THE
Punjab Oriental (Sanskrit) Series
OR
A COLLECTION OF RARE & UNPUBLISHED
BOOKS RELATING TO ANCIENT
INDIA
EDITED BY
THE WELL-KNOWN &EMINENTSCHOLARS
OF
INDIA, EUROPE and AMERICA
No, 1 6.
LAHORE (INDIA)
THE PUNJAB SANSKRIT BOOK DEPOT
1927.
ANCIENT INDIAN COLONIES
In the
FAR EAST.
Vol. I.
CHAMPA.
BY
Dr. R. C. Majumdar M. A. 9 Ph. D.
Professor, Dacca University. Member of the Academic Cou-
ncil Greater India'Society. Author of "Corporate Life
in Ancient India," "Outline of Ancient Indian History
and Civilisation," "Gurjara-Pratlh&ras," "Early His-
tory of Bengal/, etc. etc. Premchand Roychand
Scholar, Griffith Prizeman, Mouat Gold
Medallist etc. etc.
Greater India Society Publication,
No. I.
The Punjab Sanskrit Book Depot
LAHORE
1927.
LAL BA.NAESI DAS,
Punjab Sanskrit Book Depot
8AID1OTHA STREST,
LAHORE.
(All Right* Reserved).
1927.
FEINTED BT
DUBGADASS
Manager,
The Bombay Sanskrit Press,
AXDMJTHA 8TBMT,
LAHORE.
To
The French Savants
whose labours have opened
a new and glorious chapter
Of the
ancient history and civilisation of India
this volume is dedicated
in token of
respect, admiration and gratitude
of the
author.
ABB.BE.m-TIQ.N3;
B E. F. Bulletin Da I/ Boole Francaise D 9 Extreme-
Orient.
Corpus Collection of Sanskrit Inscriptions of Champa by
A. Bergaigne published as " Notices E$ E^traite
dea Manuf-cripts de la Bibliot^que Nationale etc.
Tom 3 Vingt-Septierae
(1-cr partie 2-e Fafcicula)
J. A. Journal Aelatiqe,
J. A. S. B. (N, S.). Journal of the Asiatic Society of
Bengal ( New series )
Farm. Parmentier.
Farm. I. C. Inventaire Descriptif des Monu^nts Cams
de L* Annam Par. H. Parmeotier.
The system followed in ib* Journal ol the Royal Asiatic
Society of Great Britain and Ireland has been adopted in this
volume, with the exception, that the nama of the kingdom
has been written as "Champa" instead of 4 M3anip&"
As the press does not contain accents types for the nates,
the notes ara printed without them. Some diacritical wgna
IQT writing French words are also wanting in UK press.
Table of Contents.
BOOK L
Page
Chapter L The Land 3
II. The Chains and the foundation
of the kingdom of Champ* 11
III. Early Hindu Dynasties 21
IV, The Dynasty of Gabgftrftja 35
V. The Dynasty of P&ndurang* 49
VI The Bhrgu Dynasty 56
VIL The Annamite Invasions 68
VIIL Decline of Champ4 77
IX. Dynasty of Harivarman 84
X. War with Cambodge 93
XL The Cambodian, Mongol and Annamite
Invasions. 106
XIL The Annamite Conquest of Champ& 127
M XIIL Administrative System 1*8
XIV. The King 155
BOOK II
Chapter L Religions Evolution in Champ* 167
, II The Conception of &va 170
IIL Th Worship of &va 177
IV. ^aivagods 187
V Vaiahuavism
VI Bmhmi and the Hindu Trinity
VIL The Minor Deities of the Hindu Pantheon 200
VIIL Buddhism
IX. Society
X. Architecture and Sculptor*
Preface.
The story of Greater India is bouixl to b3 of absorbing
interest, not only to every student of history, bat also to all
educated people in this country. The Indian colonies in the
Far East must ever remain as the high- water mark of mari*
time and colonial enterprise of the ancient Indians. But al-
though an extensive literature in French has grown up on thia
subject, hardly anything has yet been written in English.
This alone accounts for the comparative apathy and ignorance
in this matter which is generally noticed in this country.
No apology is therefore needed for bringing out this volu-
me dealing with one of the many colonial kingdoms which the
Indians had established in the Far East. It is intended to
be the first of a series of volumes dealing with the whole sub-
ject. But when, if at all, the other volumes will see the light
of day is more than I can tell. The present volume was taken
in hand more than four years ago, but a variety of diffictilties-
the space of 1300 miles between the author and the printing
press being by no means the least of them have considerably
delayed its publication. As at present planned, the second
volume, dealing with Cambodge, will be published before the
end of 1929, and the remaining two or three volumes, dealing
with Siam, Sumatra, Java, Bali and other colonial kingdoms
will not probably be delayed beyond 1931.
Champa has been selected as the sub ject of the first volume,
partly because it is the remotest colony in the East, and partly
because it is less known than Cambodge and Java on which
general attention has been focuesed on account ol the
famous monuments of Angkor Vat and Boro-budur.
The authorities on which this volume is based have teen
fully discuss**! in the Introduction. I have derived the great-
est help from Maspero*s (< Le Eoyaumedu Champa 1 '. This book
must always remain the chief source and constant guide to anyone
torho tries to write a history of Champa. But the discovery of
a number of new inscriptions since the publication of that book
has made it obsolete and incomplete in many places. While,
therefore, Maspero's work has been accepted as the chief guide,
considerable deviations from it will be noticed in the present
volume.
Besides, Maspero deals mainly with the political history
of Champa, though in the early portion of hi book he has
given a brief resume of religion, administrative system, social
and economic conditions, and art and architecture of Champa.
An attempt has been made in the present volume to discuss all
these branches of history and civilisation of Champa as adequa-
tely as is possible under the present conditions.
Similarly, Par men tier's monumental work on the art
and architecture of Champa has been my chief guide in writing
Chapter X of Book II. But while I have taken the data from
that book, I have interpreted them in my own way, and ventu-
red to express a different opinion on the all-important question
of the origin of Cham art.
