  the  plates,  and  in  such  a  manner  as  that  those 
tubes  may  turn,  with  their  plates  about  these  screws, 
in  order  to  direct  them  on  the  boards  or  screens  P,  Q, 
behind  which  the  signals  by  fire  are  made,  according  to 
the  different  distances  of  the  places  where  the  signals 
shall  be  made. 

The  tubes  must  be  blackened  within,  in  order  that 
when  the  eye  is  applied  to  one  of  their  ends,  it  may  not 
receive  any  reflected  rays.  There  must  also  be  placed 
towards  the  end,  on  the  side  of  tlie  observer,  a  perfo- 
rated ring,  the  aperture  of  which  must  be  about  three 
or  four  lines  ;  and  at  the  other  end  must  be  placed  two 
threads,  the  one  vertical,  and  the  other  horizontal,  cross- 
ing one  another  in  the  axis  of  the  tube. 

In  the  middle  of  the  beam  AB  must  be  made  a  roimd 
hole,  two  inches  in  diameter,  in  which  must  be  fixed  the 
foot  LMNOP,  which  supports  the  whole  machine,  and 
round  which  it  turns  as  on  its  axis.  This  machine  may 
be  called  a  rule  and  sights,  though  it  differs  from  that 
which  is  applied  to  circumferentors,  theodolites,  and 
even  geometrical  squares,  which  are  used  to  draw  maps, 


518  THE  HISTORY  OF 

take  plans  and  surveys,  &c.  but  it  has  the  same  use, 
which  is  to  direct  the  sight. 

The  person  who  makes  the  signal,  and  he  who  re- 
ceives it,  must  each  have  a  similar  instrument  ;  other- 
wise, the  man  who  receives  the  signal  could  not  dis- 
tinguish whether  the  signals  made  are  to  the  right  or 
left  of  him  who  makes  them,  which  is  an  essential  cir- 
cumstance, according  to  the  method  proposed  by  Poly- 
bius. 

The  two  boards  or  screens  P,  Q,  which  are  to  denote 
the  right  and  left  hand  of  the  man  who  gives  the  sig- 
nals, or  to  display  or  hide  the  fires,  according  to  the 
circumstances  of  the  observation,  ought  to  be  gieater  or 
less,  and  nearer  or  farther  distant  from  one  another,  ac- 
cording as  the  distance  between  the  places  where  the 
signals  must  be  given  and  received  is  greater  or  less. 

In  my  description  of  the  preceding  machine,  all  I 
have  endeavoured  is,  to  explain  the  manner  how  Poly- 
bius's  idea  might  be  put  in  execution,  in  making  sig- 
nals by  fire  ;  but  I  do  not  pretend  to  say,  that  it  is  of 
use,  for  giving  signals  at  a  considerable  distance  ;  for  it 
is  certain  that  how  large  soever  this  machine  be,  signals 
made  by  2,  3,  4,  and  5  torches,  will  not  be  seen  at  5,  6, 
or  more  leagues  distance,  as  he  supposes.  To  make 
them  visible  at  a  greater  distance,  such  torches  must 
not  be  made  use  of,  as  can  be  lifted  up  and  down  with 
tl^e  hand,  but  large  wide- spreading  fires  of  whole  loads 
of  straw  or  wood  ;  and,  consequently,  boards  or  screens 
of  a  prodigious  size  must  be  employed,  to  hide  or  eclipse 
them. 

Telescopes  were  not  kno^Mi  in  Polybius's  time  ;  they 
were  not  discovered  or  improved  till  the  last  century. 
Those  instruments  would  have  made  the  signals  in 
question  visible  at  a  much  greater  distance  than  bare 
tubes  could  have  done  :  but  I  still  doubt,  whether  they 
could  be  employed  for  the  purpose  mentioned  by  Poly- 
bius,  at  a  greater  distance  than  two  or  three  leagues. 
However,  I  am  of  opinion,  that  a  city  besieged  might 
communicate  its  vvants  to  an  army  sent  to  succour  it,  or 
give  notice  how  long  time  it  could  hold  out  a  siege,  in 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  319 

order  that  proper  measures  might  be  taken  ;  and  that, 
on  the  other  side,  the  army  sent  to  its  aid  might  com- 
municate its  designs  to  the  city  besieged,  especially  by 
the  assistance  of  telescopes. 

SECT  VII.  PMlopœmen  gains  a  famous  v'lctory  near  Man- 
tmea,  over  Machanidas,  tyrant  of  Sparta.  The  Ingli  esteem 
in  which  that  general  is  held  :  Nahis  succeeds  Machanidas. 
Some  instances  of  his  avarice  and  cruelty.  A  general  peace 
concluded  between  Phlip  and  the  Romans^  in  which,  the  Allies 
on  both  sides  are  included. 

The  Romans,  *  wholly  employed  in  the  war  with  Han- 
nibal, which  they  resolved  to  terminate,  intermeddled 
very  little  with  that  of  the  Greeks,  and  did  not  molest 
them  during  the  two  following  years. 

^In  the  first,  Philopœmen  was  appointed  captain- 
general  of  the  Achœans.  As  soon  as  he  w^as  invested 
with  this  employment,  which  was  tJie  highest  in  the 
state,  he  assembled  his  allies  before  he  took  the  field, 
and  exhorted  them  to  second  his  zeal  with  courage  and 
warmth,  and  support  with  honour  both  their  fame  and 
his.  He  insisted  strongly  on  the  care  they  ought  to 
take,  not  of  the  beauty  and  magnificence  of  their  dress, 
which  became  women  only,  iind  those  too  of  little  merit  ; 
but  of  the  good  condition  and  splendour  of  their  arms, 
an  object  worthy  of  men,  intent  upon  their  own  glory 
and  the  good  of  their  country. 

His  speech  was  received  with  universal  applause,  in- 
somuch that  at  the  breaking  up  of  the  assembly,  all 
th(  se  w  ho  were  magnificently  dressed  were  pointed  at  ; 
so  great  an  influence  have  the  words  of  an  illustrious 
person,  not  only  in  dissuading  men  from  vice,  but  in- 
clining them  to  virtue  ;  especially  when  his  actions  cor- 
respond with  his  words,  for  then  it  is  scarce  possible  to 
resist  his  exhortations.  This  was  the  character  of 
Philopœmen.  Plain  in  his  dress,  and  frugal  in  his 
diet,  he  took  very  little  care  of  his  body.     In  conversa- 

e  Polvb.  1.  xi.  p.  629—631. 

*  A.M.  S798.     Aat.  J.  C.  206. 


520  THE  HISTORY  OF 

tion  he  suffered  patiently  tlie  ill  temper  of  others,  even 
when  they  used  contemptuous  expressions  :  and,  for 
himself,  he  was  particularly  careful  never  to  give  the 
least  offence  to  any  one.  It  was  his  study,  during  his 
life,  to  speak  nothing  but  the  truth  :  and,  indeed,  the 
slightest  expressions  of  his  were  heard  with  respect,  and 
immediately  believed.  And  he  was  not  obliged  to  em- 
ploy  a  great  many  words  to  persuade,  his  conduct  be- 
ing a  model  of  what  every  body  else  ought  to  do. 

The  assembly  being  dismissed,  all  returned  to  their 
respective  cities,  in  the  highest  admiration  of  Philopœ- 
men,  whose  words  as  well  as  actions  had  charmed  them; 
and  fully  persuaded,  that  as  long  as  he  should  preside 
at  the  head  of  affairs,  the  state  would  never  suffer  any 
loss.  He  immediatelv  visited  the  several  cities,  and 
gave  the  necessary  orders  in  them.  He  assembled  the 
people  in  eveiy  place,  acquainted  them  with  every  thing 
that  was  necessary  to  be  done,  and  raised  troops.  After 
spending  near  eight  months  in  making  the  various  pre- 
parations for  the  war,  he  took  the  field. 

^  ]Machanidas,  tyrant  of  Lacedsemonia,  Was  watching, 
at  the  head  of  a  powerful  army,  for  an  opportunity  to 
subject  all  Peloponnesus.  The  moment  advice  was 
brought  of  his  arrival  in  the  temtories  of  JNIantinea, 
Philopœmen  prepared  to  give  him  battle. 

The  tyrant  of  Sparta  set  out  upon  his  march  at  day- 
break, at  the  head  of  the  heavy-armed  infantry,  and 
posted  to  the  right  and  left  on  tlie  same  line,  but  a  lit- 
tle more  advanced,  the  light  infantry  composed  of  fo- 
reigners-; and  behind  them  chariots  laden  with  cata- 
j)ultae,  *  and  darts  to  sustain  them.  It  appears  by  the 
sequel,  that  before  him  lay  a  ditch,  that  ran  along  part 
of  the  plain,  beyond  which  his  troops  extended  at  each 
end. 

At  the  same  time,  Philopœmen  marched  his  army  in 
three  bodies  out  of  the  city.  The  first,  consisting  of 
the  Achsean  horse,  was  posted  to  the  right.  The  se- 
cond, composed  of  heavy- armed  foot,  was  in  the  centre; 

<=  Polyb.  1.  xi.  p.  631— b'37.     Plut,  in  Philop.  p.  36l. 
*  Engines  to  discharge  darts  or  stone?,  &c. 


ale:î5ani>eii's  successors.  321 

and  advanced  to  the  ditch.  The  third,  composed  of  Il- 
ly ri  ans,  cuirassiers,  foreigners,  light- armed  troops,  and 
some  *  Tarentine  horse,  were  on  the  left,  with  Philopœ- 
men  at  their  head. 

The  time  for  beginning  the  battle  approaching,  and 
the  enemy  in  view,  that  general,  flying  up  and  down 
the  ranks  of  the  infantry,  encouraged  his  men  in  few 
but  energetic  words.  Most  of  them  were  even  not 
heard  ;  for  be  was  so  dear  to  his  soldiers,  and  they  re- 
posed such  confidence  in  him,  that  they  were  sufficient- 
ly inclined  of  themselves  to  fight  v/ith  incredible  ar- 
dour. In  a  kind  of  transport  they  animated  their  ge- 
neral, and  pressed  him  to  lead  them  on  to  battle.  All 
he  endeavoured  to  make  them  understand  was,  that  the 
time  was  come  in  which  their  enemies  would  be  reduced 
to  an  ignominious  captivity,  and  themselves  restored  to 
a  glorious  and  immortal  liberty. 

Machanidas  marched  his  infantry  in  a  kind  of  co- 
lumn, as  if  he  intended  to  begin  the  battle  by  charging 
the  right  wing  :  but  when  he  was  advanced  to  a  proper 
distance,  he  on  a  sudden  made  his  infantry  wheel  about, 
in  order  that  it  might  extend  to  his  right,  and  form  a 
front  equal  to  the  left  of  the  Achaeans  ;  and,  to  cover 
it,  he  caused  all  the  chariots  laden  with  catapultae  to 
advance  forward.  Philopœmen  plainly  saw  that  his  de- 
sign was  to  break  his  infantry,  by  overwhelming  it  with 
darts  and  stones  :  however,  he  did  not  give  him  time 
for  it,  but  caused  the  Tarentine  horse  to  begin  the  bat- 
tle with  great  vigour,  on  a  spot  where  they  had  room 
enough  to  engage  in.  Machanidas  was  forced  to  do  the 
same,  and  to  lead  on  his  Taren tines.  The  first  charge 
was  very  furious.  The  light-armed  soldiers  advancing 
a  little  after  to  sustain  them,  in  a  moment  the  foreign 
troops  were  universally  engaged  on  both  sides  ;  and,  as 
in  this  attack  they  fought  man  to  man^  the  battle  was 
a  long  time  doubtful.  At  last,  the  foreigners  in  the 
tyrant's  army  had  the  advantage  ;  their  numbers  and 
dexterity,  acquired  by  experience,  giving  them  the  su- 

*  The  Tarentine  horsemen  had  each  two  horses.  Liv,  1.  xxxv. 
n.  28. 

VOL.  VI.  y 


$2t  •    THE  HISTORY  OF 

penoritv.  The  Illyrians  and  cuirassiers,  who  sustain- 
ed the  foreign  soldiers  in  Philopœmen's  arniv,  could 
not  mthstand  so  furious  a  charge.  They  were  entirely 
broke,  and  iled  with  the  utmost  precipitation  towards 
the  city  of  INI  an  tinea,  about  a  mile  from  the  field  of 
battle. 

Philopœmen  seemed  now  lost  to  all  hopes.  On  this 
occasion,  says  Polybius,  appeared  the  truth  of  a  maxim, 
which  cannot  reasonably  be  contested,  That  the  events 
of  war  are  generally  successful  or  unfortunate,  only  in 
proportion  to  the  skill  or  ignorance  of  the  generals  who 
command.  Philopœmen,  so  far  from  desponding  at  the 
ill  success  of  the  first  charge,  or  losing  his  presence  of 
mind,  was  solely  intent  upon  taking  advantage  of  the 
errors  which  the  enemy  might  commit.  Accordingly 
they  were  guilty  of  a  great  one,  which  indeed  is  but  too 
frequent  on  these  occasions,  and  for  that  reason  cannot 
be  too  strongly  guarded  against.  Machanidas,  after  the 
left  wing  was  routed,  instead  of  improving  that  advan- 
tage, by  charging  in  front  that  instant  with  his  infan- 
try the  centre  of  that  of  the  enemies,  and  taking  it  at 
the  same  time  in  flank  with  his  victorious  wing,  and 
thereby  terminating  the  whole  aflPair,  suffers  himself, 
like  a  young  man,  to  be  hiu^ried  away  by  the  fire  and 
impetuosity  of  his  soldiers,  and  pursues,  without  order 
or  discipline,  those  who  were  flying  ;  as  if,  after  having 
given  way,  fear  alone  would  not  have  carried  them  to 
the  gates  of  the  city. 

Philopœmen,  who  upon  this  defeat  had  retired  to  his 
infantry  in  the  centre,  takes  the  first  cohorts,  commands 
them  to  wheel  to  the  left,  and  at  their  head  marches 
and  sr:zes  the  post  which  JNIachanidas  had  abandoned. 
By  this  movement  he  divided  the  centre  of  the  enemy's 
infantry  from  his  right  wing.  He  then  commanded 
these  cohorts  to  stay  in  the  post  they  had  just  seized, 
till  farther  orders  ;  and  at  the  same  time  directed  Poly- 
bius, *  the    IMegalopolitan,  to  rally  all  the  Illyrians, 

*  The  late  (French)  translator  of  Polybius  mistakes  this  officer 
for  our  historian,  and  here  introduces  him  speaking  ;  which  is  other- 
wise ia.  the  ori^aL     Polybius  the  lùjstorian  was  not  born  at  that 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  323 

cuirassiers,  and  foreigners,  w^io,  without  quitting  the 
ranks,  and  flying,  as  the  rest  had  done,  had  drawn  off 
to  avoid  the  fury  of  the  conqueror  ;  and,  with  these 
forces,  to  post  himself  on  the  flank  of  the  infantry  in  his 
centre,  to  ch^ck  the  enemy  in  their  return  from  the  pur- 
suit. 

But  now  the  Lacedcemonian  infantry,  elate  with  the 
first  success  of  their  right  wing,  without  waiting  for  the 
signal,  advance  with  their  pikes  lowered  towards  the 
Achaeans  as  far  as  the  brink  of  the  ditch.  When  they 
came  up  to  it,  whether  that  from  being  so  near  the  ene- 
my, they  were  ashamed  not  to  go  on,  or  that  they  did 
not  value  the  ditch,  because  it  was  dry  and  liad  no 
hedge  ;  and  besides,  being  no  longer  able  to  retire,  be- 
cause the  advanced  ranks  were  pushed  forward  by  those 
in  the  rear,  they  rushed  into  the  ditch  at  once.  This 
was  the  decisive  point  of  time  which  Philopœmen  had 
long  awaited,  and  thereupon  he  orders  the  charge  to  be 
sounded.  His  troops,  levelling  their  pikes,  fell  with 
dreadful  shouts  on  the  Lacedemonians.  The  latter, 
who  at  their  descending  into  the  ditch,  had  broken  their 
ranks,  no  sooner  saw  the  enemy  above  them,  than  they 
immediately  fled  ;  nevertheless,  great  numbers  of  them 
were  left  in  the  ditch,  having  been  killed  either  by  the 
Achaeans,  or  their  own  soldiers. 

To  complete  the  glory  of  this  action,  it  now  remain- 
ed to  prevent  the  tyrant  from  escaping  the  conqueror. 
This  was  Philopœmen's  only  object.  Machanidas,  on 
his  retxu'n,  perceived  that  his  army  fled  ;  and  being  sen- 
sible of  his  error,  he  endeavoured,  but  in  vain,  to  force 
his  way  through  the  Achaeans.  His  troops,  perceiving 
that  the  enemy  v^^ere  masters  of  the  bridge  which  lay- 
over the  ditch,  were  quite  dispirited,  and  endeavoured 
to  save  themselves  as  well  as  they  could.  Machanidas 
himself,  finding  it  impossible  to  "pass  the  bridge,  hur- 
ried along  the  side  of  the  ditch,  in  order  to  find  a  place 
where  he  might  pass  it.     Philopœmen  k>iew  him  by  his 

time.  It  is  true  indeed  that  this  person  had  the  same  name,  and 
was  a  native  of  thç  same  city,  which  makes  the  error  the  more  ex^ 
cusable. 


324  THE  HISTORY  OP 

purple  mantle,  and  the  trappings  of  his  horse  :  so  that, 
after  giving  the  necessary  orders  to  his  officers,  he  pas- 
sed the  ditch,  in  order  to  stop  the  tyrant.  The  latter 
having  found  a  part  of  the  ditch  which  might  easily  be 
crossed,  claps  spurs  to  his  horse,  which  springs  forward 
in  order  to  leap  over.  That  very  instant  Philopœmen 
burled  his  javelin  at  him,  which  laid  him  dead  in  the 
ditch.  The  tyrant's  head  being  struck  off,  and  carried 
from  rank  to  rank,  gave  new  courage  to  the  victorious 
Acha?ans.  They  pursued  the  fugitives,  with  incredi- 
ble ardour,  as  far  as  Tegaea,  entered  the  city  with  them, 
and  being  now  masters  of  the  field,  the  very  next  day 
they  encamped  on  the  banks  of  the  Eurotas. 

The  Achaeans  did  not  lose  many  men  in  this  battle, 
but  the  Lacedaemonians  lost  not  less  than  four  thou- 
sand, without  including  the  prisoners,  who  were  still 
more  numerous.  The  baggage  and  arms  were  also  taken 
by  the  Achaeans. 

The  conquerors,  struck  with  admiration»  at  the  con- 
duct of  their  general,  to  whom  the  victory  was  entirely 
owing,  erected  a  brazen  statue  to  him  in  the  same  atti- 
tude in  which  he. had  killed  the  tyrant;  which  statue 
they  afterwards  placed  in  the  temple  of  Apollo  at  Delphi. 

Polybius  justly  observes,  that  this  signal  victory  must 
not  be  ascribed  either  to  chance,  or  a  concurrence  of 
circumstances,  but  entirely  to  the  abilities  of  the  gene- 
ral, who  had  foreseen  and  made  every  necessary  disposi- 
tion for  this  great  event  And,  indeed,  from  the  be- 
ginning (it  is  Polybius  who  still  speaks,  and  continues 
his  reflections)  Philopœmen  had  covered  himself  with 
the  ditch  :  not  to  avoid  coming  to  a  battle,  as  some 
have  imagined,  but  because,  like  a  judicious  man  and  a 
great  soldier,  he  had  reflected,  that  should  JMachanidas 
attempt  to  make  his  army  pass  the  ditch,  before  he  had 
examined  it,  his  troops  would  certainly  be  cut  to  pieces, 
and  entirely^  defeated  ;  or  if,  being  stopped  by  the  ditch, 
he  should  change  his  resolution,  and  break  his  order  of 
battle  through  fear,  that  he  would  be  thought  the  most 
unskilful  of  generals,  in  abandoning  victory  to  the  ene- 
my without  daring  to  come  to  a  battle,  and  in  carrying 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSOR».  S25 

©ff  no  other  marks  of  his  enterprise,  than  the  ignominy 
of  having  renounced  it.  Polybius  also  highly  applauds 
the  presence  of  mind  and  resolution  of  Philopœmm,  in 
not  desponding  or  losing  courage  when  his  left  wing 
was  routed  ;  but  in  having  made  that  very  defeat  an 
occasion  of  his  gaining  a  glorious  victory. 

It  appears  to  me  that  these  small  battles,  where  there 
are  not  many  combatants  on  either  side,  and  in  which, 
for  that  reason,  one  may  follow,  as  it  were,  with  the  eye, 
the  several  steps  of  the  commanding  officers,  observe 
the  several  orders  they  give,  the  precautions  they  take, 
and  the  errors  they  commit,  may  be  of  great  service  t  > 
those  who  are  one  dav  to  command  armies  ;  and  this  is 
one  of  the  chief  advantages  resulting  from  the  study  of 
history. 

*  It  is  related  that,  in  the  assembly  of  the  Nemaean 
games,  which  were  solemnized  this  year  after  this  famous 
battle  of  Mantinea,  Philopœmen,  being  elected  general 
of  the  Achaeans  a  second  time,  and  having  then  no  em- 
ployment for  his  forces,  upon  account  of  the  festival, 
caused  his  phalanx,  very  splendidly  clothed,  to  pass  in 
review  before  all  the  Greeks,  and  made  them  perform 
their  usual  exercises,  to  show  with  what  dexterity, 
strength,  and  agility,  they  performed  the  several  mili- 
tary movements,  without  ever  breaking  or  disordering 
their  ranks.  He  afterwards  went  into  the  theatre,  in 
which  the  musicians  were  disputing  for  the  prize  in  their 
art,  accompanied  by  those  youths  in  their  coats  of  arms, 
all  of  a  graceful  stature,  and  in  the  flower  of  their  age  ; 
all  filled  vnth  the  highest  veneration  for  their  general, 
and  fired  at  the  same  time  with  a  martial  intrepidity  ; 
sentiments  with  which  their  glorious  battles  and  success, 
under  this  illustrious  general,  had  inspired  them. 

The  very  instant  that  this  flourishing  troop  of  }ouths 
entered  with  Philopœmen,  Pylades  the  musician,  who 
was  singing  to  his  lyre  the  Persians  of  f  Timothe- 

*  A.  M.  3799.     Ant.  J.  C.  205. 

t  This  was  a  dithyrambic  poet,  who  lived  about  the  95th  Olym- 
piad, i.  e.  398  years  before  Christ.  One  of  his  pieces  was  entitled, 
The  Persians, 


326  THE  HISTORY  OF 

US,   happened   accidentally   to    repeat    the   following 
verse  : 

The  >vreatli  of  liberty  to  me  you  owe. 

The  grandeur  of  the  poetry  heing  finely  expressed  by- 
the  singer,  who  had  an  exquisite  voice,  struck  .the  whole 
assembly.  At  the  same  time  all  tlie  Greeks  cast  their 
eyes  upon  Philopœmen  ;  and  clapping  their  hands,  and 
raising  shouts  of  joy,  they  called  to  mind  the  glorious 
ages  of  triumphant  Greece;  soothing  themselves  with 
the  pleasing  hopes,  that  they  should  revive  those  ancient 
times,  and  their  pristine  glory  ;  so  greatly  did  a  gene- 
ral, like  Philopœmen,  increase  their  confidence,  and  in- 
flame their  courage. 

And  indeed,  says  Plutarch,  as  we  find  young  colts 
are  alvrays  fond  of  those  they  are  used  to,  and  that  in 
case  any  other  person  attempts  to  mount  them,  they 
are  restive,  and  prance  about  with  their  new  rider  ;  the 
same  disposition  appeared  in  the  Achsean  league.  The 
instant  they  were  to  embark  in  a  new  war,  and  a  battle 
ivas  to  be  fought,  if  any  other  general  was  appointed, 
immediately  the  deputies  of  the  confederate  powers 
would  be  discouraged,  and  turn  their  ey^s  in  quest  of 
Philopœmen  ;  and  the  moment  he  appeared,  the  w^hole 
league  revived,  and  were  ready  for  action  ;  so  strongly 
WTre  they  persuaded  of  his  great  valour  and  abilities; 
well  knowing  that  he  was  the  only  general  whose  pre- 
sence the  enemy  dreaded,  and  whose  name  alone  made 
the  enemy  tremble. 

Can  there,  humanly  speaking,  be  more  pleasing,  more 
affecting,  or  more  solid  glory  for  a  general  or  a  prince, 
than  to  see  himself  esteemed,  beloved,  and  revered,  by 
the  army  and  by  nations,  in  the  manner  Philopœmen 
w^as  ?  Is  it  possible  for  any  man  to  be  so  void  of  taste 
and  sound  sense,  as  to  prefer,  or  even  compare,  to  the 
honour  which  the  exalted  qualities  of  Philopœmen  ac- 
quired him,  the  pretended  glory  which  so  many  persons 
of  quality  imagined  they  derive  from  their  equipages, 
buildings,  furniture,  and  the  ridiculous  expense  of  their 
tables  ?     Philopœmen  affected  magnificence  more  than 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  327 

they  do  ;  but  then  he  placed  it  in  what  it  really  con- 
sists ;  the  clothing  his  troops  splendidly  ;  providing 
them  good  horses  and  shining  arms  ;  supplying,  with  a 
generous  hand,  all  their  wants  both  public  and  private  ; 
distributing  money  seasonably  to  encourage  the  officers, 
and  even  the  private  men  :  in  acting  thus,  Philopœmen, 
though  dressed  in  a  very  plain  habit,  was  looked  upon  as 
the  greatest  and  most  magniiicent  general  of  his  time. 

Sparta  did  not  recover  its  ancient  liberty  by  the  death 
of  Machanidas,  the  only  consequence  of  which  was  its 
changing  one  oppressor  for  another.  The  tyrant  had 
been  extirpated,  but  not  the  tyranny.  That  unhappy 
city,  formerly  so  jealous  of  its  liberty  and  independence, 
and  now  abandoned  to  slavery,  seemed,  by  its  indolence, 
studious  of  nothmg  but  to  make  itself  new  chains,  or 
to  support  its  old  ones.  Machanidas  was  succeeded  by 
Nabis,  a  still  greater  tyrant  than  the  former  ;  yet  the 
Spartans  did  not  show  the  least  spirit,  or  make  the  least 
effort,  to  shake  off  the  yoke  of  slavery. 

^  Nabis,  in  the  beginning  of  his  government,  was  not 
desirous  to  undertake  any  foreign  expedition  ;  but  em- 
ployed his  whole  endeavours  in  laying  the  solid  founda- 
tions of  a  lasting  and  cruel  tyranny.  For  that  purpose 
he  made  it  his  particular  care  to  destroy  all  the  remain- 
ing Spartans  m  that  republic.  He  banished  from  it 
all  such  as  were  distinguished  for  their  quality  and 
wealth,  ami  gave  their  estates  and  wives  to  the  chief 
men  of  his  party.  We  shall  speak  of  these  persons 
hereafter  under  the  name  of  the  Exiles.  He  had  taken 
into  his  pay  a  great  number  of  foreigners,  all  plunderers 
and  assassins,  and  capable  of  perpetrating  the  blackestt 
crimes  for  gam.  This  kind  of  people,  who  had  been 
banished  tiieir  country  for  their  crimes,  flocked  round 
the  tyrant,  who  lived  in  the  midst  of  tiiem  as  their  pro- 
tector and  king  ;  employing  them  as  his  attendants  and 
guards,  to  strengthen  his  tyranny,  and  confirm  his  power. 
He  was  not  satisfied  with  bamshing  the  citizens  ;  he 
acted  in  such  a  manner,  that  they  could  not  find  any 
secure  asylum,  even  in  foreign  countries  :  some  were 

**  Polyb.  1,  xiii.  p.  674,  675. 


328  THE  histohy  of 

butcherd  in  their  journey  by  his  emissaries  ;  and  he  re- 
called others  from  banishment,  with  no  other  view  but 
to  murder  them. 

Besides  these  barbarities,  he  invented  a  machine 
which  may  be  called  an  infernal  one,  representing  a 
woman  magnificently  dressed,  and  exactly  resembling 
his  wife.  Every  time  that  he  sent  for  any  person,  to 
extort  money  from  him,  he  w^ould  first  converse  wdth 
him  in  the  kindest  and  most  gentle  terms,  on  the  dan- 
ger with  which  the  whole  country,  and  Sparta  in  par- 
-ticular,  was  menaced  by  the  Achaeans  ;  the  number  of 
foreigners  he  was  obliged  to  keep  in  pay  for  the  security 
of  the  state  ;  the  great  sums  he  expended  for  the  wor- 
ship of  the  gods,  and  for  the  good  of  the  public.  In 
case  the  person  spoken  to  was  wrought  upon  by  his 
words,  he  proceeded  no  farther,  this  being  all  he  wanted  : 
but,  if  he  was  refractory,  and  refused  to  give  him  mo- 
ney, he  would  say,  "  Probably  the  talent  of  persuasion 
is  not  mine  ;  but  I  hope  that  Apega  will  be  able  to  per- 
suade you."  Apega  was  the  name  of  his  wife.  He  no 
sooner  uttered  these  words  than  his  machine  appeared. 
Nabis,  taking  her  by  the  hand,  raised  her  from  her  chair, 
and  led  her  to  the  person.  The  hands,  the  arms,  and 
breast  of  this  machine,  were  stuck  with  sharp  iron  points, 
concealed  under  the  clothes.  The  pretended  Apega 
embraced  the  unhappy  wretch,  folded  him  in  her  arms  ; 
and  laying  hers  round  his  waist,  clasped  him  to  her  bo- 
som, whilst  he  uttered  the  most  lamentable  cries.  The 
machine  was  made  to  perform  these  several  motions  by 
secret  springs.  In  this  manner  did  the  tyrant  put  many 
to  death,  from  whom  he  could  not  otherwise  extort  the 
sums  he  demanded. 

Would  one  believe  that  a  man  could  be  capable  of 
contriving,  in  cold  blood,  such  a  machine,  merely  to  tor- 
ture his  fellow- creatures,  and  to  feed  his  eyes  and  ears 
with  the  cruel  pleasure  of  seeing  their  agonies,  and  hear- 
ing their  groans  ?  It  is  astonishing  that  in  such  a  city 
as  Sparta,  where  tyranny  was  had  in  the  utmost  detesta- 
tion ;  where  men  thought  it  glorious  to  confront  death  ; 
where  religion  and  the  laws,  so  far  from  restraining  men 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  329 

as  among  us,  seemed  to  arm  them  against  all  who  were 
enemies  to  liberty  ;  it  is  astonishing,  1  say,  that  so  horrid 
a  monster  should  be  suffered  to  live  one  day. 

^  I  have  already  observed,  that  the  Romans,  employ- 
ed in  a  more  important  war,  had  intermeddled  very  little 
with  the  affairs  of  Greece.  The  iEtolians,  finding  them- 
selves neglected  by  that  powerful  people,  who  were  their 
only  refuge,  made  a  peace  with  Philip.  Scarce  was  the 
treaty  concluded,  when  P.  Sempronius  the  proconsul 
arrived  with  ten  thousand  foot,  a  thousand  horse,  and 
thirty-five  ships  of  war.  He  was  very  much  offended 
at  them  for  making  this  peace  without  having  first  ob- 
tained the  consent  of  the  Romans,  contraiy  to  the  ex- 
press words  of  the  treaty  of  alliance.  The  Epirots  also, 
tired  with  the  length  of  the  war,  sent  deputies  (with  the 
proconsul's  leave)  to  Philip,  who  now  was  returned  to 
Macedonia,  to  exhort  him  to  agree  to  a  general  peace  ; 
hinting  to  him,  that  they  were  almost  sure,  if  he  con- 
sented to  have  an  interview  with  Sempronius,  they 
would  easily  agree  upon  the  conditions.  The  king  was 
greatly  pleased  with  these  overtures,  and  went  to  Epirus. 
As  both  parties  were  desirous  of  peace  ;  Philip,  that 
he  might  have  leisure  to  settle  the  affairs  of  his  king- 
dom ;  and  the  Romans,  that  they  might  be  able  to  carry 
on  the  war  against  Carthage  with  greater  vigour  ;  a 
treaty  was  soon  concluded.  The  king  caused  Prusias, 
king  of  Bithynia,  the  Achaeans,  Bœotians,  Thessalians, 
Acarnanians,  and  Epirots,  to  be  included  in  it  ;  and 
the  Romans  included  the  people  of  Ilium,  king  Attains, 
Pleuratus,  Nabis  the  Spartan  tyrant,  successor  to  Ma- 
chanidas,  the  people  of  Elis,  the  Messenians,  and  the 
Athenians.  In  this  manner  the  war  of  the  allies  was 
terminated  by  a  peace  which  was  of  no  long  continu- 
ance. 

«  Liv.  1.  xxix.  n.  12.     A.  M.  3800.     Ant.  J.  C.  204. 


330  THE  HISTORY  OF 


< 


SECT.  VIII.  The  glorious  expeditions  of  AntiocJtus  into^ 
Media,  Parthia,  Hjrcanla,  and  as  far  as  India.  At  his 
return  to  Antioch,  he  receives  advice  of  Ptolemy  Philopaior'^s 
death. 

The  history  of  the  wars  in  Greece  ohliged  us  to  inter- 
rupt the  relation  of  the  transactions  in  Asia,  and  there- 
fore we  now  return  to  them. 

*' Antiochus,  after  the  death  of  Achasus,  having  em- 
ployed some  time  in  settling  his  affairs  in  Asia  ]\linor, 
marched  towar  Is  the  East,  to  reduce  those  provinces 
which  had  revolted  from  the  empire  of  Syria.  He  be- 
gan by  Media,  of  which  the  Parthians  had  just  before 
dispossessed  him.  Arsaces,  son  to  him  who  founded 
that  empire,  was  their  king.  He  had  taken  advantage 
of  the  troubles  in  which  the  wars  of  Antiochus  with 
Ptolemy  and  Achœus  had  involved  him,  and  had  con- 
quered jNIedia. 

This  country,  says  Polybius,  is  the  most  powerful 
kingdom  in  all  Asia,  as  well  for  its  extent,  as  for  the 
number  and  strength  of  the  men,  and  the  great  quantity 
of  horses  it  produces.  jNIedia  furnishes  all  Asia  with 
those  beasts  ;  and  its  pastures  are  so  good,  that  the 
neighbouring  monarchs  send  their  studs  thither.  Ec- 
batana  is  its  capital  city.  The  edifices  of  this  city  sur- 
pass in  richness  and  magnificence  all  others  in  the  world, 
and  the  king's  palace  is  seven  hundred  fatlioms  round. 
Though  all  the  wood-work  was  of  cedar  and  cypress,  yet 
not  the  least  piece  of  timber  was  visible  ;  the  joints,  the 
beams,  the  ceilings,  and  columns  which  sustained  the 
porticoes  and  piazzas,  being  covered  with  silver  or  gold 
plates.  All  the  tiles  were  of  silver.  The  greatest  part 
of  these  rich  materials  had  been  carried  off  by  the  Ma- 
cedonians under  Alexander  the  Great,  and  the  rest 
plundered  by  Antigonus  and  Seleucus  Nicator.  Never- 
theless, when  Antiochus  entered  this  kingdom,  the  tem- 
ple of  .^na  was  still  surrounded  with  gilded  columns, 
and  the  soldiers  found  in  it  a  great  number  of  silver 
^  Polyb.  1.  X.  p.  597—602.     A.  M.  3792,    Ant.  J.  C.  212. 


ALEXAXDEU'S  SUCCESSORS.  331 

tiles,  a  few  golden  bricks,  and  a  great  many  of  silver. 
All  this  was  converted  into  specie,  and  stamped  with 
Antiochus's  image  ;  the  whole  amounting  to  four  thou- 
sand talents,  or  about  six  hundred  thousand  pounds 
sterling. 

Arsaces  expected  that  Antiochus  would  advance  as 
far  as  this  temple  ;  but  he  never  imagined  that  he  would 
venture  to  cross,  with  his  numerous  army,  a  country  so 
barren  as  that  which  lies  near  it  ;  and  especially  as  no 
water  can  be  found  in  those  parts,  none  appearing  on 
the  surface  of  the  earth.  There  are  indeed  rivulets  and 
springs  under  ground  ;  but  no  one,  except  those  that 
know  the  country,  can  find  them.  On  this  subject,  a 
true  story  is  related  by  the  inhabitants  of  the  country, 
that  the  Persians,  when  they  conquered  Asia,  gave  to 
those  who  should  raise  water  in  places  where  none  had 
been  before,  the  profits  arising  from  such  places  to  the 
fifth  generation  inclusively.  The  inhabitants,  animated 
by  these  promises,  spared  neither  labour  nor  expense  to 
convey  water  under  ground  from  mount  Taurus,  whence 
a  great  quantity  flows,  as  far  as  these  deserts  ;  insomuch 
that  at  this  time,  says  Polybius,  those  who  make  use  of 
these  waters,  do  not  know  from  what  springs  the  sub- 
terraneous rivulets  flow  that  supply  them  with  it. 

It  were  to  be  wished  that  Polybius,  who  generally  is 
diffusive  enough,  had  been  more  circumstantial  here, 
and  had  explained  to  us  in  v^^hat  manner  these  subter- 
raneous canals  (for  such  were  the  wells  here  spoken  of) 
were  constructed,  and  the  methods  employed  by  Arsaces 
to  stop  them.  From  the  account  he  gives  of  the  prodi- 
gious labour  employed,  and  the  vast  sums  expended  to 
complete  this  work,  we  are  led  to  suppose  that  water 
had  been  conveyed  into  every  part  of  this  vast  desert,  by 
stone  aqueducts  built  under  ground,  with  openings  at 
proper  distances,  which  Polybius  calls  wells. 

*  When  Arsaces  saw  that  Antiochus  was  crossing  the 
deserts,  in  spite  of  the  diiiiculties  which  he  imagined 
would  impede  his  march,  he  gave  orders  for  stopping  up 
the  well^.     But  Antiochus,  having  foreseen  this,  sent 

*  A.  M.  S793.     Ant.  J.  C.  211. 


^32  THE  HISTORY  OP 

a  detachment  of  horse,  which  posted  itself  near  these 
wells,  and  beat  the  party  that  came  to  stop  them.  The 
army  passed  the  deserts,  entered  Media,  drove  Arsaces 
out  of  it,  and  recovered  all  that  province.  Antiochus 
staid  there  the  rest  of  the  year,  in  order  to  regulate  the 
affairs  of  the  province,  and  to  make  the  preparations 
necessary  for  carrying  on  the  war. 

*  The  year  following  he  entered  very  early  into  Par- 
thia,  where  he  was  as  successful  as  he  had  been  the  year 
before  in  Media  :  Arsaces  was  forced  to  retire  into  Hyr- 
cania,  where  he  imagined  that  by  securing  some  passes 
of  the  mountains  which  separate  it  from  Parthia,  it 
would  be  impossible  for  the  Syrian  army  to  disturb 
him. 

f  However,  he  was  mistaken  :  for,  as  soon  as  the  sea- 
son would  permit,  Antiochus  took  the  field  ;  and,  after 
incredible  difficulties,  attacked  all  those  posts  at  the 
same  time  with  his  whole  army,,  which  he  divided  into 
as  many  bodies  as  there  were  attacks  to  be  made,  and 
soon  forced  them  all.  He  afterwards  reassembled  them 
in  the  plains,  and  marched  to  besiege  Seringis,  which 
was  the  capital  of  Hyrcania.  Having  besieged  it  for 
some  time,  he  at  last  made  a  great  breach,  and  took  the 
city  by  storm,  upon  which  the  inhabitants  surrendered 
at  discretion. 

g  In  the  mean  time  Arsaces  was  very  busy.  As  he 
retired,  he  re-assembled  troops,  which  at  last  formed  an 
army  of  a  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  foot  and  twenty 
thousand  horse.  He  then  took  the  field  against  the 
enemy,  and  checked  their  progress  with  the  utmost 
bravery.  His  resistance  protracted  the  war,  which  seem- 
ed almost  at  an  end.  After  many  engagements,  An- 
tiochus perceiving  he  gained  no  advantage,  judged  that 
it  would  be  extremely  difficult  to  reduce  so  valiant  an 
enemy,  and  drive  him  entirely  out  of  the  provinces, 
where  by  length  of  time  he  had  so  strongly  established 
himself.     For  this  reason,  he  began  to  listen  to  the 

8  Justin.  1.  xli.  c.  5. 

*  A.  M.  3794.     Ant.  J.  C.  210. 

t  A.  M.  3795.     Ant.  J.  C.  209. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS,  38^ 

overtures  which  were  made  him  for  terminating  so  te- 
dious a  war. 

*  At  last  a  treaty  was  concluded,  in  which  it  was  sti- 
pulated that  Arsaces  should  continue  in  possession  of 
Parthia  and  Hyrcania,  upon  condition  that  he  shoiild 
assist  Antiochus  in  recovering  the  rest  of  the  revolted 
provinces. 

f  Antiochus,  after  this  peace,  turned  his  aims  against 
Euthydemus,  king  of  Bactria.  We  have  already  shown 
in  what  manner  Theodotus  had  disunited  Bactria  from 
the  empire  of  Syria,  and  left  it  to  his  son  of  the  same 
name  with  himself.  This  son  had  been  defeated  and 
dispossessed  by  Euthydemus,  a  brave  and  prudent  man, 
who  maintained  for  a  long  time  a  war  against  Antio- 
chus. ^  The  latter  used  his  utmost  endeavours  to  re- 
cover Bactria  ;  but  they  all  were  rendered  ineffectual 
by  the  valour  and  vigilance  of  Euthydemus.  During 
the  course  of  this  war,  Antiochus  displayed  his  bravery 
in  the  most  extraordinary  manner.  In  one  of  these 
battles  his  horse  was  killed  under  him,  and  he  himself 
received  a  wound  in  the  mouth,  which,  however,  was 
not  dangerous,  being  attended  with  only  the  loss  of 
some  of  his  teeth. 

At  last  he  grew  weary  of  a  war,  in  which  he  plainly 
perceived  that  it  would  be  impossible  for  him  to  dethrone 
this  prince.  He  therefore  gave  audience  to  Euthyde- 
mus's  ambassadors,  who  represented  to  him,  that  the 
w^ar  he  was  carrying  on  against  their  sovereign  was  not 
just  :  that  he  had  never  been  his  subject,  and  conse- 
quently that  he  ought  not  to  avenge  himself  on  their 
king,  because  others  had  rebelled  against  him  ;  that 
Bactria  had  thrown  off  the  yoke  of  the  Syrian  empire 
under  other  monarchs  long  before  him  ;  that  he  pos- 
sessed this  kingdom  by  right  of  conquest  over  the  de- 
scendants of  those  chiefs  of  the  rebellion,  and  preserved 
it  as  the  reward  of  a  just  victory.  They  also  insinua- 
ted to  him  that  the  Scythians,  observing  both  parties 

^  Polyb.  1.  X.  p.  620,  621,  &  1.  xi.  p.  651,  652. 
*  A.  M.  S796.     Ant.  J.  C.  208. 
t  A.  M.  3797.    Am.  J.  C.  207. 