I take this opportunity of expressing my deep obligations
to the authorities of "Ecole Francaise D' Extreme-Orient" for
kind permission to reproduce illustrations contained in this
volume.
A special feature of this volume is the collection of inscriptions
discovered in Cham pft. Although all these inscriptions have been
separately published before, this is the first complete collection
of all the known inscriptions, arranged in chronological order.
Although I have accepted the published readings, I have made
an independent translation of all the inscriptions and have not
( w )
as a rule referred to thtold FmnA renderings save in a very
few instances. lam indebted to my Jriwda aad colleagues
Dr. S. K. Be and Pandit Nan&ppal Ifo^i, fa some
suggestions in this matter.
No one is more OQj*80u*is thaa Imytelf of t
comuigs of the work. My imperfect acquamt&oc* with Sans-
krit and French ha% made the task of writing this volume a
painful and laborious oae, and I dare not hope that I have
been able to avoid serious mistakes and errors. But I do hope
that my indulgent readers will look kindly on this pioneer
work. If this humble production arouses a general interest
in this country towards this fascinating field of artudy, and in-
ducea others, better equipped for the task, to take up the work,
I shall consider my labours amply rewarded.
> M*jttindar.
3rd March, 1927. r '
INTRODUCTION.
Although the study of Ancient Indian history has made a
great deal of progress in recent years, there is one aspect of
the subject which has not yet received the attention it deser-
ves. This is the expansion of the Aryans beyond Indian fron-
tiers towards the east and * south-east. The history of Indo-
Aryans usually begins with their settlement in the Punjab and
ends with their expansion over the whole of India as far as
Assam in the east and cape Comorin in the south. This is, how-
ever, an arbitrary line of distinction for which there does not
seem to be any great justification. For the Aryans never re-
garded the hills or the sea by which India proper is bounded
as tho natural limits of their advance, and they boldly crossed
over these to new regions on the other side. Their achieve-
ments in these regions are but vaguely known, but the more
one thinks on this subject the more is one forced to realise that
the Indianisation of these countries was probably as complete
in the ancient period as we find in the Dravidiau countries
within the frontier of India. The study of Indian civilisation
must therefore be regarded as imperfect so long as we do not
take into proper account the achievements of Indians in these
regions.
Until recently, however, our knowledge of this subject
was limited in the extreme. Indian literature, no doubt, clear-
ly shows that there was an intimate intercourse between India
and the Far East 1 in ancient times, but it does not tell us much
1. Among important passages bearing upon this subject the
following may be mentioned as specimens.
(A) A passage in Eainayana referring to Yavadvipa and
Suvarnadvipa, meaning the islands of Sumatra and
Java.
(B) The well-known passage in Mahavamsa referring to
regarding the activity of Indian colonists settled there. The
writings of Ptolemy and Fa-Hien, also, while bearing ample
testimony to the firm hold of Indian civilisation in those coun-
tries, have not preserved any detailed account of the colonial
history of India. Such an account has been rendered possible
jnly in comparatively recent times, when the colonies them-
selves have been made to yield up their rich antiquarian
treasures, th&nks to the untiring efforts of the savants of
France.
The first serious attempt to study the geography, history
and civilisation of the Far East was made by Christian mis-
sionaries of Europe as far back as the early seventeenth cen-
tury. The most memorable scholarly work of this period
was the "Dictionnaireannamite-latii)-portugai8"by P. Alexan-
dre de Rhodes, published in 1651. This monumental work
has served as the basis of all future research and placed it on
a secure foundation. The same author published in the fol-
lowing year a history of Tonkin in Latin. Similar works
continued to appear from time to time but it was not till two
centuries later that a beginning was made of an archaeologi-
cal investigation in Indo-Ohina. In 1858 Henri Mouhot ex-
plored the valley of the Mekhong as far as the country of
Laos between Korat and Luang- prabang. Although a natur-
tilist, Mouhot was attracted by the beauties of Angkor Vat and
other monuments of antiquity and his rapturous description
made them known for the first time to the outside world.
the conquest of Ceylon by prince Vijaya,
(C) The following sentence in Milindapauha (English
Translation II 269).
"As a shipowner will be. ..able to traverte the
high seas and go to Vanga or Takkola, or China, or
Sovira, or Surat or Alexandria or the Koromandel
coast or Further India ,."
^ resulted in
of e^ptoaUoa in 1885 ander Doadart felogree,
flkTchaeologiat The raisaioa included *nfth rd*Bt
Francis G*roier and DdJaporte, This miseion
reooguiaad for the first time the importance ol inscriptions
*ud jQopisd some of them.
The work of this mission was continued by individual
ttshoiara like Garniar, Delaporteand Dr. Harmand. Then came
Aymonier, who began in 1882 his memorable exploration of
Garabodge, Laos and Annam. and collected a vast store of
materials for the history of these countries. The last impor-
tant mission was that of M. Pavie, with 40 collaborators,
which worked for 15 years from 1879 to 1895. One of the
notable results of this mission was the preparation of a relia-
ble map of Indo- China.
After a general knowledge of Indo-China had thus been
secured, the task of special studies was taken up by special
Departments. There originated in this way special Depart-
ments for the study of geography, geology and natural his-
tory of the couofcry. The historical studies devolved upon a
permanent archaeological society which soon took the name of
1 Ecole Francaise d Extreme Orient*. With the foundation of
this society in 1898 the historical studies and archaeological
explorations have been placed on a firm foundation, and the
results of these stulies, regularly published in the form of
Bulletins, have made accessible to the outside world avast store
of information on the history and civilisation of Indo-China,
Prom this very rapid and brief survey of the
scholarly work in Indo-China we may now turn to a more
detailed reference to the important and authoritative works
with regard to the history of the ancient kingdom of Champa
on which the present volume is based.
( vii )
The chief sourees of information t^egardmg the history
and civilisation of ancient Champa may be classified under
three heads.
I Inscriptions.
II Monuments.
Ill Chinese texts and other foreign sources.
I. INSCRIPTIONS. 1
The first important collection of Sanskrit inscriptions of
Champft was prepared by Abel Bergaigne in 1888, and publi-
shed, after his death, by Earth in 1893.* A large number of
inscriptions written in Cham were edited by M. Aymonier in
J. A. 1891 ( pp 5 ff. ). Since the foundation of the Eoole Fran-
caise de Extreme Orient, a large number of new inscriptions
have been published in its Bulletins, the most important
being:
(1). (A) Myson, (B) P&nduranga and (C) Quang Nam
Inscriptions by L. Finot.
(A) B. E. F., Vol. II, pp. 185 ff ; Vol. Ill, 206 ff;
Vol. IV, pp. 917 ff.
(B) Vol. Ill pp. 630 ff.
(C) Vol. IV. pp. 83 ff.
(2). A collection of miscellaneous inscriptions by M. Hu-
ber ( B. E. F. Vol. XI, pp. 5 ff, pp. 260 ff )
and L. Finot ( B. E. F. Vol. IX, pp. 205 ff ; Vol.
XV. No. 2 pp. 1 ff. ).
1. For a detailed bibliography of the epigraphic studies in
Indo-China cf. B. E. F. Vol. XV. No. 2 pp 113 ff ; also
Toungf Pao 1910, pp. 126 ff.
2. Notices et Extraita des Manuscripts de la Bibliotheque Na-
tionale et autres Bibliotheques pub lie par L f Institut natio-
nal de France, Tome Vingt Scptieme (1-er Partie), 2-
fascicule. Paris 1893.
( viii )
Ifefltioa must be made in this connection to the very va-
list of inaoriptions prepared by M. George Coedes (B. E.
R Vol VIII pp. 40 ff ; Vol. XV. No. 2 pp. 173 if).
All the inscriptions of Champa hitherto known 1 have been
collected at the end of this volume, with full bibliographical
notes, and hance it is not necessary to dwell on this topic any
further.
II. As regards the study of archaeological monuments all pre-
vious works on this subject have been superseded by the monu-
mental work of M. Parmentier, viz. Inveutaire Descriptif des
Monuments Cams vols. I and IL 1 In this book M. Parmentier
has made a systsmatic study of all the existing monuments in
Champa and fully illustrated them by pictures and plates.
The descriptive catalogue of sculptures in the Touranne
Museum (B. E. F. Vol. XIX. No. 3 , pp. 1-114) and the archaeo-
logical notes (B. E. F. Vol. XXIII, pp 267 ff) published by
the same author, may be regarded as supplements to this
famous work. Reference may also be made in this connection
to Ars Asiatica Vol. IV which contains a set of good illustra-
tions of sculptures.
III. As to the Chinese texts bearing upon the history of Cha-
mpa, they were first discussed by P. Gaubil 3 and Deguignes 4 .
1. A few inscriptions have been excluded, e.g. those which are
very modern and fall beyond the scope of this study, those
whieh are too fragmentary to yield any sense and those
which have been casually referred to, but the text or even a
purport of which has not been pu ishod.
2. Vol. I. appeared in 1909 and volume II in 1918. Both these
are publications of Bcole Francaise d' Extreme orient,
3. Gaubil's 'Notice historique sur la Cocaine hizte' was origi-
nally published in the 18th century and later on included in
"L* Histoire generate de la Chine" by Pde Mailla.
4 4 'L* Histoire generate des Buns" Tome 1, 1-er par tie p.
172-173.
The mora important workers in this line are Pelliot, Maspero
and L. Atirousseau. Pelliot collected valuable data in his
learned article "Deux Itineraires de Chine en Inde 1 " and drew
up a list of Cham kings mentioned in Chinese sources,* Mas-
pero made for the first time an elaborate and systematic study
of all the Chinese texts bearing upon the history of Champfi,. 1
Last of all L. Aurousseau has considerably extended our know-
ledge by his learned contributions on this subject. 4
Some valuable informations on the history of Champa are
furnished by Annamite documents. In this field, again, Mas-
pero has collected very valuable data although he was prece-
ded by a number of writers on this subject. 5
References to Champa are also contained in Cambodge
inscriptions. Bibliographical referenc38 to them will be found
in the body of the text.
1. B. E. F. Vol. IV. pp. 131-413.
2. Ibid pp. 382 ff.
3. The data he collected were utilised in his History of Champa
(see f. n. 2 p. 7 below).
4. B. E. F. Vol. XIV. No. 9. pp. 8-43 , Vol. XXllI pp 137-204.
5. (1) Bouillevanx L' Annam et le Cambodge .
(2) Bonillesraux Lo Ciampa (Annales de Extreme Orient
1880, 1881).
(3) P. J. B. Trn'ong VinhKy-Cours d Histoire Annainite;
2 vols. Saigon 1875
(4) E. Luro-Le Pays d' Annam ; Paris 1878.
(5) L Abbe Adr. Laiinay. Histoire Ancienne et Moderne de
1' Annam etc. (Paris 1884).
(6) Abel des Michels-Les Annales Imperiales de 1' Annam;
Paris 1889.
(7) Camille Sainson-Memoires stir 1' Annam, Peking 1896.
(8) Legrande l a Liraye-Notices Historiqnes sur la Nation
Anuamite, Saigon, 1860.
* So far about the original sources of information, and we
may now turn to the modern texts dealing with the history
of Champa. As early as 1888 Bergaigns published a short
account of the political history of Champa, mainly on the basis
of Inscriptions. 1 Five years later Aymoniar read his " His-
tory of Tchampa" before the Ninth International Congress of
Orientalistes held in London. Both these were superseded
by the monumental work of Maspero " Le Royaume de
Champa" 2 which must remain as the standard authority on
this subject for somefcimo to come.
Some contributions on the study of religion, manners and
customs of Champa may b-3 mentioned in this connection.