S34i  THE  HlSTOPtY  OF 

had  weakened  themselves  by  this  war,  were  preparing 
to  invade  Bactria  vrith  great  fury  ;  and  that  should 
they  persist  obstinately  in  disputing  for  it,  those  bar- 
barians might  very  possibly  dispossess  both  of  it.  *  This 
reflection  made  an  impression  on  Antiochus,  who,  by 
tliis  time,  was  gro\^Ti  quite  v;eary  of  so  unprofitable  and 
tedious  a  war;  and  for  this  reason  he  granted  them 
such  conditions  as  ended  in  a  peace.  To  confirm  and 
ratify  it,  Euthydemns  sent  his  son  to  Antiochus.  He 
gave  him  a  gracious  reception  ;  and  judging,  by  his 
agreeable  mien,  his  conversation,  and  the  air  of  majesty 
conspicuous  in  his  whole  person,  that  he  was  worthy  of 
a  throne,  he  promised  him  one  of  his  daughters  in  mar- 
riage, and  granted  his  father  the  title  of  king.  The 
other  articles  of  the  treaty  were  put  into  writing,  and 
the  alliance  was  confirmed  by  the  usual  oaths. 

Having  received  all  Euthydemus's  elephants,  which 
w^as  one  of  the  articles  of  the  peace,  he  passed  mount 
Caucasus,  and  entered  India,  and  then  renewed  his  al- 
liance with  the  king  of  that  country.  He  also  received 
elephants  from  him,  which,  with  tliose  Euthydemus  had 
given  him,  amounted  to  a  hundred  and  fifty.  He  march- 
ed from  tlience  into  Arachosia,  afterwards  into  Dran- 
giana,  thence  into  Carmania,  establishing  his  authority 
and  good  order  in  all  those  provinces. 

f  He  passed  the  w^inter  in  the  latter  country.  From 
thence  he  returned  by  Persia,  Babylonia,  and  Mesopo- 
tamia, and  at  last  arrived  at  Antioch,  after  having  spent 
seven  years  in  this  expedition.  The  vigour  of  his  en- 
terprises, and  the  prudence  with  which  he  had  conduct- 
ed the  whole  war,  acquired  him  the  cha^racter  of  a  wise 
and  valiant  prince,  and  made  him  formidable  to  Europe 
as  well  as  Asia. 

1  A  little  after  his  arrival  at  Antioch,  advice  was 
brought  him  of  the  death  of  Ptolemy  Philopator.  That 
prince,  by  his  intemperance  and  excesses,  had  quite 
nuned  his  constitution,  which  was  naturally  strong  and 

*  A.  M.  3798.     Ant.  J.  C.  206. 
t  \   M.  8799.    'Ant.  J   C.  205. 
j;  A.  M.  3800.     Ant.  J,  C.  204. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORSr.  335 

vigorous.  He  died,  as  generally  happens  to  those  who 
abandon  themselves  to  pleasure,  before  he  had  run  half 
his  course.  He  was  little  more  than  twenty  years  old 
when  he  ascended  the  throne,  and  reigned  but  seventeen 
years.  He  was  succeeded  by  Ptolemy  Epiphaues  hi« 
son,  then  five  years  old. 


386  THE  HISTORY  OF 


BOOK  THE  NINETEENTH. 


SEQUEL 


OF  THE 


HISTORY 


OP 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS. 


CHAP.  I, 


SECT.  I.  Ptolemy  Epiphanes  succeeds  Philopafor  Insjhilier 
in  the  kingdom  of  Egypt.  Antiochus  and  Philip  enter  into 
an  alliance  to  invade  his  dominions.  The  Romans  become 
guardians  of  the  young  king.  Antiochus  subdues  Palestine 
and  Cœle-syria.  The  war  of  Philip  against  the  Athenians j 
Attains,  and  the  Rhodians.  He  besieges  Abydos.  The  un- 
happy fate  of  that  city.  The  Romans  declare  war  against 
Philip.     Sulpitius  the  consid  is  sent  into  Macedonia, 

I  RELATED  in  the  preceding  Book  how  Ptolemy  Phi- 
lopator/  worn  out  with  riots  and  excesses,  had  closed 
his  life,  after  having  reigned  seventeen  years.  As  the 
only  persons  present  when  that  monarch  expired  were 
Agathocles,  his  sister,  and  their  creatures,  they  conceal* 
ed  his  death  as  long  as  possible  from  the  public,  in  or- 
der that  they  might  have  time  to  carry  off  all  the  mo- 
ney, jewels,  and  other  valuable  effects  in  the  palace. 
They  also  formed  a  plan  to  maintain  themselves  in  the 

»  Justin.  1.  XXX.  e.  2.     Polyb.  1.  xv.  p.  712—720.     A.  M.  3800. 
Ant.  J.  C.  204-. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  SS7 

same  authority  they  had  enjoyed  under  the  late  king, 
by  usurping  the  regency  during  the  minority  of  his  son, 
named  Ptolemy  Epiphanes,  who  was  then  but  five  years 
old.  They  imagined  this  might  be  easily  done,  if  they 
could  but  take  off  Tlepolemus,  who  had  succeeded  So- 
sibius  in  the  ministry  ;  and  accordingly  they  concerted, 
measures  to  despatch  him. 

At  last  they  informed  the  public  of  the  king's  death. 
Immediately  a  great  council  af  the  Macedonians  *  was 
assembled,  in  which  Agathocles,  and  Agathoclea  his 
sister,  were  present.     Agathocles,  after  shedding  abun- 
dance of  tears,  begins  by  imploring  their  protection  for 
the  young  king,  whom  he  held  in  his  arms.     He  tells 
them,  that  his  royal  father,  in  his  expiring  moments, 
had  committed  him  to  the  care  of  Agathoclea,  whom 
he  pointed  out  to  them  ;  and  had  recommended  him  to 
the  fidelity  of  the  Macedonians  :  that  for  this  reason  he 
was  come  to  implore  their  assistance  against  Tlepole- 
mus, who,  as  he  was  well  informed,  had  meditated  a  de- 
sign of  usurping  the  crown.     He  added,  that  he  had 
brought  witnesses  expressly  to  prove  his  treason,  and  at 
the  same  time  offered  to  produce  them.     He  imagined 
that  by  this  v.eak  artifice,  Tlepolemus  would  be  imme- 
diately despatched,  and  that  in  consequence  he  might 
easily  obtain  the  regency  ;  but  the  artifice  was  too  gross, 
and  the  people  immediately  swore  the  destruction  of 
Agathocles,  his  sister,  and  all  their  creatures.     This 
last  attempt  recalling  to  their  remembrance  their  other 
crimes,  all  the  inhabitants  of  Alexandria  rose  against 
them.     The  young  king  was  taken  out  of  their  hands, 
and  seated  on  the  throne  in  the  Hippodrome.     After 
which,  Agathocles,  his  sister,  and  Œnanthe  his  mother, 
were  brought  before  the  king,  and  all  three  put  to  death 
as  by  his  order.    The  populace  exposed  their  dead  bodies 
to  all  the  indignities  possible  ;  dragging  them  through 
the  streets,  and  tearing  them  to  pieces.     All  their  re- 
lations and  creatures  met  with  the  same  treatment,  and 

*  Polybius  gives  this  name  to  the  Alexandrians  who  were  descend- 
ed from  the  Macedonians,  and  the  posterity  of  the  founders  of  Alex- 
andria, or  of  those  to  whom  the  same  privileges  had  been  granted, 

VOL.  VI,  Z 


;^38  THE  HISTORY  OF 

not  one  of  tbem  was  spared  ;  the  usual  and  just  end  of 
those  unworthy  favourites,  who  abuse  the  confidence  of 
their  sovereign  to  oppress  the  people  ;  but  which  does 
not  effect  the  reformation  of  those  who  resemble  thera. 

Philamraon,  the  assassin,  who  had  been  hired  to 
murder  Arsinoe,  being  retunied  from  Cyrene  to  Alex- 
andria two  or  three  days  before  this  tumult  broke  out, 
the  ladies  of  honour  of  that  unfortunate  queen  had  im- 
mediate notice  of  it,  and  taking  this  opportunity,  which 
the  distractions  of  the  city  gave  them,  they  resolved  to 
revenge  their  mistress's  death.  Accordingly,  they  broke 
open  the  door  of  the  house  where  he  was,  and  killed  him 
with  clubs  and  stones. 

The  care  of  the  king's  person,  till  otherwise  provided 
for,  was  given  to  Sosibius,  son  to  him  who  had  govern- 
ed during  the  last  thi*ee  reigns.  History  does  not  in- 
form us  whether  the  father  was  still  alive  ;  but  it  is  cer- 
tain that  he  lived  to  a  great  age,  as  he  had  passed  above 
threescore  years  in  the  administration.  ^No  minister 
was  ever  more  cunning  or  more  corrupt  than  this  Sosi- 
bius. He  made  no  scruple  of  committing  the  blackest 
crimes,  provided  they  conduqed  to  his  ends.  Polybius 
imputes  to  him  the  murder  of  Lysimachus  son  of  Pto- 
lemy, and  of  Arsinoe  daughter  of  that  Lysimachus  ;  of 
Magas  son  of  Ptolemy,  and  of  Berenice  daughter  of 
Magas  ;  of  Berenice  mother  to  Ptolemy  Philopator  ; 
of  Cleomenes  king  of  Sparta  ;  and  lastly,  of  Arsinoe 
daughter  of  Berenice,  It  is  surprising  that,  notwith- 
standing the  inhumanity  and  cruelty  of  his  administra- 
tion, he  should  have  supported  himself  so  long  m  it,  and 
at  last  come  to  a  peaceable  end. 

^  Antiochus  king  of  Syria,  and  Philip  king  of  Mace- 
donia, during  the  whole  reign  of  Ptolemy  Philopator, 
had  discovered  the  strongest  zeal  for  the  interest  of  that 
monarch,  and  were  ready  to  assist  him  on  all  occasions^ 
Yet,  no  sooner  was  he  dead,  leaving  behind  him  an 
infant,  whom  the  laws  of  humanity  and  justice  enjoined 

^  Polyb.  in  Excerpt,  p.  64. 

1  Polyb.  1.  iii.  p.  159.      Id.  1.  XV.  p.  707  &  708.      A.  M.  380h 
Ant.  J.  C.  203. 


ALEXANDER'S  StTCCESSOUS.  339 

them  not  to  disturb  in  the  possession  of  his  father's 
kingdom,  than  they  immediately  join  in  a  criminal  al- 
liance, and  excite  each  other  to  take  off  the  lawful  heir, 
and  divide  his  dominions  between  them.  Philip  was 
to  have  Caria,  Libya,  Cyrenaica,  and  Egypt  ;  and  An- 
tiochus  all  the  rest.  With  this  view,  the  latter  enter- 
ed Cœle- Syria  and  Palestine  ;  and,  in  less  than  two 
campaigns,  made  an  entire  conquest  of  those  two  pro- 
vinces, with  all  their  cities  and  dependencies.  Their 
guilt,  says  Polybius,  would  not  have  been  quite  so  gla- 
ring, had  they,  like  tyrants,  endeavoured  to  gloss  over 
their  crimes  with  some  specious  pretence  ;  but  so  far 
from  doing  this,  their  injustice  and  cruelty  were  so  bare- 
faced, that  to  them  was  applied  what  is  generally  said 
of  fishes,  that  the  large  ones,  though  of  the  same  species, 
prey  on  the  lesser.  One  would  be  tempted,  continues 
the  same  author,  at  seeing  the  most  sacred  laws  of  so- 
ciety so  openly  violated,  to  accuse  Providence  of  being 
indifferent  and  insensible  to  the  most  horrid  crimes  ; 
but  it  fully  justified  his  conduct,  by  punishing  those 
two  kings  according  to  their  deserts  ;  and  made  such 
an  example  of  them,  as  ought  in  all  succeeding  ages  to 
deter  others  from  following  their  conduct.  For,  whilst 
they  are  meditating  to  dispossess  a  weak  and  helpless 
infant  of  his  kingdom,  by  piece-meal,  Providence  raised 
up  the  Romans  against  them,  who  entirely  subverted 
the  kingdoms  of  Philip  and  Antiochus,  and  reduced 
their  successors  to  almost  as  great  calamities  as  those 
with  which  they  intended  to  crush  the  infant  king. 

"^During  that  time,  Philip  was  engaged  in  a  war 
against  the  Rhodians,  over  whom  he  gained  an  incon- 
siderable advantage,  in  a  naval  engagement  near  the 
island  of  Lade,  opposite  to  the  city  of  Miletus. 

^  The  next  year  he  attacked  Attains,  and  advanced 
as  far  as  Pergamus,  the  capital  of  his  kingdom.  But 
all  his  efforts  in  assaulting  that  city  being  to  no  pur- 
pose, he  turned  his  rage  and  fury  against  the  gods; 
and  not  satisfied  with  burning  their  temples,  he  demo- 

™  Polyb.  in  Excerpt.  Vales,  p.  70  &  73. 

"  Polyb.  ib.  p.  66,    Diod.  ib.  p.  394,   A.  M.  3802.   Ant.  J.  C.  202. 


340  THE  HISTORY  OF 

lished  their  statues,  broke  to  pieces  their  altars,  and 
evcu  pulled  up  the  stones  from  their  foundations,  that 
not  the  least  footsteps  of  them  might  remain. 

He  was  not  more  successful  against  the  Rhodians; 
Having  already  fought  them  \s'ith  but  indifferent  suc- 
cess, he  ventured  a  second  battle  off  the  island  of  Chios. 
Attains  had  united  his  fleet  to  that  of  the  Rhodians, 
and  Philip  was  defeated  with  considerable  loss.  There 
were  killed,  in  his  army,  three  thousand  Macedonians 
and  six  thousand  allies  ;  and  two  thousand  Macedo- 
nians and  confederates,  with  seven  hundred  Egyptians,, 
were  taken  prisoners.  The  Rhodians  lost  but  sixty  men, 
and  Attains  threescore  and  ten. 

Philip  ascribed  all  the  glory  of  this  engagement  ta 
himself,  and  that  for  two  reasons  ;  the  first  was,  that 
having  repulsed  Attains  to  the  shore,  he  had  taken 
that  prince's  ship;  and  the  second,  that  having  cast 
anchor  near  the  promontory  of  Argennmn,  he  had  taken 
his  station  even  among  the  wrecks  of  his  enemies.  But 
though  he  assumed  the  best  air  he  could,  he  was  senâ- 
ble  of  his  great  loss,  and  could  neither  conceal  it  from 
others  nor  himself.  This  prince  had  never  lost  so  great 
a  number  of  men  either  by  sea  or  land  in  one  day.  He 
was  highly  afflicted  upon  it,  and  was  forced  to  abate 
much  of  his  former  \'ivacity. 

^  Nevertheless,  the  ill  success  of  this  battle  did  not 
make  Philip  despond.  The  character  of  that  prince  was 
to  be  unshaken  in  his  resolutions,  and  not  be  dejected 
by  disappointments,  but  to  overcome  difficulties  by  in- 
flexible constancy  and  perseverance  ;  and  accordingly  he 
continued  the  war  with  fresh  braver)\  I  am  not  cer- 
tain whethey  we  may  not  date,  about  this  time,  the 
cruelties  which  Philip  exercised  over  the  Cianians  ;  a 
barbarity  with  which  he  is  often  reproached,  the  parti- 
culars of  which  have  unhappily  been  lost.  Cios,  whose 
inhabitants  are  called  Cianians,  was  a  small  city  of 
Bithynia.     The  governor  of  it  had  been  raised  to  that 

<*  Polyb.  1.  xvi.  p.  733—739.  Liv.  1.  xxxi.  n.  I6,  18.  Polyb. 
L  xvii.  p.  745.  Liv.  1.  xxxi.  n.  31.  Strab.  1.  xii.  p.  563.  Polyb. 
LxT.  p.  70C)--711.     A.  M.  3803.     Ant.  J.  C.  201. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  341 

post  by  the  jEtoliajis,  who  at  that  time  were  in  alliance 
with  Philip,     We  find  that  he  besieged  it  at  the  re- 
quest of  his  son-inJaw  Prusias,  king  of  Bithynia,  who 
pretended  to  have  received  some  insult  from  it.     The 
city  was  in  all  probability  taken  by  storm.      A  great 
number  of  the  inhabitants  suffered  the  most  cruel  tor- 
ments ;  the  rest  were  reduced  to  a  state  of  captivity, 
which  to  them  was  worse  than  death  ;  and  the  city  was 
razed  to  the  very  foundations.    This  barbarity  alienated 
the  iEtolians  from  him,  and  particularly  the  Rhodians, 
who  were  allies  and  friends  to  the  inhabitants  of  Cios. 
Polybius  seems  to  ascribe  its  destruction  to  the  impru- 
dence of  the  Cianians  themselves,  who  used  to  bestow 
all  posts  and  preferments  on  their  most  worthless  citi- 
zens, and  to  follow  so  blindly  their  pernicious  opinions 
in  every  thing,  as  even  to  persecute  those  w^ho  ventured 
to  oppose  them.      He  adds,  that  a  people,  who  act  in 
this  manner,  plunge  voluntarily  into  the  greatest  cala- 
mities ;  and  that  it  is  surprising  they  do  not  correct 
themselves  in  this  respect  by  the  experience  of  all  ages  ; 
which  shows,  that  the  ruin  of  the  most  powerful  states 
is  solely  owing  to  the  ill  choice  they  make  of  those  to 
whom  they  confide  either  the  command  of  their  armies, 
or  the  administration  of  their  political  affairs. 

Philip  marched  afterwards  to  Thrace  and  the  Cher- 
sonesus,  where  several  cities  surrendered  voluntarily. 
However,  Abydos  shut  her  gates  against  him,  and  even 
refused  to  hear  the  deputies  he  had  sent,  so  that  he  was 
forced  to  besiege  it.  This  city  is  in  Asia,  and  stands 
on  the  narrowest  part  of  the  Hellespont,  now  called  the 
Dardanelles,  and  opposite  to  the  city  of  Sestus  in  Europe. 
The  distance  between  these  two  cities  was  about  two  miles. 
The  reader  will  suppose,  that  Abydos  must  be  a  city  of 
great  importance,  as  it  commanded  the  straits,  and  made 
those  who  were  possessed  of  it,  masters  of  the  communi- 
cation between  the  Euxine  sea  and  the  Archipelago. 

Nothing  of  what  is  generally  practised,  in  the  assault- 
ing and  defending  of  cities,  was  omitted  in  this  siege. 
No  place  was  ever  defended  with  greater  obstinacy; 
which  might  be  said  at  length,  on  the  side  of  the  be- 


342  THE  HISTORY  OF 

sieged,  to  have  risen  to  fury  and  brutality.     Confiding 
in  their  own  strength,  they  repulsed  with  the  greatest 
vigour  the  first  approaches  of  the  Macedonians.     On 
the  side  next  the  sea,  the  machines  of  war  no  sooner 
came  forward,  than  they  immediately  were  either  dis- 
mounted by  the  balistae,  or  consumed  by  fire.     Even 
the  ships,  on  which  they  were  mounted,  were  in  danger  ; 
and  it  was  with  the  utmost  difficulty  that  the  besiegers 
saved  them.     On  the  land  side,  the  Abydenians  also 
defended  themselves  for  some  time  with  great  courage, 
and  did  not  despair  even  of  defeating  the  enemy.    But 
finding  that  the  outward  wall  was  sapped,  and  that  the 
Macedonians  were  carrying  their  mines  under  the  in- 
ward one,  which  had  been  raised  to  supply  the  place  of 
the  other,  they  sent  deputies  to  Philip,  offering  to  sur- 
render their  city  upon  the  following  conditions  :  That 
such  forces,  as  had  been  sent  them  by  the  Rhodians 
and  king  Attains,  should  retiun  to  their  respective  sove- 
reigns under  his  safe  conduct  ;  and  that  all  free  citi- 
zens should  retire  whithersoever  they  pleased,  with  thp 
clothes  they  then  had  on,     Philip  answering,  that  the 
Abydenians  had  only  to  choose,  whether  they  would 
surrender  at  discretion,  or  continue  to  defend  themselves 
valiantly,  the  deputies  retired. 

This  report  being  made,  the  besieged,  in  transports 
of  despair,  assemble  together,  and  consider  what  was  to 
be  done.  They  came  to  this  resolution  ;  first,  that  the 
slaves  should  be  made  free,  to  animate  them  to  defend 
the  city  with  the  utmost  vigoiu*  :  secondly,  that  all  the 
women  should  be  shut  up  in  the  temple  of  Diana,  and 
all  the  children,  with  their  nurses,  in  the  Gymnasium  : 
that  they  then  should  bring  into  the  great  square  all 
the  gold  and  silver  in  the  city,  and  carry  all  the 
rest  of  the  valuable  effects  into  the  *  Quadrireme  of 
the  Rhodians,  and  the  Trireme  of  the  Cyzicenians. 
This  resolution  having  passed  unanimously,  another  as- 
sembly was  called,  in  which  they  chose  fifty  of  the  wisest 
and  most  ancient  of  the  citizens,  but  who  at  the  same 

*  Quadriremes  were  galleys  with  four  benches  of  oslts,  and  Tri- 
remes those  with  three. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  348 

time  had  vigour  enough  left  to  execute  what  might  be 
determined  ;  and  they  were  made  to  take  an  oath  in 
presence  of  all  the  inhabitants,  that  the  instant  they 
saw  the  enemy  master  of  the  inward  wall,  they  would 
kill  the  women  and  children,  set  fire  to  the  two  galleys 
laden  with  their  effects,  and  throw  into  the  sea  all  their 
gold  and  silver  which  they  had  heaped  together  :  then 
sending  for  their  priests,  they  took  an  oath  either  to 
conquer  or  die,  sword  in  hand  ;  and  after  having  sacri- 
ficed the  victims,  they  obliged  the  priests  and  priestesses 
to  pronounce  before  the  altar,  the  greatest  curses  on 
those  who  should  break  their  oath. 

This  being  done,  they  left  off  countermining,  and  re- 
solved, the  instant  the  wall  should  fall,  to  fly  to  the 
breach,  and  fight  to  the  last.  Accordingly,  the  inward 
wall  tumbling,  the  besieged,  tnie  to  the  oath  they  had 
taken,  fought  in  the  breach  with  such  unparalleled 
bravery,  that  though  Philip  had  perpetually  sustained 
with  fresh  soldiers  those  who  had  mounted  to  the  as- 
sault, yet  when  night  separated  the  combatants,  he  was 
still  doubtful  with  regard  to  the  success  of  the  siege. 
Such  Abydenians,  as  marched  first  to  the  breach,  over 
the  heaps  of  the  slain,  fought  with  fury  ;  and  not  only 
made  use  of  their  swords  and  javelins,  but,  after  their 
arms  were  broken  to  pieces,  or  forced  out  of  their  Hands, 
they  rushed  headlong  upon  the  Macedonians,  knocked 
down  some,  and  broke  the  sarissae  or  long  spears  of  others, 
and  with  the  pieces  struck  their  faces,  and  such  parts  of 
their  bodies  as  were  uncovered,  till  they  made  them  en- 
tirely despair  of  the  event. 

When  night  had  put  an  end  to  the  slaughter,  the 
breach  was  quite  covered  with  the  dead  bodies  of  the 
Abydenians  ;  and  those  who  had  escaped,  were  so  over- 
whelmed with  fatigue,  and  had  received  so  many  wounds, 
that  they  could  scarce  support  themselves.  Things  be- 
ing brought  to  this  dreadful  extremity,  two  of  the  prin- 
cipal citizens,  unable  to  bring  themselves  to  execute 
the  dreadful  resolution  that  had  been  taken,  and  which 
at  that  time  displayed  itself  to  their  imaginations  in  all 
its  horror,  agreed,  that  to  save  their  wives  and  clijldren. 


344  THE  HISTORY  OF 

they  should  send  to  Philip,  by  day-break,  all  their  priests 
and  priestesses,  clothed  in  their  pontifical  habits,  to  im- 
plore his  mercy,  and  open  the  gates  to  him. 

Accordingly,  next  morning,  the  city,  as  had  been 
agreed,  was  suiTendered  to  Philip  ;  while  the  greatest 
part  of  the  Ahydenians  who  survived,  vented  millions 
of  imprecations  against  their  fellow-citizens,  and  espe- 
cially against  the  priests  and  priestesses,  for  delivering 
up  to  the  enemy  those  whom  they  themselves  had  de- 
voted to  death  with  the  most  dreadful  oaths.  Philip 
marched  into  the  city,  and  seized,  without  the  least  op- 
position, all  the  rich  effects  which  the  Ahydenians  had 
heaped  together  in  one  place.  But  now  he  was  greatly 
terrified  with  the  spectacle  he  saw.  Among  these  ill- 
fated  citizens,  whom  despair  had  made  furious  and  dis- 
tracted, some  were  smothering  their  ^^ives  and  children, 
and  others  stabbing  them  with  their  own  hands  ;  some 
were  running  to  strangle  them,  others  were  plunging 
them  into  wells,  whilst  others  again  were  precipitating 
them  from  the  tops  of  houses  ;  in  a  word,  death  appear- 
ed in  all  its  variety  of  horrors.  Philip,  pierced  with 
grief,  and  seized  with  horror  at  this  spectacle,  stopped 
the  soldiers,  who  were  eager  for  plunder,  and  published 
a  declaration,  importing,  that  he  would  allow  three  days 
to  all  who  were  resolved  to  lay  violent  hands  on  them- 
selves.  He  was  in  hopes  that,  during  this  interval,  they 
would  change  their  determination  ;  but  their  resolution 
was  fixed.  They  thought  it  would  be  degenerating  from 
those  who  had  lost  their  lives  in  fighting  for  their  coun- 
try, should  they  survive  them.  The  individuals  of  every 
family  killed  one  another,  and  none  escaped  this  mur- 
derous expedition,  but  those  whose  hands  were  tied,  or 
were  otherwise  kept  from  destroying  themselves. 

*  A  little  before  the  city  surrendered,  an  ambassador 
from  the  Romans  to  Philip  arrived.  This  embassy  was 
sent  on  various  accounts,  all  which  it  will  be  proper  to 
explain.  The  fame  and  glory  of  this  people  had  just 
before  been  spread  through  all  parts  of  the  world,  by  the 
Tictory  which  Scipio  gained  over  Hannibal  in  Africa  ; 

*  A.  M.  3803.     Ant.  J.  C.  201. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  345 

&n  event  that  so  gloriously  (with  regard  to  the  Romans) 
terminated  the  second  Punic  war.  p  The  court  of  Egypt, 
being  in  so  much  danger  from  tlie  union  that  had  been 
formed  between  Philip  and  Antiochus  against  their  in- 
fant king,  had  had  recourse  to  the  Romans  for  protec- 
tion, and  offered  them  the  guardianship  of  the  king, 
and  the  regency  of  his  dominions  during  his  minority  ; 
declaring,  that  the  late  monarch  at  his  death  had  re- 
commended them  thus  to  act.  It  was  the  interest  of 
the  Romans  not  to  suifer  the  power  of  Philip  and  An- 
tiochus to  increase  by  the  addition  of  so  many  rich  pro- 
vinces, of  which  the  empire  of  Egypt  at  that  time  con- 
sisted. It  was  not  difficult  to  foresee,  that  they  would 
soon  be  engaged  in  war  with  those  two  princes,  with 
one  of  whom  they  already  had  some  differences,  which 
threatened  much  greater.  For  these  reasons,  they  had 
not  hesitated  in  accepting  the  guardianship  ;  and  in  con- 
sequence had  appointed  three  deputies,  who  were  order- 
ed to  acquaint  the  two  kings  with  their  resolution,  and 
to  enjoin  them  not  to  infest  the  dominions  of  their  royal 
pupil,  for  that  otherwise  they  should  be  forced  to  declare 
war  against  them.  Every  reader  will  perceive,  that 
the  declaring  so  generously  in  favour  of  an  oppressed 
infant  monarch,  was  making  a  just  and  noble  use  of 
their  power. 

At  the  same  time  there  arrived  in  Rome  ambassa- 
dors from  the  Rhodians  and  from  king  Attains,  to  com- 
plain also  of  the  enterprises  of  the  two  kings  ;  and  to 
inform  the  Romans,  that  Philip,  either  in  person  or  by 
his  deputies,  was  soliciting  several  cities  of  Asia  to  take 
up  arms,  and  was  certainly  meditating  some  great  design. 
This  was  a  fresh  motive  for  hastening  the  departure  of 
the  three  ambassadors. 

Being  arrived  at  Rhodes,  and  hearing  of  the  siege  of 
Abydos,  they  sent  to  Philip  the  youngest  of  their  col- 
leagues, named  ^Emilius,  who,  as  has  been  observed,  ar- 
rived at  Abydos,  at  the  very  time  that  the  city  was  upon 
the  point  of  being  surrendered,     ^milius  acquainted 

P  Justin.  1.  XXX.  e.  2  &  3.  &  1.  xxxi.  c.  1.     Valer.  Max.  1.  vi.  c.  6. 
Lir,  L  xxxi,  n.  1,  2,  &  18. 


34()  "THE  HISTORY  OF 

Philip,  that  he  was  ordered,  in  the  name  of  the  senate, 
to  exhort  him  not  to  make  war  upon  any  of  the  states 
of  Greece,  nor  to  invade  any  part  of  Ptolemy's  domi^ 
nions  ;  hut  to  refer  to  a  just  arbitration  the  claims  which 
he  had  upon  Attalus  and  the  Rhodians.     That,  pro- 
vided he  acquiesced  with  these  remonstrances,  he  would 
continue  in  peace  ;  but  that  if  he  refused,  the  Romans 
would  proclaim  war  against  him.     Philip  endeavoured 
to  show  that  the  Rhodians  had  occasioned  the  rupture. 
"  r»ut,"  says  iEmilius,  interrupting  him,  "did  the  Athe- 
nians and  Abydenians  attack  you  first  ?"    Philip,*  who 
had  not  been  used  to  hear  truth,  offended  at  the  bold- 
ness of  such  an  answer  addressed  to  a  king  ;   "  Yoiu: 
age,"  says  he  to  the  ambassador,  "  your  beauty,"  (for 
Polybius  informs  us  that  this  ambassador  had  really  a 
fine  person,)  "  and  especially  the  Roman  name,  exalt 
your  pride  to  a  prodigious  degree.    For  my  part,  1  wish 
your  republic  may  observe  punctually  the  treaties  it  has 
concluded  with  me  :  but,  in  case  I  should  be  invaded  by 
it,  I  hope  to  show,  that  the  empire  of  Macedonia  does 
not  yield  to  Rome  either  in  valour  or  reputation."  The 
deputy  withdrew  from  Abydos  with  this  answer,  and 
Philip  having  taken  that  city,  left  a  strong  garrison  in 
it,  and  returned  to  Macedonia. 

^milius  seems  to  have  gone  into  Egypt,  whilst  the 
two  other  ambassadors  went  very  probably  to  Antiochus. 
jEmilius,  being  arrived  at  Alexandria,  assumed  the 
guardianship  of  Ptolemy,  in  the  name  of  the  Romans, 
pursuant  to  the  instructions  he  had  received  from  the 
senate  at  his  setting  out  ;  and  settled  every  thing  to  as 
much  advantage  as  the  state  of  affairs  in  Egypt  would 
then  admit.  He  appointed  Aristonlenes  the  Acarna- 
nian,  to  superintend  the  education  and  person  of  the 
young  monarch,  and  made  him  prime  minister.     This 

*  "  Insuelo  vera  andir€,ferocior  oratio  vim  est,  quam  qvœ  habenda 
aptid  regent  esset.  JEtâs,  inquit,  et  forma,  et  super  omnia  Romanum 
iiomen  te  ferociorem  facit.  Ego  aulem  primura  velim  vos  fœderum 
meraores  servare  mecum  pacem.  Si  belle  lacesseritis,  mihi  quoque 
in  animo  est  facere,  ut  regnum  Macedonum  nomenque  baud  minip 
quam  Romanum  nobile  bello  sentiatis."     JLiv.  1.  xxxi  n.  18. 


ALE:XANDEît*S  SUCCESSORS.  347 

Aristomenes  had  grown  old  in  the  court  of  Eg}^t,  and 
acted  with  the  utmost  prudence  and  fidelity  in  the  em- 
ployment conferred  upon  him, 

•I In  the  mean  time,  the  forces  of  Philip  laid  Attica 
waste,  the  pretence  of  which  invasion  was  as  follows  : 
Two  young  men  of  Acarnania  heing  in  Athens,  at  the 
time  when  the  great  mysteries  were  solemnizing  there>, 
had  entered  with  the  crowd  into  the  temple  of  Ceres, 
not  knowing  that  it  was  forbidden.  Though  their  fault 
proceeded  entirely  from  ignorance,  they  were  immediate- 
ly massacred,  as  guilty  of  impiety  and  sacrilege.  The 
Acarnanians,  justly  exasperated  at  so  cruel  a  treatment, 
had  recourse  to  Philip,  who  gladly  embraced  this  oppor- 
tunity, and  gave  them  a  body  of  forces,  with  which  they 
entered  Attica,  ravaged  the  whole  country,  and  returned 
home  laden  with  spoils. 

^  The  Athenians  carried  their  complaints  against  this 
enterprise  to  Rome,  and  were  joined  on  that  occasion 
by  the  ambassadors  of  the  Rhodians  and  king  Attains. 
The  Romans  only  sought  for  an  opportunity  to  break 
with  king  Philip,  at  whom  they  were  very  much  offended. 
He  had  infringed  the  conditions  of  the  treaty  of  peace 
concluded  with  him  three  years  before,  in  not  ceasing 
to  infest  the  allies  who  were  included  in  it.  He  had 
just  before  sent  troops  and  money  to  Hannibal  in  Afri- 
ca ;  and  a  report  was  spread  that  he  was  at  that  time 
very  busy  in  Asia.  This  made  the  Romans  uneasy, 
who  called  to  mind  the  trouble  which  Pyrrhus  had 
brought  upon  them,  with  only  a  handful  of  Epirots,  a 
people  very  much  inferior  to  the  Macedonians.  Thus, 
having  ended  the  war  against  Carthage,  they  imagined 
it  advisable  to  prevent  the  enterprises  of  this  new  ene- 
my, who  might  become  formidable,  in  case  they  should 
give  him  time  to  increase  his  strength.  The  senate, 
after  making  such  an  answer  as  pleased  all  the  ambas- 
sadors, ordered  M.  Valerius  Levinus,  the  propraetor,  to 
advance  towards  Macedonia  with  a  fleet,  in  order  to  ex- 
amine matters  nearer  at  hand,  and  be  in  a  condition  to 
give  immediate  aid  to  the  allies. 

^  Liv.  L  xxxi.  n.  14.  ^  Ibid,  n.  1—2. 


S48  THE  HISTORY  OF 

*  111  the  mean  time,  the  Roman  senate  deliberated  se- 
riously on  what  was  to  be  done  in  the  present  juncture. 
At  the  very  time  it  assembled  to  consider  that  import- 
ant affair,  a  second  embassy  arrived  from  the  Athenians, 
which  brought  advice  that  PhiHp  was  upon  the  point 
of  invading  Attica  in  person  ;  and  that  in  case  they 
were  not  immediately  succoured,  he  would  infallibly 
make  himself  master  of  Athens.  They  also  received 
letters  from  Levinus  the  propraetor,  and  from  Aurelius 
his  lieutenant,  by  which  they  w^re  informed  that  they 
had  the  strongest  reasons  to  believe  that  Philip  had 
some  design  against  them  ;  and  that  the  danger  being 
imminent,  they  had  no  time  to  lose. 

^  Upon  this  news,  the  Romans  resolved  to  proclaim 
war  against  Philip.  Accordingly,  P.  Sulpitius  the  con- 
sul, to  whom  Macedonia  had  fallen  by  lot,  put  to  sea 
with  an  army,  and  soon  arrived  there.  Here  he  was 
soon  informed  that  Athens  was  besieged,  and  implored 
his  assistance.  He  detached  a  squadron  of  twenty  gal- 
leys, commanded  by  Claudius  Cento,  who  set  sail  that 
instant.  Philip  had  not  laid  siege  to  Athens  in  person, 
but  deputed  one  of  his  lieutenants  for  that  purpose  ; 
having  himself  taken  the  field  against  Attalus  and  the 
Rhodians. 


SECT.  II.  Expeditions  of  the  consul  Sulpititis  m  Macedonia. 
The  jEtoIians  wait  for  the  evenly  in  order  to  declare  them- 
selves. Philip  loses  a  battle.  Villius  succeeds  Sulpitius. 
No  considerable  transaction  happens  during  his  government. 
Flamininus  succeeds  him.  Antiochus  recovers  Cœh-syria^ 
of  which  he  had  been  dispossessed  by  Arisfomencs,  the  prime 
minister  of  Egypt.  Various  expeditions  of  the  consul  into 
Phocis.  The  Acliœans^  after  long  debates,  declare  for  the 
Romans. 

Claudius  Cento,"*  whom  the  consul  had  sent  to  suc- 
cour Athens,  having  entered  the  Piraeeus,  with  his  gal- 
leys, revived  the  drooping  courage  of  the  inhabitants. 

«  Liv.  1.  xxxi.  n.  5.        »  Ibid.  n.  14.  A.  M.  3804.  Ant.  J.  C.  200. 
"  Liv.  1.  xxxi  n.  22—26.     A.  M.  3804.     Ant.  J.  C.  200. 


ALEXANDER*»  SUCCESSORS.  349 

He  waî,^  not  satisfied  with  placing  the  city  and  the  coun- 
try round  it  in  a  state  of  security  ;  but  as  he  had  been 
informed  that  the  garrison  of  Chalcis  did  not  observe 
the  least  order  or  discipline,  as  considering  themselves 
remote  from  danger,  he  sailed  out  with  his  fleet,  arrived 
near  the  city  before  day,  and,  finding  the  sentinels  asleep, 
entered  it  without  molestation  ;  set  fire  to  the  public 
magazines  which  were  full  of  corn,  and  to  the  arsenal 
that  was  well  provided  with  machines  of  war  ;  cut  the 
whole  garrison  to  pieces  ;  and  after  carrying  on  board 
his  ships  the  immense  booty  he  had  amassed,  he  return- 
ed to  the  Piraeeus. 

Philip,  who  was  then  at  Demetrias,  the  instant  he 
heard  of  the  disaster  which  had  befallen  that  confede- 
rate city,  flew  thither,  in  hopes  of  surprising  the  Ro- 
mans. However,  they  were  gone  ;  so  that  he  seemed 
to  have  come  for  no  other  purpose,  but  to  view  the 
mournful  spectacle  presented  by  that  city,  still  burning 
and  half  ruined.  He  would  certainly  have  treated 
Athens  in  the  same  manner,  if  one  of  the  couriers,  cal- 
led *  Hemerodromi,  who  perceived  the  king's  troops 
from  the  eminence  where  he  was  posted,  had  not  car- 
ried the  news  of  it  immediately  to  Athens,  where  the 
inhabitants  were  all  asleep.  Philip  arrived  a  few  hours 
after,  but  before  day-break.  Perceiving  that  his  stra- 
tagem had  not  taken  effect,  he  resolved  to  attack  the 
city.  The  Athenians  had  drawn  up  their  soldiers  in 
order  of  battle  without  the  walls,  at  the  gate  Dipylos  ; 
Philip,  marching  at  the  head  of  his  army,  attacked 
them  with  vigour,  and  having  killed  several  of  them 
with  his  own  hand,  repulsed  them  back  into  the  city, 
whither  he  did  not  think  it  advisable  to  pursue  them. 
But  he  wreaked  his  vengeance  on  the  country  seats,  on 
the  places  for  the  public  exercises,  as  the  Lyceum,  and 
especially  on  such  temples  as  stood  without  the  city  ; 
setting  fire  to  every  thing,  and  ruining  whatever  came 
in  his  way,  not  sparing  either  the  tombs  or  the  most 
sacred  places. 

*  They  were  so  called  for  running  a  great  number  of  miles  in  one 
day. 


350  THE  HISTORY  OF 

He  inarched  from  hence  with  a  view  of  surprising 
Eleusis,  where  his  project  also  proved  ahortive.  He 
then  proceeded  towards  Corinth,  when  hearing  that 
the  Achaeans  held  their  assembly  at  Argos,  he  w^ent 
thither. 

They  were  deliberating  how  to  act  in  regard  to  Na- 
bis, the  tyrant  of  Sparta,  who  had  succeeded  Machani- 
das,  and  infested  the  whole  country  with  his  incursions; 
^Philip  offered  to  undertake  alone  the  management  of 
that  war,  and  his  proposal  was  received  with  universal 
joy.  However,  he  added  a  condition  which  abated  it 
very  much  :  that  they  should  furnish  him  with  as  many 
troops  as  were  necessary  for  garrisoning  Oreum,  Chalcis, 
and  Corinth  ;  that  he  might  not  leave  the  places  behind 
him  without  defence,  whilst  he  was  fighting  for  them. 
They  perceived  that  his  design  was  to  draw  out  of  Pe- 
loponnesus all  the  Achaean  youth,  in  order  to  make 
himself  master  of  it,  and  engage  it  in  the  war  against 
the  Romans.  Cycliadus,  who  presided  in  the  assembly^ 
eluded  the  proposal,  by  observing,  that  it  was  not  allow- 
ed,  by  their  laws,  to  debate  on  any  subject  but  that  for 
which  the  assembly  had  been  summoned.  They  there- 
fore broke  up,  after  having  resolved  upon  the  war 
against  Nabis  v  and  the  hopes  of  Philip  were  again  de- 
feated. 

He  made  a  second  attempt  upon  Athens,  which  suc- 
ceeded no  better  than  the  former,  except  that  he  com- 
pleted the  demolition  of  such  temples,  statues,  and  va- 
luable works,  as  remained  in  that  country.  After  this 
expedition,  he  retired  into  Bœotia. 

^  The  consul,  who  was  encamped  between  Apollonia 
and  Dyrrachium,  sent  to  Macedonia  a  considerable  de- 
tachment, under  the  command  of  Apustius  the  lieute- 
nant, who  laid  waste  the  open  country,  and  took  seve- 
ral small  cities.  Philip,  who  was  returned  into  Mace- 
donia, carried  on  his  military  preparations  with  prodi- 
gious vigour. 