The earliest publication on this subject seems to ba an article
by Ayrnonior. 3 Finot also contributed an important article on
this subject. 4 A very short account of the political, social
and religious history of Champa as well as a brief review of
Cham art are contained in Joanne L^uba's "Les Chams et leur
art" Paris (1923) which reached my hands after the present
volume had been sent to ths Press. The chief interest of this
book as well as of Antoine Cabaton'a "Nouvelles Recherches
Sur lesi Chams (Paris, 1901 )" and Ayraonier's article referred
to above, sterna to lie in the light which thry throw on tli3
social customs and religious practices of the modern Chains.
By a proper utilisation of all th \S3 s mrc^s, both primary
and secondary, I hava tried to build up a picture of th? ancient
1. L' aneinfc royaume de Champa uruis 1' Indo-Cliine d' apres
les inscriptions J. A 1833 [pp OS -70].
2. This wns originally puLlishod in T'onnjj Pao [10:0-1913] and
later on as a separate book at Loyden in 1914
3. "Les Tchumes et lears religions" in "Rovucs do T histoiro
d^s religions, 18131,"
4 La Religion doB Chams (V apres lor, monuments etc. B. E. F.
Vol. I, p 12.
history and civilieatipn oi ClMimpA, one of tha m*ny. kingdoms
founded by the Hindus in that far-off region. I propoe$ to
write the history of the other colonial kingdoms as weU, in,
or4er to complete the stpry of Greater ludia. But tm these
might yet take a long time, I propo|e : to disease Ue$e (
briefly two important questions of a general nature
affect the study of Indian colonisation in the Far East, These
are: (I) the part or parts of India from which Indian colonist*
proceeded to the Far East an4 the route which they followed;
and (II) an approximate idea of the time when these colonial
enterprises were first undertaken,
I. As to the routes, the Aryans seem to have proceeded
both by land and sea. Regarding the sea-route t ther,e seems to
h^ye been emigration both from eastern as well as the western,
coast. From a very early period there was a regular trade
intercourse between the coast of Bengal and the Far East. In
the Mahajanaka Jataka reference is made to voyages between
Champa and Suvanuabhumi. Similarly passengers from dis-
tant inland cities like Patna and Benares travelled to the
coast of Bengal by land or by water, and then sailed in open
sea for eastern islands, Tamralipti ( modern Tamluk ) being
the most important sea-port. 1
There was a similar trade-route between the Kalinga-toast
and the Far East. This is referred to by Ptolemy. The ships
started from Gopalpur, just a little below the mouth of the
Gaiijam river, and crossed the Bay of Bengal. 1
We learn from the Periplus that there was another trade-
route from three harbours on the Eastern coast near Masali-
patam across the Bay of Bengal to the Eastern Peninsula.*
1. Cf. Mafcuyanak* JaUka, No. 5319, VI,
Jataka, No. 46& IV, 158 ff. Buddhaghoaa's Introduction to
Samanta-Pusadika, Via*ya Tsxts, Vol. Ill
2. Gerini-Researclias on Ptblemy'f G-$ogr$piiy* p*
3. Schoffs edition, p. 46.
We learn from the Sussondl-Jfttaka that there was also a
trade-route from Broach along the western coast to the East*
era Peninsula. 1
The existence of ancient trade-routes between the eastern
islands and the coasts of Bengal, Orissa, Madras and Gujarat,
is thus established on good authority. It is interesting to find
that it is precisely in these directions that the ancient tradi-
tions of Indian colonists in the Far East and South-East lead
us to look for their original homes. To mention briefly only
a few of the many traditions, there is first the story of a Ben-
gali prince Vijaya,* colonising the island of Ceylon. Second-
ly the foundation of Ligor is ascribed by tradition to a descend-
ant of ASoka who fled from Magadha, embarked a vessel at
Dantapura and was wrecked on the coast of the Malaya Penin-
sula. 3 There is also the story preserved in the chronicles of
Java, that the Hindus from Kaliiiga-coast colonised the island.
Similar traditions of colonists from Kling or Kalinga country
are preserved in many other islands. Thirdly, according to
traditions current among the people of Pegu, Indian colonists
from the country of the lower courses of the rivers Krishna
and Godavari had, at a remote time, crossed the sea, and form-
ed settlements in the delta of the Irawadi and on the adjoin-
ing coast 4 Lastly there is the story preserved in the chronic-
les of Java that the island was first colonised by a Gujar&t
prince who landed there in 75 A. D.
1. Jatakallf, 187 ff.
2. The authenticity of this story has been doubted but cf. Mr.
E. Chanda in Sir Asntosh Mukherji's Silver Jubilee Volumes,
Vol. Ill, p. 113. Also of. J. A. S. B., 1922, p. 435.
3. Gerini, op. oit, p. 107-8. l)antapnra has been identified with
modern Dantan on the Ka&ai [Cunningham' a Geography-Ed,
S. N. Majnmdar p. 735].
4. Phayre-History of Burma, p. 24.
The exact correspondence of colonial traditions with the
evidence derived from Indian source leads to the hypothesis
that generally the Indian colonists proceeding by sea to the
East and South, started from the four centres mentioned above,
viz Tamralipti in the coast of Bengal, Gap&lpur and ancient
Kalinga, the three unidentified harbours near Masulipatam,
and Broach.
In addition to the sea-route described above the Indian
colonists also proceeded to the East and South-East by land-
route through Eastern Bengal, Manipur and Assam. This
fact, although noted long ago, has never been clearly recog-
nised. Sir Arthur Phayre observed as early as 1883 that
'the traditions of the Burmese and the present remains and
names of ancient cities, render it probable that early commu-
nication between Gangetic India and Tagaung existed, and
was carried on through Eastern Bengal and Manipur, rather
than through Thahtun or Pegu generally. 1 This view has
received additional confirmation by the researches of Pelliot
and Gerini.
Pelliot has shown 1 that from early times, at least as early
as the second century B. C., there was a regular trade-route
by land between Eastern India and China through Upper
Burma and Yunnan. Through this route came the twenty
Chinese Buddhist monks for whom Sri Gupta built a temple,
as I-tsing informs us. Later, the route was obstructed by
barbarous tribes but it was re-opened again in the eighth
century A. D.
Through this route the Indians came and established their
colonies not only in Upper Burma but also in the mountain*
1. Ibid, p 15.
2. Bulletin de 1' Eoole Fraucaiie d' Extreme Orient 1904, p.
142 ff.
out regions of tho upper valleys of thelrawaddy^theSalween,
the Mekong and the Red River as far as Yunuau. It is a
well-known practice for colonists to name the new country
after famous places in their mother land. We get a number
of instances in Burma and Indo^China too well known tata
repeated here. But the same spirit is also observable in the
north-western regions. Yunnan was called Gandh&ra, ad
even *a late as the 13th century A. D. Rasiduddin referred
to this province by its Indian name. It may be observed
that Yunnan, roughly speaking, occupied the same position
in respect of Indo- China as Gandhara did in respect of
India.
The Hindus established in Yunnan the kingdom of Nan-
Chao or Tali in the upper valleys of the Mekong and the Red-
River. According to local traditions, the third son of king
Aoka had nine grandsons who became the progenitors not
only of the people of Nan-chao, but also of the Tibetans, the
Chinese, the Annamites, the Singhalese etc. Whatever
we may think of this story there cannot be any doubt about
a strong Indian element in the population. Rasiduddin,
writing as late as the 13th century, has remarked that the
population of Yunnan originated from the Indian and the
Chinese. Pelliot, too, has brought together a number of facts
bearing upon the question of Hindu influence in tha country.
The king had the title Maharaja and the people probably
used an alphabet of Hindu origin. It was a great centre of
Buddhism. According to local traditions, AvalokiteSvara
came directly from Central India to convert it There is a
tradition that towards the close of the 8th century A. D.
when the king of the country was inclined to wards the Chinese
civilisation he was abused by seven religious person of India.
Buddhism had a strong hold in this region and we find the
Pippala cave, the Bodhi tree, the Grdhrakuta, tho Ktikkuta-
padagiri, tin stone mansion of Upagupta and the stupa con-
taining the relics of Ananda all appearing again in the
neighbourhood of Nan-Ohao. In the first half of the gth
century A. D. a Hindu Bhiksu of Magadha named Chandra-
gupta led a brilliant carear of Thaumaturgist in Yunnan.
There were two other Hindu kingdoms between Nan-
Chao and the Indian frontier. To the east of the mountain
rangas that border Manipur and Assam there was the Brah-
niana kingdom of Ta-tsin. About 150 miles further east,
beyond the Chi nd win river, was another Brahmaiia kingdom
just to the north of the town of Ngan-si. Thus we find
Hindu settl'^nents all along the hilly tracts between the
i'rontiors of India and China, in the upper valleys of the Chin-
dween, Irawaddy, Sal ween, Mekong and Red Risers. That
the Indians proceeded towards the south along these rivers
is also fairly certain. The kingdoms thoy established in
Burma at Prome, Tngaung, Lower Pngan and other places
iu\j too well-known to b'3 described in detail. There are indi-
cations that similar Hindu kingdoms existed in the Laos
country. It was formerly known as Malava-d6.<ta. Ptolemy
refers to its eastern part (mod. Luang Phrah Bang) as Dasa-
11.1, which, as Gerini thinks, is probably derived from the
Indian name Da-'arua. Gerini suggests that as the original
D.i-ania in India denoted the eastern part of Malava, it was,
by analogy, given in Farther India to the corresponding
portion of the Indo-Chinese Mfilavj, i. e. Eastern Laos. Gerini
h-is traced tha Indian origin of many other place-names in
Indo-Cluna and has collected many traditions about the
Jndian colonists associated with those places. He has sum-
med up his observations in the following sentence:
"From the Brahmaputra and Manipur to the Tonkin
gnlf wo can trac^ a continuous string of petty states ruled
by thosa scions of the K;atriya race, using the Sanskrit or the
( xvi )
languages in official documents, after the Indu style
employing Brahmana priests for the propitiatory cere-
monies connected with the Court and State. Among such
Indu monarchies we may mention those of Tagong, upper
Pugan, and Sen-wl, in Burma; of Muang Hang, Chieng Rung
Muang Khwan, and Dasarna (Luang Phrah Bang) in the
LSu country ; and of Agranagara ( Hanoi ) and Champfi in
Tonkin and Annam." 1
Although some of the conclusions of Gerini are based on
mere philological grounds which are not always very reliable,
the facts stated above make it quite clear that there were a
good many Hindu kingdoms in the interior of Indo-China
which was not easily accessible by sea, and which must there-
fore have been reached by the Indians through land-route.
On the whole strong and conclusive evidence supports the
hypothesis, advanced long ago by Sir Arthur Phayre and
recently advocated by Gerini, viz. 'that a double stream of
emigrants from India flowed into Indo-China at a very early
period* one, proceeding from the north advanced overland,
through Bengal and Assam, along the valleys of the Chindvveen,
Irawady, Salween and Mekong, white the other reached
Indo-China by sea. The colonists who proceeded by sea
established the famous kingdoms of Champa (mod. Annam)
and Kamboja (Cambo<lia) in addition to many other notable
kingdoms in lower Burma, Malay Peninsula and the islands
of Sumatra, Java, Borneo, Bali etc. Gerini and other scholars
have held that only the Indians of the Malabar and Coroman-
del coasts colonised Indo-China by the sea-route. But
there is nothing to support this view. As has been said
above, Bengal undoubtedly played a great part in this colo-
nisation through ita well-frequented harbour Tamrali[.ti.
1 Geriui, op, Cit, pp. 122-123.
the Hi
.Reference ha8dbedyb*ten raade-^to *h Bfeddhfofcfcttolfee
about the voyage of merohsrBts from GhampS and VtaWiiJyti
to SBvamiabhumi. W know from the Chinese rwttt&fei *lk*t
the kiag of Fou-Nan (^(Mapri&iug Cambodia *nd <3o^hin -
China >wntaamblwaador to India about 240*845 A. Dt tod
that the - emWssy reached the rnooth of tiw&*bg* At the
end of a year. In the fifth century A. D. a king of Champa
caHed GadgA^aja abdicated the- throde and wtmt orerto Ifadia
in owier to spend hia- last days on the banks of the Oangtss.