The  great  object  which  both  parties  had  in  view,  was 
to  engage  the  iÈtolians  on  their  side.     They  were  i)ow 

"  Liv.  l  xxxi,  n.  27— S^- 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  351 

going  to  hold  their  general  assembly,  to  which  Philip, 
the  Romans,  and  Athenians,  sent  their  ambassadors  ; 
he  who  was  deputed  by  Philip  spoke  first.     All  he  re- 
quired was,  that  the  -^tolians  should  observe  strictly 
the  conditions  of  the  peace  which  they  had  concluded 
three  years  before  with    Philip  ;  having  then  experi- 
enced how  useless  their  alliance  with  the  Romans  was 
to  them.     He  instanced  several  cities,  of  which  that 
people  had  possessed  themselves,  upon  pretence  of  suc- 
couring them,  as  Syracuse,  Tarentum,  Capua  ;  the  last 
city  especially,  which  was  no  longer  Capua,  but  the 
grave  of  the  Campanians,  and  the  skeleton,  as  it  were, 
of  a  city,  having  neither  senate,  inhabitants,  or  magis- 
trates ;  having  been  more  barbarously  used  by  those  who 
had  left  it  to  be  inhabited  in  this  condition,  than  if  they 
had  entirely  destroyed  it.     "  If  foreigners,"  says  he, 
"  who  differ  from  us  more  by  their  language,  their  man- 
ners, and  their  laws,  than  by  the  wide  distance  of  land 
and  sea,  which  separate  us  from  them,  should  dispossess" 
us  of  this  country,  it  would  be  ridiculous  in  us  to  ex* 
pect  more  humane  treatment  from    them  than  their 
neighbours  have  met  with.     Among  us,  who  are  of  the 
same  country,  whether  iEtolians,  Acarnanians,  or  Ma- 
cedonians, and  who  speak  the  same  language,  slight  dis- 
putes may  arise  of  little  or  no  consequence  or  duration; 
but  with  foreigners,  with  barbarians,  we,  as  Greeks,  are, 
and  shall  for  ever  be,   at  war.     In  this  same  assembly 
three  years  since  you  concluded  a  peace  with  Philip  : 
the  same  causes  still  subsist  ;  and  we  hope  that  you  will 
act  in  the  same  manner." 

The  Athenian  ambassadors,  by  the  consent  of  the  Ro- 
mans, spoke  next.  They  began  by  displaying,  in  an  af- 
fected manner,  the  impious  and  sacrilegious  fury  which 
Philip  had  exercised  on  the  most  sacred  monuments  of 
Attica,  on  the  most  august  temples,  and  the  most  ve- 
nerated tombs  ;  as  if  he  had  declared  war,  not  only 
against  men,  and  the  living,  but  against  the  manes  of 
the  dead  and  the  majesty  of  the  gods.  That  Mtolia 
and  all  Greece  must  expect  the  same  treatment,  if  Phi- 
lip should  have  the  like  occasion.     They  conclude«l 


352  THE  HISTOHY  OF 

with  conjuring  the  ^tolians  to  take  compassion  on 
Athens,  and  to  undertake,  under  the  auspices  of  the 
gods,  and  of  the  Romans,  whose  power  that  of  the  gods 
alone  could  equal,  so  just  a  war  as  that  proposed  to 
them. 

The  Roman  ambassador,  after  having  refuted  very 
circumstantially  the  reproaches  of  the  Macedonian,  with 
respect  to  the  treatment  which  Rome  had  made  the 
conquered  cities  suffer  ;  and  adduced  as  an  example  to 
the  contrary,  the  instance  of  Carthage,  which,  but  just 
before,  had  been  allowed  a  peace,  and  was  restored  ta 
its  liberty;  declared,  that  the  only  circumstance  the 
Romans  had  to  fear  was,  that  the  too  great  mildness 
and  lenity  which  they  exercised  towards  those  they  con- 
quered, would  prompt  other  nations  to  take  up  anns 
against  them,  because  the  vanquished  might  depend  on 
the  Roman  clemency.  He  represented  in  a  short,  but 
strong  and  pathetic  speech,  the  criminal  actions  of  Phi- 
lip, the  miuders  committed  by  him  on  his  ovm  family 
and  his  friends  ;  his  infamous  debaucheries,  which  were 
still  more  detested  than  his  cruelty  ;  all  facts  more  ira- 
mediately  known  to  the  persons  whom  he  then  addres- 
sed, as  they  were  nearer  neighbours  to  Macedonia. 
"  But,  to  confine  my  speech  to  what  relates  directly  to 
you,"  says  the  ambassador,  addressing  himself  to  the 
iEtolians,  "  we  engaged  in  the  war  against  Philip,  with 
no  other  view  than  to  defend  you  ;  and  you  have  con- 
cluded a  separate  peace  mth  him.  Possibly  you  may 
observe  in  your  own  justification,  that  seeing  us  em- 
ployed in  the  war  against  the  Carthaginians,  and  be- 
ing awed  by  fear,  you  were  obliged  to  submit  to  what- 
ever conditions  the  victor  was  pleased  to  prescribe  ; 
whilst  we,  on  the  other  side,  employed  in  affairs  of 
greater  importance,  neglected  a  war  which  you  had  re- 
nounced. However,  having  now  put  an  end  (thanks 
to  the  gods  !)  to  the  Carthaginian  war,  we  are  going  to 
turn  the  whole,  force  of  our  arms  against  JMacedonia. 
This  gives  you  an  opportunity  of  returning  to  our  friend- 
ship and  alliance,  unless  you  should  choose  to  perish  in- 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  SoS 

gloriously  Vvitli  Philip,  rather  than  conquer  with  the 


Romans." 


Damocritus,  the  jî^tolian  praetor,  plainly  perceived 
that  this  speech  would  gain  all  the  voices.  It  is  said, 
that  he  had  been  bribed  by  Philip.  Without  seeming 
inclined  to  either  side,  he  represented  the  affair  as  too 
important  to  be  determined  immediately,  and  required 
time  for  a  more  mature  deliberation.  By  this  artifice 
he  eluded  the  effect  which  the  assembly  would  other- 
wise have  had  ;  and  boasted  his  having  done  a  very  es- 
sential service  to  the  republic,  which  now  (he  said) 
might  wait  the  event  before  it  took  up  arms,  and  then 
tleclare  for  the  strongest  party. 

y  In  the  mean  time,  Philip  was  preparing  for  a  vigor- 
ous war  both  by  sea  and  land  ;  but  the  consul  had  al- 
ready begun  it.  He  had  entered  JNIacedonia,  and  ad- 
vanced towards  the  Dassaretae.  Philip  also  took  the 
field.  Neither  party  knew  which  way  the  enemy  had 
marched;  but  each  sent  out  a  detachment  upon  the 
discovery,  and  the  two  parties  met.  As  both  consisted 
entirely  of  chosen  troops,  a  bloody  skirmish  ensued,  and 
the  victory  was  doubtful.  Forty  JNIacedonian  troopers, 
and  thirty-five  of  the  Romans,  were  killed  on  the  spot. 

The  king,  persuaded  that  the  care  he  should  take  to 
bury  those  who  had  lost  their  lives  in  this  skirmish, 
would  contribute  very  much  to  gain  him  the  affection 
of  his  soldiers,  and  excite  them  to  behave  gallantly  in 
his  service,  caused  their  dead  bodies  to  be  brought  into 
the  camp,  in  order  that  tlie  whole  army  might  be  eye- 
witnesses of  the  honours  paid  to  their  memory. 

*  Nothing  is  less  to  be  relied  upon  than  the  senti- 
ments and  dispositions  of  the  vulgar.  The  spectacle, 
which  Philip  imagined  would  animate  the  soldiers,  had 
a  quite  contrary  effect,  and  damped  their  courage.  Hi- 
therto he  had  engaged  in  a  war  with  none  but  Greeks 
and  lUyrians,  who  employed  scarce  any  other  weapons 

y  Liv.  1.  xxxi.  n.  33 — 39. 

*  "  Nihil  tarn  incertum  nee  tarn  insestimabile  est  quam  animi  mul- 
titudinis.  Quod  promptiores  ad  subeundam  omnem  dimicationeir» 
videbatur  facturum,  id  metum  pigritiamque  iocussit."     Liv. 

TOL.  VI.  2  A  » 


354  THE  HISTORY  OF 

than  arrows,  javelins,  and  lances  ;  and  for  that  reason 
the  wounds  they  made  were  not  so  deep.  But  when 
they  saw  the  bodies  of  their  comrades  covered  with  deep 
and  wide  gashes,  made  by  the  Spanish  sabres,  whole 
arms  cut  off,  shoulders  lopped  away,  and  heads  separated 
from  the  bodies,  they  were  terrified  at  the  sight,  and 
plainly  perceived  against  what  kind  of  enemy  they  were 
to  act. 

The  king  himself,  who  had  never  yet  seen  the  Ro- 
mans engage  in  a  regular  battle,  was  terrified  at  the 
sight.  Being  informed  by  some  deserters  of  the  place 
where  the  enemy  had  halted,  he  took  guides,  and  march- 
ed thither  with  his  army,  consisting  of  twenty  thousand 
foot  and  four  thousand  horse  ;  and  posted  himself  at  a 
little  above  two  hundred  paces  from  their  camp,  near 
the  city  of  Athacus,  on  an  eminence  which  he  fortified 
with  good  ditches  and  strong  intrenchments.  Survey- 
ing from  the  top  of  the  hill  the  order  and  disposition  of 
the  Roman  camp,  he  cried  out,  *  That  what  he  saw  was 
not  the  camp  of  barbarians. 

The  consul  and  the  king  were  quiet  for  the  first  two 
days,  each  waiting  till  the  other  should  make  some 
movement.  On  the  third  day,  Sulpitius  came  out  of 
his  camp,  and  drew  up  his  troops  in  order  of  battle. 
Philip,  being  afraid  of  coming  to  a  general  battle,  de- 
tached against  the  enemy  a  body  consisting  of  but  fif- 
teen hundred  men,  the  one  half  horse  and  the  other 
foot  ;  against  whom  the  Romans  opposed  an  equal  num- 
ber, who  had  the  advantage,  and  put  the  other  to  flight. 
They  avoided,  with  no  less  prudence,  an  ambuscade 
which  the  king  had  laid  for  them.  These  two  advanta- 
ges, the  one  gained  by  open  force  and  the  other  by  stra- 
tagem, inflamed  the  courage  of  the  Roman  soldiers. 
The  consul  marched  them  back  into  the  camp,  and  af- 
ter allowing  them  a  day's  repose,  he  led  them  out  and 
offered  the  king  battle,  which  he  did  not  think  proper 
to  accept,  and  lay  close  in  his  camp,  in  spite  of  all  the 
insults  and  reproaches  of  Sulpitius,  who  charged  him 
with  meanness  of  spirit  and  cowardice. 

*  The  same  words  are  ascribed  to  Pyrrhus. 


ALEXAXDEP/S  SUCCESSORS.  355 

As  foraging,  where  two  armies  lay  so  near  one  ano- 
ther, would  be  very  danorerous,  the  consul  drew  off  ta 
about  eight  miles  distance,  and  advanced  towaras  a  vil- 
lage, called  Octoloplnis,  wliere  the  foragers  dispersed 
themselves  all  over  the  neighbouring  country  in  sepa- 
rate platoons.  The  king  at  first  lay  close  in  his  in- 
trenchments,  as  if  afraid  of  venturing  out;  in  order 
that  the  enemy,  growing  bolder  on  that  account,  might 
for  that  reason  be  less  vigilant.  This  happened  direct- 
ly as  Philip  had  foreseen.  When  he  saw  great  num- 
bers of  them  spread  over  the  plains,  he  quitted  his  camp 
on  a  sudden  with  all  his  horse,  whom  the  Cretans  fol- 
lowed as  fast  as  it  was  possible  for  infantry  to  march, 
and  rode  full  speed  to  post  himself  between  the  Roman 
camp  and  the  foragers. 

There,  dividing  his  forces,  he  detached  part  of  them 
against  the  foragers  ;  ordering  them  to  cut  to  pieces  all 
who  should  come  in  their  way,  wliilst  he  himself  seized 
all  tlie  passes  by  which  they  could  return.  And  now 
nothing  was  seen  on  all  sides  but  blood  and  slaughter  ; 
during  which,  the  Romans  did  not  know  what  was  do- 
ing out  of  their  camp,  because  such  as  fled  vrere  inter- 
cepted by  the  king's  forces  ;  and  those  who  guarded  the 
passes  killed  a  much  greater  number  than  the  others 
detached  in  pursuit  of  the  enemy. 

At  last  the  melancholy  news  of  the  slaughter  arrived 
in  the  Roman  camp  ;  upon  w^hich  the  consul  ordered 
the  cavalry  to  march  out  and  succour  their  comrades 
wherever  they  could  ;  as  for  himself,  he  made  the  le- 
gions quit  the  camp,  and  marched  them  in  a  hollow 
square  against  the  enemy.  The  troopers,  being  dis- 
persed up  and  dovv'n,  lost  their  way  at  first,  being  de- 
ceived by  the  shouts  and  cries  which  eclioed  from  dif- 
ferent places.  Many  of  these  parties  fell  in  with  the 
enemy,  and  skirmishes  were  fought  in  different  places 
at  the  same  time.  The  warmest  engagement  was 
where  the  king  himself  commanded,  and  which,  by  the 
great  number  of  the  horse  and  foot  that  composed  it, 
formed  almost  an  armv  :  not  to  mention  that  these 
troops,  being  prodigiously  animated  by  the  presence  0Ï 


356  THE  HISTORY  OF 

the  king,  and  the  Cretans,  fighting  in  a  compact  body, 
and  with  the  utmost  vigour,  against  enemies  dispersed 
and  in  disorder,  killed  great  numbers  of  them.     It  is 
certain  that,  had  they  not  pursued  the  Romans  so  vi- 
gorously, this  day  might  have  decided,  not  only  the 
present  battle,  but  perhaps  the  success  of  the  whole  war. 
But,  by  abandoning  themselves  to  a  rash  and  inconsi- 
derate ardour,  they  fell  into  the  midst  of  the  Roman 
cohorts,  who  had  advanced  with  their  officers.     And 
now  the  soldiers  who  fled,  perceiving  the  Roman  en- 
signs, faced  about,  and  pushed  their  horses  against  the 
enemy,  who  were  all  in  disorder.     In  an  instant  the 
face  of  the  battle  was  quite  changed  ;  those  who  pm*- 
sued  before,  now  flying  in  their  turn.     INIany  were  kil- 
led in  close  flglit,  and  many  lost  their  lives  in  flying  ; 
and  numbers  fell,  not  by  the  sword  alone,  as  several 
plunging  into  morasses,  were  swallowed  up,  w-ith  their 
horses,  in  the  mire.     The  king  himself  was  in  very 
great  danger  :  for   having  been  thro^^^l  by  his  horse, 
which  liad  received  a  severe  wound,  multitudes  were 
going  to  attack  him,  had  not  a  trooper  leaped  that  mo- 
ment from  his  horse,  and  mounted  him  on  it  ;  but  the 
man  himself,  being  unable  to  keep  pace  with  the  troop- 
ers who  fled,  was  killed  by  the  enemy.     Philip,  after 
having  taken  a  long  compass  round  the  fens,  came  at 
last  to  the  camp,  where  he  had  been  given  over  for  lost. 

We  have  already  seen  on  many  occasions,  and  it  can- 
not be  too  strongly  inculcated  on  those  of  the  military 
profession,  in  order  to  their  avoiding  the  like  error,  that 
Battles  are  often  lost  by  the  too  great  ardour  of  the  offi- 
cers, who,  solely  intent  upon  piusuing  the  enemy,  for- 
get and  neglect  what  passes  in  the  rest  of  the  army, 
and  sufler  themselves  to  be  deprived,  through  an  impru- 
dent desire  of  gloiy,  of  a  victory  which  they  had  in  theb 
hands,  and  which  they  might  have  secured. 

Philip  had  not  lost  a  great  number  of  men  in  this 
action,  but  he  dreaded  coming  to  a  second  ;  and  was 
afraid  lest  the  conqueror  should  advance  to  attack  him 
suddenly.  He  therefore  despatched  a  herald  to  the 
consul,  to  desire  a  suspension  of  arms,  in  order  to  bury 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  357 

the  dead.  The  consul,  who  was  at  dinner,  sent  word 
that  he  should  have  an  answer  on  the  morrow.  Upon 
tliis,  Philip,  to  conceal  his  inarch  from  the  Romans, 
having  left  a  great  number  of  fires  in  his  camp,  set  out, 
without  noise,  the  instant  it  was  dark  ;  and  having  got 
a  whole  night's  march  before  the  consul,  and  part  of  the 
following  day,  he  thereby  put  it  out  of  his  power  to  pur- 
sue him. 

2  Sulpitius  began  his  march  the  next  day,  not  know- 
ing which  way  the  king  had  taken.  Philip  had  flat- 
tered himself  with  the  hopes  of  intercepting  him  at 
some  passes,  the  entrance  of  which  he  fortified  with 
ditches,  intrenchments,  and  great  works  of  stones  and 
trees  ;  but  the  patience  of  the  Romans  was  superior  to 
all  these  difficulties.  The  consul,  after  laying  waste 
the  country,  and  seizing  upon  several  fortresses  of  im- 
portance, marched  his  army  back  to  Apollonia,  from 
whence  he  had  set  out  in  the  beginning  of  the  cam- 
paign. 

The  ^tolians,  who  only  waited  the  event,  in  order  to 
choose  their  side,  no  longer  hesitated  to  declare  for  the 
Romans,  and  the  Athamanians  followed  their  example. 
Roth  nations  made  some  incursions  into  Macedonia,  but 
with  ill  success,  Philip  having  defeated  them  on  seve- 
ral occasions.  He  also  defeated  the  Dardanians,  who 
had  entered  his  country  during  his  absence  ;  and  with 
these  small  advantages,  consoled  himself  for  his  ill  suc- 
cess against  the  Romans. 

^  In  this  campaign  the  Roman  fleet  joined  that  of  At- 
tains, and  came  into  the  Piraeeus,  to  the  great  joy  of 
the  Athenians.  The  hatred  they  bore  to  Philip,  which 
fear  had  forced  them  to  dissemble  for  a  long  time,  now 
broke  out  immoderately,  at  the  sight  of  so  powerful  a 
succour.  In  a  free  city  *  like  that  of  Athens,  where 
eloquence  was  all-powerful,  the  orators  had  gained  so 
great  an  ascendant  over  the  minds  of  the  people,  that 

=  Liv.  1.  xxxi.  n.  3g^-4<3.  ^  Ibid.  n.  4i— 47. 

*  *^  Nee  unquain  ibi  desunt  ling-uae  promptae  ad  plebem  concitan- 
dam.  ;  quod  genus,  cum  in  omnibus  liberis  civitatibus,  tuni  praecipue 
Athenis,  ubioratio  piurimum  pollet,  favgre  multitudinis  alilur."  Liv. 


358  THE  HISTORY  OF 

they  made  them  form  whatever  resolutions  they  pleased. 
Here  tlie  people,  at  their  request,  ordained  that  all  the 
statues  and  images  of  Philip  and  his  ancestors  should 
be  destroyed  :  that  the  festivals,  sacrifices,  and  priests, 
established  in  honour  of  them,  should  be  abolished  : 
that  every  place  where  any  monument  had  been  set  up, 
or  inscription  engraved  relating  to  them,  should  be  de- 
clared impui'e  and  profane  :  that  the  priests,  every  time 
they  offered  up  prayers  to  the  gods  for  the  Athenians, 
their  allies,  their  armies,  and  fleets,  should  also  denounce 
imprecations  and  curses  of  every  kind  against  Philip, 
his  children,  his  kingdom,  his  forces  both  by  sea  and 
land  ;  in  a  w^ord,  against  the  Macedonians  in  general, 
and  all  that  belonged  to  them.  To  this  decree  was  ad- 
ded, that  whatever  might  be  afterwards  proposed,  which 
tended  in  any  manner  to  dishonour  and  bring  an  odium 
on  Philip,  would  be  grateful  to  the  people  :  and  that 
"whosoever  should  dare  to  say  or  do  any  thing  in  favour 
of  Philip,  or  against  the  decrees  in  question,  might  be 
killed  on  the  spot,  without  any  formality.  The  last 
clause  was,  that  whatever  had  been  enacted  against  the 
Pisistratidœ,  should  likewise  be  enacted  against  Philip, 
In  this  manner  the  Athenians  *  made  war  against  Phi- 
lip by  their  decrees  and  ordinances,  which  at  that  time 
were  their  only  strength.  Carrying  all  things  to  ex- 
tremes, they  now  lavished  encomiums,  honours,  and  ho- 
mage of  every  kind  on  Attains  and  the  Romans. 

The  fleet,  at  its  leaving  Piraeeus,  attacked  and  took 
several  fortresses  and  small  islands  ;  after  which  Atta- 
ins and  the  Romans  separated,  and  went  into  winter- 
quarters. 

^In  Rome  the  year  following,  new  consuls  being  cho- 
sen, Villius  had  Macedonia  for  his  province. 

Philip,  whilst  he  made  preparations  for  carrying  on 
the  ensuing  campaign,  was  exceedingly  anxious  with 
regard  to  the  success  of  the  war  he  had  undertaken. 
Besides  his  having  to  deal  with  powerful  and  formida- 


*  "  Athenienscs  quidem  Uteris  verbisquC;  qiiibus  solis  valent,  bel- 
îum  adversus  Phiiippum  gerebant."     Liv. 

^  Liv.l.  xxxi.  n.  49. &  L  xxxii.  n.  3.  A.M.  3805.  Ant.  J.  C.  Ipi). 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSOHS.  359 

ble  enemies,  he  was  afraid  that  the  hope  of  protection 
from  the  Romans,  would  draw  off  many  of  his  allies 
from  him  ;  and  that  the  JMacedonians,  uneasy  at,  and 
dissatisfied  with,  his  government,  would  rebel  against 
him. 

To  obviate  these  dangers,  he  gave  up  some  cities  to 
the  Achseans,  thinking  to  attach  them  the  more  strong- 
ly to  his  interest  by  this  unexpected  generosity  ;  and 
at  the  same  time  he  sent  ambassadors  into  Achaia,  to 
make  the  allies  take  the  oath,  which  was  to  be  renewed 
every  year.  But  could  he  possibly  look  upon  this  cere- 
mony as  a  strong  tie,  and  one  capable  of  keeping  the 
confederates  in  their  duty  ;  when  he  himself  professed 
an  open  violation  of  all  oaths,  and  did  not  make  the 
least  scruple  to  forfeit  his  promise,  nor  show  the  least 
veneration  for  the  Supreme  Being,  religion,  and  all  that 
mankind  consider  as  most  sacred  ? 

c  As  to  the  Macedonians,  he  endeavoured  to  recover 
their  love  and  affection,  by  sacrificing  Heraclides,  one 
of  his  ministers  and  confidants,  whom  the  people  hated 
and  detested,  on  account  of  his  rapine  and  grievous  op- 
pressions ;  all  which  had  made  the  government  odious 
to  them.  He  was  of  very  mean  extraction,  and  born 
in  Tarentum,  where  he  had  exercised  the  meanest  and 
most  contemptible  offices,  and  had  been  banished  from 
thence,  for  attempting  to  deliver  up  the  city  to  the  Ro- 
mans. He  had  fled  to  Philip,  who  finding  him  a  man 
of  sense,  of  a  lively  genius,  a  daring  spirit,  and  at  the 
same  time  so  insatiably  ambitious  as  not  to  scruple  the 
commission  of  the  blackest  crimes,  had  attached  him  to 
himself  in  a  particular  manner,  and  trusted  him  with 
all  his  secrets  ;  a  fit  instrument  for  a  prince,  who  had 
neither  probity  nor  honour.  Heraclides,  says  Polybius, 
was  born  with  all  those  qualities  which  constitute  the 
consummate  villain.  From  his  most  tender  years  he 
had  prostituted  himself  in  the  most  infamous  manner. 
Haughty  and  terrible  to  all  his  inferiors,  he  behaved 
with  the  meanest  and  most  groveling  adulation  towards 
his  superiors.     He  was  in  such  great  credit  and  autho- 

«  Polyb,  1.  xiii.  p.  672,  673. 


S60  THE  HISTORY  OF 

rity  with  Philip,  that,  according  to  the  same  author,  he 
almost  ruined  a  powerful  kingdom,  hy  the  universal  dis- 
content which  his  injustice  and  oppression  occasioned. 
At  last  the  king  caused  him  to  he  seized  and  thrown 
hito  prison,  which  occasioned  an  universal  joy  amongst 
the  people.  As  we  have  only  a  few  fragments  of  Poly- 
bius  on  this  subject,  history  does  not  inform  us  what  be- 
came of  Heraclides,  nor  whether  he  came  to  the  end  his 
crimes  desei'ved. 

Nothing  considerable  was  transacted  during  this  cam- 
paign, any  more  than  the  foregoing,  because  the  consuls 
did  not  enter  Macedonia  till  very  late  ;  and  the  rest  of 
the  time  was  spent  in  slight  skirmishes,  either  to  force 
certain  passes,  or  to  carry  off  convoys.  ^  T.  Quintius  * 
Flamininus  having  been  nominated  consul,  and  Mace- 
donia falling  to  him  by  lot,  he  did  not  follow  the  ex- 
ample of  his  predecessors,  but  set  out  from  Rome  at  the 
opening  of  the  spring,  with  Lucius  his  brother,  who,  by 
the  leave  of  the  senate,  was  to  command  the  fleet. 

At  the  beginning  of  this  year,  Antiochus  attacked 
Attains  very  vigorously  both  by  sea  and  land.  The 
ambassadors  of  the  latter  king  came  to  Rome,  and  in- 
formed the  senate  of  the  great  danger  to  which  their 
sovereign  was  exposed.  They  entreated  the  Romans, 
in  Attalus's  name,  either  to  undertake  his  defence  with 
the  forces  of  the  republic,  or  to  permit  king  Attains  to 
jecal  liis  troops.  The  senate  made  answer,  that  as 
nothing  could  be  more  just  and  reasonable  than  Atta- 
lus's demand,  he  therefore  was  at  full  liberty  to  recal 
his  forces  ;  that  the  Romans  never  intended  to  incom- 
mode their  allies  in  any  manner  ;  but  that  they  would 
employ  all  their  influence  with  Antiochus,  to  dissuade 
him  from  molesting  Attains.  Accordingly,  the  Ro- 
mans sent  ambassadors  to  the  fonner,  who  remonstrated 
to  him,  that  Attains  had  lent  them  his  troops  as  well 
as  ships,  which  they  now  employed  against  Philip  their 
common  enemy  :  that  they  should  think  it  an  obliga- 

^  Liv.  1  xxxli.  n.  p— 15.     A.  M.  3806.     Ant.  J.  C.  198. 
*  Plutarch  calls  him  FlaminiuS;,  but  it  is  an  error^  these  being  two 
different  families. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSOXIS.  361 

tîoîi,  if  lie  would  not  invade  that  prince  ;  that  it  was 
fitting  that  such  kings  as  were  confederates  and  friends 
to  the  Romans  should  be  at  peace  with  each  other. 
These  remonstrances  being  made  to  Antiochus,  he  im- 
mediately drew  off  his  forces  from  the  territories  of  king 
Attains. 

The  instant  he  had,  at  the  request  of  the  Komans, 
laid  aside  his  designs  against  that  prince,  he  marched 
in  person  into  Cœle-syria,  to  recover  those  cities  of  which 
Aristomenes  had  dispossessed  him.  The  Romans  had 
intrusted  this  general  with  the  administration  of  Egypt 
The  first  thing  he  had  endeavoured  was,  to  defend  him- 
self against  the  invasion  of  the  two  confederate  kings, 
and  for  this  purpose  he  raised  the  best  troops  he  could. 
^  He  sent  Scopas  intOiEtolia  with  large  sums  of  money, 
to  levy  as  many  troops  as  possible  ;  the  jî^tolians  being 
at  that  time  looked  upon  as  the  best  soldiers.  ^  This 
Scopas  had  formerly  enjoyed  the  highest  posts  in  his 
own  country,  and  was  thought  to  be  one  of  the  bravest 
and  most  experienced  generals  of  his  time.  When  the 
time  for  continuing  in  his  employment  expired,  he  had 
flattered  himself  with  the  hopes  of  being  continued  in 
it,  but  was  disappointed.  This  gave  him  disgust,  so 
that  he  left  ^Etolia,  and  engaged  in  the  service  of  the 
king  of  Egypt.  Scopas  had  such  good  success  in  his 
levies,  that  he  brought  six  thousand  soldiers  from  ^to- 
lia  ;  a  good  reinforcement  for  the  Egyptian  army. 

g  The  administration  of  Alexandria,  seeing  Antio- 
chus employed  in  Asia  Minor,  in  the  war  which  had 
broken  out  between  him  and  Attains  king  of  Perga- 
mus,  sent  Scopas  into  Palestine  and  Cœle-syria,  to  en- 
deavour to  recover  those  provinces.  He  carried  on  the 
war  there  so  successfully,  that  he  recovered  several  cities, 
retook  Judaea,  threw  a  garrison  into  the  citadel  of  Je- 
rusalem, and,  upon  the  approach  of  winter,  returned  to 
Alexandria  ;  whither  he  brought  (besides  the  glory  of 

""  Liv.  1.  xxxi.  n.  43.     A.  M.  3804.     Ant.  J.  C.  200. 
^  Excerpt.  Polyb.  p.  60. 

s  Hieron.  in  c.  xi,  Dan.  Joseph,  Antiq.  1,  xii,  c.  3.  A.  M.  3805. 
Ant.J.  C.  199. 


362  THE  HISTORY  OF 

his  victories)  exceeding  rich  spoils  taken  in  the  conquer- 
ed countries.  We  find  by  the  sequel,  that  the  great 
success  of  this  campaign  was  owing  principally  to  An- 
tiochus  being  absent,  and  to  the  little  resistance  which 
had  therefore  been  made. 

^  He  no  sooner  arrived  there  in  person,  than  the  face 
of  things  changed  immediately,  and  victory  declared  in 
his  favour.  Scopas,  who  was  returned  with  an  army, 
was  defeated  at  Paneas,  near  the  source  of  the  river 
Jordan,  in  a  battle  wherein  a  great  slaughter  was  made 
of  his  troops.  He  was  forced  to  fly  to  Sidon,  where  he 
shut  himself  up  with  the  ten  thousand  men  he  had  left. 
Antiochus  besieged  him  in  it,  and  reduced  him  to  such 
extremities,  that  being  in  absolute  want  of  provisions, 
he  was  forced  to  surrender  the  city,  and  content  him- 
self with  having  his  life  spared.  Hovv^ever,  the  govern- 
ment of  Alexandria  had  employed  its  utmost  efforts  to 
relieve  him  in  Sidon,  and  three  of  the  best  generals  at 
the  head  of  the  choicest  troops  of  the  state,  had  been 
sent  to  raise  the  siege.  But  Antiochus  made  such  ju- 
dicious arrangements,  that  all  their  efforts  were  defeat- 
ed, and  Scopas  was  obliged  to  accept  of  the  ignominious 
conditions  above-mentioned  ;  after  which  he  returned  to 
Alexandria,  naked  and  disarmed. 

^  Antiochus  went  from  thence  to  Gaza,  where  he  met 
with  so  strong  a  resistance  as  exasperated  him  ;  and  ac- 
cordingly, having  taken  the  city,  he  abandoned  the  plun- 
der of  it  to  his  soldiers.  This  being  done,  he  secured 
the  passes  through  which  the  troops  were  to  come  that 
might  be  sent  from  Egypt  ;  and  returning  back,  sub- 
jected all  Palestine  and  Cœle-syria. 

^The  instant  that  the  Jews,  who  at  that  time  had 
reason  to  be  displeased  with  the  Egyptians,  knew  that 
Antiochus  was  advancing  towards  their  country,  they 
came  very  zealously  to  meet  him,  and  deliver  up  the 
keys  of  all  their  cities  ;  and  when  he  came  to  Jerusa- 

^  Liv.  1.  xxxii.  n.  8.      Excerpt,  ex  Polyb.  p.  77,  &c.      Joseph. 
Antiq.  1.  xii.  c.  3.     A.  M.  3806.     Ant.  J.  C.  198. 

'  Exceqjt.  ex  Polyb.  p.  87  &  Exc.  Leg.  72.     Liv.  L  xxxiii.  n.  I9. 
^  Joseph.  Antiq.  1.  xii.  c.  3. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  363^ 

lem,  the  priests  and  elders  came  out  in  pomp  to  meet 
liim,  paid  him  all  kinds  of  honour,  and  assisted  him  in 
driving  out  of  the  castle  the  soldiers  which  Scopas  had 
left  in  it.  In  return  for  these  services,  Antiochus  grant- 
ed them  a  great  many  privileges  ;  and  enacted,  by  a 
particular  decree,  that  no  stranger  should  be  allowed 
access  to  the  inner  part  of  the  temple  ;  a  prohibition 
which  seemed  visibly  to  have  been  made  on  account  of 
Philopator's  attempt,  who  would  have  forced  his  way 
thither. 

^Antiochus,  in  his  eastern  expeditions,  had  received 
so  many  services  from  the  Jews  of  Babylonia  and  Me- 
sopotamia, and  depended  so  much  on  their  fidelity,  that 
when  a  sedition  broke  out  in  Phrygia  and  Lydia,  he 
sent  two  thousand  Jewish  families  to  quell  it,  and  keep 
the  country  in  peace,  and  granted  them  a  variety  of 
extraordinary  favours.  From  these  Jews,  transplanted 
at  this  time,  descended  many  of  those  *  who  were  "  dis- 
persed or  scattered  abroad,"  whom  we  shall  afterwards 
find  so  numerous,  especially  in  the  gospel  times. 

Antiochus,  having  thus  subjected  all  Cœle-syria  and 
Palestine,  resolved,  if  possible,  to  make  the  like  con- 
quests in  Asia  Minor.  The  great  object  he  had  in  view 
was,  to  raise  the  empire  of  Syria  to  its  pristine  glory,  by 
reuniting  to  it  all  that  his  predecessors  had  ever  pos- 
sessed, and  particularly  Seleucus  Nicator,  its  founder. 
^  As  it  would  be  necessary,  for  succeeding  in  his  de- 
sign, to  prevent  the  Egyptians  from  molesting  him  in 
his  new  conquests,  at  a  time  that  he  should  be  at  a  dis- 
tance from  his  kingdom,  he  sent  Eucles  the  Rhodian 
to  Alexandria,  to  offer  his  daughter  Cleopatra  in  mar- 
riage to  king  Ptolemy  ;  but  on  this  condition,  that  they 
should  not  celebrate  their  nuptials  till  they  should  be  a 
little  older  ;   and  that  then,  on  the  very  day  of  their 

*  Joseph.  Antiq.  1.  xii.  c.  3. 
"^  Hieron.  in  c.  xi.  Daniel. 

*  They  are  thus  called  by  St  James  and  St  Peter.  "  To  the 
twelve  tribes  which  are  scattered  abroad."  Jam.  i.  1.  "  To  the 
strangers  scattered  throughout  Pontus,  Cappadocia,  Galatia,  Asia, 
and  Bithynia."     1  Pet.  i.  1. 


a» 


64)  THE  HISTORY  OF 


marriage,  he  would  give  up  those  provinces  to  Egypt, 
as  his  daughter's  dowry.  This  proposal  being  accepted, 
the  treaty  was  concluded  and  ratified  ;  and  the  Egyp- 
tians, relying  on  his  promises,  suflPered  him  to  carry  on 
his  conquests  without  molestation. 

*  I  now  resume  the  affairs  of  ^lacedonia.  I  observed 
that  Quintius  Flamininus  (by  either  of  which  names  I 
shall  call  him  hereafter)  had  sent  out  from  Rome  as 
soon  as  he  had  been  appointed  consul,  and  had  carried 
with  him  Lucius  his  brother  to  command  the  fleet. 
Being  arrived  in  Epirus,  he  found  Villius  encamped  in 
presence  of  Philip's  army,  who,  for  a  long  time,  had 
kept  the  passes  and  defiles  along  the  banks  of  the  Ap- 
sus,  a  river  of  the  country  of  the  Taulantians,  between 
Epirus  and  lUyria.  Having  taken  upon  himself  the 
command  of  the  forces,  the  first  thing  he  did  was  to 
consider  and  examine  the  situation  of  the  country.  As 
this  pass  seemed  impracticable  to  an  army,  because  there 
was  but  one  narrow  steep  path  in  it,  cut  in  the  rock, 
and  that  the  enemy  were  masters  of  the  eminences  ; 
he  therefore  was  advised  to  take  a  large  compass,  as 
this  would  bring  him  to  a  wide  smooth  road.  But,  be- 
sides that  he  must  have  employed  too  much  time  in 
this  circuitous  march,  he  was  afraid  to  move  too  far 
from  the  sea,  from  whence  he  had  all  his  provisions. 
For  this  reason,  he  resolved  to  go  over  the  mountains, 
and  to  force  the  passes,  whatever  might  be  the  conse- 
quence. 

Philip  having  in  vain  made  proposals  of  peace  ;  in 
an  interview  between  him  and  the  consul,  in  which  they 
could  not  agree  upon  terms,  was  obliged  to  have  recourse 
again  to  arms.  Accordingly,  several  slight  skirmishes 
were  fought  in  a  pretty  large  plain  ;  the  INIacedonians 
coming  down  in  platoons  from  their  mountains  to  at- 
tack the  enemy,  and  afterwards  retreating  by  steep 
craggy  ways.  The  Romans,  hurried  on  by  the  fury  of 
the  battle,  pursuing  them  to  those  places,  were  greatly 
annoyed  :  the  Macedonians  having  planted  on  all  these 
jocks  catapultae  and  balistae,  overwhelmed  them  with 

*  A.M.  3806.     Ant.  J.  C.  198. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  S65 

stones  and  arrows.     Great  numbers  were  wounded  on 
both  sides,  and  night  separated  the  combatants. 

Matters  being  in  this  state,  some  shepherds,  who  fed 
their  sheep  in  these  mountains,  came  and  told  Flami- 
ninus,  that  they  knew  a  by-way,  which  was  not  guard- 
ed ;  and  promised  to  guide  him  to  the  top  of  the  moun- 
tains, in  three  days  at  farthest.  They  brought  with 
them  as  their  guarantee.  Char  ops,  a  person  of  the  great- 
est distinction  among  the  Epirots,  who  secretly  favour- 
ed the  Romans.  Flamininus  having  such  a  voucher, 
sends  a  general  with  four  thousand  foot  and  three  hun- 
dred horse.  These  shepherds,  whom  the  Romans  had 
chained  together  for  fear  of  a  surprise,  led  the  detach- 
ment. During  these  three  days,  the  consul  contented 
himself  with  only  a  few  slight  skirmishes  to  amuse  the 
enemy.  But  on  the  fourth,  at  day-break,  he  caused  his 
whole  army  to  stand  to  their  arms  ;  and  having  per- 
ceived on  the  mountains  a  great  smoke,  which  was  the 
signal  agreed  upon  between  them,  he  marches  directly 
against  the  enemy,  perpetually  exposed  to  the  darts  of 
the  INIacedonians,  and  still  fighting  hand  to  hand  against 
those  who  guarded  the  passes.  The  Romans  redouble 
their  efforts,  and  repulse  the  enemy  with  great  vigour 
into  the  most  craggy  ways  ;  making  great  shouts,  in 
order  that  they  might  be  heard  by  their  comrades  on 
the  mountain.  The  latter  answered  from  the  heights, 
with  a  most  dreadful  noise  :  and  at  the  same  time  fall 
upon  the  Macedonians,  who,  seeing  themselves  attacked 
both  in  front  and  rear,  are  struck  with  a  panic,  and  fiy 
with  the  utmost  speed.  However,  not  above  two  thou- 
sand of  them  were  killed,  the  paths  being  so  craggy  and 
steep,  that  it  was  impossible  to  pursue  them  far.  The 
victors  plundered  their  camp,  and  seized  their  tents  and 
slaves. 

Philip  had  marched  at  first  towards  Thessaly  ;  but 
being  afraid  that  the  enemy  would  follow  and  attack 
him  again  there,  he  turned  off  towards  Macedonia,  and 
halted  at  Tempe,  that  he  might  be  the  better  able  to 
succour  such  cities  as  should  be  besieged. 

The  consul  marched  by  Epirus,  but  did  not  lay  waste 


gS6  THE  HISTORY  OF 

the  country,  although  he  knew  that  all  the  persons  of 
the  greatest  distinction  in  it,  Charops  excepted,  had  op- 
posed the  Romans.  However,  as  they  submitted  with 
great  cheerfulness,  he  had  a  greater  regard  to  their  pre- 
sent disposition,  than  to  their  past  fault  ;  a  conduct 
that  won  him  entirely  the  hearts  of  the  Epirots,  and 
conciliated  their  affection.  From  thence  he  marched 
into  Thessaly.  The  JEtolians  and  Athamanians  had 
already  taken  several  cities  in  that  country  ;  and  he 
made  himself  master  of  the  most  considerable  of  them. 
Atrax,  a  city  he  besieged,  detained  him  a  long  time, 
and  made  so  stout  a  defence,  that  he  at  last  w^as  forced 
to  leave  it. 

^'  In  the  mean  time,  the  Roman  fleet,  reinforced  by 
those  of  Attains  and  the  Rhodians,  was  also  active. 
They  took  two  of  the  chief  cities  of  Eubœa,  Eretria 
and  Carystus,  garrisoned  by  IMacedonians  ;  after  which, 
the  three  ficets  advanced  towards  Cenchrea,  a  port  of 
Corinth. 

The  consul  having  m. arched  into  Phocis,  most  of  the 
cities  surrendered  voluntarily.  Elatia  was  the  only  city 
that  shut  her  gates  against  him  ;  so  that  he  was  obliged 
to  besiege  it  in  form.  Whilst  he  was  carrying  on  this 
siege,  he  meditated  an  important  design  ;  and  this  was, 
to  induce  the  Achseans  to  abandon  Philip,  and  join  the 
Romans.  The  three  united  fleets  were  upon  the  point 
of  lapng  siege  to  Corinth  ;  however,  before  he  began 
it,  he  thought  proper  to  offer  the  Achœans  to  make 
Corinth  enter  again  into  their  league,  and  to  deliver  it 
up  to  them,  provided  they  would  declare  for  tlie  Ro- 
mans. Ambassadors  sent  in  the  consul's  name  by  I^u- 
cius,  his  brother,  and  in  the  name  of  Attains,  the  Rho- 
dians, and  the  Athenians,  carried  this  message.  The 
Achasans  gave  them  audience  in  Sicyon. 

The  Achfeans  were  very  much  at  a  loss  in  regard  to 
the  resolution  it  was  necessary  to  take.  The  power  of 
the  Lacedaemonians,  their  perpetual  enemies,  kept  them 
in  awe  ;  and,  on  the  other  side,  they  were  in  still  greater 

"  Liv.  1.  xxxii.  n,  1^—25. 


ALEXANDEU'S  SUCCESSOES.  S67 

dread  of  the  Romans. — They  had  received,  from  time 
immemorial,  and  very  lately,  great  favours  from  the 
Macedonians  ;  but  Philip  was  suspected,  on  account  of 
his  perfidy  and  cruelty  ;  and  they  were  afraid  of  being 
enslaved  by  him,  when  the  war  should  be  terminated. 
Such  was  the  disposition  of  the  Achssans.  The  Roman 
ambassador  spoke  first,  and  afterwards  those  of  Attalus, 
the  Rhodians  and  Philip  :  the  Athenians  ^^re  appoint- 
ed to  speak  last,  in  order  that  they  might  refute  what 
Philip's  ambassador  should  advance.  They  spoke  with 
greater  virulence  against  the  king,  because  no  people 
had  been  so  cruelly  treated  by  him  ;  and  they  gave  a 
long  detail  of  his  injustice  and  cruelty  in  regard  to  them. 
These  speeches  took  up  the  whole  day,  so  that  the  as- 
sembly was  put  off  till  the  morrow. 

All  the  members  being  met,  the  herald,  as  was  the 
custom,  gave  notice,  in  the  name  of  the  magistrates, 
that  all  those  who  intended  to  speak  might  begin.  But 
no  one  rose  up  ;  and  all,  gazing  upon  one  another,  con- 
tinued in  a  deep  silence.  Upon  this  Aristaenus,  chief 
magistrate  of  the  Achœans,  in  order  that  the  assembly 
might  not  break  up  vdthout  doing  business,  spoke  as 
follows  :  "  What  then  is  become  of  that  warmth  and 
vigour,  with  which  you  used  to  dispute,  at  your  tables, 
and  in  your  conversations,  about  Philip  and  the  Romans  ; 
which  generally  rose  to  so  great  a  height,  that  you  were 
ready  to  cut  one  another's  throats  ?  And  now,  in  an  as- 
sembly summoned  for  no  other  purpose,  after  hearing 
the  speeches  and  arguments  on  both  sides,  you  are  mute  ! 
Surely,  if  the  love  of  your  country  cannot  loose  your 
tongues,  ought  not  the  party  zeal  which  has  biassed 
each  of  you  in  private,  either  for  or  against  Philip  and 
the  Romans,  oblige  you  to  speak  ;  especially  as  there 
is  none  of  you  but  knows  that  it  will  be  too  late,  after 
the  resolution  should  be  once  taken  ?" 

These  reproaches,  though  so  judicious  and  reasonable, 
and  made  by  the  principal  magistrate,  could  not  prevail 
with  any  one  of  the  members  to  give  his  opinion  ;  nor 
even  occasion  the  least  murmur,  the  least  noise  in  this 
assembly,  though  so  very  numerous,  and  composed  of 


868  THE  HISTORY  OF 

the  representatives  of  so  many  states.    Eveiy  body  con-' 
tinned  dnmb  and  motionless. 

Aristaenus  then  spoke  again  to  this  effect  :  "  Chiefs 
of  the  Achgeans  ;  I  perceive  plainly  that  you  want  cou- 
rage more  than  counsel,  since  not  one  among  you  dares 
to  speak  his  sentiments,  with  regard  to  the  common  in- 
terest, at  the  risk  of  danger  to  himself.  AYas  I  a  pri- 
vate man,  I  possibly  might  act  as  you  do  ;  but  being 
the  chief  magistrate  of  the  Achœans,  it  is  my  opinion, 
either  that  the  ambassadors  should  not  have  been  al- 
lowed a  seat  in  our  assembly,  or  that  they  should  not 
be  dismissed  without  some  answer.  Xow,  how  will  it 
be  possible  for  me  to  make  any,  unless  you  authorise 
me  by  a  decree  ?  But,  since  not  one  among  you  is  will- 
ing, or  dares  to  speak  his  thoughts,  let  us  suppose  for 
a  moment,  that  the  speeches  of  the  ambassadors  whicli 
we  heard  yesterday,  are  so  many  counsels  they  give,  not 
for  their  o\mi  interest,  but  purely  for  ours  ;  and  let  us 
weigh  them  maturely.  The  Romans,  the  Rhodians, 
and  xVttalus,  desire  our  friendship  and  alliance  ;  and 
they  request  us  to  assist  them  in  their  war  against  Phi- 
lip. On  the  other  side,  the  latter  puts  us  in  mind  of 
the  treaty  which  we  concluded  with  him,  and  sealed 
and  ratified  by  an  oath  :  one  moment  he  requires  us  to 
ijoin  with  him,  and  the  next  he  insists  upon  our  observ- 
ing a  strict  neutrality.  Is  no  one  among  you  surpris- 
ed to  hear  those  who  are  not  yet  our  allies,  demand  more 
ihan  he  who  has  long  been  one  ?  Doubtless,  it  is  not 
cither  modesty  in  Philip,  nor  temeiity  in  the  Romans, 
■which  prompts  them  to  act  and  speak  as  they  do.  This 
difference  in  their  sentiments,  arises  from  the  disparity 
of  their  strength  and  situation.  My  meaning  is  ;  we 
see  nothing  here  belonging  to  Philip,  but  his  ambassa- 
dor ;  whereas  the  Roman  fleet  now  lies  at  anchor  near 
Cenchrea,  laden  with  the  spoils  of  Eubœa;  and  the 
consul  and  his  legions,  who  are  but  at  a  little  distance 
from  the  fleet,  lay  waste  Phocis  and  Locris  with  im- 
punity. You  are  surprised  that  Cleomedon,  Philip's 
ambassador,  should  have  advised  you,  in  so  fearful  and 
reserved  a  manner,  to  take  up  amis  in  favour  of  tlie 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  369 

king  against  the  Romans.     If,  in  consequence  of  the 
treaty  in  question,  and  of  the  oath  on  which  he  lays 
such  stress,  we  should  require  Philip  to  defend  us  against 
Nabis,  the  Lacedemonians,  and  the  Romans  ;  he  would 
not  have  any  answer  to  make,  much  less  would  he  be 
able  to  give  us  any  real  succour.     This  we  experienced 
last  year,  when,  notwithstanding  the  express  words  of 
our  alliance,  and  the  mighty  promises  he  made  us,  he 
suffered  Nabis  and  the  Lacedaemonians  to  ravag-e  our 
lands  without  any  opposition.    In  my  opinion,  Cieome- 
don  seemed  evidently  to  contradict  himself  in  every  part 
of  his  speech.     He  spoke  with  contempt  of  the  war 
against  the  Romans,  pretending  it  would  have  the  same 
success  as  that  which  they  had  already  made  with  Phi- 
lip.    Why  then  does  he  implore  our  succour  at  a  dis- 
tance, and  by  an  ambassador  ;   instead  of  coming  and 
defending  us  in  person  (we  who  are  his  ancient  allies,) 
against  Nabis  and  the  Romans  ?    Why  did  he  suffer 
Eretria  and  Carystus  to  be  taken  ?    Why  has  he  aban- 
doned so  many  cities  of  Thessaly,  and  every  part  of 
Phocis  and  Locris  ?    Why  does  he  suffer  Elatia  to  be 
besieged  at  this  instant  ?    Was  it  superior  strength  ; 
was  it  fear,  or  his  x)wn  will,  that  made  him  abandon  the 
defiles  of  Epirus,  and  give  up  to  the  enemy  those  insu- 
perable barriers,  to  go  and  conceal  himself  in  the  most 
remote  part  of  his  kingdom  ?  If  he  has  voluntarily  aban- 
doned so  many  allies  to  the  mercy  of  the  enemy,  ought 
he  to  keep  them  from  providing  for  their  own  safety? 
If  he  was  actuated  by  fear,  he  ought  to  forgive  the  same 
w^eakness  in  us.     If  he  has  been  forced  to  it,  do  you, 
Cleomedon,  believe,  that  it  is  possible  for  us  Achseans, 
to  make  head  against  the  Roman  arms,  to  which  the 
INIacedonians  have  been  obliged  to  submit  ?    No  com- 
parison can  be  made  between  the  past  and  the  present 
war.     The  Romans,  at  that  time  employed  in  affairs  of 
greater  importance,  gave  their  allies  little  or  no  aid. 
Now,  that  they  have  put  an  end  to  the  Punic  war, 
which  they  sustained  sixteen  years  in  the  very  heart  of 
Italy,  they  do  not  send  succours  to  the  iEtolians,  but 
they  themselves,  at  the  head  of  their  armies,  invade 

TUL.  VI,  3  B 


370  THE  HISTORY  OF 

Philip  both  by  sea  and  land.     Quintius,  the  third  cou- 
sid  whom  they  have  sent  against  him,  having  found  him 
in  a  post  which  seemed  inaccessible,  did  nevertheless 
force  hira  from  it,  plundered  his  camp,  pursued  him  to 
Thessaly,  and  took,  almost  in  his  sight,  the  strongest 
fortresses  belonging   to  his  allies.     I  will  take  it  for 
granted,  that  whatever  the  Athenian  ambassador  has 
advanced  concerning  the  cruelty,  the  avarice,  and  the 
excesses  of  Philip,  is  not  true  ;  that  the  crimes  which 
he  committed  in  Attica  do  not  any  way  affect  us,  any 
more  than  those  he  perpetrated  in   many  other  places 
against  the  gods,  celestial  and  infernal  ;  that  we  even 
ought  to  bury  in  everlasting  oblivion  the  injuries  w^e 
ourselves  have  suffered  from  him.     In  a  word,  let  us 
suppose   that   we  are   not  treating  with   Philip,  but 
with  Antigonus,  a  mild  and  just  prince,  and  from  whom 
we  all  have  received  the  greatest  ser\'ices  ;  would  he 
make  a  demand  like  that  which  has  been  insisted  on 
to-day,  so  evidently  adverse  to  our  safety  and  preserva- 
tion ?    In  case  Nabis  and  his  Lacedaemonians  shoidd 
come  and  invade  us  by  land,  and  the  Roman  fleet  by  sea, 
will  it  be  possible  for  the  king  to  support  us  against 
such  fonnidable  enemies,  or  shall  we  be  able  to  defend 
ourselves  ?    Past  transactions  point  out  to  us  what  we 
must  expect  hereafter.     The  medium  which  is  propo- 
sed, of  our  standing  neuter,  will  infallibly  render  us  a 
prey  to  the  conqueror,  who  will  not  fail  to  attack  us  as 
cunning  politicians,  who  waited  for  the  event,  before  we 
would  declare  ourselves.     Beheve  what  I  say,  when  I 
assure  you  there  is  no  medium.     We  must  either  have 
the  Romans  for  oiu*  friends  or  for  our  enemies  ;  and  they 
are  come  to  us  vdth  a  strong  fleet,  to  offer  us  their 
friendship  and  their  aid.     To  refuse  so  advantageous 
an  offer,  and  slight  so  favourable  an  occasion,  which  will 
never  return,  would  be  the  highest  folly,  and  show,  that 
we  nm  voluntarily  on  our  own  destniction." 

This  speech  w^as  followed  by  a  great  noise  and  mur- 
muring throughout  the  whole  assembly,  some  applaud- 
ing it  with  jo}',  and  others  opposing  it  with  violence. 
The  magistrates,  called  Demiurgic  were  no  less  divided 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  371 

îimoîîg  themselves.  Of  these,  who  were  ten  in  rinmber, 
live  declared  that  each  of  them  would  deliberate  upon 
the  affair  in  his  assembly,  and  before  his  people  ;  and 
the  other  five  protested  against  it,  upon  pretence  that 
the  laws  forbade  both  the  magistrate  to  propose,  and 
the  assembly  to  pass,  any  decree  contrary  to  the  alliance 
concluded  with  Philip.  This  day  was  entirely  spent 
in  quarrels  and  tumultuous  cries.  There  remained  but 
one  day  more,  as  the  laws  appointed  the  assembly  to  end 
at  that  time.  The  debates  grew  so  hot,  with  regard  to 
what  was  to  be  concluded  in  it,  that  fathers  could  scarce 
forbear  striking  their  sons.  Memnon  of  Pellene,  w^as 
one  of  the  five  magistrates  who  refused  to  refer  the  de- 
bate. His  father,  whose  name  was  Rhisiases,  entreated 
and  conjured  him  a  long  time,  to  let  the  Achaeans  pro- 
vide for  their  own  safety  ;  and  not  expose  them,  by  his 
obstinacy,  to  inevitable  ruin.  Finding  his  prayers  could 
not  avail,  he  swore  that  he  would  kill  him  with  his  own 
hands,  if  he  did  not  come  into  his  opinion,  considering 
him  not  as  his  son,  but  the  enemy  of  his  country. 
These  terrible  menaces  made  such  an  impression  on 
Memnon,  that  he  at  last  suffered  himself  to  yield  to 
paternal  authority. 

The  next  day,  the  majority  in  the  assembly  desiring 
to  have  the  affair  debated,  and  the  people  discovering 
plainly  enough  their  own  sentiments,  the  Dymeans, 
Megalopolitans,  and  some  of  the  Argives,  withdrew 
from  the  assembly  before  the  decree  passed  :  and  no  one 
took  offence  at  this,  because  they  had  particular  obliga- 
tions to  Philip,  who  had  even  very  lately  done  them 
considerable  services.  Gratitude  is  a  virtue  common  to 
all  ages  and  nations,  and  ingratitude  is  a])horred  every 
where.  All  the  other  states,  w^hen  the  votes  were  to  be 
taken,  confirmed  immediately,  by  a  decree,  the  alliance 
with  Attains  and  the  Rhodians  ;  and  suspended  the 
entire  conclusion  of  that  with  the  Romans,  till  ambas- 
sadors should  be  sent  to  Rome,  to  obtain  the  ratification 
from  the  people,  without  which  nothing  could  be  con- 
cluded. 

In  the  mean  time,  three  ambassadors  were  sent  to 


372  THE  HISTORY  OF 

Quintius  ;  and  tlie  whole  army  of  the  Achaeans  marched 
to  Corinth,  which  Lucius,  the  consul's  brother,  had  al- 
ready besieged,  ha^'iug  before  taken  Cenchrea.  They 
at  first  carried  on  the  attack  but  very  faintly,  from  the 
hopes  that  a  quaiTel  would  soon  arise  between  the  gar- 
rison and  the  inhabitants.  However,  finding  the  city 
was  quiet,  the  machines  of  war  were  made  to  approach 
on  all  sides,  and  various  assaults  were  made,  which  the 
besieged  sustained  with  great  vigour,  and  always  repul- 
sed the  Romans.  There  was  in  Corinth  a  great  num- 
ber of  Itahan  deserters,  who,  in  case  the  citv  was  taken, 
expected  no  quarter  from  the  llomans,  and  therefore 
fought  in  despair.  Philocles,  one  of  Philip's  captains, 
having  thrown  a  fresh  reinforcement  into  the  city,  and 
the  llomans  despairing  to  force  it,  Lucius  at  last  ac- 
quiesced in  the  advice  of  Attahis,  and  accordingly  the 
siege  was  raised.  The  Achn?ans  being  sent  away,  At- 
tains and  the  llomans  returned  on  board  the  fleets. 
The  former  sailed  to  the  Pira?eus,  and  the  latter  to  Cor- 
ey ra. 

Whilst  the  fleets  besieged  Corinth,  T.  Quintius  the 
consul  was  employed  in  the  siege  of  Elatia,  w^here  he 
was  more  successful  ;  for,  after  the  besieged  had  made 
a  stout  and  vigorous  resistance,  he  took  the  city,  and 
afterwards  the  citadel. 

At  the  same  time,  such  of  the  inhabitants  of  Argos 
as  had  declared  for  Philip,  found  means  to  deliver  up 
their  city  to  Philocles,  one  of  his  generals.  Thus,  not- 
withstanding the  alHance  which  the  Achœans  had  just 
before  concluded  with  the  Romans,  Philip  still  possess- 
ed two  of  their  strongest  cities,  Corinth  and  Argos*. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  373 


SECT.  III.  Flamlninus  is  continued  in  the  command  as  pro- 
consul  He  has  afru'itless  bdcrvieïo  iclth  Philip  ahont  con- 
clu(lin,g  a  peace.  The  ^EtoUa/ts,  and  Nabis,  tyrant  of  Spar -^ 
ta^  declare  for  the  llomann,  Sichness  and  death  of  Attains. 
Flaminlnus  defeats  Philip  in  a  hcdtle  near  Scotussa  and 
Cynoscephale  in  Thesscdy.  A  peace  concluded  rcith  Philip^ 
7vhich  puts  an  end  to  the  Macedonian  war.  The  eœtraordi- 
nary  joy  of  the  Greeks  at  the  Isthmian  games,  ich  en  procla- 
mation is  made  that  they  are  restoj-ed  to  their  ancient  liberty 
by  the  Romans. 

•  New  consuls  were  appointed  at  Rome  ;  but  as  the  slow 
progress  which  had  been  made  in  the  affairs  of  IMace- 
donia  was  justly  ascribed  to  the  frequent  changing  of 
those  who  were  charged  with  them,  Flamininus  was 
continued  in  his  command,  and  recruits  were  sent  him. 
P  The  season  being  already  advanced,  Quintius  had 
taken  up  his  winter-quarters  in  Phocis  and  Locris,  when 
Philip  sent  a  herald  to  him,  to  desire  an  interview. 
Quintius  complied  very  readily,  because  he  did  not  yet 
know  what  had  been  resolved  upon  at  Rome  with  re- 
gard to  himself;  and  a  conference  would  give  him  the 
liberty,  either  to  continue  the  war,  in  case  he  should  be 
continued  in  the  command,  or  to  dispose  matters  so  as 
to  bring  about  a  peace,  if  a  successor  were  appointed 
him.  The  time  and  place  being  agreed  upon,  both 
parties  met.  Philip  was  attended  by  several  JNlacedo- 
nian  noblemen,  and  Cycliadus,  one  of  the  chiefs  of  the 
Achasans,  whom  that  people  had  banished  a  little  be- 
fore. The  Rom.an  general  was  accompanied  by  Amy- 
nander,  king  of  Athamania,  and  by  deputies  from  all 
the  allies.  After  some  disputes  with  regard  to  the  ce- 
remonial, Quintius  made  his  proposals,  and  every  one 
of  the  allies  their  demands.  Philip  answered  them  ; 
and  as  he  began  to  inveigh  against  the  ^ïLtolians,  Phe- 
ueas,  their  magistrate,  interrupted  him  in  these  words  : 
"  We  are  not  met  here  merely  about  words  ;  our  busi- 

«  Liv.  1.  xxxii.  n.  27  &  28.     A.  M.  8807.    Ant.  J.  C.  197- 
p  Ibid.  n.  32—57.     Polyb.  1.  xvii.  p.  74-2—752.    Plut,  iu  Flamin. 
I».  371. 


374  THE  HISTORY  OF 

ness  is,  either  to  conquer  sword  in  hand,  or  to  submit  to 
the  most  powerful." — "  A  blind  man  may  see  that,"  re- 
plied Philip,  ridiculing  Pheneas,  whose  sight  was  bad. 
Philip*  was  very  fond  of  jests,  and  could  not  refrain 
from  them,  even  in  treating  on  the  most  serious  affairs  : 
a  behaviour  very  unbecoming  in  a  prince. 

This  first  interview  being  spent  in  altercation,  they 
met  again  the  next  day.  Philip  came  very  late  to  the 
place  of  meeting,  which  it  was  believed  he  did  purpose- 
ly, in  order  that  the  JEtolians  and  Achaeans  might  not 
have  time  sufficient  for  answering  him.  He  had  a  pri- 
vate conference  with  Quintius,  who,  having  acquainted 
the  confederates  with  his  proposals,  not  one  approved 
them  ;  and  they  were  upon  the  point  of  breaking  off  the 
conference,  when  Philip  desired  that  the  decision  might 
be  suspended  till  the  next  day  ;  promising  that  he  him- 
self would  comply,  in  case  it  were  not  in  his  power  to 
bring  them  into  his  opinion.  At  their  next  meeting, 
he  earnestly  entreated  Quintius  and  the  allies  not  to 
oppose  a  peace  ;  and  he  now  merely  requested  time  for 
sending  ambassadors  to  Rome,  promising,  either  to  agree 
to  a  peace  on  the  conditions  which  he  himself  should 
prescribe,  or  accept  of  such  as  the  senate  might  require. 
They  could  not  refuse  so  reasonable  a  demand  ;  and  ac- 
cordingly a  truce  was  agreed  upon,  but  on  condition 
that  his  troops  should  immediately  leave  Phocis  and 
Locris.  After  this,  the  several  parties  sent  ambassadors 
to  Rome. 

Being  arrived  there,  those  of  the  allies  were  heard 
first.  They  inveighed  heavily  against  Philip  upon  se- 
veral accounts  ;  but  they  endeavoured  particularly  to 
prove,  by  the  situation  of  the  places,  that  in  case  he 
should  continue  possessed  of  Demetrias  in  Thessaly, 
Chalcis  in  Eubœa,  and  Corinth  in  Achaia,  (cities  which 
he  himself  justly,  though  insolently,  called  the  shackles 
of  Greece,)  it  would  be  impossible  for  that  country  to 
enjoy  its  liberty.  The  king's  ambassadors  were  after- 
wards called  in.    As  they  began  a  prolix  harangue,  they 

\"  Erat  dicacior  natura  quam  regem  decet^  et  ne  inter  séria  qui'» 
risu  satis  temperans."     Liv. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  375 

were  interrupted,  and  asked  at  once,  whether  they  would 
give  up  the  three  cities  in  question  or  not  ?  Having 
answered,  that  no  orders  or  instioictions  had  been  given 
them  on  that  head,  they  were  sent  back,  without  being 
gratified  in  a  single  demand.  It  was  left  to  the  option 
of  Quintius,  either  to  conclude  a  peace,  or  carry  on  the 
war.  By  this  he  perceived  that  the  senate  would  not 
be  dissatisfied  at  the  latter  ;  and  he  himself  was  much 
better  pleased  to  put  an  end  to  the  war  by  a  victory, 
than  by  a  treaty  of  peace.  He  therefore  would  not  agree 
to  an  interview  with  Philip  ;  and  sent  to  acquaint  him, 
that  hereafter  he  would  never  agree  to  any  proposals  he 
might  offer  with  regard  to  peace,  if  he  did  not  engage 
by  way  of  preliminary,  entirely  to  quit  Greece. 

^  Philip  now  seriously  engaged  in  making  the  neces- 
sary preparations  for  war.  As  it  wjould  be  difficult  for 
him  to  preserve  the  cities  of  Achaia,  on  account  of  their 
great  distance  from  his  hereditary  dominions,  he  thought 
it  expedient  to  deliver  up  Argos  to  Nabis,  tyrant  of 
Sparta,  but  only  as  a  trust,  which  he  was  to  surrender 
back  to  him,  in  case  he  should  be  victorious  in  this  war  ; 
but,  if  things  should  fall  out  otherwise,  he  then  was  to 
possess  it  as  his  own.  The  tyrant  accepting  the  condi- 
tions, was  brought  in  the  night  into  the  city.  Imme- 
diately the  houses  and  possessions  of  such  of  the  princi- 
pal men  as  had  fled  were  plundered  :  and  those  who  staid 
behind  were  robbed  of  all  their  gold  and  silver,  and  tax- 
ed in  very  heavy  sums.  Those  who  gave  their  money 
readily  and  cheerfully,  were  not  molested  further  ;  but 
such  as  were  either  suspected  of  concealing  their  riches, 
or  discovering  only  part  of  them,  were  cruelly  whipped 
with  rods  like  so  many  slaves,  and  treated  with  the  ut- 
most indignity.  At  length  Nabis  having  summoned 
the  assembly,  the  first  decree  he  enacted  was  for  abolish- 
ing of  debts  ;  and  the  second,  for  dividing  the  lands 
equally  among  the  citizens.  This  is  the  double  bait 
generally  hung  out  to  win  the  affections  of  the  common 
people,  and  exasperate  them  against  the  rich. 

The  tyrant  soon  forgot  from  whom,  and  on  what  con 
^  Liv,  1.  xxxii.  n.  38—40,     Plut,  in  Flamiii.  p.  372^ 


576  THE  HISTOHY  O? 

dition  lie  held  the  city.     He  sent  ambassadors  to  Quiii» 
tius  and  to  Attahis,  to  acquaint  them  that  he  was  mas- 
ter of  Argos  ;  and  to  invite  them  to  an  interview,  in 
which  he  hoped  that  they  would  agree,  without  dilHcul- 
ty,  to  the  conditions  of  a  treaty  wliich  he  was  desirous 
of  concluding  with  them.     His  proposal  was  accepted  : 
in  consequence  of  which,  the  proconsul  and  the  king  had 
an  interview  with  him  near  Argos  ;  a  step  which  seem- 
ed very  unbecoming  the  dignity  of  either.     In  this 
meeting,  the  Romans  insisted  that  Nabis  should  furnish 
them  with  troops,  and  discontinue  the  war  with  the 
Achseans.     The  tyrant  agreed  to  the  first  article,  but 
would  consent  only  to  a  four  months'  truce  with  the 
Achaeans.     The  treaty  was  concluded  on  those  condi- 
tions.    This  alliance  with  such  a  tyrant  as  Nabis,  so  in- 
famous for  his  injustice  and  cruelty,  reflects  dishonour 
on  the  Romans  ;  but  in  war,  soldiers  think  themselves 
allowed  to  take  all  advantages,  at  the  expense  even  of 
honour  and  equity. 

Nabis,  after  putting  a  strong  garrison  into  Argos, 
had  plundered  all  the  men,  and  deprived  them  of  all 
their  riches  ;  a  little  after  he  sent  his  wife  thither,  to 
use  the  ladies  in  the  same  manner.  Accordingly,  she 
sent  for  the  women  of  the  greatest  distinction,  either 
separately  or  in  company  ;  when,  partly  by  civility  and 
partly  by  threats,  she  extorted  from  them  at  different 
times,  not  only  all  their  gold,  but  also  their  richest 
clothes,  their  most  valuable  furniture,  and  all  their  pre- 
cious stones  and  jewels. 

^  When  the  spring  was  come  (for  the  incidents  I  have 
here  related  happened  in  the  winter,)  Quintius  and  At- 
tains resolved,  if  possible,  to  secure  the  alliance  of  the 
Rœotians,  who  till  then  had  been  uncertain  and  waver- 
ing. In  this  view  they  went,  with  some  ambassadors 
of  tîîe  confederates,  to  Thebes,  which  was  the  capital  of 
the  country,  and  the  place  where  the  common  assembly 
met.  They  were  secretly  favoured  and  supported  by 
Antiphilus  the  chief  magistrate.  The  Bœotians  thought 
at  first  that  they  had  come  without  forces  and  unguard- 

'  Liv.  1.  xxxiii.  n.  1,  2. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  377 

ed  ;  but  were  greatly  surprised  when  they  saw  Quin- 
tius  followed  by  a  considerable  detachment  of  troops, 
whence  they  immediately  judged  that  things  would  be 
carried  on  in  an  arbitrary  manner  in  the  assembly.  It 
was  summoned  to  meet  on  the  morrow.  However,  they 
concealed  their  grief  and  surprise  ;  and  indeed  it  would 
have  been  of  no  use,  and  even  dangerous,  to  have  dis- 
covered them. 

Attains  spoke  first,  and  expatiated  on  the  services 
which  his  ancestors  and  himself  had  done  to  all  Greece, 
and  the  republic  of  the  Bœotians  in  particular.  Being 
hurried  away  by  his  zeal  for  the  Romans,  and  speaking 
with  greater  vehemence  than  suited  his  age,  he  fell 
down  in  the  midst  of  his  speech,  and  seemed  half  dead  ; 
so  that  they  were  forced  to  carry  him  out  of  the  assem- 
bly, which  interrupted  their  deliberations  for  some 
time.  Aristaenus,  captain-general  of  the  Achaeans, 
spoke  next  :  and  after  him  Quintius,  who  said  but  lit- 
tle ;  and  laid  greater  stress  on  the  fidelity  of  the  Ro- 
mans, than  on  their  power  or  armiS.  Afterwards  the 
votes  were  taken,  when  an  alliance  with  the  Romans 
was  unanimously  resolved  upon  ;  no  one  daring  to  op- 
pose, or  speak  against  it. 

As  Attalus's  disorder  did  not  seem  dangerous,  Quin- 
tius left  him  at  Thebes,  and  returned  to  Elatia  ;  high- 
ly satisfied  with  the  double  alliance  he  had  concluded 
with  the  Achœans  and  Bœotians,  which  entirely  secu- 
red him  behind,  and  gave  him  an  opj^ortunity  of  em- 
ploying his  whole  attention  and  efforts  on  the  side  of 
Macedonia. 

^  As  soon  as  Attains  had  recovered  a  little  strength, 
he  was  carried  to  Pergamus,  w^here  he  died  soon  after, 
aged  threescore  and  twelve  years,  of  which  he  had  reign- 
ed forty-four.  Polybius  observes,  that  Attains  did  not 
imitate  most  men,  to  whom  great  riches  are  generally 
the  occasion  of  plunging  into  vices  and  irregularities  of 
every  kind.  His  generous  and  magnificent  use  of  rich*. 
€S,  directed  and  tempered  by  prudence,  gave  him  an  op- 
portunity of  enlarging  his  dominions,  and  of  adorning 

■^  Liv.  1.  xxxiv.  II.  21.     Polyb.  in  Excerpt,  p.  101,  102. 


378  THE  HISTORY  OF 

himself  with  the  title  of  king.  He  imagined  he  was 
rich,  only  that  he  might  do  good  to  others  ;  and  thought 
that  he  put  out  his  money  at  a  high  and  very  lawful 
interest,  in  expending  it  in  acts  of  hounty,  and  in  pur- 
chasing friends.  He  governed  his  subjects  with  the 
strictest  justice,  and  always  observed  inviolable  fidelity 
towards  his  allies.  He  was  a  generous  friend,  a  ten- 
der husband,  an  affectionate  father  ;  and  perfectly  dis- 
charged all  the  duties  of  a  king,  and  of  a  private  man. 
He  left  four  sons,  Euments,  Attains,  Philetaerus,  and 
Athenaeus,  of  whom  we  shall  have  occasion  to  speak  in 
the  sequel. 

*The  armies  on  both  sides  had  set  out  upon  their 
march,  in  order  to  terminate  the  war  by  a  battle.  The 
forces  were  pretty  equal  on  both  sides,  and  each  consist- 
ed of  about  twenty-five  or  twenty- six  thousand  men. 
Quintius  advanced  into  Thessaly,  where  he  was  inform- 
ed the  enemy  were  also  arrived  ;  but  being  unable  to 
discover  exactly  the  place  where  they  were  encamped, 
he  commanded  his  soldiers  to  cut  stakes,  in  order  to 
make  use  of  them  upon  occasion. 

Here  Polybius,  and  Livy  who  frequently  copies  him, 
show  the  different  manner  in  which  the  Greeks  and 
Romans  used  the  stakes  with  which  they  fortified  their 
camp.  Among  the  former,  the  best  stakes  were  those 
round  whose  trunk  a  great  number  of  branches  were 
spread,  which  made  them  so  much  the  heavier  ;  besides, 
as  the  arms  of  the  Grecian  soldiers  were  so  ponderous 
that  they  could  scarce  support  them,  they  consequently 
could  not  easily  carry  stakes  at  the  same  time.  Now 
the  Romans  did  not  leave  above  three,  or  at  most  four 
branches  to  each  stake  they  cut,  and  all  of  them  on  the 
same  side.  In  this  manner  the  soldier  was  able  to  car- 
ry two  or  three  of  them,  when  tied  together,  especially 
as  he  was  not  incommoded  with  his  arms  ;  his  buckler 
being  thrown  over  his  shoulders,  and  having  only  two 
or  three  javelins  in  his  hand. 

Besides,  the  latter  kind  of  stakes  do  much  greater 

'  Polyb.  1.  xviL  p.  754—762.     Liv.  1.  xxxiil  n.  3—1 1.    Plut,  in 
Flamin.  p.  372,  373,     Justin.  1.  xxx.  c.  4. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSOES.  379 

«ervice.  Those  of  the  Greeks  might  very  easily  be  pul- 
led up.  As  this  stake,  whose  trunk  was  large,  was 
single  and  detached  from  the  rest  ;  and  besides,  as  the 
branches  of  it  were  strong  and  many  in  number,  two  or 
three  soldiers  could  easily  pull  it  out,  and  by  that  means 
open  a  way  to  enter  the  camp  ;  not  to  mention  that  all 
the  stakes  near  it  must  necessarily  have  been  loosened, 
because  their  branches  were  too  short  to  interweave  one 
with  the  other.  But  it  was  not  so  with  the  stakes  cut 
by  the  Romans  ;  their  branches  being  so  closely  inter- 
woven, that  it  was  scarce  possible  to  discover  the  stake 
to  which  they  belonged.  Nor  could  any  man  pull  up 
those  stakes  by  thrusting  his  hand  into  the  branches,  as 
they  were  so  closely  entwined,  that  no  vacant  place  was 
left  ;  besides  which,  all  the  ends  of  them  were  sharp- 
pointed.  But  even  supposing  any  hold  could  have  been 
laid  on  them,  yet  the  stake  could  not  easily  be  torn  up, 
for  two  reasons  ;  first,  because  it  was  driven  so  deep  in 
the  ground,  that  there  was  no  moving  it  ;  and  second- 
ly, because  the  branches  were  so  closely  interwoven,  that 
it  was  impossible  to  pull  up  one  without  forcing  away 
several  others  at  the  same  time.  Though  two  or  three 
men  put  their  whole  strength  to  them,  it  yet  was  im- 
possible for  them  to  force  the  stakes  away.  And  yet. 
even  if  by  shaking  and  moving  them  about,  they  at  last 
were  forced  out  of  their  places,  still  the  opening  made 
in  that  manner  was  almost  imperceptible.  Thus  these 
kind  of  stakes  were  preferable,  on  three  accounts,  to 
those  of  the  Greeks  :  they  w  ere  to  be  had  every  where, 
could  be  carried  with  ease,  and  were  a  strong  palisade  to 
a  camp,  which  could  not  easily  be  broken  through. 

These  sort  of  digressions,  made  by  so  great  a  master 
as  Polybius,  which  relate  to  the  usages  and  practices  of 
war,  commonly  please  persons  of  the  militaiy  profession, 
to  whom  they  may  furnish  useful  hints  :  and,  in  my  opi- 
nion, I  ought  to  neglect  nothing  that  may  in  any  re- 
spect conduce  to  the  public  utility. 

After  the  general  had  taken  the  precautions  above- 
mentioned,  he  marched  out  at  the  head  of  all  his  forces. 
After  some  slight  skirmishes,  in  which  the  ^Etolian  ca- 


380  THE  HISTORY  OF 

valry  signalized  themselves  and  were  always  notorious^ 
the  two  armies  halted  near  Scotussa.  Exceeding  hea- 
vy rains,  attended  \nih  thunder,  having  fallen  the  night 
before,  the  next  day  was  so  cloudy  and  dark,  that  a 
man  could  scarce  see  two  paces  before  him.  Philip 
then  detached  a  body  of  troops,  with  orders  to  seize 
upon  the  summit  of  the  hills  called  Cynoscephalse, 
which  separated  his  camp  from  that  of  the  Romans. 
Quintius  also  detached  ten  squadrons  of  horse,  and  about 
a  thousand  light-armed  troops,  to  reconnoitre  the  ene- 
my ;  and  at  the  same  time  directed  them  in  the  strong- 
est terms  to  beware  of  ambuscades,  as  the  weather  was 
so  very  gloomy.  Tliis  detachment  met  that  of  the  JNIa- 
cedonians  which  had  seized  the  eminences.  At  first, 
both  parties  were  a  little  surprised  at  meeting,  and  af- 
terwards began  to  skirmish.  Each  party  sent  advice  to 
their  general  of  what  was  going  forward.  The  Romans, 
being  severely  handled,  despatched  a  courier  to  their 
camp  to  desire  a  reinforcement.  Quintius  immediate- 
ly sent  Archedamus  and  Eupolemus,  both  iEtolians  ; 
and  with  them  two  tribunes,  each  of  whom  commanded 
a  thousand  men,  with  five  hundred  horse,  which,  join- 
ing the  foimer,  soon  changed  the  face  of  the  engage- 
ment. The  ^Macedonians  behaved  valiantly  enough  ; 
but  being  oppressed  with  the  weight  of  their  arms,  they 
fled  to  the  hills,  and  from  thence  sent  to  the  king  for 
succour. 

Philip,  who  had  detached  a  party  of  his  soldiers  for 
forage,  being  informed  of  the  danger  his  first  troops 
were  in,  and  the  sky  beginning  to  clear  up,  despatched 
Heraclides,  who  commanded  the  Thessalian  cavahy, 
Leo,  who  commanded  that  of  3Iaccdonia,  and  Athena- 
goras,  under  whom  were  all  the  hired  soldiers,  those  of 
Thrace  excepted.  AVhen  this  reinforcement  joined  the 
first  detacliment,  the  courage  of  the  Macedonians  revi- 
ved, they  returned  to  the  charge,  and  drove  the  Ro- 
mans from  the  hills.  They  even  would  have  gained  a 
complete  victory,  had  it  not  been  for  the  resistance  made 
by  the  .^tolian  cavalry,  who  fought  with  astonishing 
courage  and  intrepidity.     This  was  the  best  of  all  the 


ALEXANDER'S  SITCCESSOHS,  S81 

Grecian  cavalry,  and  was  particularly  famous  for  skir- 
mishes and  single  combats.  These  so  well  sustained  the 
impetuous  charge  of  the  Macedonians,  that  had  it  not 
been  for  their  bravery,  the  Romans  would  have  been 
repulsed  into  the  valley.  At  some  distance  from  the 
enemy  they  took  breath  a  little,  and  afterwards  return- 
ed to  the  fight. 

Couriers  came  every  moment  to  inform  Philip,  that 
the  Romans  were  terrified  and  fled,  and  that  the  time 
was  come  for  defeating  them  entirely.  Philip  was  not 
pleased  either  with  the  place  or  the  weather,  but  could 
not  withstand  the  repeated  shouts  and  entreaties  of  his 
soldiers,  who  besought  him  to  lead  them  on  to  battle; 
and  accordingly,  he  marched  them  out  of  his  intrench- 
ments.  The  proconsul  did  the  same,  and  drew  up  his 
soldiers  in  order  of  battle. 

The  leaders  on  each  side,  in  this  instant  which  was 
going  to  determine  their  fate,  animated  their  troops  by 
all  the  most  affecting  motives.  Philip  represented  to 
his  soldiers,  the  Persians,  Bactrians,  Indians,  in  a  word, 
all  Asia  and  the  whole  East,  subdued  by  their  victori- 
ous arms  ;  adding,  that  they  ought  now  to  behave  with 
the  greater  courage,  as  they  now  were  to  fight,  not  for 
sovereignty,  but  for  liberty,  which,  to  valiant  minds,  is 
more  dear  and  valuable  than  the  empire  of  the  universe. 
The  proconsul  put  his  soldiers  in  mind  of  the  victories 
they  had  so  lately  gained  ;  on  one  side,  Sicily  and  Car- 
thage ;  on  the  other,  Italy  and  Spain,  subdued  by 
the  Romans  ;  and  to  say  all  in  a  word,  Hannibal,  the 
great  Hannibal,  certainly  equal,  if  not  superior  to  Alex- 
ander, driven  out  of  Italy  by  their  triumphant  arms  : 
and,  which  ought  to  rouse  their  courage  the  more,  this 
very  Philip,  whom  they  now  were  going  to  engage,  de- 
feated by  them  more  than  once,  and  obliged  to  fly  before 
them. 

Fired  -'^  by  these  speeches,  the  soldiers,  who,  on  one 

*  "  His  adhortationibus  utrinque  concitati  milites,  prselio  concur- 
runt,  alteri  Orientis,  alteri  Occidentis  imperio  gloriantes,  ferentesque 
in  bellum,  alii  majorum  suorum  antiquam  et  obsoletam  gloriam,  alii 
vireutem  recentibus  experimentis  virtutis  florem."     Justin. 


382  THE  HISTOHY  OF 

side,  called  themselves  victors  of  the  East  ;  and  on  thcr 
other,  conquerors  of  the  West  ;  the  former,  elated  with 
the  glorious  achievements  of  their  ancestors,  and  the 
latter,  proud  of  the  trophies  and  the  victories  they  had 
so  lately  gained,  prepared  on  each  side  for  battle.  Fla- 
mininns,  having  commanded  the  right  wing  not  to  move 
from  its  post,  placed  the  elephants  in  the  front  of  this 
wing  ;  and  marching  with  a  haughty  and  intrepid  air, 
led  on  the  left  wing  against  the  enemy  in  person. 
And  now  the  skirmishers  seeing  themselves  supported 
bv  the  legions,  return  to  the  charge,  and  begin  the  at- 
tack. 

Philip  with  his  light-armed  troops,  and  the  right 
wing  of  his  phalanx,  hastened  towards  the  mountains  ; 
commanding  Xicanor  to  march  the  rest  of  the  army  im- 
mediately after  him.  AVhen  he  approached  the  Roman 
camp,  and  found  his  light-armed  troops  engaged,  he 
was  exceedingly  pleased  at  the  sight.  However,  not 
long  after  seeing  them  give  way,  and  in  exceeding  want 
of  support,  he  was  obliged  to  sustain  them,  and  engage 
in  a  general  battle,  though  the  greatest  part  of  his 
phalanx  was  still  upon  their  march  towards  the  Irills 
where  he  then  was.  In  the  mean  time  he  receives  such 
of  his  troops  as  had  been  repulsed  ;  posts  them,  whether 
horse  or  foot,  on  his  right  wing  ;  and  commands  the 
light-armed  soldiers  and  the  phalanx  to  double  their 
files,  and  to  close  their  ranks  on  the  right. 