It^ appears from the writings of Fa-Hien and I-Taing that
thare was ^regular maritime intercourse between
of Bengal and trh^ Far East , indudiag eastern'
fifth and seventh centuries A. D. In the ninth century we find
an intimate relation eii6tltig between 'the 'king of 'Sumatra -
Java and'Dev^la^'^W^UCan'aiidahi^eeiriDiB 5 tfiat "during
Nayapaia's rei^n iBhdiihtst' 'Bhll^btis^rode^ea'to'SuVttrua-
dvlpa for education. In the 'thirteenth century A. D. we
find a queen of Champa called Gautfendralaksnu (probably a
princess of Qau^a). All these 'evidences certainly show a
far more intimate connection between Bengal anil tndEan
coioai^a than has yet been ^recC?gtii*rd.
Father, most of the imditionm preserved in thre different
olonies refer to their original home *9 situated in NdrtheVn
India. It is true that the 'traditions have very little value
as historical facts. But ib is impossible to ignore altogfetf&r
the general view-poirrt of iill these stories regarding the ori-
ginal home of the ooloniete and the methoda of
Some of these stories are given below.
1. Nalanda copperplate of Devupala-Ep. Ind. VoL
p. 310.
( xviii )
According to Burmese tradition, a gftkya chief of Kapi-
Iftvattu came with an army to the country of the middle Ira*
waddy, long before Buddha was born. The dynasty he foun-
ded ruled for 31 generations in Burma when they were over-
thrown by an invasion of an eastern tribe coming apparently
from China. About this time there came a second band of
immigrant Ksatriyas from Gangetic India. Their chief mar-
ried the widowed queen of the last king of the previous dynas-
ty and established a new kingdom. This was the origin of
the ruling dynasty of Upper Burma. 1
According to the traditions of Arakan the first king of the
province was the son of a king of Benares who settled at B&-
m&vati a name which still exists in a corrupted form Bambyi
or Ramri. 1 The Cambodian annals explain the origin of the
kingdom of Cambodia in the following way :
" XdityavamSa, king of Indraprastha, was displeased with
one of his sons and banished him from the state. He came to
the country of Kok Thlok and made himself master of it by
defeating the native king. One evening he was walking on
a sand bank when suddenly the tide arose and obliged him to
pass the night there. A NagI of marvellous beauty came to
play on the sand and the king, overpowered by her charm,
agreed to marry her. Then the N&gar&ja, the father of the
betrothed girl, extended the dominions of his would be son*
in-law by drinking the water which covered the country, built
a capital for him and changed the name of the kingdom into
that of K&mboja."
The same tradition, in a changed form, occurs in an ins-
cription of Champa dated 657 A. D. (No. 12). Speaking of
the origin of Cambodge it says.
1, Phayre-History of Burma, pp. 7 ft.
2. Ibid p f 12.
"It WM therfe ttett KauMinya,
'lias, planted the sperar ^hkih he had obtained f ram Drona's don
A^ vafcthtomfc the best of 'Brfthmattas. Kauiid i nya married tiie
daughter of the N&ga king naired So*n& and from this union
sprang up the royal race."
A still earlier version of the story, current ad e&ifly as tfce
first half of the third century A. D , dcfcurs in a CHih^se his-
tory compiled at the beginning of the - sixth tentury. T&fer-
ring to Fou-Nan, a kingdom comprising modern Cochin China,
Cambodia and part of Siam and Laos, it says.
"Formerly the country was ruled by a qtteen iialled
Lieou*ye. Then there was a man of the country of Ki called
Houen-t'ien who i *saW in a dream that a spirit pave Him 1 a boSv
arid asked him to take to sea in a junk. Hbttett-Vl^n
wfent in the mdrtting to the temple of the D^ity aiid
found the bow at the foot of a tree. Then he got into 'a junk
arid sarled to Fbu-Nan. The queen Lieou-ye saw the jtiik
and collected her soldiers to resist him. But Houeu t'ien
rawed his be>w ftttd shot irom ifaY ari ai*row si vlrhidh f)4aed
through the side of a ship and struck adrafebtidy in ltie : lhte-
rior. Lieou-ye was struck with terror and submitted and
Houen-t'ien married her/' 1
Now Houen-t'ien is an exact Chinese transcription of
Kaun<Jm5*a and we know from another Chinese version of the
story that he practised the Brahmauic cult. This story i
therefore the earliest of the different versions and it must be
noticed that it is the most credible of them all. It explain*,
in-a quite natural manner, the conquest of Fou-Nan by Indians
by means of superior military power, and the social alliance
between the new-comers and the old settlers. It may be
added that the tradition of their origin was ' feUftfatly kept
1. Melanjgrej Sylvaiii Levi, p, 203.
by the later kings who called themselves as " Srl-Kaundinya-
Somadahitrprabha vah " or as belonging to 'Soma-Kaun<Jinya
VamSa'. Soma, the female originator of the race, being the
daughter of Soma, the dynasty was also called 'Soma-Yama.'
No doubt this appellation was to a great extent inspired by the
Indian tradition of the great 8omavama. As a proof of this
we find an attempt on the part of the rival Cambodian kings
to trace their descent from Sury&vamSa. According to lo-
gend they were descended from Maharsi Kambu Svayambhu-
va, belonging to solar raoe, and the Apsara Mera, Thus
Jayavarman II a king in the 9th century A. D. is called in
his inscription " Srl-Kambu-Bhubhrd-ina-vaih^a-lalama-gopta'
or guardian of the best solar race of kinj; Sri-Kambu".