This  being  done,  as  the  Romans  were  near,  he  com- 
mands the  phalanx  to  march  toward  them  with  their 
pikes  presented,  and  the  light-armed  to  extend  beyond 
them  on  the  right  and  left.  Quintius  had  also,  at  the 
same  time,  received  into  his  intervals  those  who  had  be- 
gun the  fight,  and  now  charged  the  Macedonians.  The 
onset  being  begun,  each  side  sent  up  the  most  dreadful 
cries.  Philip's  right  wing  had  visibly  all  the  advan- 
tage; for,  as  he  charged  with  impetuosity  from  the 
heights  with  his  phalanx  on  the  Romans,  the  latter 
could  not  sustain  the  shock  of  troops  so  well  closed  and 
covered  with  their  shields,  and  whose  front  presented 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSOKS.  383 

an  impenetrable  hedge  of  pikes.     The  Romans  were 
obhged  to  give  way. 

But  it  was  different  with  regard  to  Philip's  left  wing, 
which  was  but  just  arrived.  As  its  ranks  were  broken 
and  separated  by  the  hillocks  and  uneven  ground,  Quin- 
tius  flew  to  his  right  wing,  and  charged  vigorously  the 
left  wing  of  the  Macedonians  ;  persuaded  that  if  he 
could  but  break  it,  and  put  it  in  disorder,  it  would  draw 
after  it  the  other  wing  although  victorious.  The  event 
answered  his  expectation.  As  this  wing,  on  account  of 
the  unevenness  and  ruggedness  of  the  ground,  could  not 
keep  in  the  form  of  a  phalanx,  nor  double  its  ranks  to 
give  it  depth,  in  which  the  whole  strength  of  that  body 
consists,  it  was  entirely  defeated. 

On  this  occasion  a  tribune,  who  had  not  above  twenty 
companies  under  him,  made  a  movement  that  contri- 
buted very  much  to  the  victory.  Observing  that  Philip, 
who  was  at  a  great  distance  from  the  rest  of  the  army, 
was  charging  the  left  wing  of  the  Romans  with  vigour, 
he  leaves  the  right  where  he  was  (it  not  being  in  want 
of  support),  and  consulting  only  his  own  reason,  and  the 
present  disposition  of  the  armies,  he  marches  towards 
the  phalanx  of  the  enemy's  right  wing,  and  charges 
them  in  the  rear  with  all  his  troops.  The  phalanx,  on 
account  of  the  prodigious  length  of  the  pikes,  and  the 
closeness  of  its  ranks,  cannot  face  about  to  the  rear, 
nor  fight  man  to  man.  The  tribune  breaks  into  it,  kill- 
ing all  before  him  as  he  advanced  ;  and  the  Macedo- 
nians, not  being  able  to  defend  themselves,  throw  down 
their  arms,  and  fly.  What  increased  the  slaughter 
was,  that  the  Romans  who  had  given  way,  having  ral- 
lied, were  returned  to  attack  the  phalanx  in  front  at 
the  same  time. 

Philip,  judging  at  first  of  the  rest  of  the  battle  from 
the  advantage  he  had  obtained  in  his  wing,  assured  him- 
self of  a  complete  victory.  But  when  he  saw  his  soldiers 
throw  down  their  arms,  and  the  Romans  pouring  upon 
them  from  behind,  he  drew  off  with  a  body  of  troops  to 
«ome  distance  from  the  field  of  battle,  and  from  thence 
took  a  survey  of  the  whole  engagement;  when  per- 


384  THE  HISTORY  OF 

ceiving  that  the  Romans,  who  pursued  his  left  wing, 
extended  ahnost  to  the  summit  of  the  mountains,  he 
got  together  all  the  Thracians  and  INIacedonians  he 
could  assemble,  and  endeavoured  to  save  himself  by 
flight. 

After  the  battle,  in  every  part  of  which  victory  had 
declared  for  the  Romans,  Philip  retired  to  Tempe, 
where  he  halted  to  wait  for  those  who  had  escaped  the 
defeat.  He  had  been  so  prudent  as  to  send  orders  to 
Larissa  to  burn  all  his  papers,  that  the  Romans  might 
not  have  an  opportunity  of  distressing  any  of  his  friends. 
The  Romans  pursued  for  some  time  those  who  fled. 
The  .^tolians  were  accused  of  having  occasioned  Philip's 
escape,  for  they  amused  themselves  in  plundering  his 
camp,  whilst  the  Romans  were  employed  in  pursuing 
the  enemy  ;  so  that  when  they  returned,  they  found 
scarcely  any  thing  in  it.  They  reproached  them  at  first 
on  that  account,  and  afterwards  quarrelled  outright,  each 
side  loading  the  other  with  the  grossest  invectives.  On 
the  morrow,  after  having  got  together  the  prisoners  and 
the  rest  of  the  spoils,  they  marched  towards  Larissa. 
The  Romans  lost  about  seven  hundred  men  in  this 
battle,  and  the  INIacedonians  thirteen  thousand,  whereof 
eight  thousand  died  in  the  field,  and  five  thousand  were 
taken  prisoners.  Thus  ended  the  battle  of  Cynosce- 
phalœ. 

The  iEtolians  had  certainly  siojnalized  themselves  in 
this  battle,  and  contributed  very  much  to  the  victor}^  : 
but  they  were  so  vain,  or  rather  insolent,  as  to  ascribe 
the  success  of  it  entirely  to  themselves  ;  declaring,  with- 
out reserve  or  modesty,  that  they  were  far  better  sol- 
diers than  the  Romans  ;  and  spread  this  report  through- 
out all  Greece.  Quintius,  who  was  already  offended  at 
them,  for  their  greedy  impatience  in  seizing  the  plunder 
without  waiting  for  the  Romans,  was  still  more  en- 
raged at  them  for  their  insolent  reports  in  regard  to 
their  superior  valour.  From  that  time  he  behaved  with 
great  coldness  towards  them,  and  never  informed  them 
of  any  thing  relating  to  public  affairs,  affecting  to  hum- 
ble their  pride  on  all  occasions. 


AtEXANDEPw's  SUCCESSOR^.  385 

These  reports  seem  to  have  made  too  strong  an  im- 
pression on  Quintius,  who  did  not  act  with  due  pru- 
dence and  caution  towards  allies  so  useful  to  the  Ro- 
mans ;  for  by  thus  alienating  their  affection,  he  paved 
the  way,  at  a  distance,  for  that  open  defection,  to  which 
the  resentment  of  the  .^tolians  afterwards  carried  them. 
But  had  he  dissembled  wisely,  had  he  shut  his  eyes 
and  ears  to  many  things,  and  appeared  sometimes  ig- 
norant of  what  the  iEtolians  might  say  or  do  Improperly, 
he  might  perhaps  have  remedied  every  thing. 

Some  days  after  the  battle,  Philip  sent  ambassadors 
to  Flamininus,  who  was  at  Larissa,  upon  pretence  of 
desiring  a  truce  for  burying  their  dead  ;  but,  in  reality, 
to  obtain  an  interview  with  him.  The  proconsul  agreed 
to  both  requests,  and  was  so  polite  as  to  bid  the  mes- 
senger tell  the  king,  "  that  he  desired  him  not  to  de- 
spond." The  .^tolians  were  highly  offended  at  this 
message.  As  these  people  were  not  well  acquainted 
with  the  character  of  the  Romans,  and  judged  of  their 
disposition  from  their  own,  they  imagined  that  Flamini- 
nus would  not  have  appeared  favourable  to  Philip,  if 
the  latter  had  not  corrupted  him  with  bribes  ;  and  they 
were  not  ashamed  to  spread  such  reports  among  the 
allies. 

The  Roman  general  set  out,  with  the  confederates, 
for  the  appointed  place  of  meeting,  w^iich  was  at  the 
entrance  of  Tempe.  He  assembled  them  before  the 
king  arrived,  to  enquire  what  they  thought  of  the  con- 
ditions of  peace.  Amynander,  king  of  Athamania,  who 
spoke  in  the  name  of  the  rest,  said,  that  such  a  treaty 
ought  to  be  concluded,  as  might  enable  Greece  to  pre- 
serve peace  and  liberty  even  in  the  absence  of  the  Ro- 
mans. 

Alexander  the  ^tolian  spoke  next,  and  said,  that  if 
the  proconsul  imagined,  that  in  concluding  a  peace  with 
Philip,  he  should  procure  a  solid  peace  for  the  Romans, 
or  lasting  liberty  for  the  Greeks,  he  was  greatly  mis- 
taken :  that  the  only  way  to  put  an  end  to  the  JNIace- 
donian  war,  would  be  to  drive  Philip  out  of  his  king- 
dom ;  and  that  this  might  be  very  easily  effected,  pro- 

VOL.  YX.  2C 


386  THE  HISTORY  OF 

vided  he  would  take  the  advantage  of  tlie  present  oc- 
casion. After  corroborating  what  he  had  advanced  with 
several  reasons,  he  sat  down. 

Quintius,  addressing  himself  to  Alexander  ;  "  You 
do  not  know,"  says  he,  "  either  the  character  of  the 
Romans,  my  views,  or  the  interest  of  Greece.  It  is  not 
usual  with  the  Romans,'  after  they  have  engaged  in  war 
with  a  king,  or  other  power,  to  ruin  him  entirely  ;  and 
of  this  Hannibal  and  the  Carthaginians  are  a  manifest 
proof  As  to  myself,  I  never  intended  to  make  an  ir- 
reconcileable  war  against  Philip  ;  but  have  always  been 
inclined  to  grant  him  a  peace,  whenever  he  should  yield 
to  the  conditions  that  should  be  prescribed  him.  You 
yourselves,  .TLtolians,  in  the  assemblies  which  were  held 
for  that  purpose,  never  once  mentioned  depriving  Philip 
of  his  kingdom.  Should  victory  inspire  us  with  such  a 
desi£:n  ?  How  shameful  are  such  sentiments  !  When  an 
enemy  attacks  us  in  the  field,  it  is  our  business  to  re- 
pel  him  with  bravery  and  haughtiness  ;  but  when  he  is 
fallen,  it  is  the  duty  of  the  victor  to  show  moderation, 
gentleness,  and  humanity.  With  regard  to  the  Greeks, 
it  is  their  interest,  I  confess,  that  the  kingdom  of  Ma- 
cedonia should  be  less  povvcrful  than  formerly  ;  but  it 
no  less  concerns  their  welfare,  that  it  should  not  be  en- 
tirely destroyed.  That  kingdom  serves  them  as  a  bar- 
rier against  the  Thracians  and  the  Gauls,  *  who,  were 
they  not  checked  by  it,  would  certainly  pour  down  upon 
Greece,  as  they  have  frequently  done  before." 

Flamininus  concluded  with  declaiing,  that  his  opi- 
nion, and  that  of  the  council,  was,  that  if  Philip  would 
promise  to  observe  faithfully  ail  the  conditions  which 
the  allies  had  formerly  prescribed,  that  then  a  peace 
should  be  granted  him,  after  having  consulted  the  se- 
nate about  it  ;  and  that  the  .Etolians  might  adopt  what- 
ever resolution  they  pleased  on  this  occasion.  Pliœ- 
neas,  praetor  of  the  .-Etolians,  having  represented,  in  very 
strong  terms,  that  Philip,  if  he  should  escape  the  pre- 
sent danger,  would  soon  form  new  projects,  and  light 

*  A  orreat  number  of  Gauls  had  settled  iu  the  countries  adjoining 
to  Thrace. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  387 

up  a  fresh  war  :  "  I  shall  take  care  of  that,"  replied  the 
proconsul  ;  "  and  shall  take  effectual  methods  to  put  it 
out  of  his  power  to  undertake  any  thing  against  us." 

The  next  day  Philip  arrived  at  the  place  appointed 
for  the  conference  ;  and  three  days  after,  the  council  be- 
ing met  again,  he  came  into  it,  and  spoke  with  so  much 
prudence  and  wisdom,  as  softened  the  whole  assembly. 
He  declared  that  he  would  accept,  and  execute,  what- 
ever conditions  the  Romans  and  the  allies  should  pre- 
scribe ;  and  that  with  regard  to  every  thing  else,  he 
would  rely  entirely  on  the  discretion  of  the  senate. 
Upon  these  words,  the  whole  council  were  silent.  Only 
Phseneas  the  ^Etolian  started  some  difficulties,  which 
were  altogether  improper,  and  for  that  reason  entirely 
disregarded. 

But  what  prompted  Flamininus  to  urge  the  conclu- 
sion of  the  peace  was,  his  having  advice,  that  Antiochus, 
at  the  head  of  an  army,  was  marching  out  of  Syria,  in 
order  to  make  an  irruption  into  Europe.  He  appre- 
hended that  Philip  might  think  of  putting  his  cities  into 
a  condition  of  defence,  and  thereby  might  gain  time. 
Besides,  he  was  sensible  that  should  another  consul  come 
in  his  stead,  all  the  honour  of  that  war  would  be  ascrib- 
ed to  him.  These  reasons  prevailed  v/ith  him  to  grant 
the  king  a  four  months'  truce  ;  whereupon  he  received 
four  *  hundred  talents  from  him,  took  Demetrius  his 
son,  and  some  of  his  friends,  as  hostages  ;  and  gave  him 
permission  to  send  to  Rome  to  receive  such  further  con- 
ditions from  the  senate^  as  they  should  prescribe.  Mat- 
ters being  thus  adjusted,  the  parties  separated,  after 
having  mutually  promised,  that  in  case  a  peace  should 
not  be  concluded,  Flamininus  should  return  Philip  the 
talents  and  the  hostages.  This  being  done,  the  several 
parties  concerned  sent  deputations  to  Rome  ;  some  to 
solicit  peace,  and  others  to  throw  obstacles  in  its  way. 

"Whilst  these  measures  were  concerting  to  bring 
about  a  general  peace,  some  expeditions,  of  little  import- 
ance, were  undertaken  in  several  places.     AndrostbC' 

"  Liv.  1.  xxxiii.  n.  14 — 19' 

**  Four  hundred  thousand  French  crowns? 


388  THE  HISTORY  OF 

lies,  who  commanded  imder  the  kinor,  at  Corinth,  had 
a  considerable  body  of  troops,  consisting  of  above  six 
thousand  men  :  he  was  defeated  in  a  battle  by  Nicostra- 
tus,  praetor  of  the  Achaeans,  who  came  upon  him  una- 
wares, and  attacked  him  at  a  time  when  his  troops  were 
dispersed  up  and  down  the  plains,  and  plundering  the 
country.     The  Acarnanians  were  divided  in  their  sen- 
timents, some  being  for  Philip,  and  others  for  the  Ro- 
mans.    The  latter  had  laid  siege  to  Leucas.    News  be- 
ing brought  of  the  victoiy  gained  at  Cynoscephalae,  the 
whole  country  submitted  to  the  conquerors.     At  the 
same  time  the  Rhodians  took  Perea,  a  small  country 
in  Caria,  w^hich,  as  they  pretended,  belonged  to  them, 
and  had  been  unjustly  taken  from  them  by  the  JNIace- 
donians.     Philip,  on  the  other  side,  repulsed  the  Dar- 
danians,  who  had  made  an  inroad  into  his  kingdom,  in 
order  to  take  advantage  of  the  ill  state  of  his  affaire- 
After  this  expedition,  the  king  retired  to  Thessalo- 
nica. 

-'^At  Rome,  the  time  for  the  election  of  consuls  be- 
ing come,  L.  Furius  Purpureo  and  M.  Claudius  Mar- 
cellus  were  chosen.  At  the  same  time  letters  arrived 
from  Quintius,  containing  the  particulars  of  his  \dctory 
over  Philip.  They  were  first  read  before  the  senate, 
and  afterwards  to  the  people  ;  and  public  prayers,  during 
five  days,  were  ordered,  to  thank  the  gods  for  the  pro- 
tection they  had  granted  the  Romans  in  the  war  against 
Philip. 

Some  days  after,  the  ambassadors  arrived  to  treat  of 
the  intended  peace  with  the  king  of  Macedonia.  The 
affair  was  debated  in  the  senate.  Each  of  the  ambas- 
sadors made  long  speeches,  according  to  their  res-pective 
views  and  interests  ;  but,  at  last,  the  majority  were  for 
peace.  The  same  affair  being  brought  before  the  people, 
JNIarcellus,  who  passionately  desired  to  command  the 
armies  in  Greece,  used  his  utmost  endeavours  to  break 
the  treaty,  but  all  to  no  purpose  ;  for  the  people  approv- 
ed of  Flamininus's  proposal,  and  ratified  the  conditions. 

^  Polyb.  Excerpt.  Legat.  p.  793,  794.  Liv.  1,  xs^ii.  n.  24.  êc 
27—29.    A.  M.  3S08.    Ant.  J.  C,  19^, 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSOUS.  38^ 

The  senate  then  appointed  ten  of  the  most  ilhistrious 
citizens  to  go  into  Greece,  in  order  to  settle,  in  conjunc- 
tion with  Flamininus,  the  affairs  of  that  country,  and 
secure  its  liberties.  In  the  same  assembly,  the  Achse- 
ans  desired  to  be  received  as  allies  of  the  people  of  Rome  : 
but  that  affair  meeting  with  some  difficulties,  it  was  re- 
ferred to  the  ten  commissioners. 

A  sedition  had  broken  out  in  Bœotia,  between  the 
partisans  of  Philip  and  those  of  the  Romans,  which  rose 
to  a  great  height.  Nevertheless,  it  was  not  attended 
with  any  ill  consequences,  the  proconsul  having  soon 
appeased  it. 

y  The  ten  commissioners,  who  had  set  out  from  Rome 
to  settle  the  affairs  of  Greece,  arrived  soon  in  that  coun- 
try. The  chief  conditions  of  the  treaty  of  peace,  which 
they  settled  in  concert  with  Flamininus,  were  as  fol- 
low :  That  all  the  other  *  cities  of  Greece,  both  in  Asia 
and  Europe,  should  be  free,  and  be  governed  by  their 
own  laws  ;  That  Philip,  before  the  celebration  of  the 
Isthmian  games,  should  evacuate  those  in  which  he  then 
had  garrisons  :  that  he  should  restore  to  the  Romans 
all  the  prisoners  and  deserters,  and  deliver  up  to  them 
all  the  ships  that  had  decks,  five  feluccas  excepted,  and 
the  galley  having  sixteen  benches  of  rowers  :  that  he 
should  pay  f  a  thousand  talents  ;  one  half  immediately, 
and  the  other  half  in  ten  years,  fifty  every  year  by  way 
of  tribute.  Among  the  hostages  required  of  him,  was 
Demetrius  his  son,  who  accordingly  was  sent  to  Rome. 

Ill  this  manner  Flamininus  ended  the  Macedonian 
war,  to  the  great  satisfaction  of  the  Greeks,  and  very 
happily  for  Rome.  For,  not  to  mention  Hannibal,  who, 
though  vanquished,  might  still  have  an  opportunity  of 
finding  the  Romans  considerable  employment,  Antio- 
chus  seeing  his  power  considerably  increased  by  his  glo- 

y  Polyb.  Excerpt.  Legat.  p.  795 — 800.  Li  v.  1.  xxxiii.  n.  30 — 35. 
Plut,  in  Flam.  p.  374—376. 

*  This  word  other,  is  put  here  in  opposition  to  such  of  the  Grecian, 
cities  as  were  subject  to  Philip,  part  of  which  only  were  restored  to 
their  liberties,  because  the  Romans  thought  it  necessary  to  garrison 
Chalcis,  Demetrias,  and  Corinth. 

t  About  190,000?. 


390  THE  HISTORY  OP 

rious  exploits,  which  1  ad  «icquired  him  the  suraame  of 
Great,  was  at  that  time  meditating  to  carry  his  arms 
into  Europe.  If,  therefore,  Flamiuinus,  by  his  great 
prudence,  had  not  foreseen  what  would  come  to  pass, 
and  had  not  speedily  concluded  this  peace  ;  had  the  war 
against  Antiochus  been  joined,  in  the  midst  of  Greece, 
with  the  war  carrying  on  against  Philip  ;  and  had  the 
two  greatest  and  most  powerful  kings  then  in  the  world 
(uniting  their  views  and  interests)  made  head  against 
Home  at  the  same  time  ;  it  is  certain  the  Romans  would 
have  been  engaged  in  as  many  battles,  and  in  as  great 
dangers,  as  those  they  had  been  obliged  to  sustain  in 
the  war  against  Hannibal. 

As  soon  as  this  treaty  of  peace  was  known,  all  Greece, 
^tolia  excepted,  received  the  news  of  it  with  universal 
joy.  The  inhabitants  of  the  latter  country  seemed  dis- 
satisfied, and  inveighed  privately  against  it  among  the 
confederates,  affirming,  that  it  was  nothing  but  empty 
words  :  that  the  Greeks  were  amused  with  the  name  of 
liberty  ;  with  which  specious  term  the  Romans  covered 
tlieir  interested  views  :  that  they  indeed  suffered  the 
cities  in  Asia  to  enjoy  their  freedom  ;  but  that  they 
seemed  to  reserve  to  themselves  those  of  Europe,  as 
Oreum,  Eretria,  Chalcis,  Demetrias,  and  Corinth.  That 
therefore  Greece,  strictly  speaking,  was  not  freed  from 
its  chains  ;  and,  at  most,  had  only  changed  its  sovereign. 

These  complaints  made  the  proconsul  so  much  the 
more  uneasy,  as  they  were  not  altogether  without  foim- 
dation.  The  commissioners,  pursuant  to  the  instruc- 
tions they  had  received  from  Rome,  advised  Flamininus 
to  restore  all  the  Greeks  to  their  liberty  ;  but  to  keep 
possession  of  the  cities  of  Corinth,  Chalcis,  and  Deme- 
trias, wliich  were  tlie  keys  of  Greece  ;  and  to  put  strong 
garrisons  into  them,  to  prevent  their  being  seized  by 
Antiochus.  He  obtained,  in  the  council,  to  have  Co- 
rinth set  at  liberty  ;  but  it  was  resolved  there,  that  a 
strong  garrison  should  be  put  into  the  citadel,  as  well 
as  in  the  two  cities  of  Chalcis  and  Demetrias  ;  and  this 
for  a  time  only,  till  they  should  be  entirely  rid  of  their 
fears  with  regard  to  Antiochus. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  391 

It  vvras  HOW  the  time  in  which  the  Isthmian  games 
were  to  be  solemnized  ;  and  tlie  expectation  of  what  was 
there  to  be  transacted,  had  drawn  thither  an  incredible 
multitude  of  people,  and  persons  of  the  highest  rank. 
The  conditions  of  the  treaty  of  peace,  which  were  not 
yet  entirely  made  public,  formed  the  topic  of  all  con- 
versations, and  various  opinions  vv^ere  entertained  con- 
cerning them  ;  but  very  few  could  be  persuaded,  that 
the  Romans  would  evacuate  all  the  cities  they  had  taken. 
All  Greece  was  in  this  uncertainty,  when,  the  multi- 
tude being  assembled  in  the  stadium  to  see  the  games, 
a  herald  comes  forward,  and  publishes  with  a  loud  voice  : 
The  senate  and  people  of  Rome,  and  Titus 

QUINTIUS  THE  GENERAL,  HAVING  OVERCOME  PhI- 

lip  and  the  macedonians,  set  at  liberty  from 
all  garrisons,  and  taxes,  and  imposts,  the 
Corinthians,  the  Locrians,  the  Phocians,  the 

EUBŒANS,  THePtHIOT  AcH^ANS,  THE  MaGNESI- 

ans,  the  Thessalians,  and  the  Perrh^bians; 
declare  them  free,  and  ordain  that  they 
shall  be  governed  by  their  respective  law$ 
and  usages. 

At  these  words,"^  which  many  heard  but  imperfectly, 
because  of  the  noise  that  interrupted  them,  all  the  spec- 
tators were  filled  with  excess  of  joy.  They  gazed  upon, 
and  questioned  one  another  v/ith  astonishment,  and 
could  not  believe  either  their  eyes  or  ears  ;  so  like 
a  dream  was  what  they  then  saw  and  heard.  It  was 
thought  necessary  for  the  herald  to  repeat  the  procla- 
mation, which  was  now  listened  to  with  the  most  pro- 

*  "  Audita  voce  praeconis,  majus  gaudlum  fuit^  quam  quod  uni- 
versum  homines  caperent.  Vix  satis  credere  se  quisque  audisse  :  alii 
alios  intueri  mirabundi  velut  somnii  vanam  speciem  quod  ad  qucm- 
que  pertineret,  su  arum  aurium  fidei  minimum  credentes,  proximos 
interrogabant.  Revocatus  prœco — iterum  pronunciare  eadem.  Turn 
ab  certo  jam  gaudio  tantus  cum  clamore  plausus  est  ortus,  toticsque 
repetitus,  ut  facile  appareret,  nihil  omnium  bonorum  multitudini 
gratius,  quam  libertatem,  esse.  Ludicrum  deinde  ita  raptim  perac- 
tum  est,  ut  nullius  nee  animi  nee  oculi  spectaculo  intenti  essent. 
Adeo  unum  gaudium  prœoccupaverat  omnium  aliarum  sensum  volup- 
tatum."     Liv.  1.  xxxiii.  u.  22. 


392  THE  HISTORY  OF 

found  silence,  so  that  not  a  single  word  of  the  decree 
was  lost.  And  now  fully  assured  of  their  happiness, 
they  abandoned  themselves  again  to  the  highest  trans- 
ports of  joy,  and  broke  into  such  loud  and  repeated  ac- 
clamations, that  the  sea  resounded  with  them  at  a  great 
distance  ;  and  some  ravens,  which  happened  to  fly  that 
instant  over  the  assembly,  fell  down  in  the  stadium  :  so 
true  it  is,  that  of  all  the  blessings  of  this  life,  none  are 
so  dear  to  mankind  as  liberty  !  The  games  and  sports 
were  hurried  over,  witliout  any  attention  being  paid  to 
them  ;  for  so  great  was  the  general  joy  upon  this  occa- 
sion, that  it  extinguished  all  other  sentiments. 

The  games  being  ended,  all  the  people  ran  in  crowds 
to  the  Roman  general  ;  and  every  one  being  eager  to 
see  his  deliverer,  to  salute  him,  to  kiss  his  hand  and 
throw  crowns  and  festoons  of  flowers  over  him  ;  he  would 
have  run  the  hazard  of  being  pressed  to  death  by  the 
crowd,  had  not  the  vigour  of  his  years  (for  he  was  not 
above  thirty-three  years  old,)  and  the  joy  which  so  glo- 
rious a  day  gave  him,  sustained  and  enabled  him  to  un- 
dergo the  fatigue  of  it. 

And  indeed  1  would  ask,  whether  any  mortal  ever 
experienced  a  more  happy  or  a  more  glorious  day  thau 
this  was  for  Flamininus  and  the  Roman  people  ?  What 
are  all  the  triumphs  of  the  world  in  comparison  with 
what  we  have  seen  on  this  occasion  ?  Should  we  heap 
together  all  the  trophies,  all  the  victories,  all  the  con- 
quests of  Alexander  and  the  greatest  captains,  how  little 
would  they  appear,  when  opposed  to  this  single  action 
of  goodness,  humanity,  and  justice  ?  It  is  a  great  mis- 
fortune to  princes,  that  they  are  not  so  sensible  as  they 
ought  to  be,  to  so  refined  a  joy,  to  so  affecting  and  ex- 
quisite a  glory,  as  that  which  arises  from  doing  good  to 
mankind. 

The  remembrance  *  of  so  delightful  a  day,  and  of  the 

*  "  Nee  praesens  omnium  modo  effusa  Icctitia  est  ;  sed  per  multos 
dies  gratis  et  cogitationibus  et  sermonibus  revocata.  Esse  aliquam. 
in  terris  gentem,  quje  sua  impensa,  suo  labore  ac  periculo,  bellagerat 
pro  libertatc  aliorum  :  nee  hoc  finitimis,  aut  propinquae  vicinitatis 
Jiominibus,  aut  terris  continenti  junctis  prœstet  :   maria  trajiciat,  ne 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSOPtS.  2Q3 

^valuable  blessing  then  bestowed,  was  continually  renew- 
ed, and  for  a  long  time  formed  the  only  subject  of  con- 
versation at  all  times  and  in  all  places.  Every  one  cried 
in  the  highest  transports  of  admiration,  and  a  kind  of 
enthusiasm,  **  That  there  was  a  people  in  the  world, 
w'ho,  at  their  own  expense  and  the  hazard  of  their  lives, 
engaged  in  a  v/ar  for  the  liberty  of  other  nations  ;  and 
that,  not  for  their  neighbours  or  people  situated  on  the 
same  continent,  but  who  crossed  seas,  and  sailed  to  dis- 
tant climes,  to  destroy  and  extirpate  unjust  power  from 
the  earth,  and  to  establish,  universally,  law,  equity,  and 
justice.  That  by  a  single  word,  and  the  voice  of  a 
herald,  liberty  had  been  restored  to  all  the  cities  of 
Oreece  and  Asia.  That  a  great  soul  only  could  have 
formed  such  a  design  ;  but  that  to  execute  it  was  the 
effect  at  once  of  the  highest  good  fortune,  and  the  most 
consummate  virtue." 

^They  called  to  mind  all  the  great  battles  which 
Greece  had  fought  for  the  sake  of  liberty.  "  After  sus- 
taining so  many  wars,"  said  they,  "  never  was  its  va- 
lour crowned  with  so  blessed  a  reward,  as  when  strangers 
came  and  took  up  arms  in  its  defence.  It  was  then, 
that  almost  without  shedding  a  drop  of  blood,  or  losing 
scarce  one  man,  it  acquired  the  greatest  and  noblest  of 
all  prizes  for  which  mankind  can  contend.  Valour  and 
prudence  are  rare  at  all  times  ;  but  of  all  virtues,  jus- 
tice is  most  rare.  Agesilaus,  Lysander,  Nicias,  and 
Alcibiades,  had  great  abilities  for  carrying  on  war,  and 
gaining  battles  both  by  sea  and  land  ;  but  then  it  was 
for  themselves  and  their  country,  not  for  strangers  and 
foreigners,  they  fought.  That  height  of  glory  was  re- 
served for  the  Romans." 

Such  were  the  reflections  the  Greeks  made  on  the  pre- 
sent state  of  the  affairs  :  and  the  eflects  soon  answered 
the  glorious  proclamation  made  at  the  Isthmian  games  ; 

<\xxoà  toto  orbe  tcrrarum  injustum  imperium  sit,  et  ubique  jus,  fas, 
lex  potentissima  sint.  Una  voce  praeconis  libera  tas  omiies  Gnecia? 
atque  Asia?  urbes.  Hoc  spe  concipere,  audacis  animi  fuisse  :  ad  effec« 
turn  adducere,  virtutis  et  fortunae  ingentis."     Liv.  n.  33* 

2  Plut,  in  Flamin. 


394  THE  HISTORY  OF 

for  the  commissioners  separated,  to  go  and  put  their  de- 
cree in  execution  in  all  the  cities. 

Flamininus,  being  returned  from  Argos,  was  appoint- 
ed president  of  the  Xemean  games.  He  discharged 
perfectly  well  all  the  duties  of  that  employment,  and 
used  his  utmost  endeavours  to  add  to  the  pomp  and 
magnificence  of  the  festival  ;  and  he  also  published  by 
a  herald  at  these  games,  as  he  had  done  at  the  others, 
the  liberty  of  Greece. 

As  he  visited  the  several  cities,  he  established  good 
regulations  in  tliem,  reformed  the  administration  of  jus- 
tice, restored  amity  and  concord  between  the  citizens, 
by  appeasing  quarrels  and  seditions,  and  recalling  the 
exiles  ;  infinitely  more  pleased  with  being  able  by  the 
means  of  persuasion  to  reconcile  the  Greeks  one  to  ano- 
ther, and  to  re-establish  unity  amongst  them,  than  he 
had  been  in  conquering  the  ]\Iacedonians  ;  so  that  even 
liberty  seemed  the  least  of  the  blessings  they  had  re- 
ceived from  him.  And,  indeed,  of  what  service  would 
liberty  have  been  to  the  Greeks,  had  not  justice  and 
■concord  been  restored  among  them  ?  What  an  ex- 
ample is  here  for  governors  of  provinces  !  How^  happy 
are  the  people  under  magistrates  of  this  character  ! 

It  is  related  that  Xenocrates  the  pliilosoplier,  having 
been  delivered  at  Athens,  by  Lycurgus  the  orator,  out 
of  the  hands  of  the  tax-gatherers,  who  were  dragging 
him  to  prison,  in  order  to  make  him  pay  a  sum  which 
foreigners  were  obliged  by  law  to  pay  into  the  public 
treasury,  and  meeting  soon  after  the  sons  of  his  deliver- 
er, he  said  to  them,  "  1  repay  with  usury  the  kindness 
your  father  did  me  ;  for  I  am  the  cause  that  all  man- 
kind praise  him."  But  the  gratitude  which  the  Greeks 
showed  Flamininus  and  the  Romans,  did  not  terminate 
merely  in  causing  them  to  be  praised,  but  also  infinite- 
ly conduced  to  the  augmentation  of  their  power,  by  in- 
ducing all  nations  to  confide  in  them,  and  rely  on  the 
faith  of  their  engagements.  For  they  not  only  receiv- 
ed such  generals  as  the  Romans  sent  them,  but  request- 
ed earnestly  that  they  might  be  sent  ;  they  called  them 
in,  and  put  themselves  into  their  hands  with  joy.    And 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSOU^.  895 

not  only  nations  and  cities,  but  princes  and  kings,  who 
had  complaints  to  offer  against  the  injustice  of  neigh- 
bouring powers,  had  recourse  to  them,  and  put  them- 
selves in  a  manner  under  their  safeguard  ;  so  that,  in 
a  short  time,  from  an  effect  of  the  JDivine  protection 
(to  use  *  Plutarch's  expression),  the  whole  earth  sub- 
mitted to  their  empire. 

Cornelius,  one  of  the  commissioners  who  had  disper- 
sed themselves  up  and  down,  came  to  the  assembly  of 
the  Greeks  which  was  held  at  Thermae,  f  a  city  of  Mio- 
lia.  He  there  made  a  long  speech,  to  exhort  the  jEto- 
lians  to  continue  firmly  attached  to  the  party  for  whom 
they  had  declared  ;  and  never  to  infringe  the  alliance 
they  had  made  with  the  Homans.  Some  of  the  prin- 
cipal Ji^tolians  complained,  but  with  modesty,  that  the 
Romans,  since  the  victory  they  had  obtained,  did  not 
show  so  much  favour  as  before  to  their  nation.  Others 
reproached  him,  but  in  harsh  and  injurious  terms,  that 
had  it  not  been  for  the  -^Ltolians,  the  Romans  not  only 
would  never  have  conquered  Philip,  but  would  never 
have  been  able  to  set  foot  in  Greece.  Cornelius,  to 
prevent  all  disputes  and  contests,  which  are  always  of 
pernicious  consequence,  was  so  prudent  as  only  to  refer 
them  to  the  senate,  assuring  them,  that  all  possible  jus- 
tice would  be  done  them.  Accordingly  they  came 
to  that  resolution  ;  and  thus  ended  the  war  against 
Philip. 

t  According  to  Livy,  it  was  at  Thennopylœ.  It  is  doubted  wlie-. 
ther  he  has  justly  translated  Polybius  in  this  place:  i-ri  rijv  lôSt 
Qi^uiKuv  c-vvoJsi'.  This  is  said  of  an  assembly  of -^tolians  in  the  city 
of  Thermae,  which  is  of  ^tolia. 


596  THE  HISTORY  OF 


SECT.  IV.  Complaints  being-  made,  and  suspicions  arising 
concerning  Antiochus,  the  Romans  send  an  emhassjj  to  kirn, 
which  has  no  other  effect  than  to  dispose  both  parties  for  an 
open  rupture.  A  consjnracy  isjvrmed  bij  Scopas  the  jEto- 
lian  against  PtoJemy.  He  and  his  accomplices  are  put  to 
death.  Hannibal  retires  to  Antiochus.  War  of  Flamininus 
against  Nabis,  ichom  he  besieges  in  Sparta  :  He  obliges  him 
to  sue  for  peace  and  grants  it  him.  He  enters  Rojue  in 
triumph. 

The  war  of  I\Iaceclonia  liad  ended  very  seasonably  for 
the  Romans,  v.bo  otherwise  would  have  had  upon  their 
hands,  at  the  same  time,  two  powerful  enemies,  Philip 
and  Antiochus  :  for  it  was  evident,  that  the  Romans 
would  soon  be  obliged  to  proclaim  war  against  the  king 
^of  Syria,  who  enlarged  his  conquests  daily,  and  undoubt- 
edly was  preparing  to  cross  over  into  Europe. 

^  After  having  left  himself  nothing  to  fear  on  the 
side  of  Ccele-syria  and  Palestine,  by  the  alliance  he  had 
concluded  with  the  king  of  Egypt,  and  possessed  him- 
self of  several  cities  of  Asia  Minor,  and  among  them 
that  of  Ephesus,  he  took  the  most  proper  measures  for 
the  success  of  his  designs  ;  and  the  reinstating  himself 
in  the  possession  of  all  those  kingdoms  which  he  pre- 
tended had  formerlv  belonged  to  his  ancestors. 

Smyrna,  Lampsacus,  and  the  other  Grecian  cities  of 
Asia  who  enjoyed  their  liberty  at  that  time,  seeing 
plainly  that  he  intended  to  bring  them  under  subjec- 
tion, resolved  to  defend  themselves.  But  being  of  them- 
selves unable  to  resist  so  powerful  an  enemy,  they  had 
jecourse  to  the  Romans  for  protection,  which  was  readi- 
ly granted.  The  Romans  saw  plainly,  that  it  was  their 
interest  to  check  the  progress  of  Antiochus  towards  the 
West  ;  and  how  fatal  the  consequence  would  be,  should 
they  suffer  him  to  extend  his  power  by  settling  on  the 
coast  of  Asia,  according  to  the  plan  he  had  laid  down. 
They  were  therefore  very  glad  of  the  opportunity  those 

*  Liv.  1.  xxxiii.  n,  38 — 41.     Polyb.  1.  xvii.  p.  7^9,  770.     Appian. 
ie  bellis  Sjr.  p.  86—88.     A.  M.  3808.     Ant.  J.  C.  196. 


ALEXANDEll'S  SUCCESSOES.  397 

free  cities  gave  them,  of  opposing  it  ;  and  immediately 
sent  an  embassy  to  him. 

Before  the  ambassadors  had  tim^e  to  reach  Antioehus, 
he  had  already  sent  off  detachments  from  his  army, 
which  had  formed  the  sieges  of  Smyrna  and  Lampsa- 
cus.  That  prince  had  passed  the  Hellespont  in  per- 
son with  the  rest  of  it,  and  possessed  himself  of  all  the 
Thracian  Chersonesus.  Finding  the  city  of  Lysima- 
chia*  all  in  ruins  (the  Thracians  having  demolished  it 
a  few  years  before,)  he  began  to  rebuild  it,  with  the  de- 
sign of  founding  a  kingdom  there  for  Seleucus  his  se^ 
cond  son  ;  to  bring  all  the  country  round  it  under  his 
dominion,  and  to  make  this  city  the  capital  of  the  new 
kingdom. 

At  the  very  time  that  he  was  revolving  all  these  new 
projects,  the  Roman  ambassadors  arrived  in  Thrace. 
They  came  up  with  him  at  Selymbria,  a  city  of  that 
country,  and  were  attended  by  some  deputies  from  the 
Grecian  cities  in  Asia.  In  the  first  conferences,  the 
whole  time  was  passed  in  mutual  civilities,  which  ap- 
peared sincere  ;  but  when  they  proceeded  to  business, 
the  face  of  affairs  was  soon  changed.  L.  Cornelius, 
who  spoke  on  this  occasion,  required  Antioehus  to  re- 
store to  Ptolemy  the  several  cities  in  Asia  which  he 
had  taken  from  him  ;  to  evacuate  all  those  which  had 
been  possessed  by  Philip  ;  it  not  being  just  that  he 
should  reap  the  fruits  of  the  war,  which  the  Romans 
had  carried  on  against  that  prince  ;  and  not  to  molest 
such  of  the  Grecian  cities  of  Asia  as  enjoyed  their  li- 
berty. He  added,  that  the  Romans  were  greatly  sur- 
prised at  Antioehus,  for  crossing  into  Europe  with  two 
such  numerous  armies,  and  so  powerful  a  fleet  ;  and  for 
rebuilding  Lysimachia,  an  undertaking  which  could  have 
no  other  view  but  to  invade  them. 

To  all  this  Antioehus  answered,  that  Ptolemy  should 
have  full  satisfaction,  when  his  marriage,  which  was  al- 
ready concluded,  should  be  solemnized  :  that  with  re- 
gard to  such  Grecian  cities  as  desired  to  retain  their  li- 
berties, it  was  from  him,  and  not  from  the  Romans,  they 
^  This  city  stood  on  tbe  isthmus  or  neck  of  the  peninsula. 


â9S  THE  HISTOr^Y  OF 

were  to  receive  it.  With  respect  to  Lysimachia,  he  de* 
clared,  that  he  rehuilt  it  with  the  design  of  making  it 
the  residence  of  Seleucus  his  son  ;  that  Thrace,  and  the 
Chersonesus,  which  was  part  of  it,  belonged  to  him  ; 
that  they  had  been  conquered  from  Lysimachus  by  Se- 
leucus Nicator,  one  of  his  ancestors  ;  and  that  he  came 
thither  as  into  his  own  patrimony.  As  to  Asia,  and 
the  cities  he  had  taken  there  from  Philip,  he  knew  not 
what  right  the  Romans  could  have  to  tliem  ;  and  there- 
fore he  desired  them  to  interfere  no  further  in  the  af- 
fairs of  Asia  than  he  did  w^ith  those  of  Italy. 

The  Romans  desiring  that  the  ambassadors  of  Smyr- 
na and  Lampsacus  might  be  called  in,  they  accordingly 
were  admitted.  They  spoke  with  so  much  freedom,  as 
incensed  Antiochus  to  that  degree,  that  he  cried  in  a 
passion,  that  the  Romans  had  no  business  to  judge  of 
those  affairs.  Upon  this  the  assembly  broke  up  in  great 
disorder  ;  none  of  the  parties  received  satisfaction,  and 
every  thing  seemed  to  tend  to  an  open  rupture. 

During  these  négociations,  a  report  was  spread  that 
Ptolemy  Epiphanes  was  dead.  Antiochus  immediate- 
ly thought  himself  master  of  Egypt,  and  accordingly 
went  on  board  his  fleet,  in  order  to  go  and  take  possession 
of  it.  He  left  his  son  Seleucus  at  Lysimachia  with  the 
army,  to  complete  the  projects  he  had  formed  with  re- 
gard to  those  parts.  He  first  landed  at  Ephesus,  where 
lie  caused  all  his  ships  in  that  port  to  join  his  fleet,  in 
order  to  sail  as  soon  as  possible  for  Egypt.  On  his  ar- 
rival at  Patara  in  Lycia,  certain  advice  was  brought, 
that  the  report  w^hich  was  spread  concerning  Ptolemy's 
death  was  false.  He  then  changed  his  course,  and 
made  for  the  island  of  Cyprus,  in  order  to  seize  it  ;  but 
a  storm  that  arose  sunk  many  of  his  ships,  destroyed  a 
great  number  of  his  men,  and  frustrated  all  his  mea- 
sures. He  thought  himself  very  happy  in  having  an 
OTîportunity  of  entering  the  harbour  of  Seleucia  with 
the  remnant  of  his  fleet,  which  he  there  refitted,  and 
went  and  wintered  at  Antioch,  without  making  any 
new  attempt  that  year. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  399 

^  The  foundation  of  the  rumour  which  was  spread  of 
Ptolemy's  death,  was  from  a  conspiracy  having  being 
really  formed  against  his  life.  This  plot  was  contrived 
by  Scopas.  That  general  seeing  himself  at  the  head  of 
all  the  foreign  troops,  the  greatest  part  of  which  were 
iEtolians  as  well  as  himself,  imagined  that  with  so  for- 
midable a  body  of  well-disciplined  veteran  forces,  it  would 
be  easy  for  him  to  usurp  the  crown  during  the  king's 
minority.  His  plan  was  already  formed  ;  and  had  he 
not  let  slip  the  opportunity,  by  wasting  the  time  in  con- 
sulting and  debating  with  his  friends,  instead  of  acting, 
he  would  certainly  have  succeeded.  Aristomenes,  the 
prime  minister,  being  apprised  of  the  conspiracy,  laid 
Scopas  under  an  arrest  ;  after  which,  he  was  examined 
before  the  council,  found  guilty,  and  executed  with  all 
his  accomplices.  This  plot  made  the  government  con- 
fide no  longer  in  the  ^tolians,  who  till  then  had  been 
in  great  esteem  for  their  fidelity  ;  most  of  them  were 
removed  from  their  employments,  and  sent  into  their 
own  country.  After  Scopas's  death,  immense  treasures 
were  found  in  his  coffers,  which  he  had  amassed,  by 
plundering  the  provinces  over  which  he  commanded. 
As  Scopas,  during  the  course  of  his  victories  in  Pales- 
tine, had  subjected  Judaea  and  Jerusalem  to  the  Egyp- 
tian empire,  the  greatest  part  of  his  treasures  arose,  no 
doubt,  from  thence.  The  transition  from  avarice  to 
perfidy  and  treason  is  often  very  short  ;  and  the  fideli- 
ty of  that  general,  who  discovers  a  passion  for  riches, 
cannot  be  safely  relied  on. 

One  of  Scopas's  principal  accomplices  was  Dicsear- 
chus,  who  formerly  had  been  admiral  to  Philip,  king  of 
]Macedonia.  A  very  strange  action  is  related  of  this 
man.  That  prince  having  commanded  him  to  fall  upon 
the  islands  called  Cyclades,  in  open  violation  of  the 
most  solemn  treaties  ;  before  he  came  out  of  the  har- 
bour, he  set  up  two  altars,  one  to  Injustice  and  the  other 
to  Impiety  ;  and  offered  sacrifices  on  both,  to  insult,  as 
one  would  imagine,  at  the  same  time  both  gods  and 
men.    As  this  wretch  had  so  greatly  distinguished  him- 

^  Polyb.  1,  xvii.  p.  771—773. 


400  THE  HISTORY  OF 

self  by  his  crimes,  Aristomenes  distinguislied  him  ah(f 
from  the  rest  of  the  conspirators  in  his  execution.  He 
despatched  all  the  others  by  poison,  but  as  for  Dicaear- 
chus,  he  caused  him  to  die  in  exquisite  torments. 

The  contrivers  of  the  conspiracy  being  put  to  death, 
and  all  their  measures  entirely  defeated,  the  king  was 
declared  of  age,  though  he  had  not  yet  quite  attained 
the  years  appointed  by  the  laws,  and  was  set  upon  the 
throne  wdth  great  pomp  and  solemnity.  He  thereby 
took  the  goveniment  upon  himself,  and  accordingly  be- 
gan to  transact  business.  As  long  as  Aristomenes  was 
in  administration  under  him,  all  things  went  well  :  but 
when  the  king  conceived  disgust  for  that  faithful  and 
able  minister,  and  not  long  after  put  him  to  death,  (to 
rid  himself  of  a  man  whose  virtue  was  offensive  to  him,) 
the  remainder  of  his  reign  w^as  one  continued  series  of 
disorder  and  confusion.  His  subjects  laboured  now  un- 
der as  many  evils,  and  even  greater,  than  in  his  father's 
reign,  when  vice  w^as  most  triumphant. 

^  When  the  ten  commissioners,  who  were  sent  to  set- 
tle the  affairs  of  Philip,  were  returned  to  Rome,  and 
made  their  report,  they  told  the  senate,  that  they  must 
expect  and  prepare  for  a  new  war,  w'hich  would  be  still 
more  dangerous  than  that  they  had  just  before  termi- 
nated :  that  Antiochus  had  crossed  into  Europe  with  a 
strong  army,  and  a  considerable  fleet  :  that  upon  a  false 
report  which  had  been  spread  concerning  Ptolemy's 
death,  he  had  set  out,  in  order  to  possess  himself  of 
Egypt,  and  that  otherw  ise  he  would  have  made  Greece 
the  seat  of  the  war  :  that  the  iEtolians,  a  people  natu- 
rally restless  and  turbulent,  and  ill-affected  to  Rome,^ 
would  certainly  rise  on  that  occasion  :  that  Greece  fos- 
tered in  its  own  bosom  a  tyrant  (Xabis)  more  avaricious 
and  cruel  than  any  of  his  predecessors,  who  was  medi- 
tating how  to  enslave  it  ;  and  that  thus  having  been  re- 
stored in  vain  to  its  liberty  by  the  Romans,  it  would 
only  change  its  sovereign,  and  would  fall  under  a  more 

*^  Liv.  1.  xxxiii.  n.  44—49.      Justin,  1.  xxxi.  ç.  2,     A.  M.  380?. 
Ant.  J.  C.  19J. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  401 

grievous  captivity  than  before,  especially  if  Nabis  should 
continue  in  possession  of  the  city  of  Argps. 

Flamininus  was  commanded  to  have  an  eye  on  Na- 
bis, and  they  were  particularly  vigilant  over  all  Antio- 
chus's  steps.  He  had  just  before  left  Antioch,  in  the 
beginning  of  the  spring,  in  order  to  go  to  Ephesus  ;  and 
had  scarce  left  it,  when  Hannibal  arrived  there,  and 
claimed  his  protection.  That  general  had  lived  unmo- 
lested in  Carthage,  during  six  years  from  the  conclu- 
sion of  the  peace  with  the  Horaans  :  but  he  was  now 
suspected  of  holding  a  secret  correspondence  with  An- 
tiochus,  and  of  forming  with  him  the  design  of  carrying 
the  war  into  Italy.  His  enemies  sent  advice  of  this 
secretly  to  tlie  Romans,  who  immediately  deputed  an 
embassy  to  Carthage,  to  inform  themselves  more  parti- 
cularly as  to  the  fact  ;  with  orders,  in  case  the  proofs 
should  be  manifest,  to  require  the  Carthaginians  to  de- 
liver up  Hannibal  to  them.  But  that  general  '*  had 
too  much  penetration  and  foresight,  and  had  been  too 
long  accustomed  to  prepare  for  storms,  even  in  the 
greatest  calms,  not  to  suspect  their  design  ;  so  that  be- 
fore they  had  an  opportunity  to  execute  their  commis- 
sion, he  withdrew  privately,  got  to  the  coast,  and  went 
on  board  a  ship  which  always  lay  ready  by  his  order 
against  such  an  occasion.  He  escaped  to  Tyre,  and 
went  from  thence  to  Antioch,  where  he  expected  to  find 
Antioch  us,  but  was  obliged  to  follow  him  to  Ephesus. 

He  arrived  there  exactly  at  the  time  that  the  prince 
was  in  suspense  whether  he  should  engage  in  a  war  with 
the  Romans.  The  arrival  of  Hannibal  gave  him  great 
satisfaction.  He  did  not  doubt,  but  with  the  counsel 
and  assistance  of  a  man  who  had  so  often  defeated  the 
Romans,  and  who  had  thereby  justly  acquired  the  re- 
putation of  being  the  greatest  general  of  the  age,  he 
should  be  able  to  complete  all  his  designs.  He  now 
thought  of  nothing  but  victories  and  conquests  ;  accord- 
ingly war  was  resolved,  and  all  that  year  and  the  fol- 

■*  "  Sed  res  Annibalem  non  diu  latuit,  virnm  ad  prospicienda  ca- 
vendaque  pericula  peritum  ;  nee  minus  in  secundis  adversa,  quum  ij) 
iadversis  secunda  co^itantem."     Justin. 

VOL.  VX,  %U 


402  THE  HISTORY  OF 

lowing  were  employed  in  making  the  necessary  prepar- 
ations. Nevertheless  during  that  time,  embassies  were 
sent  on  both  sides,  upon  pretext  of  an  accommodation  ; 
but,  in  reality,  to  gain  time,  and  see  what  the  enemy 
were  doing. 

^With  regard  to  Greece,  all  the  states  except  the 
JEtolians,  whose  secret  discontent  I  noticed  before,  en- 
joyed the  sweets  of  liberty  and  peace,  and  in  that  con- 
dition admired  no  less  the  temperance,  justice,  and  mo- 
deration of  the  Roman  victor,  than  they  had  before  ad- 
mired his  courage  and  intrepidity  in  the  field.  Such 
was  the  state  of  things,  when  Quintius  received  a  decree 
from  Rome,  by  which  he  was  permitted  to  declare  war 
against  Nabis.  Upon  this,  he  convenes  the  confederates 
at  Corinth,  and  after  acquainting  them  with  the  cause 
of  their  meeting,  "  You  perceive,"  says  he,  "  that  the 
subject  of  the  present  deliberation  solely  regards  you. 
Our  business  is  to  determine,  whether  Argos,  an  ancient 
and  most  illustrious  city,  situated  in  the  midst  of  Greece, 
shall  enjoy  its  liberty  in  common  with  the  rest  of  the 
cities  ;  6y  whether  it  shall  continue  subject  to  the  tyrant 
of  Sparta,  who  has  seized  it.  This  affair  concerns  the 
Romans  no  otherwise,  than  as  the  slavery  of  a  single 
city  hinders  their  glory  in  having  delivered  all  Greece 
from  being  full  and  complete.  Consider  therefore  what 
is  to  be  done,  and  your  resolutions  shall  determine  my 
conduct." 

No  doubt  could  be  entertained  as  to  the  sentiments 
of  the  assembly  :  the  jEtolians  alone  could  not  forbear 
showing  their  resentment  against  the  Romans,  which 
they  carried  so  high,  as  to  charge  them  with  breach  of 
faith  in  keeping  possession  of  Chalcis  and  Demetrias, 
at  a  time  that  tney  boasted  their  having  restored  liberty 
to  the  whole  of  Greece.  They  inveighed  no  less  against 
the  rest  of  the  allies,  w^ho,  in  their  turn,  desired  to  be 
secured  from  the  rapine  of  the  jEtolians,  who  were  Greeks 
only  in  name,  but  real  enemies  in  their  hearts.  The 
dispute  growing  warm,  Quintius  obliged  them  to  debate 
enly  on  the  subject  before  them  ;  upon  which  it  w^as  un- 

^  Liv.  1,  xxxiv.  n.  22r-43. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  40S 

atiimously  resolved,  that  war  should  be  declared  against 
Nabis,  tyrant  of  Sparta,  in  case  he  should  refuse  to  re- 
store Argos  to  its  former  liberty  ;  and  every  one  pro- 
mised to  send  a  speedy  succour  ;  v^^hich  was  faithfully 
performed.  Aristaenus,  general  of  the  Achœans,  joined 
Quintius  near  Cleonse,  with  ten  thousand  foot  and  a 
thousand  horse. 

Philip,  on  his  part,  sent  fifteen  hundred  men,  and 
the  Thessalians  four  hundred  horse.  Quintius's  brother 
arrived  also  with  a  fleet  of  forty  galleys,  to  which  the 
Rhodians  and  king  Eumenes  joined  theirs.  A  great 
number  of  Lacedaemonian  exiles  came  to  the  Koman 
camp,  in  hopes  of  having  an  opportunity  of  returning  to 
their  native  country.  They  had  Agesipolis  at  their 
head,  to  whom  the  kingdom  of  Sparta  justly  belonged. 
When  but  an  infant,  he  had  been  expelled  by  Lycurgus, 
the  tyrant,  after  the  death  of  Cleomenes. 

The  allies  designed  at  first  to  besiege  Argos,  but 
Quintius  thought  it  more  advisable  to  march  directly 
against  the  tyrant.  He  had  greatly  strengthened  the 
fortifications  of  Sparta  ;  and  had  sent  for  a  thousand 
chosen  soldiers  from  Crete,  whom  he  joined  to  the  other 
thousand  he  had  already  among  his  forces.  He  had 
three  thousand  other  foreign  troops  in  his  service  ;  and, 
besides  these,  ten  thousand  natives  of  the  country,  ex- 
clusively of  the  Helots. 

At  the  same  time  he  also  concerted  measures  to  se- 
cure himself  from  domestic  commotions.  Having  caused 
the  people  to  come  unarmed  to  the  assembly,  and  having 
posted  his  guards  armed  round  them  ;  after  some  little 
preamble,  he  declared,  that  as  the  present  juncture  of 
affairs  obliged  him  to  take  some  precautions  for  his  own 
safety,  he  therefore  was  determined  to  imprison  a  certain 
number  of  citizens,  whom  he  had  just  cause  to  suspect  ; 
and  that  the  instant  the  enemy  should  be  repulsed, 
(whom,  he  said,  he  had  no  reason  to  fear,  provided  things 
were  quiet  at  home,)  he  would  release  those  prisoners. 
'  He  then  named  about  eighty  youths  of  the  principal 
families  ;  and  throwing  them  into  a  secure  prison,  order- 
ed all  their  throats  to  be  cut  the  night  following.    He 


40i  THE  HISTOTtY  OF 

also  put  to  death  in  the  villages  a  great  numher  of  the 
Helots,  who  were  suspected  of  a  design  to  desert  to  the 
enemy.  Having  by  this  barbarity  spread  universal  ter- 
ror, he  prepared  for  a  vigorous  defence  ;  finnly  resolved 
not  to  quit  the  city  duiing  the  ferment  it  was  in,  nor 
hazard  a  battle  against  troops  much  superior  in  number 
to  his  own. 

Quintius  having  advanced  to  the  Eurotas,  which  runs 
alm.ost  under  the  walls  of  the  city,  whilst  he  was  form- 
ing his  camp,  Xabis  detached  his  foreign  troops  against 
him.  As  the  Romans  did  not  expect  such  a  sally,  be- 
cause they  had  not  been  opposed  at  all  upon  their  march, 
they  were  at  first  put  into  some  disorder,  but  soon  re- 
covering themselves,  they  repulsed  the  enemy  to  the 
walls  of  the  city.  On  the  morrow%  Quintius  leading 
his  troops,  in  order  of  battle,  near  the  river  on  the  other 
side  of  the  city  ;  when  the  rear  guard  had  passed,  Xabis 
caused  his  foreign  troops  to  attack  it.  The  Romans 
instantly  faced  about,  and  the  charge  was  very  vio- 
lent on  both  sides  ;  but  at  last  the  foreigners  were  bro- 
ken and  put  to  flight.  Great  numbers  of  them  were 
killed  ;  for  the  Achaean s^  who  were  well  acquainted  with 
the  country,  pursued  them  every  wliere,  and  gave  them 
no  quarter.  Quintius  encamped  near  Amyclaî  ;  and, 
after  ravaging  all  the  beautiful  plains  that  lay  round 
that  city,  he  removed  his  camp  towards  the  Eurotas  ; 
and  from  thence  laid  waste  the  valleys,  at  the  foot  of 
mount  Tavgetus,  and  the  lands  Ivinff  near  the  sea. 

At  the  same  time,  the  proconsul's  brother^  who  com- 
manded the  Roman  fleet,  laid  siege  to  Gythium,  at  that 
time  a  strong  and  very  important  city.  The  fleet  of 
F.umenes  and  the  Rhodians  came  up  very  seasonably  ; 
for  the  besieged  defended  themselves  with  great  courage. 
However,  after  making  a  long  and  vigorous  resistance, 
tiiey  surrendered. 

The  tyrant  was  alarmed  at  the  taking  of  this  city; 
and  therefore  sent  a  herald  to  Quintius  to  demand  an 
interview,  which  was  granted.  Besides  several  other 
arguments  in  his  own  fa^  our,  on  which  Nabis  laid  great 
Stress,  he  insisted  btrongly  on  the  late  aUiaace  which 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSOHS.  405 

the  Homans,  and  Quintius  himself,  had  concluded  with 
him  in  the  war  against  Philip  :  an  alliance  on  which 
he  ought  to  rely  the  more,  as  the  Komans  professed 
themselves  faithful  and  religious  ohservers  of  treaties, 
w^hich  they  boasted  their  never  having  violated  :  that 
no  change  had  taken  place  on  his  part,  since  the  treaty  : 
that  he  was  then  what  he  had  always  been  ;  and  had 
never  given  the  Romans  any  new  occasion  for  complaints 
or  reproaches.  These  arguments  were  very  just  ;  and, 
to  say  the  truth,  Quintius  had  no  solid  reasons  to  oppose 
to  them.  Accordingly,  in  his  answer,  he  only  expa- 
tiated in  random  complaints,  and  reproached  him  with 
his  avarice,  cruelty,  and  tyranny  :  but  was  he  less  covet- 
ous, cruel,  and  tyrannical,  at  the  time  of  the  treaty  ? 
Nothing  w^as  concluded  in  this  first  interview. 

The  next  day,  Nabis  agreed  to  abandon  the  city  of 
Argos,  since  the  Romans  required  it  ;  as  also,  to  give 
them  up  their  prisoners  and  deserters.  He  desired 
Quintius,  in  case  he  had  any  other  demands,  to  put 
them  into  writing,  in  order  that  he  might  deliberate 
upon  them  with  his  friends  ;  to  which  Quinti\is  consent- 
ed. The  Roman  general  also  held  a  council  with  his 
allies.  Most  of  them  were  of  opinion,  that  they  should 
continue  the  war  against  Nabis,  which  could  only  ter- 
minate gloriously,  either  by  extirpating  the  tyrant,  or 
at  least  his  tyranny  ;  for  that  otherwise,  nobody  could 
be  assured  that  the  liberty  of  Greece  was  restored  :  that 
the  Romans  could  not  make  any  kind  of  treaty  with 
Nabis,  without  acknowledging  him  in  a  solemn  manner, 
and  giving  a  sanction  to  his  usurpation.  Quintius  vvas 
for  concluding  a  peace,  because  he  was  afraid  that  the 
Spartans  were  capable  of  sustaining  a  long  siege,  during 
which  the  war  with  Antiochus  might  break  out  on  a 
sudden,  and  he  not  be  in  a  condition  to  act  with  his 
forces  against  him.  These  were  his  pretended  motives^ 
for  desiring  an  accommodation  ;  but  the  true  reason  was, 
his  being  apprehensive  that  a  new  consul  would  be  ap- 
pointed to  succeed  him  in  Greece,  and  by  that  means 
deprive  him  of  the  glory  of  having  terminated  this  war  : 
SL  motive  which  commonly  iuiiueuced  the  resolutions  of 


406  THE  HISTORY  OF 

the  Roman  generals,  more  than  the  good  of  the  pub- 
lic. 

Finding  that  none  of  his  reasons  could  make  the 
least  impression  on  the  allies,  he  pretended  to  accede  to 
their  opinion,  and  by  that  artifice  brought  them  all  over 
to  his  own.  "  Let  us  besiege  Sparta,"  says  he,  "  since 
you  think  it  proper,  and  exert  ourselves  to  the  utmost 
for  the  success  of  our  enterprise.  As  you  are  sensible 
that  sieges  are  often  protracted  to  a  greater  length  than 
is  generally  desired,  let  us  resolve  to  take  up  our  win- 
ter quarters  here,  since  it  must  be  so  ;  this  is  a  resolu- 
tion worthy  of  your  courage.  1  have  a  sufficient  num- 
ber of  troops  for  carrying  on  this  siege  ;  but  the  more 
numerous  they  are,  the  greater  supply  of  provisions  and 
convoys  will  be  necessary.  The  winter  that  is  coming 
on,  exhibits  nothing  to  us  but  a  naked,  ruined  countr}% 
from  which  we  can  have  no  forage.  You  see  the  great 
extent  of  this  city,  and  consequently  the  great  number 
of  catapultas,  battering-rams,  and  other  machines  of  all 
kinds,  that  will  be  wanting.  Write  each  of  you  to 
your  cities,  in  order  that  they  may  funiish  you  speedily, 
in  an  abundant  manner,  with  all  things  necessary. 
We  are  obliged  in  honour  to  carry  on  this  siege  vigor- 
ously :  and  it  would  be  shameful  for  us,  after  having 
begun  it,  to  be  reduced  to  abandon  our  enterprise." 
Every  one  then  making  his  own  reflections,  perceived 
a  great  many  difficulties  which  he  had  not  foreseen  ; 
and  was  fully  sensible  that  the  proposal  they  were  to 
make  to  their  cities  would  meet  with  a  very  ill  recep- 
tion, when  private  persons  would  find  themselves  obli- 
ged to  contribute,  out  of  their  own  purses,  to  the  expense 
of  the  war.  Changing  tlierefore  immediately  their  opi- 
nion, they  gave  the  Roman  general  full  liberty  to  act 
as  he  should  think  proper,  for  the  good  of  his  republic, 
and  the  interests  of  the  allies. 

Upon  which  Quintius,  admitting  none  into  his  coun- 
cil but  the  principal  officers  of  the  army,  agreed,  in  con- 
cert with  them,  on  the  conditions  of  peace  to  be  oflTered 
the  tyrant.  The  chief  were  :  that,  within  ten  days, 
Nabis  should  evacuate  Argos,  and  all  the  rest  of  the 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSOKS.  40? 

cities  of  Argolis,  garrisoned  by  his  troops  :  that  he 
should  restore  to  the  maritime  cities  all  the  galleys  he 
had  taken  from  them  ;  and  that  he  himself  should  keep 
only  two  feluccas,  with  sixteen  oars  each  :  that  he 
should  surrender  up  to  the  cities  in  alliance  with  the 
Romans,  all  their  prisoners,  deserters,  and  slaves  :  that 
he  should  also  restore  to  the  Lacedaemonian  exiles,  such 
of  their  wives  and  children  as  were  willing  to  follow 
them,  without,  however,  forcing  them  to  do  so  :  that  he 
should  give  five  hostages,  to  be  chosen  by  the  Roman 
general,  of  which  his  son  should  be  one  :  that  he  should 
pay  down  a  hundred  talents  of  silver,  *  and  afterwards 
fifty  talents,  annually,  during  eight  years.  A  truce 
was  granted  for  six  months,  that  all  parties  might  have 
time  to  send  ambassadors  to  Rome,  in  order  tliat  the 
treaty  might  be  ratified  there. 

The  tyrant  was  not  satisfied  with  any  of  these  arti- 
cles :  but  he  was  surprised,  and  thought  himself  happy, 
that  no  mention  had  been  made  of  recalHng  the  exiles. 
When  the  particulars  of  this  treaty  were  known  in  the 
city,  it  raised  a  general  sedition,  from  the  necessity  to 
which  it  reduced  private  persons,  of  restoring  many 
things  they  were  not  willing  to  be  deprived  of  Thus, 
no  further  mention  was  made  of  peace,  and  the  war  be^ 
gan  again. 

Quintius  was  now  resolved  to  carry  on  the  siege  with 
great  vigour,  and  began  by  examining  very  attentively 
the  situation  and  condition  of  the  city.  Sparta  had 
been  a  long  time  without  walls  ;  disdaining  every  other 
kind  of  fortification  than  the  bravery  of  its  citizens. 
Walls  had  been  built  in  Sparta,  only  since  the  tyrants 
governed  it  ;  and  those  alone  in  places  which  lay  open, 
and  were  easy  of  access  :  all  the  other  parts  were  defend- 
ed only  by  their  natural  situation,  and  by  bodies  of  troops 
posted  in  them.  As  Quintius's  army  was  very  numerous, 
(consisting  of  above  fifty  thousand  men,  because  he  had 
sent  for  all  the  land  as  well  as  naval  forces,)  he  resolved  to 
make  it  extend  quite  round  the  city,  and  to  attack  it 
at  the  same  time  on  all  sides,  in  order  to  strike  the  in- 

■*  A  hundred  thousand  crowns. 


408  THE  HISTORY  OP 

habitants  with  terror,  and  render  them  incapable  of 
knowing  on  which  side  to  turn  themselves.  Accord- 
ingly, the  city  being  attacked  on  all  sides  at  the  same 
instant,  and  the  danger  being  every  where  equal,  the 
tyrant  did  not  know  how  to  act,  what  orders  to  give,  or 
to  which  quarter  to  send  succours,  and  was  quite  dis- 
tracted. 

The  Lacedaemonians  sustained  for  some  time  the  at- 
tacks of  the  besiegers,  as  long  as  they  fought  in  defiles 
and  narrow  places.  Their  darts  and  javelins  did  little 
execution,  because,  as  they  pressed  on  one  another,  they 
could  not  stand  firm  on  their  feet,  and  had  not  their 
arms  at  liberty  to  discharge  them  with  strength.  The 
Romans  drawing  near  the  city,  found  themselves  on  a 
sudden  overwhelmed  with  stones  and  tiles,  thrown  at 
them  from  the  house-tops.  However,  laying  their 
shields  over  their  heads,  they  came  forward  in  the  form 
of  the  testudo,  or  tortoise,  by  which  they  w^re  entirely 
covered  from  the  darts  and  tiles  :  when  the  Romans 
advanced  into  the  broader  streets,  the  Lacedaemonians 
being  no  longer  able  to  sustain  their  efforts,  nor  make 
head  against  them,  fled  and  withdrew  to  the  most  crag- 
gy and  rugged  eminences.  Nabis,  imagining  the  city 
was  taken,  was  greatly  perplexed  how  to  make  his  es- 
cape. But  one  of  his  chief  commanders  saved  the  city, 
by  setting  fire  to  such  edifices  as  were  near  the  wall. 
The  houses  were  soon  in  flames  :  the  fire  spread  on  all 
sides  ;  and  the  smoke  alone  was  capable  of  stopping  the 
enemy.  Such  as  were  without  the  city,  and  attacked 
the  wall,  were  forced  to  move  to  a  distance  from  it  ; 
and  those  who  were  got  into  the  city,  fearing  that  the 
spreading  of  the  flames  would  cut  off  their  communica- 
tion, retired  to  their  troops.  Quintius  then  caused  a 
retreat  to  be  sounded  ;  and  after  having  almost  taken 
the  city,  was  obliged  to  march  his  troops  back  into  the 
camp. 

The  three  following  days  he  took  advantage  of  the 
terror  with  which  he  had  filled  the  inhabitants,  some- 
times by  making  new  attacks,  and  at  other  times  by 
stopping  up  different  places  with  works  ;  in  order  that 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  409 

the  besieged  might  have  no  opportunity  to  escape,  but 
be  lost  to  all  hopes.  Nabis,  seeing  things  desperate, 
deputed  Pythagoras  to  Quintius,  to  treat  of  an  accom- 
modation. The  Roman  general  refused  at  first  to  hear 
him,  and  commanded  him  to  leave  the  camp.  But  the 
petitioner,  throwing  himself  at  his  feet,  after  many  en- 
treaties, at  last  obtained  a  truce  upon  the  same  condi- 
tions as  had  been  prescribed  before.  Accordingly,  the 
money  was  paid,  and  the  hostages  delivered  to  Quin- 
tius. 

Whilst  these  things  w^re  doing,  the  Argives,  who, 
from  the  repeated  accounts  they  had  one  after  another, 
imagined  that  Lacedsemon  was  taken,  restored  thenir 
selves  to  liberty,  by  driving  out  their  garrison.  Quin- 
tius, after  granting  Nabis  a  peace,  and  taking  leave  of 
Eumenes,  the  Rhodians,  and  his  brother  (who  returned 
to  their  respective  fleets),  repaired  to  Argos,  whose  in- 
habitants he  found  in  incredible  transports  of  joy. 
The  Nemajan  games,  which  could  not  be  celebrated  at 
the  usual  time  because  of  the  war,  had  been  put  off  till 
the  arrival  of  the  Roman  general  and  his  army.  He 
performed  all  the  honours  of  tliem,  and  distributed  the 
prizes  ;  or  rather,  he  himself  \vas  the  show.  The  Ar- 
gives, especially,  could  not  take  off  their  eyes  from  a 
man,  who  had  undertaken  that  war  merely  on  their  ac- 
count, had  freed  them  from  a  cruel  and  ignominious 
slavery,  and  restored  them  to  their  ancient  liberty. 

The  Achœans  were  greatly  pleased  to  see  the  city  of 
Argos  again  united  to  their  league,  and  restored  to  all 
its  privileges  :  but  Sparta  being  still  enslaved,  and  a  ty- 
rant suffered  in  the  midst  of  Greece,  gave  an  alloy  to 
their  joy,  and  rendered  it  less  perfect. 

With  regard  to  the  jïLtolians,  it  may  be  affirmed 
that  the  peace  granted  to  Nabis  was  their  triumph. 
From  the  time  of  that  shameful  and  inglorious  treaty 
(for  so  they  called  it),  they  exclaimed  in  all  places  against 
the  Romans.  They  observed,  that  in  the  war  against 
Philip,  the  Romans  had  not  laid  down  their  arms,  till 
after  they  had  forced  that  prince  to  evacuate  all  the 
cities  of  Greece  ;  that  here,  on  the  contrary,  the  usurper 


410  THE  HISTORY  OF 

was  maintained  in  the  peaceable  possession  of  Sparta  ; 
whilst  the  lawful  king,  (meaning  Agesipolis),  who  had 
served  under  the  proconsul,  and  so  many  illustrious 
citizens  of  Sparta,  were  condemned  to  pass  the  remain- 
der of  their  days  in  banishment  :  in  a  word,  that  the 
Romans  had  made  themselves  the  tyrant's  guards  and 
protectors.  The  .^tolians,  in  these  complaints,  confined 
their  views  solely  to  the  advantages  of  liberty  :  but  in 
great  affairs,  men  should  have  an  eye  to  all  things,  should 
content  themselves  with  what  they  can  execute  with 
success,  and  not  attempt  a  thousand  schemes  at  once. 
Such  were  the  motives  of  Quintius,  as  he  himself  will 
show  hereafter. 

Quintius  returned  from  Argos  to  Elatia,  from  whence 
he  had  set  out  to  carry  on  the  war  with  Sparta.  He 
spent  the  whole  winter  in  administering  justice  to  the 
people,  in  reconciling  cities  and  private  families,  in  re- 
gulating the  government,  and  establishing  order  in  all 
places  ;  things  which,  properly  speaking,  are  the  real 
fruits  of  peace,  the  most  glorious  employment  of  a  con- 
queror, and  a  certain  proof  of  a  war's  being  undertaken 
on  just  and  reasonable  motives.  The  ambassadors  of 
Kabis  being  arrived  at  Rome,  demanded  and  obtained 
the  ratification  of  the  treaty. 

*  In  the  beginning  of  the  spring,  Quintius  went  to 
Corinth,  where  he  had  convened  a  general  assembly  of 
the  deputies  of  all  the  cities.  There  he  represented  to 
them,  the  joy  and  ardour  with  which  the  Romans  had 
complied  with  the  entreaties  of  the  Greeks  when  tliey 
implored  their  succour  ;  and  had  made  an  alliance  with 
them,  which  he  hoped  neither  side  would  have  occasion 
to  repent.  He  gave  an  account,  in  few  words,  of  the 
actions  and  enterprises  of  the  Roman  generals  his  pre- 
decessors ;  and  mentioned  his  own  with  a  modesty  of  ex- 
pression that  heightened  their  merit.  He  was  heard 
with  universal  applause,  except  when  he  began  to  speak 
of  Nabis  ;  on  which  occasion,  the  assembly,  by  a  modest 
murmur,  discovered  their  grief  and  surprise,  that  the 
deliverer  of  Greece  should  have  left,  in  so  renowned  a 

*  A.  M.  3810.     Ant.  J.  C.  194. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  4 1 1 

City  as  Sparta,  a  tyrant,  not  only  insupportable  to  his 
own  country,  but  formidable  to  all  the  rest  of  the  cities. 

Quintius,  who  was  not  ignorant  of  the  disposition  of 
people's  minds  with  regard  to  him,  thought  proper  to 
give  an  account  of  his  conduct  in  a  few  words.  He  con- 
fessed, that  no  accommodation  ought  to  have  been  made 
with  thy  tyrant,  could  this  have  been  done  without  ha- 
zarding the  entire  destruction  of  Sparta.  But,  as  there 
was  reason  to  fear,  that  this  considerable  city  would 
be  involved  in  the  same  ruin  with  Nabis,  he  therefore 
had  thought  it  more  prudent  to  let  the  tyrant  live, 
weakened  and  incapable  of  doing  harm,  as  he  now  was, 
than  perhaps  to  run  the  hazard,  should  they  employ  too 
violent  remedies,  of  destroying  the  city,  and  that  by  the 
very  endeavours  employed  to  deliver  it. 

He  added  to  what  he  had  said  of  past  transactions, 
that  he  was  preparing  to  set  out  for  Italy,  and  to  carry 
with  him  the  whole  army  thither  :  that  before  ten  days 
were  elapsed,  they  should  hear  that  the  garrisons  of  De- 
metrias  and  Chalcis  were  withdrawn,  and  that  he  would 
before  their  eyes  surrender  to  the  Achseans  the  citadel 
of  Corinth  :  that  this  would  show,  whether  the  Romans 
or  jE.tolians  w^ere  most  worthy  of  belief:  whether  the 
latter  had  the  least  foundation  for  the  report  they  spread 
universally,  that  nothing  could  be  of  njore  dangerous 
consequence  to  a  people,  than  to  trust  the  Romans  with 
their  liberties  ;  and  that  they  only  shifted  the  yoke,  in 
accepting  that  republic  for  their  master  instead  of  the 
Macedonians.  He  concluded  with  saying,  that  it  was 
well  known  the  jEtolians  were  not  over  prudent  and  dis- 
creet either  in  their  words  or  actions. 

He  hinted  to  the  other  cities,  that  they  ought  to  judge 
of  their  friends,  not  from  words  but  actions  ;  to  be  cau- 
tious whom  they  trusted,  and  against  whom  it  was  pro- 
per for  them  to  guard.  He  exhorted  them  to  use  their 
liberty  with  moderation  ;  that  with  this  wise  precaution, 
it  was  of  the  highest  advantage  to  private  persons  as 
well  as  to  cities  ;  but  that  without  moderation,  it  be- 
came a  burden  to  others,  and  even  pernicious  to  those 
who  abused  it  :  that  the  chief  men  in  cities,  the  difierent 


412  THE  HISTORY  OF 

orders  that  composed  them,  and  the  citizens  themselves 
in  general,  should  endeavour  to  preserve  a  perfect  har- 
mony :  that  so  long  as  they  should  be  united,  neither 
kings  nor  tyrants  would  be  able  to  distress  them  :  that 
discord  and  sedition  opened  a  door  to  dangers  and  evils 
of  every  kind,  because  the  party  which  finds  itself  weakest 
within,  seeks  for  support  without  ;  and  chooses  -rather 
to  call  in  a  foreign  power  to  its  aid,  than  submit  to  its 
fellov/- citizens.  He  concluded  his  speech  with  conju- 
ring them,  in  the  mildest  and  most  gentle  terms,  to  pre- 
serve and  maintain,  by  their  prudent  conduct,  the  li- 
berty which  they  owed  to  foreign  anns  ;  and  to  make  the 
Romans  sensible,  that  in  restoring  them  to  their  free^ 
^lom,  they  had  not  afforded  their  protection  and  benefi- 
cence to  persons  unworthy  of  it. 

This  counsel  was  received  as  the  advice  of  a  father  to 
his  children.  Whilst  he  spoke  in  this  manner,  the 
whole  assembly  wept  for  joy,  and  Quintius  himself 
could  not  refrain  from  tears.  A  gentle  murmur  ex- 
pressed the  sentiments  of  all  that  Vv^ere  present.  They 
gazed  upon  one  another  with  admiration  ;  and  every  one 
exhorted  his  neighbour  to  receive,  with  gratitude  and 
respect,  the  words  of  the  Roman  general,  as  so  many 
oracles,  and  imprint  the  remembrance  of  them  deeply 
on  their  hearts. 

After  this,  Quintius  causing  silence  to  be  made,  desired 
that  they  would  inquire  strictly  after  such  Roman  citizens 
as  might  still  remain  in  slavery  in  Greece,  and  send  them 
to  him  in  Thessaly  in  two  months  ;  adding,  that  it  would 
ill  become  them  to  leave  those  in  captivity  to  whom  they 
were  indebted  for  their  freedom.  All  the  people  replied 
with  the  highest  applauses,  and  thanked  Quintius  in 
particular,  for  hinting  to  them  so  just  and  indispensable 
a  duty.  The  number  of  these  slaves  was  very  consider- 
able. They  were  taken  by  Hannibal  in  the  Punic  war  ; 
but  the  Romans  refusing  to  redeem  them,  they  had  been 
sold.  Tt  cost  the  Achasans  alone  a  hundred  talents, 
that  is,  a  hundred  thousand  crowns,  to  reimburse  the 
masters  the  price  they  had  paid  for  the  slaves,  at  the 


ALEXANDER'S  SÙCCESSOrvS.  413 

rate  of  about  *  twelve  pounds  ten  shillings  a  head  ç  con- 
sequently the  number  here  amounted  to  twelve  hun- 
dred. The  reader  may  form  a  judgment,  in  proportion, 
of  all  the  rest  of  Greece.  Before  the  assembly  broke 
up,  the  garrison  was  seen  marching  down  from  the  cita- 
del, and  afterwards  out  of  the  city.  Quintius  followed 
it  soon  after,  and  withdrew  in  the  midst  of  the  accla- 
mations of  the  people,  who  called  him  their  saviour  and 
deliverer,  and  implored  Heaven  to  bestow  all  possible 
blessings  upon  him. 

He  withdrew  in  the  same  manner  the  garrisons  from 
Chalcis  and  Demetrias,  and  was  received  in  those  cities 
with  the  like  acclamations.  From  thence  he  went  into 
Thessaly,  where  he  found  every  thing  in  need  of  refor- 
mation, so  general  was  the  disorder  and  confusion. 

At  last  he  embarked  for  Italy,  and  upon  his  arrival 
at  Rome  entered  it  in  triumph.  The  ceremony  lasted 
three  days,  during  which  he  exhibited  to  the  people 
(amidst  the  other  pomp)  the  precious  spoils  he  had  ta- 
ken in  the  wars  against  Philip  and  Nabis.  Demetrius, 
son  of  the  former,  and  Armenes,  of  the  latter,  were 
among  the  hostages,  and  graced  the  victor's  triumph. 
But  the  noblest  ornament  of  it  was  the  Roman  citizens, 
delivered  from  slavery,  who  followed  the  victor's  car, 
with  their  heads  shaved  as  a  mark  of  the  liberty  to 
which  they  had  been  restored. 


SECT.  V.  Universal  preparations  Jor  the  war  between  Antlo- 
chus  and  the  Romans.  Mutual  embassies  and  interviews 
on  both  sides,  which  come  to  nothing.  The  Romans  send 
troops  against  Nabis,  who  had  infringed  the  treaty.  Philo- 
pœmen  gains  a  victory  over  him.  The  JEtolians  implore 
the  assistance  of  Antiochus,  Nabis  is  killed.  Jjitiochus 
goes  at  last  to  Greece, 

*  Antiochus  and  the  Romans  were  preparing  for  war. 
Ambassadors  were  arrived  at  Rome,  in  the  name  of  all 
the  Greeks,  from  a  great  part  of  Asia  Minor,  and  from 

«  Liv.  1.  xxxiv.  n.  57-— 62.     A.  M.  3811.     Ant.  J.  C.  193. 
*  Five  hundred  denarii. 


414  THE  HISTORY  OF 

several  kings.     They  were  favourably  received  by  thé 
senate  ;  but  as  the  affairs  of  king  Antiochus  required 
a  long  examination,  it  was  referred  to  Quintius  and  the 
commissioners  who  had  been  in  Asia.      The  debates" 
were  carried  on  with  great  warmth  on  both  sides.     The 
ambassadors  of  the  king  were  surprised,  as  their  sove- 
reign had  sent  them  merely  to  conclude  an  alliance 
and  friendship  with  the  Romans,  that  the  latter  should 
pretend  to  prescribe  laws  to  him  as  to  a  conquered  mo- 
narch  ;  and  nominate  those  cities  which  he  might  keep, 
and  such  as  he  was  to  abandon.  Quintius,  in  concert  with 
his  colleagues,  after  a  great  many  speeches  and  replies, 
declared  to  the  king's  ambassadors,  that  the  Romans 
persisted  in  the  resolution  they  had  taken  to  deliver  the 
Grecian  cities  of  Asia,  as  they  had  done  tliose  of  Eu- 
rope ;    and  that  the  ambassadors  might  see  whether 
Antiochus  would  approve  of  that  condition.      They 
answered,  that  they  could  not  enter  into  any  engage- 
ment that  tended  to  lessen  the  dominions  of  their  sove- 
reiom.     On  the  morrow,  all  the  rest  of  the  ambassadors' 
were  again  introduced  into  the  senate.     Quintius  re- 
ported what  had  been  spoken  and  transacted  in  the  con- 
ference, and  entreated  each  of  them  in  particular,  to  in- 
form their  respective  cities,  that  the  Romans  were  de- 
termined to  defend  their  liberties  against  Antiochus, 
with  the  same  ardour  and  courage  as  they  had  done 
against  Philip.     Antiochus's  ambassadors  conjured  the 
senate,  not  to  form  any  rash  resolution  in  an  affair  of 
so  much  importance  ;  to  allow  the  king  time  to  reflect 
on  matters  ;  and  to  weigh  and  consider  things  maturely 
on  their  side,  before  they  passed  a  decree,  in  which  the 
tranquillity  of  the  whole  world  would   be  involved- 
They  did  not  yet  come  to  a  decision,  but  deputed  to 
the  king  Sulpitius,  Villius,  and  .^lius,  the  same  am- 
bassadors who  had  already  conferred  with  him  at  Lysi- 
machia. 