Suryavarman I of the eleventh century is called ' Suryavaui-
ajo' VHIand Jayavarman of the 12th century 'am$umali-varu-
^odbhavo.' But this tradition about Suryavatn^a apparently
had no strong hold on the people, for generally the kings of
Cam bodge adopted the tradition of Fou-Nan and called them-
selves descendants of Kaundinya and Soma and as such be-
longing to Somavam^a 1
II. The facts and legends quoted above unmistakably
prove the Indian colonisation of the territories named at a
very early date. If we now seek to find out more precisely
the tm\e when these colonies were established we find our-
selves in great difficulty in the absence of any definite evide-
nce. The utmost that we can do is to lay down a time limit
before which these colonies were accomplished facts. Four
different lines of evidence point out the first two centuries of
the Christian era as this limit. In the first place, Ptolemy,
writing about the middle of the second century A. D., has
1. Ibid pp. 205-212.
uaed quite* a* large number of geographical' rfatnes of SanskftV
origin in Indo-China.
Secondly, when the Chains or the people of Annam appear
in history towards the cbse of the second century of our era,
they were already under a Hindu or Hinduised dynasty, and.
the inscription of Vo-chanh, written in correct Sanskrit aboiit
the second or third century A. D., shows them to have already
thoroughly imbibed the Indian civilisation.
Now the royal author of the Vo-chanh inscription at
Champa calls himself the descendant of &ri Mftra. On the
other hand the Chinese refer to the foundation of the kingdom
of Champa at 192 A. D. by one whose personal name was Lien
and family name Kiu. It is probable that Sri-M&ra was the
same person as Kiu-Lien, but whether this is true or not, we
know of the definite establishment of a Hindu kingdom m
Annam about second century A. D. 1
Thirdly, the Chinese had intercourse with the Hindu
kingdom of Fou-Nan in the first half of the third century
A. D. At that time the throne was occupied by an usurper,
and two kings bad ruled before him for a period of 93 years.
This takes us back to the first half of the second century
A. D. as the date of the foundation of the royal dynasty.
Fourthly, an ambassador from one of the smaller Hindu
kingdoms, Lang-ya-sieou ( identified with Tenasserirn ), who
visited the Chinese court in 515 A. D. is reported to have said
that their kingdom was founded more than four hundred
year* ago. 3
All these evidences agree in referring the begin-
nings of Indian colonial kingdoms to a period
not later than the second century A. D.
1. See below pp. 18, 21.
2. Bulletin de 1' Ecole Francaise d' Extreme Orient 1912, No.
8. pp 3 ff.
( nil )
although this may be regarded as the lower limit of
the date by which Indians had established kingdoms in these
distant colonies, it should by no means be regarded as the
upper limit also. The very fact that the easternmost part of
these colonies, viz. Annara, came under the sway of the Indians
not latter than the second century A. D. would naturally push
back by a few centuries the date of the beginnings of political
activity of the Indian colonists in these regions. Further,
.. colonisation, as distinguished from the establishment of poli-
tical authority, would ba pushed back still further.
About the time when the Indians gradually penetrated
into Burma and countries further east these were settled by
savage tribes. Those in Burma were Mongoloid in character,
and akin to the present tribes bfAbors and Mishmis. The people
of Indo-China* and of the islands of Sumatra, Java and Borneo
were Malay o- Polynesian or Austro-nesian in character. "In native
traditions the early inhabitants of the coast, specially near the
mouth of the Salween river, are represented as savages, called
in Burmese Bilu, the equivalent of : R&ksasa. 'They rejected
all intercourse with civilised men and even Gautama himself
x Tfrho, it is fabled, caae to the country 'was stoned and driven
away- by them. 1 " The Chinese also speak of the people of
Annam in the same strain. *They are* we are told so sava-
ge that they do not know cultivation and live by filing
and hunting alone. They are turbulent people who frequent-
ly rise in revolt, invade the Chinese official quarters, burn
pillage and massacre wherever they go f and take refuge in their
impenetrable forests whenever they are attacked by a strong
army./ 1
Jt was the mission of Indian colonists to bring this hete-
1. Phayre-History of Burma, p. 27.
2. T'oung Pao, 11)10, p. 223.
rogeneous mass of barbarians within the pale of civilisation,
a task which the Chinese, their next-door neighbour*, had
hitherto failed to accomplish*
As a matter of fact the political conquest of Farther India
and the adjacent islands was rapidly followed by a complete
cultural conquest The local people readily assimilated the
new civilisation and adopted the religion, art, social manners
and customs, alphabet, literature, laws and administrative ays*
tern of the conquerors. This will be amply evident from the
picture of civilisation in Champa contained in Book II of the
present volume.
In short Indian civilisation made a thorough conquest of
these lands and a new India was established in that far-off
region. The Indian colonists even tried to complete the
transformation by importing celebrated place-names of their
motherland into their new home, and thus we find new towns
and countries called Ayodhya, Kau^ambl, &rlksetra, Dv&r&vati,
Mathura, Champa, Kaliriga, KAmboja and Gandh&ra springing
up hundreds of miles away from their nauie-sakes.
The question naturally arises, what became of this splen-
did civilisation. The answer is not difficult. So long as the
Hindu dynasties were in power the civilisation flourished. It
is interesting: to note that for nearly three centuries after
India was conquered by the Muhammadans the banner of
Hindu independence waa hoisted up in those far-off lands.