Scarce  were  they  gone,  when  ambassadors  from  Car- 
thage arrived  at  Rome,  and  acquainted  the  senate,  that 
Antiochus,  at  the  instigation  of  Hannibal,  was  certain- 
ly preparing  to  make  war  against  the  Romans.    I  have  * 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSOHS.  415 

observed  before,  tbat  Plannibal  had  fled  for  refuge  to 
this  prince,  and  had  arrived  at  his  court  at  the  very  in- 
stant the  king  was  deliberating  whether  he  should  em- 
bark in  this  war.  The  presence  and  counsels  of  such  a 
general  contributed  very  much  to  determine  him  to  it. 
His  opinion  at  that  time  (and  he  always  persisted 
in  it)  was,  that  he  ought  to  carry  his  arms  into  Italy  : 
that  by  this  means  the  enemy's  country  would  furnish 
them  with  troops  and  provisions  ;  that  otherwise,  no 
prince  nor  people  could  be  superior  to  the  Romans,  and 
that  Italy  could  never  be  conquered  but  in  Italy.  He 
demanded  but  a  hundred  galleys,  ten  thousand  foot,  and 
a  thousand  horse.  He  declared,  that  with  this  fleet  he 
would  first  go  into  Africa,  where  he  hoped  to  be  able  to 
persuade  the  Carthaginians  to  join  him  ;  but  that,  should 
he  not  succeed,  he  would  sail  directly  for  Italy,  and  there 
find  effectual  means  to  distress  the  Romans  :  that  it  was 
necessary  that  the  king  should  go  over  into  Europe  with 
the  rest  of  his  forces,  and  halt  in  some  part  of  Greece, 
and  not  go  immediately  into  Italy,  though  he  should 
always  seem  upon  the  point  of  doing  it. 

The  king  highly  approving  this  project  at  first,  Han- 
nibal  sent  a  Tyrian,  in  whom  he  could  confide,  to  Car- 
thage, to  sound  the  citizens  ;  for  he  did  not  dare  to 
venture  letters,  lest  they  should  be  intercepted  ;  not  to 
mention  that  business  is  transacted  much  better  by 
word  of  mouth  than  by  writing.  But  the  Tyrian  was 
discovered,  and  escaped  with  great  difficulty.  The  Car- 
thaginian senate  sent  immediate  advice  of  this  to  the 
Romans,  who  apprehended  being  engaged  at  the  same 
time  in  a  war  with  AntiSchus  and  the  Carthaginians. 

^  No  people,  at  this  time,  hated  the  Romans  more 
than  the  jEtolians.  Thoas,  their  general,  was  for  ever 
incensing  them  ;  representing,  in  the  most  aggravating 
terms,  the  contempt  the  Romans  had  for  them  since 
their  last  victory,  though  it  was  chiefly  owing  to  them. 
His  remonstrances  had  the  intended  effect  ;  and  Da- 
mocritus  was  sent  ambassador  to  Nabis,  Nicander  to 
Philip,  and  Dicaearclius,  Thoas's  brother,  to  Antiochus, 
^  Liv.  1.  xxxY.  n.  12.     A.  M.  3812.    Ant.  J.  C.  192. 


416  THE  HISTORY  OF 

charged  with  particular  instructions  in  regard  to  eacîi 
of  those  princes. 

The  first  represented  to  the  tyrant  of  Sparta,  that 
the  Romans  had  entirely  enervated  his  power,  by  dis- 
possessing him  of  his  maritime  towns,  as  they  furnish- 
ed him  with  galleys,  soldiers,  and  sailors  :  that,  con- 
fined within  his  own  walls,  he  had  the  mortification  to 
see  the  Achseans  reign  over  Peloponnesus  :  that  he 
would  never  have  so  favourable  an  opportunity  for  re- 
covering his  ancient  power,  as  that  which  then  present- 
ed itself  :  that  the  Romans  had  no  army  in  Greece  : 
that  he  might  easily  seize  upon  Gythium,  which  w^as  si- 
tuated very  commodiously  for  him  :  and  that  the  Ro- 
mans would  not  think  it  worth  while  to  send  their  le- 
gions again  into  Greece,  on  account  of  the  capture  of  a- 
city  of  so  little  consequence. 

Nicander  employed  still  stronger  motives  to  rouse 
Philip,  who  had  been  thrown  down  from  a  much  supe- 
rior height  of  greatness,  and  deprived  of  abundantly 
inore  than  the  tyrant.  Besides  W'hich  he  enlarged  on  the 
ancient  glory  of  the  kings  of  Macedonia,  and  the  con- 
quest of  the  whole  world  by  their  arms  :  that  the  pro- 
posal he  made  him  would  not  expose  him  to  any  dan- 
ger :  that  he  did  not  desire  him  to  declare  war,  till  An- 
tiochus  should  have  passed  into  Greece  with  his  anny  ; 
and  that  if  he  (Philip)  unassisted  by  Antiochus,  had,» 
with  only  his  own  forces,  sustained  so  long  a  war  against 
the  Romans  and  the  ^'Etolians  luiited,  how  w^ould  it  be 

Î)ossible  for  the  Romans  to  resist  him,  w4ien  he  should 
lave  both  Antiochus  and  the  jïLtolians  as  allies  ?  He 
did  not  forget  to  mention  Hannibal,  the  sworn  enemy 
to  the  Romans,  of  wliose  generals  more  had  been  de- 
feated by  him  than  were  living  at  that  time. 

Dicaearchus  employed  otlier  arguments  with  Anti- 
ochus. He  observed  particularly,  that  in  the  war 
against  Philip,  the  Romans  had  taken  the  spoils,  but 
that  the  whole  honour  of  the  victory  had  been  due  to 
the  ^tolians  ;  that  they  alone  had  opened  them  an  en- 
trance into  Greece,  and  had  enabled  them  to  overcome 
the  enemy,  by  aiding  them  with  their  troops.  He  gave 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  417 

à  long  detail  of  the  number  of  horse  and  foot  with  which 
they  would  furnish  him  ;  and  the  strong  towns  and  sea- 
ports possessed  by  them.  He  did  not  scruple  to  affirm, 
though  without  foundation,  that  Philip  and  Nabis 
WTre  determined  to  unite  with  him  against  the  Ro- 
mans. 

These  are  the  steps  the  jîLtolians  took,  to  raise  up 
enemies  against  Rome  on  every  side.  However,  the 
two  kings  did  not  comply  \vith  them  at  that  time  ;  and 
did  not  take  their  resolution  till  afterwards. 

With  regard  to  Nabis,  he  sent  immediately  to  all  the 
maritime  towns,  to  excite  the  inhabitants  of  them  to  a 
rebellion.  He  bribed  many  of  the  principal  citizens, 
and  secretly  despatched  those  who  were  inflexibly  de- 
termined to  adhere  to  the  party  of  the  Romans.  Quin- 
tius,  at  his  leaving  Greece,  had  ordered  the  Achaeans 
to  be  very  vigilant  in  defending  the  maritime  cities. 
They  immediately  sent  deputies  to  the  tyrant  to  put 
him  in  mind  of  the  treaty  he  had  concluded  with  the 
Romans  ;  and  to  exhort  him  not  to  infringe  a  peace, 
which  he  had  so  earnestly  solicited.  At  the  same  time 
they  sent  troops  to  the  relief  of  Gythium,  which  the 
tyrant  had  already  besieged  ;  and  ambassadors  to  Rome, 
to  inform  the  senate  and  people  of  what  w^as  doing. 

s  Antiochus  did  not  yet  declare  himself  openly,  but 
took  secret  measures  for  promoting  the  great  design  he 
meditated.  He  thought  it  advisable  to  strengthen 
himself  by  good  alliances  with  his  neighbours.  In  this 
view,  he  went  to  Raphia,  a  frontier  city  of  Palestine  to- 
wards Egypt.  He  there  gave  his  daughter  Cleopatra 
in  marriage  to  Ptolemy  Epiphanes  ;  and  resigned  to 
that  prince,  as  her  dowiy,  the  provinces  of  Cœle-syria 
and  Palestine,  but  upon  condition,  as  had  been  before 
stipulated,  that  he  should  himself  receive  half  the  re- 
venues. 

At  his  return  to  Antioch,  he  gave  another  daughter, 
Antiochis  by  name,  in  marriage  to  Ariarathes  king  of 
Cappadocia.     He  would  have  been  very  glad  to  have 

s  Polyb.  1.  iil.  p.  167.     Liv.  1.  xxxv.  n.  13~20.     Appiun,  in  Sy«« 
riac.  p.  88 — 92.     Joseph.  Antiçi.  1.  xii.  c.  3. 
VOL.  VI.  ^E 


418^  THE  HISTORY  OP 

bestowed  the  third  on  Eumenes  king  of  Pergamus  ; 
but  that  prince  refused  her,  contrary  to  the  advice  of 
his  three  brothers,  Avho  believed  that  an  alliance  with 
so  great  a  monarch  would  be  a  great  support  to  their 
house.  However,  Eumenes  soon  convinced  them,  by 
the  reasons  he  gave,  that  he  had  examined  that  affair 
more  deliberately  than  they.  He  represented,  that 
should  he  many  Antiochus's  daughter,  he  would  be 
under  a  necessity  of  espousing  his  interest  against  the 
Remans,  with  whom  he  plainly  saw  this  monarch  woukl 
soon  be  at  variance  :  that,  sliould  the  Romans  get  the 
better  (as  it  was  highly  probable  they  would),  he  should 
be  involved  in  the  same  ruin  with  the  vanquished  king, 
which  would  infallibly  prove  his  destruction  :  that,  on 
the  other  side,  should  Antiochus  have  the  advantage  in 
this  war,  the  only  benefit  that  he  (Eumenes)  could  reap 
by  it,  would  be,  that  having  the  honour  to  be  his  son- 
in-law,  he  should  be  one  of  the  first  to  become  his  slave. 
For  they  might  be  assured,  that  should  Antiochus  get 
the  better  of  the  Romans  in  this  war,  he  would  subject 
all  Asia,  and  oblige  all  princes  to  do  him  homage: 
that  they  sliould  have  much  better  terms  from  the  Ro- 
mans :  and  therefore  he  was  resolved  to  continue  at- 
tached to  their  interests.  The  event  showed  that  Eu- 
menes was  not  mistaken. 

After  these  mamages,  Antiochus  went  with  great 
diligence  into  Asia  Minor,  and  arrived  at  Ephesus  in 
the  depth  of  winter.  He  set  out  from  thence  again  in 
the  beginning  of  the  spring,  to  punish  the  Pisidians, 
who  were  inclined  to  revolt  ;  after  having  sent  his  son 
into  Syria,  for  the  security  of  the  provinces  in  the  East. 

I  have  said  above,  that  the  Romans  had  deputed  Sul- 
pitius,  iElius,  and  Villius,  on  an  embassy  to  Antiochus. 
Thev  had  been  ordered  to  go  first  to  the  court  of  Eu- 
menés,  and  accordingly  they  went  to  Pergamus,  the 
capital  of  his  kingdom.  That  prince  told  them,  that 
he  desired  nothing  so  much  as  that  war  should  be  de- 
clared against  Antiochus.  In  times  of  peace,  the  ha- 
ling so  powerful  a  king  in  his  neighbourhood  gave  him 
very  just  alarm.    lu  case  of  a  war,  he  did  not  doubt  but 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCES^SORg.  41^ 

Antiochus  would  experience  the  same  fate  as  Pliilip, 
and  thereby  either  be  entirely  ruined;  or,  should  the 
Romans  grant  him  a  peace,  Eumenes  assured  himself 
that  part  of  his  spoils  and  fortresses  would  be  given 
him,  which  would  enable  him  to  defend  himself,  with^ 
out  any  foreign  aidy  against  his  attacks  :  that,  after  all, 
should  things  take  a  different  turn,  he  had  rather  run 
the  worst  hazard,  in  concert  with  the  Romans,  than  be 
exposed,  by  breaking  with  them,  to  submit  either  vo- 
luntarily, or  through  force,  to  Antiochus. 

Sulpitius  being  left  sick  in  Pergamus,  Villius,  who 
had  received  advice  that  Antiochus  w  as  engaged  in  the 
war  of  Pisidia,  went  to  Ephesus,  where  he  found  Han- 
nibal. He  had  several  conferences  with  him,  in  which 
he  endeavoured,  but  in  vain,  to  persuade  him,  that  he 
had  no  reason  to  be  under  any  apprehensions  from  the 
Romans*  He  had  better  success  in  the  design  he  pro- 
posed, by  treating  Hannibal  with  great  courtesy,  and 
making  him  frequent  visits  ;  which  was,  by  such  con- 
duct, to  render  him  suspected  to  the  king  :  which  ac- 
cordingly happened,  as  we  shall  soon  see. 

Livy,  on  the  authority  of  some  historians,  relates 
that  Scipio  was  on  this  embassy,  and  that  it  was  at  this 
time  that  Hannibal  made  him  the  celebrated  answ^er  I 
have  related  elsewhere,  *  when  speaking  of  the  most  il- 
lustrious generals,  he  gave  the  first  place  to  Alexander, 
the  second  to  Pyrrhus,  and  the  third  to  himself.  Some 
authors  look  upon  this  embassy  of  Scipio  as  improbable, 
and  the  answer  of  Hannibal  to  be  more  so. 

Villius  went  from  Ephesus  to  Apamea,  whither  An- 
tiochus repaired,  after  having  ended  the  war  against 
the  Pisidians.  In  their  interview,  tliey  spoke  on  much 
the  same  topics,  as  those  on  which  the  king's  ambassa- 
dors had  debated  with  Quintius  in  Rome.  Their  con- 
ferences broke  off,  on  that  prince's  receiving  advice  of 
the  death  of  Antiochus  his  eldest  son.  He  returned  to 
Ephesus  to  lament  his  loss.  But  notwithstanding  these 
specious  appearances  of  affliction,  it  w^as  generally  be- 
lieved that  his  show  of  grief  was  merely  political  ;  and 

*  Vol.  I.  History  of  the  Carthaoiniatis. 


420  THE  HISTORY  OF 

that  lie  himself  had  sacrified  him  to  his  ambition.  He 
was  a  young  prince  of  the  greatest  hopes,  and  had  al- 
ready given  such  shining  proofs  of  wisdom,  goodness, 
and  other  royal  virtues,  as  had  secured  to  him  the  love 
and  esteem  of  all  who  knew  him.  It  was  pretended 
that  the  old  king,  growing  jealous  of  him,  had  sent  him 
from  Ephesus  into  Syria,  under  the  pretext  of  having 
an  eve  to  the  security  of  the  provinces  of  the  East  ; 
and  that  he  had  caused  some  eunuchs  to  poison  him 
there,  to  rid  himself  of  his  fears.  A  king,  and  at  the 
same  time  a  father,  ought  not  to  be  suspected  of  so  hor- 
rid a  crime,  without  the  strongest  and  most  evident 
proofs. 

Villius,  that  he  might  not  be  importunate  at  a  time 
of  mourning  and  sorrow,  was  returned  to  Pergamus, 
where  he  found  Sulpitius  perfectly  recovered.  The 
king  sent  for  them  soon  after.  They  had  a  conference 
with  his  minister,  which  ended  in  complaints  on  both 
sides  :  after  which  they  returned  to  Rome,  without  ha- 
ving  concludeel  any  thing. 

The  instant  they  were  gone,  Antiochus  held  a  great 
council  on  the  present  affairs  ;  in  which  every  one  ex- 
claimed against  the  Romans,  knowing  that  to  be  the 
best  method  of  making  their  court  to  the  king.  They 
aggravated  the  haughtiness  of  their  demands,  and  said 
it  was  strange  that  they  should  attempt  to  prescribe 
laws  to  the  greatest  monarch  of  Asia,  as  if  they  were 
treating  with  a  conquered  Nabis.  Alexander  of  Acar- 
nania,  who  liad  great  influence  with  the  king,  as  if  the 
matter  in  deliberation  were,  not  whether  they  shoulel 
make  war,  but  how  and  in  what  manner  they  should 
carry  it  on  ;  assured  the  king,  that  he  would  be  infalli- 
bly victorious,  in  case  he  should  cross  into  Europe,  and 
settle  in  some  part  of  Greece  :  that  the  iEtolians,  who 
were  in  the  centre  of  it,  would  be  the  first  to  declare 
against  the  Romans  ;  that  at  the  two  extremities  of  this 
country,  Nabis.  on  one  side,  to  recover  what  he  had  lost, 
vould  raise  all  Peloponnesus  against  them  ;  and  that 
on  the  other,  Philip,  who  was  still  more  disgusted, 
would  not  fail  at  tLe  first  liguai  of  war,  to  take  up  arms 


ALEXANDEH'S  SUCCESSORS.  421 

also  :  that  they  had  no  time  to  lose  ;  and  that  the  deci-. 
sive  point  was,  to  seize  upon  the  most  advantageous 
posts,  and  to  make  sure  of  allies.  He  added,  that  Han- 
nibal ought  to  be  sent  immediately  to  Carthage,  to  per- 
plex and  employ  the  Romans. 

Hannibal,  whom  his  conferences  with  Villius  had 
rendered  suspected  to  the  king,  was  not  summoned  to 
this  council.  He  had  perceived  on  several  other  occa- 
sions, that  the  king's  friendship  for  him  was  very  mu;'h 
cooled,  and  that  he  no  longer  reposed  the  same  confi- 
dence in  him.  However,  he  had  a  private  conference 
wdth  him,  in  w^hich  he  unbosomed  himself  without  the 
least  disguise.  Speaking  of  his  infant  years,  in  which 
he  had  sworn  on  the  altars  to  be  the  eternal  enemy  of 
the  Romans,  "  It  is  this  oath,"  says  he,  "  it  is  this 
hatred,  that  prompted  me  to  keep  the  sword  drawn 
during  thirty-six  years  ;  it  was  the  same  animosity  that 
occasioned  my  being  banished  from  my  country  in  a 
time  of  peace,  and  forced  me  to  seek  an  asylum  in  your 
dominions.  If  you  defeat  my  hopes,  guided  by  the 
same  hatred,  w^iich  can  never  expire  but  with  my  life, 
I  will  fly  to  every  part  of  the  w^orld  where  there  are 
soldiers  and  arms,  to  raise  up  enemies  against  the  Ro- 
mans. I  hate  them,  and  am  hated  by  them.  As  long 
as  you  shall  resolve  to  make  war  against  them,  you  may 
consider  Hannibal  as  the  first  of  your  friends  ;  but  if 
there  are  any  motives  which  incline  you  to  peace,  take 
counsel  of  others,  not  of  me."  Antiochus,  struck  with 
these  words,  seemed  to  restore  him  his  confidence  and 
friendship. 

The  ambassadors  being  returned  to  Rome,  it  appear^ 
ed  evidently  from  their  report,  that  a  war  with  Antio- 
chus was  inevitable;  but  they  did  not  think  it  yet 
time  to  proclaim  it  against  him.  They  did  not  act  so 
cautiously  with  regard  to  Nabis,  who  had  been  the  first 
to  violate  the  treaty,  and  was  then  actually  besieging 
Gythium,  and  laying  waste  the  territories  of  the  Achae- 
ans.  Acilius,  the  praetor,  was  sent  with  a  fleet  into 
Greece,  to  protect  the  allies. 


422  THE  HISTOUY  OF 

^  Philopœiïien  was  general  of  the  Achœaiis  that  year. 
He  was  not  inferior  to  any  captain  \vith  respect  to  land 
service,  but  had  no  «kill  in  naval  affairs.  Notwith- 
standing this,  he  took  upon  himself  the  command  of 
the  Achaean  fleet,  *  flattering  himself  that  he  should 
be  as  successful  by  sea  as  he  had  been  by  land  :  but  he 
learned,  to  his  cost,  not  to  depend  so  much  upon  his 
o^vn  judgment,  and  found  how  greatly  useful  experience 
is  on  all  occasions  ;  for  Nabis,  who  had  fitted  out  some 
vessels  with  expedition,  defeated  Philopœmen,  and  he 
narrowly  escaped  being  taken  prisoner.  This  disaster 
however  did  not  discourage  him,  but  only  made  him 
more  prudent  and  circumspect  for  the  future.  Such  is 
the  use  judicious  men  ought  to  make  of  their  errors, 
which,  by  that  means,  are  frequently  more  advantageous 
to  them  than  the  greatest  successes.  Nabis  triumphed 
now,  but  Philopœmen  trusted  to  make  his  joy  of  short 
duration.  Accordingly,  a  few  days  after,  having  sur- 
prised him  when  he  least  expected  him,  he  set  fire  to 
his  camp,  and  made  a  great  slaughter  of  his  troops.  In 
the  mean  time,  Gythium  surrendered,  which  very  much 
augmented  the  pride  and  haughtiness  of  the  tyrant. 

Philopœmen  saw  plainly  that  it  was  necessary  to  come 
to  a  battle.  In  this  lay  his  chief  talent  ;  and  no  gene- 
ral equalled  him  in  drawing  up  an  army,  in  making 
choice  of  fit  posts,  in  taking  all  advantages,  and  profit- 
ing by  all  the  errors  of  an  enemy.  On  this  occasion, 
fired  by  jealousy,  and  animated  with  revenge  against 
Nabis,  he  employed  all  his  ability  in  the  art  of  war. 
The  battle  was  fought  not  far  from  Sparta.  In  the 
first  attack,  the  auxiliary  forces  of  Nabis,  which  formed 

^  Liv.  1.  XXXV.  n.  25 — 30.  Plut,  in  Pliilop.  p.  SGS,  S64.  A.  M. 
5813.     Ant.  J.  C.  191. 

*  The  great  Prince  of  Conde  thought  and  spoke  much  more  wisely. 
In  a  conversation  upon  a  sea-fight,  the  prince  said,  he  should  be  very 
glad  to  see  one,  purely  for  his  own  instruction.  A  sea-officer,  who 
was  present,  replied,  "  Sjbr,  were  your  highness  in  a  sea-fight,  there 
is  no  admiral  but  would  be  proud  of  obeying  your  orders."  "  My 
orders  !"  interrupted  the  prince  ;  "  I  should  not  presume  even  to 
give  my  advice;  but  should  stand  quietly  on  the  deck,  and  observe 
all  the  motions  and  operations  of  the  battle,  for  my  own  instruction.'* 


ALEXANDER'S  SXTCCËSSOEg.  42S 

iiis  greatest  strength,  broke  the  Achaeans,  threw  them 
into  disorder,  and  forced  them  to  give  way.  It  was 
by  Philopoemen's  order  that  they  fled,  to  draw  the  ene- 
my into  ambuscades  he  had  laid  for  them.  Accordingly 
they  fell  headlong  into  them;  and  whilst  they  were 
shouting  as  victorious,  those  who  fled  faced  about,  and 
the  Achœans  charged  them  on  a  sudden  from  their  am- 
buscades, and  made  a  great  slaughter.  As  the  country 
was  full  of  thickets,  and  very  difficult  for  the  cavalry  to 
act  in,  from  the  rivulets  and  morasses  with  which  it 
was  intersected,  the  general  would  not  sufter  his  troops 
to  abandon  themselves  to  their  ardour,  in  pursuing  the 
enemy  ;  but  causing  a  retreat  to  be  sounded,  he  en- 
camped on  that  very  spot,  though  long  before  it  was 
dark.  As  he  was  fully  persuaded,  that  as  soon  as  it 
should  be  night,  the  enemy  would  return  from  their 
flight,  and  retire  towards  the  city  in  small  parties,  he 
posted  ambuscades  on  all  the  passes  round,  on  the  rivu- 
lets and  hills,  who  killed  or  took  great  numbers  of  them; 
so  that  Nabis  hardly  saved  a  fourth  of  his  army.  Phi- 
lopœmen,  having  blocked  him  up  in  Sparta,  ravaged 
Laconia  for  a  month  ;  and  after  having  considerably 
weakened  the  forces  of  the  tyrant,  he  returned  home, 
laden  with  spoils  and  glory. 

This  victory  did  Philopœmen  great  honour,  because 
it  was  manifestly  owing  solely  to  his  prudence  and  abi- 
lity. A  circumstance  is  related  of  him,  which  is  per- 
haps peculiar  to  him  ;  and  which  young  officers  should 
propose  to  themselves  as  a  model.  Whenever  he  was 
upon  a  march,  whether  in  times  of  peace  or  war,  and 
came  to  any  difficult  pass,  he  halted,  and  asked  himself 
(in  case  he  were  alone),  or  else  inquired  of  those  who 
were  with  him,  in  what  manner  it  would  be  necessary 
to  act,  in  case  the  enemy  should  come  suddenly  upon 
them  ;  if  he  charged  them  in  front,  flank,  or  rear  :  if 
he  came  on  in  order  of  battle  ;  or  in  less  order,  as  when 
an  army  is  on  its  march  :  what  post  would  it  be  proper 
for  him  to  take  ?  In  what  places  to  dispose  of  his  bag- 
gage, and  how  many  troops  would  be  necessary  to  guard 
it?  Whether  it  would  be  convenient  for  him  to  march 


I 

424  THE  HISTOHY  OF 

forward,  or  to  return  back  the  way  he  came  ?  Where 
to  pitch  his  camp  ?  Of  what  extent  it  ought  to  be  ?  By 
what  method  he  could  best  secure  his  forage,  and  pro- 
vide water  ?  What  route  he  should  take  the  next  da}'; 
after  he  should  decamp,  and  in  what  order  it  were  best 
to  march  ?  He  had  accustomed  himself  so  early,  and 
exercised  himself  so  much,  in  all  these  parts  of  military 
knowledge,  that  nothing  was  new^  to  him  ;  and  he  never 
was  disconcerted  by  any  unforeseen  accident,  but  resolv- 
ed and  acted  immediately  as  if  he  had  foreseen  every 
thing  that  happened.  These  things  form  the  great 
captain  :  but  the  only  method  to  be  such,  is  to  love 
one's  profession,  to  think  it  an  honoiir  to  succeed  in  it, 
to  study  it  seriously,  and  to  despise  the  common  topics 
of  discourse  of  the  indolent  and  insignificant  part  of  an 
army,  who  have  neither  elevation  of  mind,  nor  views  of 
honour  and  glory. 

^  During  this  expedition  of  the  Achaeans  against 
Nabis,  the  ^^tolians  had  sent  ambassadors  to  Antiochus, 
to  exhort  him  to  cross  into  Greece.  They  not  only 
promised  to  join  him  with  all  their  forces,  and  to  act 
in  concert  with  him,  but  also  assured  him,  that  he  might 
depend  upon  Philip  king  of  Macedon,  on  Nabis  king 
of  Lacedaemonia,  and  on  several  other  Grecian  powers, 
who  hated  the  Romans  in  their  hearts,  and  only  await- 
ed his  arrival  to  declare  against  them.  Thoas,  the  first 
of  the  ambassadors,  expatiated  upon  all  these  advan- 
tages in  the  strongest  and  most  pompous  terms.  He 
observed  to  him,  that  the  Romans,  by  drawing  «their 
armv  out  of  Greece,  had  left  it  in  a  defenceless  condi- 
tion  ;  that  this  would  be  the  finest  opportunity  for  him 
to  possess  himself  of  it  ;  that  all  the  Greeks  would  re- 
ceive him  with  open  arms  ;  and  that  the  instant  he 
came  among  them,  he  w^ould  be  master  of  the  countiy. 
Tlîis  flattering  description  of  the  state  of  the  Grecian 
affairs  made  so  deep  an  impression  on  him,  that  he  could 
scarce  2:ive  himself  time  to  deliberate  in  what  manner 
it  w^ould  be  most  proper  for  him  to  act. 

The  Romans,  on  the  other  side,  who  were  not  igno- 
rant of  the  measures  taken  by  the  ^^tolians  to  disen- 

^  Liv.  1.  XXXV.  n.  31 — 34. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS,  425 

gage  their  allies  from  their  interest,  and  increase  their 
enemies  on  all  sides,  had  sent  ambassadors  into  Greece, 
among  whom  was  Quintius.  At  his  arrival  he  found 
all  the  nations  very  well  disposed  with  regard  to  the 
Homans,  except  the  Magnesians,  v>'ho  had  been  alienat- 
ed from  them,  by  the  report  which  was  spread  of  their 
intending  to  restore  to  Phihp  his  son,  who  had  been 
given  them  as  a  hostage  :  and  to  deliver  up  to  that 
monarch  the  city  of  Demetrias,  which  belonged  to  the 
Magnesians.  It  was  necessary  to  undeceive  them,  but 
in  so  dexterous  a  manner  as  not  to  disgust  Philip, 
whom  it  was  much  more  their  interest  to  oblige.  This 
Quintius  eiTected  v/ith  great  address.  The  author  of 
these  false  reports  was  Èurylochus,  at  that  time  chief 
magistrate.  As  he  let  drop  some  harsh  and  injurious 
.expressions  against  the  Romans,  which  gave  Quintius 
an  opportunity  of  severely  reproaching  the  JNIagnesians 
with  their  ingratitude  ;  Zeno,  one  of  the  oldest  among 
them,  directed  himself  to  Quintius  and  the  rest  of  the 
ambassadors  ;  with  tears  conjured  them  not  to  impute 
to  a  whole  people  the  rancour  of  one  man,  wlio,  he  said, 
ought  alone  to  be  answerable  for  it  :  that  the  Magne- 
sians were  obliged  to  Quintius  and  the  Romans,  not 
only  for  their  liberty,  but  for  whatever  else  is  most  dear 
and  valuable  among  men  :  that  as  for  themselves,  they 
would  sooner  part  with  their  lives  than  renounce  the 
friendship  of  the  Romans,  and  forget  the  obligations 
they  owed  to  them.  The  whole  assembly  applauded 
this  speech,  and  Eurylochus,  perceiving  plainly  that 
there  was  no  longer  any  safety  for  him  in  the  city,  took 
refuge  amongst  the  iRtolians. 

Thoas,  the  chief  man  of  that  people,  was  returned 
from  Antiochus's  court,  from  whence  he  had  brought 
Menippus,  whom  the  king  had  sent  as  his  ambassador 
to  the  iEtolians.  Before  the  general  assembly  was  con- 
vened, these  two  had  endeavoured,  in  concert,  to  prepare 
and  prepossess  the  people,  by  exaggerating  the  king's 
forces  by  sea  and  land  ;  his  numerous  bodies  of  horse 
and  foot  ;  the  elephants  he  had  caused  to  be  brouglit 
from  India;  and  above  all  (which  was  the  strongest 


426  THE  HISTORY  OF 

motive  with  regard  to  the  populace)  the  immense  trea- 
sures whicn  the  king  would  bring  with  him,  sufficient 
to  buy  even  the  Romans  themselves. 

Quintius  had  rcgular  notice  sent  him  of  whatever 
was  said  or  done  in  ^Etolia.  Though  he  looked  upon 
M  things  as  lost  on  that  side,  yet,  that  he  might  have 
nothing  to  reproach  himself  with,  and  to  lay  the  blame 
still  more  on  the  side  of  the  iEtolians,  he  thought  pro- 
per to  depute  to  their  assembly  some  ambassadors  from 
the  confederates,  to  put  them  in  mind  of  their  alliance 
with  the  Romans,  and  to  be  ready  to  reply  freely  to 
whatever  Antiochus's  ambassador  might  advance.  He 
gave  this  commission  to  the  Athenians  ;  the  dignity  of 
their  city,  and  their  former  alliance  with  the  jEtolians, 
making  them  more  proper  to  execute  it  than  any  other 
people. 

Thoas  opened  the  assembly,  by  annomicing  that  an 
ambassador  was  arrived  from  Antiochus.  Being  in- 
troduced, he  began  \^ith  saying,  that  it  would  have 
been  happy  for  the  Greeks,  as  well  as  Asiatics,  had 
Antiochus  concerned  himself  sooner  in  their  affairs,  and 
before  Philip  had  been  reduced  ;  that  then  every  people 
would  have  preserved  their  rights,  and  all  would  not 
have  been  subjected  to  the  Roman  power.  "  But  still 
{says  he)  if  you  execute  the  designs  you  have  formed, 
Antiochus  may,  by  the  assistance  of  the  gods  and  your 
aid,  restore  the  affairs  of  Greece  to  their  ancient  splen- 
dour, how  desperate  soever  their  condition  may  be." 

The  Athenians,  who  were  next  admitted  to  audience, 
contented  themselves  (without  saying  a  word  of  the 
king)  with  putting  the  ^îltolians  in  mind  of  the  alliance 
they  had  concluded  'with  the  Romans,  and  the  service 
Quintius  had  done  to  all  Greece  ;  conjiu-ing  them  not 
to  form  any  rash  resolution  in  an  affair  of  so  much  im- 
portance as  that  in  question  :  that  bold  resolutions, 
adopted  with  heat  and  vivacity,  might  have  a  pleasing 
prospect  at  first,  but  that  the  difBculty  of  putting 
them  in  execution  appeared  afterwards,  and  that  they 
were  very  rarely  successful  :  that  the  Roman  ambassa- 
dors, among  whom  was  Quintius,  were  not  far  off:  that 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  4S7 

as  things  were  still  undecided,  it  would  show  more 
wisdom  to  weigh  and  examine  deliberately,  in  peaceable 
interviews,  their  several  claims  and  pretensions,  than 
to  involve  precipitately  Europe  and  Asia  in  a  war,  of 
which  the  consequences  could  not  but  be  deplorable. 

The  populace,  who  are  ever  greedy  of  novelty,  were 
entirely  for  Antiochus,  and  were  even  against  admit- 
ting the  Romans  into  the  assembly  ;  so  that  the  oldest 
and  wisest  among  them  were  forced  to  employ  all  their 
influence,  before  they  could  prevail  to  have  them  called 
in.  Accordingly  Quintius  came  thither,  not  so  much 
from  any  hopes  he  entertained,  of  being  able  to  make 
the  least  impression  on  minds  so  prejudiced,  as  to  prove 
to  all  mankind,  that  the  ^Etolians  were  the  sole  cause 
of  the  war  which  was  going  to  break  out  ;  and  that  the 
Romans  would  be  forced  to  engage  in  it  against  their 
wills,  and  merely  through  necessity.  He  began,  by  re- 
calling to  their  memories  the  time  in  which  the  ^to- 
lians  had  concluded  an  alliance  with  the  Romans  ;  he 
made  a  transient  mention  of  the  many  points  in  which 
they  had  infringed  it  ;  and  after  saying  very  little  with 
regard  to  the  cities  which  were  the  pretext  of  their 
quarrel,  he  only  observed,  that  if  they  imagined  them- 
selves aggrieved,  it  would  appear  much  more  reasonable 
to  make  their  remonstrances  to  the  senate,  who  were 
always  ready  to  hear  their  complaints  ;  than  out  of 
mere  wantonness  to  kindle  a  war  between  the  Romans 
and  Antiochus,  which  would  disturb  the  peace  of  the 
universe,  and  infallibly  terminate  in  the  ruin  of  those 
who  promoted  it. 

The  event  proved  the  truth  of  his  representations, 
which  however  were  disregarded  at  that  time.  Thoas, 
and  those  of  his  faction,  were  heard  with  great  atten- 
tion ;  and  obtained  without  delay,  and  even  in  the 
presence  of  the  Romans,  that  a  decree  should  be  made, 
to  invite  Antiochus  to  come  and  deliver  Greece,  and 
be  the  arbiter  of  the  differences  between  the  iEtolians 
and  Romans.  Quintius  desiring  a  copy  of  this  decree, 
Damocritus  (then  in  office)  was  so  inconsiderate  as  to 
answer  in  the  most  insolent  tone,  that  he  had  business 


428  THE  HISTORY  OP 

of  much  greater  consequence  upon  his  hands  at  that 
time  ;  hut  that  he  himself  would  soon  carry  this  decree 
into  Italy,  and  encamp  on  the  banks  of  the  Tiber  :  so 
violent  and  furious  a  spirit  had  seized  all  the  ^î^tolians, 
and  even  their  principal  magistrates.  Quintius  and  the 
rest  of  the  ambassadors  returned  to  Corinth. 

^  The  .^tolians,  in  a  private  council,  formed  in  one 
day  three  very  astonishing  resolutions  :  to  seize  by  a 
treacherous  stratagem,  Demetrias,  Chalcis,  and  Lace- 
daemon  ;  and  tlu'ce  of  the  principal  citizens  were  charged 
with  the  execution  of  these  three  expeditions. 

Diodes  set  out  for  Demetrias,  where,  being  assisted 
by  the  faction  of  Eurylochus,  who  was  an  exile,  but  ap- 
peared then  at  the  head  of  the  forces  which  Diodes  had 
broufjht,  he  made  himself  master  of  the  citv. 

But  Thoas  was  not  so  successful  in  Chalcis,  which 
he  had  imagined  he  should  be  able  to  seize  by  the  help 
of  an  exile  :  for  the  magistrates,  who  were  strongly  at* 
tached  to  the  Homans,  having  received  advice  of  the 
attempt  that  was  meditating  against  tlieir  city,  put  it 
in  a  good  posture  of  defence,  and  secured  it  against  all 
attacks.  Thus  Thoas,  failing  in  his  design,  returned 
back  in  the  utmost  confusion. 

The  enterprise  against  Sparta  was  much  more  deli- 
cate, and  of  greater  importance.  Xo  access  coukl  be 
had  to  it,  but  under  the  mask  of  friendship.  Nabis 
had  long  solicited  the  aid  of  the  iEtolians.  Alexame- 
nes  was  tlierefore  ordered  to  march  a  thousand  foot 
thither.  To  these  v.ere  added  thirty  young  men,  the 
flower  of  the  cavalry,  who  were  strictly  enjoined  by  the 
magistrates  to  execute  punctually  their  leader's  orders, 
of  what  nature  soever  they  might  be.  The  tyrant  re- 
ceived Alexamenes  with  great  joy.  Both  used  to  march 
out  their  troops  every  day,  and  exercise  them  in  the 
plain  on  the  side  of  the  Eurotas.  One  day  Alexame- 
nes, having  given  the  word  to  his  troopers,  attacks  Na- 
bis, w  hom  he  had  purposely  drawn  into  a  solitary  place, 
and  throws  him  from  his  horse.  Immediately  all  the 
troopers  fall  on,  and  cover  him  with  wounds.     Alexa- 

^  Liv.  1.  sixv.  n,  34 — 39- 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSOllS.  429 

mènes,  without  losing  time,  returns  to  the  city  to  seize 
on  Nabis's  palace.  Had  he  convened  the  assembly  that 
instant,  and  made  a  speech  suitable  to  the  occasion,  his 
business  would  have  been  done,  and  Sparta  had  declar- 
ed for  the  iEtolians  :  but  he  spent  the  remainder  of  the 
day,  and  the  whole  night,  in  searching  after  the  tyrant's 
treasures,  and  his  troops,  by  his  example,  began  to  plun- 
der the  city.  The  Spartans  taking  up  arms,  m.ake  a 
great  slaughter  of  the  ^tolians  dispersed  in  quest  of 
booty,  and  march  directly  to  the  palace,  where  they  kill 
Alexamenes,  whom  they  found  with  little  or  no  guard, 
and  solely  intent  upon  securing  his  rich  spoils.  Such 
was  the  result  of  the  enterprise  against  Sparta. 

iPhilopœmen,  general  of  the  Achaeans,  no  sooner 
heard  of  Nabis's  death,  than  he  marched  a  considerable 
body  of  troops  towards  Sparta,  where  he  found  all  things 
in  the  utmost  disorder.  He  assembled  the  principal 
citizens,  made  a  speech  to  them,  as  xVlexamenes  ought 
to  have  done,  and  prevailed  so  far  between  arguments 
and  compulsion,  that  he  engaged  that  city  to  join  in  the 
Achaîan  league. 

This  success  greatly  increased  the  reputation  of  Plii- 
lopœmen  with  those  states;  his  having  brought  over  to 
the  league  a  city  of  so  great  power  and  authority  as 
Sparta,  being  justly  esteemed  a  service  of  no  small  im- 
portance. By  this  means  he  also  gained  the  friendship 
and  confidence  of  the  worthiest  men  in  Lacedœmonia, 
who  hoped  he  would  prove  their  gaurantee,  and  the  de- 
fender of  their  liberty.  For  this  reason,  after  the  pa- 
lace and  furniture  of  Nabis  had  been  sold,  they  resolv- 
ed, by  a  public  decree,  to  make  him  a  present  of  the 
moneys  arising  from  that  sale,  amounting  to  a  hundred 
and  twenty  talents  ;*  and  sent  him  a  deputation  to  de- 
sire his  acceptance  of  them. 

On  this  occasion,  says  Plutarch,  it  was  very  evident, 
that  the  virtue  of  this  great  personage  was  of  the  purest 
and  most  perfect  kind  ;  and  that  he  not  only  ap])eared 
a  good  and  virtuous  man,  but  was  really  such  :  for  not 

1  Plut,  in  Philop  p.  S64,  8(^5. 

*  A  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  crowns. 


4S0  THE  HISTORY  Of 

one  of  the  Spartans  v»ould  undertake  the  commissioïç 
of  offering  him  that  present. — Struck  with  veneration? 
and  fear,  they  all  excused  themselves  ;  and  therefore  it 
was  at  last  resolved  to  send  Timolaus,  who  had  former- 
ly heen  his  guest. 

When  he  arrived  at  Megalopolis,  he  lodged  at  the 
house  of  Philopœmen,  who  gave  him  the  kindest  recep- 
tion. Here  he  had  an  opportunity  of  considering  the 
gravity  of  his  whole  conduct,  the  greatness  of  his  senti- 
ments, the  frugality  of  his  life,  and  the  regularity  of 
his  manners,  that  rendered  him  invincible  and  incor- 
ruptible by  money.  Timolaus  was  so  astonished  at  all 
he  saw,  that  he  did  not  dare  so  much  as  to  mention  to 
Philopœmen  the  present  he  was  come  to  offer  him  ;  sa 
that,  giving  some  other  pretence  to  his  journey,  he  re- 
turned as  he  came.  Timolaus  was  sent  again,  but  was 
not  more  successful  than  before.  At  last,  going  a  third 
time,  he  ventured  (but  with  great  reluctance)  to  acquaint 
Philopœmen  with  the  good  will  of  the  Spartans. 

Philopœmen  heard  him  with  great  tranquillity  ;  but 
the  instant  he  had  done  speaking,  he  went  to  Sparta  ; 
w4iere,  after  expressing  the  highest  gratitude  to  the 
Spartans,  he  advised  them  not  to  lay  out  their  money 
in  bribing  and  corrupting  such  of  their  friends  as  were 
men  of  probity,  because  they  might  always  enjoy  the 
benefit  of  their  virtue  and  wisdom  without  expense  to 
themselves  ;  but  to  keep  their  gold  to  purchase  and  cor- 
rupt the  wicked,  and  those  who,  in  councils,  perplexed 
and  divided  the  city  by  their  seditious  discourses  ;  in 
order  that,  being  paid  for  their  silence,  they  might  not 
occasion  so  many  distractions  in  the  government.  "  For 
it  is  much  more  advisable  (added  he)  to  stop  an  enemy's 
mouth,  than  that  of  a  friend."  Such  was  the  disin- 
terestedness of  Philopœmen.  Let  the  reader  compare 
these  great  and  noble  sentiments  with  the  baseness  of 
those  grovelling  wretches  whose  whole  study  is  to  heap 
up  riches. 

^  Thoas  had  repaired  to  the  court  of  Antiochus,  and 
by  the  mighty  promises  he  made  that  prince^  by  all  he 

*  Liv,  1,  XS5V,  R,  4$— '^.5. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  431 

told  him  concerning  the  present  state  of  Greece,  and 
especially  of  the  resolutions  which  had  been  taken  in  the 
general  assembly  of  the  iEtolians,  he  engaged  him  to 
set  out  immediately  for  that  country.  He  went  with 
such  precipitation,  that  he  did  not  give  himself  time  to 
concert  the  necessary  measures  for  so  important  a  war, 
nor  carry  with  him  a  sufficient  number  of  troops.  He 
left  behind  him  Lampsacus,  Troas,  and  Smyrna,  three 
powerful  cities,  which  he  ought  to  have  reduced  before 
he  declared  war  ;  but  Antiochus,  without  waiting  for  the 
troops  that  were  marching  to  join  him  from  Syria  and 
the  East,  brought  only  ten  thousand  foot  and  five  hun- 
dred horse.  These  troops  would  hardly  have  sufficed, 
had  he  been  to  possess  himself  only  of  a  naked  and  de- 
fenceless country,  w  ithout  having  so  formidable  an  ene- 
my as  the  Romans  to  oppose. 

He  arrived  first  at  Demetrias  ;  and  from  thence,  af- 
ter receiving  the  decree  which  had  been  sent  by  the 
^tolians  and  their  ambassador,  he  went  to  Lamia, 
where  their  assembly  was  held.  He  was  received  there 
with  the  highest  demonstrations  of  joy.  He  began  with 
apologizing  for  his  being  come  with  much  fewer  troops 
than  they  expected  ;  insinuating  that  his  expedition  was 
a  proof  of  the  zeal  he  had  for  their  interest,  since,  at 
the  first  signal  they  gave  him,  he  was  come,  notwith- 
standing the  inclemency  of  the  season,  and  without 
waiting  till  all  things  were  ready  ;  but  that  their  ex- 
pectations should  soon  be  answered  :  that  as  soon  as  the 
season  for  navigation  should  arrive,  they  should  see  all 
Greece  filled  with  arms,  men,  and  horses,  and  all  the 
sea-coasts  covered  with  galleys  :  that  he  would  spare 
neither  expense,  pains,  nor  danger,  for  the  deliverance 
of  Greece,  and  to  acquire  for  the  iEtolians  the  first  rank 
in  it  :  that,  with  his  numerous  armies,  there  would  ar- 
rive from  Asia  convoys  of  every  kind  :  that  all  he  de- 
sired of  them  was,  only  to  provide  his  troops  with  what- 
ever might  be  necessary  for  their  present  subsistence. 
Having  ended  his  speech,  he  withdrew. 

The  most  judicious  in  the  assembly  saw  plainly  that 
Antiochusj  instead  of  an  effectuai  and  present  succour, 


432  THE  HISTOllY  OF 

as  he  had  promised,  gave  them  little  more  than  hopes 
and  promises.  They  could  have  v»'ished  that  they  had 
chosen  him  only  as  arbiter  and  mediator  between  them 
and  the  Romans,  and  not  leader  of  the  war.  However, 
Thoas  having  gained  a  majority,  caused  Antiochus  to 
be  nominated  generalissimo. — Thirty  of  their  principal 
men  were  appointed  for  his  council  whenever  he  should 
think  proper  to  deliberate  with  them. 


SECT.  VI.  Antioclius  endcavoiirs  to  bring  over  the  Achœans 
to  Ills  interest^  but  in  vain.  He  possesses  himself  of  Chalcis 
and  all  Eiibœa.  The  Romans  j^^'ocJaim  icar  against  him^ 
and  send  Manius  Acilius  the  consid  into  Greece.  Antiochu.^ 
makes  an  ill  use  ofHannihaVs  counsel. — He  is  defeated  neaf 
■  Thermopifke.     The  JEtolians  submit  to  the  Romans. 

»  The  first  subject  on  which  the  king  and  the  .^tolians 
deliberated  was,  with  what  enterprise  they  should  begin. 
It  was  thought  advisable  to  make  a  second  attempt  on 
Chalcis  ;  and  thereupon  the  troops  set  out  for  that  city 
without  loss  of  time.  VvHien  they  were  near  it,  the 
king  permitted  the  principal  jïLtolians  to  have  a  con- 
ference with  such  citizens  of  Chalcis,  as  were  come  out 
of  it  on  their  arrival.  The  ^tolians  m-ged  them  in 
thé  strongest  terms  to  conclude  an  alliance  with  An- 
tiochus, but  without  breaking  their  treaty  with  the  Ro- 
mans. They  declared,  tliat  this  prince  w'as  come  into 
Greece,  not  to  make  it  the  seat  of  war,  but  actually  ta 
deliver  it,  and  not  merely  in  words  as  the  Romans  had 
done  :  that  nothing  could  be  of  greater  advantage  to  the 
cities  of  Greece,  than  to  live  in  amity  with  both  those 
powers,  because  that  the  one  would  always  defend  them 
against  the  other,  and  that  by  this  means  they  would  hold 
lioth  in  respect  :  that  they  would  do  well  to  consider, 
in  case  they  should  not  agree  to  the  proposal  now  made 
them,  the  great  danger  to  which  they  would  expose 
themselves,  as  the  aid  they  might  expect  from  the  Ro- 

»  Liv.  1.  XXXV.  n.  46 — 51.    Appian.  in  Sjriac.  p.  92;  95.    A.  M, 
5813.     Ant.J.  C.  191, 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  433 

mans  was  at  a  great  distance,  whereas  the  king  was  pre- 
sent and  at  their  gates. 

Miction,  one  of  the  principal  citizens  of  Chalcis,  re- 
plied, that  lie  could  not  guess  what  people  it  was  that 
Antiochus  came  to  deliver,  and  for  whose  sake  he  had 
left  his  kingdom,  and  was  come  into  Greece  :  that  he 
knew  of  no  city  garrisoned  hy  Roman  soldiers,  nor  that 
paid  th^  least  tribute  to  the  Romans,  or  complained  of 
being  oppressed  by  them  ;  that  as  for  the  inhabitants 
of  Chalcis,  they  had  no  occasion  for  a  deliverer,  as  they 
were  free  ;  nor  of  a  defender,  as  they  enjoyed  the  sweets 
of  peace,  under  the  protection,  and  with  the  amity,  of 
the  Romans  :  that  they  did  not  refuse  the  amity,  either 
of  the  king  or  of  the  jÊtolians  ;  but  that,  if  they  would 
show  themselves  friends,  the  first  thing  they  were  desir- 
i^^  ,to  do  was,  to  leave  their  island  :  that  they  were  fully 
"^^^etermined,  neither  to  admit  them  into  their  city,  nor 
to  make  any  alliance  with  them,  but  in  concert  with 
the  Romans. 

When  this  answer  was  reported  to  the  king,  as  he 
had  brought  but  few  troops,  and  was  not  able  to  force 
the  city,  he  resolved  to  return  to  Demetrias.  So  im- 
prudent and  ill-concerted  a  first  step  did  him  no  ho- 
nour, and  was  no  good  omen  with  regard  to  /the  future. 

They  now  addressed  themselves  to  another  quarter, 
and  endeavoured  to  bring  over  the  Achaeans  and  Atha- 
manians.  The  former  gave  audience  to  the  ambassa- 
dors of  Antiochus  and  those  of  the  iEtolians  at  Mge, 
where  their  assembly  was  held,  in  presence  of  Quintius 
the  Roman  general. 

Antiochus's  ambassador  spoke  first.  He  *  was  a  vain 
man  (as  those  generally  are  who  live  in  the  courts  and 
at  the  expense  of  princes  ;)  and  fancying  himself  a  great 
orator,  he  spoke  with  an  imposing  and  emphatical  tone 
of  voice.  He  told  them,  that  an  innumerable  body  of 
cavalry  was  passing  the  Hellespont  into  Europe,  con- 
sisting partly  of  cuirassiers,  and  partly  of  bowmen,  who, 
even  when  they  were  flying  on  horseback,  turned  about, 

*  "  Is,  tit  plerique  quoa  opes  regiae  alunt,  vaniloquus,  maria  ter» 
îasque  inani  sonitu  verborura  compleverat."     Liv. 
VOL.   VL  2  F 


434  THE  HISTORY  OF 

and  discharged  their  arrows  with  the  surest  aim.  To 
this  cavah-y,  which,  according  to  him,  was  able  by  itself 
to  overwhelm  the  united  forces  of  Europe,  he  added  a 
more  numerous  infantry  ;  the  Daha?,  the  Medes,  the 
JSlymaeans,  the  Cadusians,  and  many  other  terrible  un- 
known nations.  With  regard  to  the  fleet,  he  affirmed 
that  it  would  be  so  large,  that  no  harbour  of  Greece 
could  contain  it  ;  the  right  wing  was  to  be  composed  of 
Tyrians  and  Sidonians  ;  the  left  of  Aradians  and  the 
Sidetes  of  Pamphylia  ;  nations  who  were  allowed  uni- 
versally to  be  the  best  and  most  experienced  mariners 
in  the  world  ;  that  it  w^ould  be  to  no  pui'pose  to  enu- 
merate the  immense  sums  which  Antiochus  w'as  bring- 
ing with  him,  every  one  knowing  that  the  kingdoms  of 
Asia  had  always  abounded  in  gold  :  that  they  were  to 
judge,  in  proportion,  of  the  rest  of  the  military  prepara- 
tions :  that  consequently  the  Romans  would  not  now 
have  to  do  with  a  Philip  or  a  Hannibal  ;  the  latter  be- 
ing only  a  citizen  of  Carthage,  and  the  former  confined 
within  the  narrow  limits  of  Macedonia;  but  with  a 
prince  who  was  sovereign  of  all  Asia  and  part  of  Eu- 
rope ;  that  nevertheless,  though  he  was  come  from  the 
most  remote  parts  of  the  East,  purely  to  restore  the  li- 
berty of  Greece,  he  did  not  require  any  article  from  the 
Achaeans,  that  should  interfere  with  the  fidelity  they 
might  imagine  they  owed  the  Romans,  their  first  friends 
and  allies  :  that  he  did  not  desire  them  to  unite  their 
arms  with  his  against  that  people,  but  only  to  stand 
neuter,  and  not  declare  for  either  party. 

Archidamus,  the  ^tolian  ambassador,  spoke  to  the 
same  effect  ;  adding,  that  the  safest  and  wisest  course 
the  Achaeans  could  take,  would  be,  to  remain  mere 
spectators  of  the  war,  and  to  wait  in  peace  for  the  event 
without  sharing  in  it,  or  incurring  any  hazard.  Then 
growing  warmer  as  he  went  on,  he  threw  out  invectives 
and  reproaches  against  the  Romans  in  general,  and  a- 
gainst  Quintius  in  particular.  He  called  them  an  un- 
grateful people,  who  had  forgotten  that  they  owed  to 
the  bravery  of  tlie  ^î^tolians,  not  only  the  victory  they 
Jiad  gained  over  Philip,  but  their  general's  life,  and  thq 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  4S5 

safety  of  their  army.  For  what,  continued  he,  did 
Quintius  do  in  this  battle,  worthy  a  great  captain  ?  He 
declared,  that  hn  himself  had  observed  him  during  the 
engagement  wholly  employed  in  consulting  the  auspices, 
in  sacrificing  victims,  and  offering  up  vows,  like  an  au- 
gur, or  a  priest,  whilst  himself  was  exposing  his  person 
and  life  to  the  enemy's  darts,  for  his  defence  and  pre- 
servation. 

To  this  Quintius  answered,  that  it  was  plain  which 
party  Archidamus  had  studied  to  please  by  this  speech; 
that  knowing  the  Achaeans  were  perfectly  acquainted 
with  the  disposition  and  character  of  the  J^Ltolians, 
whose  courage  consisted  solely  in  words,  not  in  actions, 
he  had  not  endeavoured  to  conciliate  their  esteem,  but 
had  studied  to  ingratiate  himself  with  the  king's  am- 
bassadors, and,  by  their  means,  with  the  king  himself: 
that  if  the  world  had  not  known  till  now,  what  it  was 
that  had  formed  the  alliance  between  Antiochus  and 
the  ^tolians,  the  speeches  made  by  the  ambassadors 
show^ed  it  visibly  enough,  that  on  both  sides,  nothing 
but  boasting  and  falsehood  had  been  employed  :  that 
by  vaunting  of  troops  which  they  did  not  possess,  they 
seduced  and  puffed  up  the  vanity  of  each  other  by  false 
promises  and  vain  hopes  ;  the  JEtolians  asserting  boldly 
on  one  side  (as  you  have  just  nov>^  heard),  that  they  had 
defeated  Philip,  and  preserved  the  Romans  ;  and  that 
all  the  cities  of  Greece  were  ready  to  declare  for  jEtolia; 
and  the  king,  on  the  other  side,  afhniiing,  that  he  w^as 
going  to  bring  into  the  field  innumerable  bodies  of  horse 
and  foot,  and  to  cover  the  sea  with  his  fleets.  "  This," 
says  he,  "  puts  me  in  mind  of  an  entertainment  given 
me  in  Chalcis,  by  a  friend  of  mine,  a  very  worthy  man, 
who  treats  his  guests  in  the  best  manner.  Surprised  at 
the  prodigious  quantity  and  variety  of  dishes  that  were 
served  up,  we  asked  him  how  it  was  possible  for  him, 
in  the  month  of  June,  to  get  together  so  great  a  quan- 
tity of  game.  My  friend,  who  was  not'  vain-glorious 
like  these  people,  only  fell  a  laughing,  and  owned  sin- 
cerely, that  what  we  took  for  game,  was  nothing  but 
swine's  flesh,  seasoned  several  ways,  and  cooked  up  with 


436  THE  HISTOUY  OF 

different  sauces.  The  same  thing  may  be  said  of  tlie 
king's  troops  which  have  been  so  highly  extolled,  and 
whose  number  have  been  vainly  multiplied  in  mighty 
names.  For  these  Dahae,  INIedes,  Cadusians,  and  Ely- 
maeans,  are  all  but  one  nation,  and  a  nation  of  slaves 
rather  than  soldiers.  Why  may  not  I,  Achaeans,  re- 
present to  you  all  the  movements  and  expeditions  of 
this  great  king,  who  one  moment  hurries  to  the  assem- 
bly of  the  ^tolians,  there  to  beg  for  provisions  and 
money  ;  and  the  next  goes  in  person  to  the  very  gates 
of  Chalcis,  from  which  he  is  obliged  to  retire  with  igr 
norainy.  Antiochus  has  very  injudiciously  given  credit 
to  the  iEtolians,  and  they,  with  as  little  judgment,  have 
believed  Antiochus.  This  ought  to  teach  you  not  to 
suffer  yourselves  to  be  imposed  upon,  but  to  rely  upon 
the  good  faith  of  the  Romans,  which  you  have  so  often 
experienced.  I  am  surprised  they  can  venture  to  tell 
you,  that  it  will  be  safest  for  you  to  stand  neuter,  and 
to  remain  only  spectators  of  the  war.  That  woidd  in- 
deed be  a  sure  method  ;  I  mean,  to  become  the  prey  of 
the  victor." 

The  Achgeans.  were  neither  long  nor  divided  in  their 
deliberations;  and  the  result  was,  that  they  should  de- 
clare war  against  Antiochus  and  the  ^îLtolians.  Imme- 
diately, at  the  request  of  Quintius,  they  sent  five  hun- 
dred men  to  the  aid  of  Chalcis,  and  the  like  number  to 
Athens. 

Antiochus  received  no  greater  satisfaction  from  the 
Bœotians,  who  answered,  that  they  w^ould  deliberate 
upon  what  was  to  be  done,  when  that  prince  should 
com.e  into  Bœotia. 

In  the  mean  time  Antiochus  made  a  new  attempt, 
and  advanced  to  Chalcis  with  a  much  greater  body  of 
troops  than  before.  And  now  the  faction  against  the 
Komans  prevailed,  and  the  city  opened  its  gates  to  him. 
The  rest  of  the  cities  soon  following  their  example,  he 
made  himself  master  of  all  Eubœa.  He  fancied  he  had 
made  a  great  acquisition,  in  having  reduced  so  consi- 
derable an  island  in  his  first  campaign.     But  can  that 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  437 

1)6  called  a  conquest,  where  there  are  no  enemies  to 
Hiake  opposition  ? 

^  But  terrible  ones  were  making  preparations  against 
that  prince.  The  llomans,  after  consulting  the  will  of 
the  gods  by  omens  and  auspices,  proclaimed  war  against 
Antiochus  and  his  adherents.  Processions  were  ap- 
pointed during  two  days,  to  implore  the  aid  and  pro- 
tection of  the  gods.  They  made  a  vow^  to  solemnize 
the  great  games  for  ten  days,  in  case  they  should  be 
successful  in  the  war,  and  to  make  offerings  in  all  the 
temples  of  the  gods.  What  a  reproach  would  so  reli- 
gious, though  blind  a  paganism,  reflect  on  Christian 
generals,  who  should  be  ashamed  of  piety  and  religion  Î 

At  the  same  time,  they  omitted  no  human  means 
to  their  success.  The  senators  and  inferior  magistrates 
were  forbidden  to  remove  to  any  distance  from  Rome, 
from  which  they  could  not  return  the  same  day  ;  and 
jfive  senators  were  not  allowed  to  be  absent  from  it  at 
the  same  time.  The  love  of  their  country  took  place 
of  every  thing.  Acilius  the  consul,  to  whom  Greece 
had  fallen  by  lot,  ordered  his  troops  to  assemble  at 
Erundusium  on  the  fifteenth  of  IMay  ;  and  set  out  from 
Rome  himself  some  days  before. 

About  the  same  time,  ambassadors  from  Ptolemy, 
Philip,  the  Carthaginians,  and  IMasinissa,  arrived  there, 
to  offer  the  Romans  money,  corn,  men,  and  ships.  The 
senate  said,  that  the  people  of  Rome  thanked  them,  but 
would  accept  of  notliing  except  the  corn,  and  that  up- 
on condition  of  paying  for  it.  They  only  desired  Philipy 
to  assist  the  consul. 

In  the  mean  time  Antiochus,  after  having  solicited 
many  cities,  either  by  his  envoys  or  in  person,  to  enter 
into  an  alliance  with  him,  went  to  Demetrias,  and  there 
held  a  council  of  war  v;ith  the  chief  commanders  of  his 
army,  on  the  operations  of  the  campaign  that  vv\is  go- 
ing to  open.  Hannibal,  who  was  now  restored  to  fa- 
vour, was  present  at  it,  and  his  opinion  was  first  asked. 
He  began,  by  insisting  on  the  paramount  necessity  of 

°  Liv.  1.  xxxvi.  n.  1 — 15.  Appian.  in  Syriac.  p,  93 — 9^»  A.  M. 
5813.     Ant.  J.  C.  191. 


438  THE  HISTORY  Of 

using  the  utmost  endeavours  to  engage  Philip  in  Antio- 
chus's  interest  ;  which^  he  said,  was  so  important  a  step, 
that  if  it  succeeded,  they  might  assure  themselves  of 
the  success  of  the  war.    "  And  indeed  (says  he)  as  Phi- 
lip alone  sustained  so  long  the  whole  weight  of  the  Ro- 
man power,  what  may  not  be  expected  from  a  war  in 
which  the  two  greatest  kings  of  Europe  and  Asia  will 
unite  their  forces  ;  especially  as  the  Romans  will  have 
those  against  them  in  it,  who  gave  them  the  superiori- 
ty before  ;  I  mean  the  iî'itolians  and  Athamanians,  to 
whom  alone,  as  is  well  known,  they  were  indebted  for 
victory.     Now,  who  can  doubt  but  Philip  may  easily  be 
brought  over  from  the  Roman  interest,  if  what  Thoas 
has  so  often  repeated  to  the  king,  in  order  to  induce  him 
to  cross  into  Greece,  be  true,  that  this  prince,  highly  in-^ 
censed  to  see  himself  reduced  to  a  shameful  servitude 
under  the  name  of  peace,  waits  only  an  opportunity  to 
declare  himself?  And  could  he  ever  hope  one  more  fa- 
vourable than  that  which  now  offers  itself  ?"    If  Philip 
should  refuse  to  join  Antiochus,  Hannibal  advised  him 
to  send  his  son  Seleucus  at  the  head  of  the  army  he  had 
in  Thrace,  to  lay  waste  the  frontiers  of  JNIacedonia,  and 
by  that  means  to  render  Philip  incapable  of  assisting 
the  Romans. 

He  insisted  on  a  still  more  important  point,  and  as^ 
serted,  as  he  had  always  done,  that  it  would  be  impos- 
sible to  reduce  the  Romans,  except  in  Italy;  which  had 
been  his  reason  for  always  advisinqj  Antiochus  to  begin 
the  war  there  :  that  since  another  course  had  been  ta- 
ken,  and  the  king  w^as  at  that  time  in  Greece  ;  it  was 
his  opinion,  in  the  present  state  of  affairs,  that  the  king 
ought  to  send  immediately  for  all  his  troops  out  of  Asia; 
and  not  rely  on  the  iEtolians,  or  his  other  allies  of 
Greece,  who  possibly  might  fail  him  on  a  sudden  :  that 
the  instant  those  forces  should  arrive,  it  would  be  pro- 
per to  march  towards  those  coasts  of  Greece,  which  are 
opposite  to  Italy,  and  order  his  fleet  to  set  sail  thither 
also  :  that  he  should  employ  lialf  of  it  to  alarm  and  ra- 
vage the  coasts  of  Italy  ;  and  keep  the  other  half  in 
some  neighbouring  harbour,  in  order  to  seem  upon  the 


ALEXANDER'S  SUOCESSOP.Si    -  439 

poinfc  of  crossing  into  Italy  ;  and  actually  to  keep  him- 
self in  readiness  to  do  so,  in  case  a  favourable  oppor- 
tunity should  present  itself.  By  this  means,  said  he, 
the  Romans  will  be  kept  at  home,  from  the  necessity 
of  defending  their  own  coasts  ;  and,  at  the  same  time, 
it  will  be  the  best  method  for  carrying  the  war  into 
Italy,  the  only  place  (in  his  opinion)  where  the  Romans 
could  be  conquered.  "  These  (concluded  Hannibal) 
are  my  thoughts,  and  if  I  am  not  so  well  qualified  for 
presiding  in  another  war,  I  ought  at  least  to  have  learn- 
ed, by  my  good  and  ill  successes,  how  to  act  in  the  field 
against  the  Romans.  JMy  zeal  and  fidelity  may  be  de- 
pended upon.  As  to  the  rest,  1  beseech  the  gods  to 
prosper  all  your  undertakings,  whatsoever  they  may  be." 

The  council  could  not  but  approve  at  that  time  of 
what  Hannibal  had  said,  and  indeed  it  was  the  only 
good  advice  that  could  be  given  Antiochus  in  the  pre- 
ssent posture  of  his  affairs.  However,  he  complied  only 
with  the  article  which  related  to  the  troops  of  Asia  ; 
and  immediately  sent  orders  to  Polyxenidesj  his  ad- 
miral, to  bring  them  over  into  Greece.  AVith  regard 
to  all  the  rest  of  Hannibal's  plan,  his  courtiers  and  flat- 
terers diverted  him  from  putting  it  in  execution,  by  as- 
èuring  him  that  he  could  not  fail  of  being  victorious  : 
that  should  he  follow  Hannibal's  plan,  all  the  lionour 
would  be  ascribed  to  Hannibal,  because  he  had  formed  it: 
that  the  king  ought  to  have  all  the  glory  of  the  war, 
and  for  that  reason  it  was  necessary  for  him  to  draw  up 
another  plan,  without  regarding  that  of  the  Carthagi- 
nian, in  this  manner  are  the  best  counsels  frustrated, 
and  the  most  powerful  empires  ruined. 

The  king,  having  joined  the  troops  of  the  allies  to 
his  own,  made  himself  master  of  several  cities  of  Thes- 
saly  ;  he  was  however  obliged  to  raise  the  siege  of 
Larissa,  Bebius  the  Roman  prœtor  having  sent  it  a 
speedy  aid,  after  which  he  retired  to  Demetrias. 

From  thence  he  went  to  Chalcis,  w^here  he  fell  dis- 
tractedly in  love  with  the  daughter  of  the  person  at 
whose  house  he  lodged.  Though  he  was  upwards  of 
fifty,  he  was  so  passionately  fond  of  that  girl,  who  was 


440  THE  HISTORY  OF 

not  twenty,  that  he  resolved  to  marry  her.  Forgetting 
the  two  great  enterprises  he  had  fonned^  the  war  against 
tilt'  Romans  and  the  deliverance  of  Greece,  he  spent 
the  rest  of  the  winter  in  feasts  and  diversions,  on  the 
occasion  of  his  nuptials.  This  taste  for  pleasui*e  soon 
con  municated  itself  from  the  king  to  the  whole  court, 
and  occasioned  an  universal  neglect  of  military  disci- 
pline. 

He  did  not  awake  out  of  the  lethargy  into  which  this 
efiPeminate  life  had  thro\NTi  him,  till  news  w^as  brought, 
that  Acilius  the  consul  was  advancing  towards  him  in 
Thessaly  ^^'ith  the  utmost  diligence.  Immediately  the 
king  set  out  ;  and  finding  at  the  place  appointed  for 
the  rendezvous  but  a  very  small  number  of  the  confe- 
derate troops,  whose  officers  told  him,  that  it  was  im- 
possible for  them,  though  they  had  used  their  utmost 
endeavours,  to  bring  more  forces  in  tte  field  ;  he  then 
found,  but  too  late,  how  much  he  had  been  imposed 
upon  by  the  splendid  promises  of  Thoas  ;  and  the  truth 
of  Hannibal's  words,  that  it  would  not  be  safe  for  him 
to  rely  on  the  troops  of  such  allies.  All  he  could  da 
at  that  time  was,  to  seize  the  pass  of  Thermopylae,  and 
to  send  to  the  .Etolians  for  a  reinforcement.  Either 
the  inclemency  of  the  weather,  or  contrary  winds,  had 
prevented  the  arrival  of  the  Asiatic  forces,  w'hich  Po- 
lyxenides  was  bringing,  and  the  king  had  only  those 
troops  which  he  had  brought  the  year  before,  which 
>scarce  exceeded  ten  thousand  men. 

p  Antiochus  imagined  he  had  provided  sufficiently  for 
his  security  against  the  Romans,  who  w^re  advancing 
against  him,  by  having  seized  the  pass  of  Thermopylae, 
and  strengthening  the  natural  fortifications  of  that  place 
with  intrenchments  and  walls.  The  consul  came  for- 
ward determined  to  attack  him.  ]Most  of  his  officers 
and  soldiers  had  been  employed  in  the  war  against  Phi- 
lip. These  he  animated,  by  putting  them  in  mind  of 
the  famous  victory  they  had  gained  over  that  king,  who 
was  a  much  braver  prince,  and  infinitely  more  practised 

P  Liv.  1.  XXXV.  n.  16—21.    Plut,  iu  Caton.  p.  343^  344.    Appiau.- 
Jbl  S>t.  p.  96—98. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  441 

in  military  affairs,  than  Antiochus  ;  who,  being  newly- 
married,  and  enervated  by  pleasures  and  revelling,  vain- 
ly fancied  that  war  was  to  be  carried  on  in  the  same 
manner  as  nuptials  are  solemnized.  Acilius  had  des- 
patched Cato,  who  acted  under  him  as  lieutenant,  with 
a  large  detachment,  in  quest  of  some  bye-path  that  led 
to  the  hill  above  the  enemy.  Cato,  after  inexpressible 
fatigues,  went  over  the  mountains  through  the  same 
path  where  Xerxes  and  Brennus  afterwards  opened 
themselves  a  passage  ;  v/hen  falling  suddenly  on  some 
soldiers,  whom  he  met  there,  he  soon  put  them  to  flight. 
Immediately  he  orders  the  trumpets  to  sound,  and  ad- 
vances at  the  head  of  his  detachment  sword  in  hand, 
and  with  great  shouts.  A  body  of  six  hundred  iEto- 
lians,  who  guarded  some  of  the  eminences,  seeing  him 
come  down  the  mountains,  take  to  flight,  and  retire  to- 
wards their  array,  where  they  spread  universal  terror. 
At  the  same  instant  the  consul  attacks  Antiochus's  in- 
trenchments  with  all  his  trcops,  and  forces  them.  The 
king,  having  his  teeth  shattered  by  a  stone,  was  in 
such  excessive  pain,  that  he  was  forced  to  leave  the  field. 
After  his  retreat,  no  part  of  his  army  dared  to  stand 
their  ground,  and  wait  the  coming  up  of  the  Romans. 
The  rout  now  became  general  in  a  place  where  there 
were  scarcely  any  outlets  to  escape  through  ;  for  on  one 
side  they  were  stopped  by  deep  fens,  and  on  the  other 
by  craggy  rocks  ;  so  that  there  was  no  getting  off  either 
on  the  right  or  left.  The  isoldiers,  however,  crowding 
and  pushing  forward,  to  avoid  the  enemy's  swords, 
threw  one  another  into  the  morasses  and  dovvn  the 
precipices,  in  which  manner  a  great  number  of  them 
perished. 

After  the  battle  was  over,  the  consul  embraced  Cato 
a  long  time  in  his  arms,  who  was  still  hot  and  out  of 
breath  ;  and  cried  out  aloud  in  the  transports  of  his  joy, 
that  neither  himself  nor  the  Romans,  could  ever  reward 
his  services  as  they  deserved.  Cato,  who  was  now  lieu- 
tenant-general under  AciHus,  had  been  consul,  and  had 
commanded  the  armies  in  Spain  :  but  he  did  not  think 
that  the  accepting  of  a  subaltern  employment  for  the 


44-2  THE  HISTORY  OF 

service  o^  his  countiy  was  any  disgrace  to  him  ;  and  thii 
was  a  frequent  practice  among  the  Romans.  In  the 
mean  time  the  victorious  army  continued  the  pursuit, 
and  cut  to  pieces  all  Antiocbus's  forces,  five  hundred 
excepted,  with  whom  he  escaped  to  Chalcis. 

Acilius  sent  Cato  to  Rome,  with  the  news  of  this 
victory,  and  related  in  his  letters,  how  greatly  his  lieu- 
tenant had  contributed  to  it.  It  is  noble  in  a  general 
to  do  justice  in  this  manner  to  the  merit  of  another,  and 
not  to  suffer  so  mean  a  passion  as  jealousy  to  harbour 
in  his  heart.  The  arrival  of  Cato  at  Rome  filled  the 
citizens  with  a  joy  so  much  the  greater,  as  they  had  been 
very  apprehensive  of  the  success  of  the  war  against  so 
powerful  and  renowned  a  prince.  Orders  were  there- 
upon given  for  public  prayers  and  sacrifices  to  be  offered 
up  to  the  gods,  by  way  of  thanksgiving,  for  three  days 
together. 

The  reader  has  doubtless  often  observed,  with  admir- 
ation, how  careful  the  heathens  were  to  begin  and  end 
all  their  wars  with  solemn  acts  of  religion  ;  endeavour* 
ing  in  the  first  place,  by  vows  and  sacrifices,  to  acquire 
the  favour  of  those  whom  they  honoured  as  gods,  and 
afterwards  retuniing  them  public  and  solemn  thanks  foi* 
the  success  of  their  arms.  This  was  a  double  testimony 
which  they  paid  to  an  important  and  capital  truth,  the 
tradition  of  which  (of  equal  antiquity  with  the  world) 
has  been  preserved  by  all  nations  ;  that  there  is  a  Su* 
preme  Being  and  a  Providence,  which  presides  over  all 
human  events.  This  laudable  custom  is  observed  re- 
gularly among  us,  and  it  is  only  among  Christians,  in 
strictness  of  speech,  that  it  may  be  called  a  religious 
custom.  I  only  wish  that  one  practice  were  added  ta 
it,  which  certainly  corresponds  with  the  intention  of  our 
superiors  as  well  ecclesiastical  as  political  ;  I  mean,  that 
prayers  were  offered  up  at  the  same  time  for  those  brave 
otficers  and  soldiers  who  have  shed  their  blood  in  the 
defence  of  their  country. 

The  victor}'  gained  over  Antiochus  was  followed  by 
the  surrender  of  all  the  cities  and  fortresses  which  that 
prince  had  taken,  and  especially  of  Chalcis  and  all  Eu* 


ALEXANDEE*S  SUCCESSORS.  44S 

bœa.  The  consul,  *  after  his  victory,  discovered  such  a 
moderation  on  all  occasions,  as  reflected  greater  honour 
on  him  than  the  victory  itself. 

q  Though  the  ^tohans,  by  their  injurious  and  inso- 
lent conduct,  had  rendered  themselves  unworthy  of  the 
least  regard,  Aeilius,  however,  endeavoured  to  bring 
them  over  by  gentle  methods.     He  represented,  that 
experience  ought  to  teach  them,  how  little  they  could 
depend  on  Antiochus  :  that  it  was  not  yet  too  late  for 
them  to  have  recourse  to  the  clemency  of  the  Romans  : 
that  to  give  an  unexceptionable  proof  of  the  sincerity  of 
their  repentance,  they  must  surrender  to  him  Heraclea, 
their  capital  city.     These  remonstrances  being  all  to  no 
purpose,  he  saw  plainly  that  he  should  be  obliged  to 
employ  force,  and  accordingly  he  besieged  that  place 
with  all  his  troops.     Heraclea  was  a  very  strong  city, 
of  great  extent,  and  able  to  make  a  long  and  vigorous 
defence.     The  consul  having  employed  the  balistoe,  ca- 
tapultas, and  all  the  other  engines  of  war,  attacked  the 
city  in  four  places  at  the  same  time.     The  besieged  de- 
fended themselves  with  inexpressible  courage,  or  rather 
fury.    They  immediately  repaired  such  parts  of  the  wall 
as  were  beaten  down.     In  their  frequent  sallies,  they 
charged  with  a  violence  it  was  scarce  possible  to  support, 
for  they  fought  in  the  highest  despair.     They  burned 
-  in  an  instant  the  greatest  part  of  the  machines  employ- 
ed against  them.     The  attack  was  continued  in  this 
manner  for  four-and-twenty  days,  without  the  least  in- 
termission either  day  or  night. 

It  was  plain,  that  as  the  garrison  did  not  consist  of 
near  so  many  forces  as  the  Roman  army,  it  must  ne- 
cessarily be  greatly  w^eakened  by  such  violent  and  con- 
tinued exertions.  And  now  the  consul  formed  a  new 
plan.  He  discontinued  the  attack  at  twelve  every  night, 
and  did  not  renew  it  till  about  nine  the  next  morning. 
The  iEtolians,  not  doubting  that  this  proceeded  from 
the  excessive  fatigue  of  the  besiegers,  and  persuaded 

^  Liv.  1.  xxxvi.  n.  22 — 26. 

*  ''  Multo  moclestia  post  victoriam,  quarn  ipsa  victoria,  laudabi^ 
lior."     LiY. 


444  THE  HISTORY  OP 

that  they  were  as  much  exhausted  as  themselves,  tOôÉ- 
advantage  of  the  repose  allowed  them,  and  retired  at 
the  same  time  with  the  Romans.  They  continued  this^ 
practice  for  some  time  ;  but  the  consul  having  drawn  off 
his  troops  at  midnight  as  usual,  at  three  in  the  morning 
assaulted  the  city  in  three  places  only  ;  placing  at  the 
fourth  a  body  of  troops,  who  were  commanded  not  to 
move,  till  a  signal  should  be  given.  Such  ^Etolians  as 
were  asleep,  being  very  drowsy  and  heavy  from  fatigue, 
were  waked  with  the  utmost  difficulty  ;  and  those  who 
were  awake  ran  up  and  down  at  random  wherever  the 
noise  called  them.  At  day-break,  the  signal  being 
given  by  the  consul,  the  assault  was  made  on  that  part 
of  the  city  which  had  not  yet  been  attacked  ;  and  from 
whence  the  besieged,  on  that  account,  had  drawn  off  their 
people.  The  city  w^as  taken  in  an  instant,  and  the 
iEtoiians  fled  with  the  utmost  precipitation  into  the  cita- 
del. The  general  suffered  the  city  to  be  plundered,  not  so 
much  from  a  spirit  of  hatred  and  revenge,  as  to  rew^ard  the 
soldiers,  w^ho,  till  now,  had  not  been  allowed  to  plunder 
any  of  the  cities  they  had  taken.  As  the  citadel  w^as 
in  want  of  provisions,  it  could  not  hold  out  long;  and 
accordingly,  at  the  first  assault,  the  garrison  suiTender- 
ed.  Among  the  prisoners  was  Damocritus,  a  person  of 
the  greatest  distinction  among  the  ^î].ti#arns,  who,  in 
the  beginning  of  the  w^ar  had  answered  Quintius,  "  That 
he  would  bring  to  him  in  Italy  the  decreaby  which  he 
had  just  before  called  in  Antiochus." 

At  the  same  time  Philip  was  besieging  Lamia,* 
which  was  but  seven  miles  from  Heraclea.  It  did  not 
hold  out  long  after  the  latter  was  taken. 

Some  davs  before  the  surrender  of  Heraclea,  the  iEto- 
lians  had  deputed  ambassadors,  with  Thoas  at  their  head, 
to  Antiochus.  The  king  promised  them  a  speedy  suc- 
cour, gave  them  immediately  a  considerable  sum  of  mo- 
ney, and  kept  Thoas,  who  staid  very  willingly  with  him, 
to  hasten  the  execution  of  his  promises. 

^  The  ^tolians,  who  were  exceedingly  discouraged 

'  Liv.  1.  xxxvi.  n.  27,  S5. 

*  Both  Lamia  and  Heraclea  were  in  Phtliiotis. 


ALEXANDER'S  SUCCESSORS.  445 

hy  the  taking  of  Heraclea,  considered  how  they  might 
best  put  an  end  to  a  war,  which  had  already  been  attend- 
ed with  very  unhappy  effects,  and  might  havebeen  much 
worse.  But  the  populace  not  approving  the  conditions 
of  peace  which  wer^  prescribed,  the  négociation  came  to 
nothing. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  consul  laid  siege  to  Naupac- 
tus,  in  which  the  jE.tolians  had  shut  themselves  up  with 
all  their  forces.  The  siege  had  already  been  carried  on  two 
months,  when  Quintius,  who  during  this  time  had  been 
employed  in  Greece  in  various  concerns,  came  thither  and 
joined  the  consul.  The  destruction  of  that  city  would  in- 
volve almost  the  whole  nation  in  the  same  fate.  The 
usage  which  Quintius  had  met  with  from  the  iEtclians, 
had  given  him  the  greatest  reason  to  be  dissatisfied  with 
them.  However,  he  was  moved  with  compassion,  when 
he  saw  them  on  the  brink  of  destruction  ;  and  therefore 
he  advanced  so  near  the  walls,  as  to  be  known  bv  the 
besieged.  The  city  was  reduced  to  the  last  extremities. 
A  rumour  being;  spread  that  Quintius  Vvas  approaching, 
immediately  the  citizens  ran  from  all  quarters  to  the 
walls.  Those  unfortunate  people  stretching  forth  their 
hands  towards  Quintius,  and  calling  him  by  his  name, 
all  burst  into  tears,  and  implored  his  assistance  with 
the  most  mournful  cries.  Quintius,  moved  with  their 
condition  even  to  shedding  of  tears,  expressed  by  his 
gesture  that  he  could  do  nothing  for  them,  and  return- 
ed to  the  consul.  In  their  conversation  he  represented, 
that  as  he  had  overcome  Antiochus,  it  was  but  lost  tinie 
to  continue  the  siege  of  those  two  cities,  and  that  the 
year  of  his  command  was  near  expiring.  Acilius  agreed 
with  him  ;  but  being  ashamed  to  raise  the  siege,  he  left 
Quintius  at  liberty  to  act  as  he  pleased.  The  latter 
advancing  near  the  walls  a  second  time,  the  mournful 
cries  were  again  heard,  and  the  citizens  besought  him 
to  take  compassion  of  them.  Quintius,  by  a  sign  with 
his  hand,  bid  them  send  deputies  to  him  ;  when  imme- 
diately Phaeneas  and  the  principal  citizens  came  out, 
and  threw  themselves  at  his  feet.  Seeing  them  in  that 
humble  posture  ;   "  Your  calamity  (says  he)  banishes 


446  THE  HISTOHY,  kc. 

from  my  mind  all  thoughts  of  resentment  and  revenge. 
You  now  find  that  all  things  have  happened  as  1  fore- 
told you  they  would  ;  and  you  have  not  the  consolation 
of  being  able  to  say,  that  none  of  these  misfortunes  were 
o"s\ing  to  yourselves.  But  destined,  as  I  am,  by  Provi- 
dence to  preserve  Greece,  yoiu:  ingratitude  shall  not 
cancel  my  inclination  to  do  good.  Depute  therefore 
some  persons  to  the  consul,  and  beg  a  truce  for  as  much 
time  as  may  suffice  for  sending  ambassadors  to  Rome, 
in  order  to  make  your  submissions  to  the  senate.  I  will 
be  your  mediator  and  advocate  with  the  consul."  They 
followed  Quintius's  advice  in  every  thing.  The  consul 
granted  them  a  truce,  broke  up  the  siege,  and  marched 
back  his  army  to  Phocis. 

King  Philip  sent  ambassadors  to  Rome,  to  congratu- 
late the  Romans  on  the  happy  success  of  this  campaign, 
and  to  offer  presents  and  sacrifices  to  the  gods  in  the 
Capitol.  They  were  received  there  with  the  highest 
marks  of  distinction,  and  the  Romans  gave  up  to  them 
Demetrius,  the  son  of  Philip,  who  had  been  a  hostage 
in  their  city.  Thus  ended  the  war  which  the  Romans 
carried  on  against  Antiochus  in  Greece. 


END  OF  THE  SIXTH  VOLUME. 


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