But like a fountain with a dried up spring these colonies deca-
yed with the downfall of their motherland. Gradually the
savage tribes from the north, like the Thais, the Laos and the
Annrtmites, which were hitherto kept in check, overran these
countries and destroyed the Hindu dynasties after they had
gloriously ruled for nearly 1300 years. The result was very
striking in the domain of art. As a distinguished writer ha*
observed : 'For nearly thirteen hundred years the Indian colo-
nists had persevered in adorning these far-off lands with edi-
fices almost unrivalled elaowhere of their class. But at the
end of that time, as happeusd in India, they disappear a* if
at tha touch of a magician's wand. 1 The cass of Java is a ty-
the sequel fci
words. "Then occurred what was, perhaps, the least empeated
ent i^ ^,^,^wage ^vaptf al Uiatory. ; Jtis as if > tfce ma-
had, t}u*>wa away their tools and the chisel* had dropped
otthefarv^ra Rwn $hat time ,Jfor**rd no
in J*va ,%iid-.iv> : image carved, that is
worth erea a pawing .notice." 1 What is true of art ia abo
.other elements, of ^iyiUsation. Ffom the ISth/cestttry
the barbarian tribes occupied Further India^ and des-
troyed the civilisation which their Hindu predecessors had
built up with BO much toil. But some vestiges of the old
civilisation still remain to this day. The island of Bali still
follows the Hindu religion and only a few years ago a great
Hindu sacrifice was performed there with due pomp and cere-
mony. In Cambodian palace the sword of Indra is still guar-
ded with veneration and brought out on occasions of royal
consecration when a handful of Hindu priests, the last remnant
pfa dignified body, pour holy waters over the head of the
king. The stories of Ramayaiia and Mahabharata still form
U^ themes of t^eir literary works and are regularly staged
to the accompaniment of dances and songs. A handful of
Br&hmagias still maintain a precarious existence in the Far
East. ' But while all these serve as gratifying reminiceno^ >f
a furious past, there is no longer any living connection bet-
ween India and her forgotten colonial empire. Stranga a* it
may seem, the d^candauts of, men who founded that empire
abfrndoped sea- voyage as something unholy and thus an im pa-
ssable barrier WM created tatween the Hindus apd th^ir bre-
thren of the Far East. But whatever the modern Hindus
plight think of it, the historian now realise, that one of th
iiiOHt^plandid, .though y^-t unwritten, Qhaptew of Indian bis*
ry ia the utory ol th$ growth of a pew India in the FAT
Ferffuason-HUtory of Indian and and Eastern Arcnjtecture
BOOK I
THE POLITICAL HISTORY
Of
CHAMPA
Chapter I.
THE LAND.
1. PHYSICAL FEATURES.
The ancient kingdom of Champa occupied the eastern
portion of the Indo-Chinese peninsula, and roughly corresponded
to the present province of Armani (excluding Tonkin and
French Cochin China) with the exception of the three northern
districts, Than Hoa, NgheAn and HaTinh. It was situated bat-
ween 18 and 10 of N. Latitude. The almost uninhabited dunes
which now separate Annam from French Cochin China formed
its southern boundary. The eastern boundary was formed by
th sea of China, while 0:1 the west a chain of hills shut it off
from thp valley ot tho Mekhong river.
This chain of hills, covered with rich forests, runs across
the whole length of the country, gradually descending from
north to south. Its height in the northern part is about 2750
yards, and in the southern part about 2200 yards. This moun-
tain range has three passes which offer easy route across it to
the* valley of the Mekhong. Of those the southernmost one at
Quinori alone sterns to have been used for purposes of western
expansion by the people of ancient Champa.
Champa was thus mainly a long narrow strip of territory
confined between the mountains and the sea. The coast line
was a bow-shaped curve, convex towards the sea. From Song
Giang in Quang Binh, the northernmost district, the coast '.line
runs due south-east up to cape Batangan. Thence it runs
nearly south to Cape Padaran. From Capo Padaran it abruptly
takes a south-western direction till it reaches tho French Co-
chin China. The narrow habitable zone between the moun-
tains and the sea varies in breadth and is intersected by innu-
m Table spurs of hills running in various directions. Some-
4 THE LAND
times the spurs of hills extend as far as the sea coast, and the
habitable zone is reduced to nothing; but nowhere does it
exceed a breadth of sixty to seventy miles. A large number of
rivers issuing from the mountains falls to the sea. The whole
country is thus divided into a number of valleys separated by
chains of hills.
In consequence of the rapid declivity of land towards the
east, and the short course of these rivers, large quantities of
Bands and gravels are carried along with their swift currents.
This has resulted in the formation of dunes and lagunes all
along the coast line. These no doubt prevent the large ships
from approaching near the coast, but serve as an excellent
means of communication for small boats all along the coast-
line. This was particularly valuable in ancient times, as jour-
ney by land was exceedingly difficult on account of the rugged
mountains that traverse the country, and tho savage inhabitants
that lived in the interior.
The Jarge number of river valleys in which th? country
abounded were rich in fertile lands, and consequently formed
the centres of civilisation. But as these were practical!}' un-
connected by any land route, and could only communicate with
one another by means of sea, it looks as though the whole
kingdom consisted of a number of independent isolated settle-
ments. That this was indeed the case to a very large extent
is shown by the grouping of ancient monuments in different
valleys without any connecting link between one another, and
the constant tendency of tho different parts of the kingdom to
set up as independent states.
2. NATURAL DIVISIONS OF THE LAND.
In view of what has just been said it is necessar}' to deal
with the natural divisions of land in mora details. The ancient
kingdom of Champa may, from this point of view, b3 divided
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 5
into five parts. Starting from the south, we may enumerate
them as follows :
I. The southernmost section comprises the dis-
trict of Binh Thuan, between Cape Ba-ke, which separates
Annam from French Cochin China, and Cape Padaran. The
spurs of hills reach the sea at Cape Kega dominated by
mount Ta-cu, about 550 yards high. The country, full of sands
and dunes, is thinly peopled, the only exception being the
three ports of Phantiet, Phanri and Duong, at the mouths
of small rivers, and settlements in their immediate neighbour-
hood. The plain in the interior is now almost deserted but
appears to have been rich and prosperous in the past.
II. The second section, extending from Cape Padaran
to Cape Varolla, comprises the district of Khan Hoa. It
consists of three valleys easily accessible from one another.
It is separated from the preceding section by hill ranges which
abruptly descend to the sea, but the valley of Ca Na offers a
passable route between the two.
The country is full of mountains but there are five valleys
and bays. Three of th^se valleys are most important, those of
Phanrang, immediately after Cape Padaran, Nha Trang. a little
to th^ north, and lastly Ninh Hoa. Phanrang, the ancient
P,n,duran(ja in still full of old monuments. Nha Trang, the
ancient Kauthara was famous for the Temple of Po Nayar
which contains a large numbar of inscriptions of ancient times.
III. The third section extends from Cape Varella to Sahoi
Point. It contains two distinct mountain ranges with two val-
leys watered by the rivers Song Ba or Song Da Rang and Song
Lai Giang, and the rich extensive plain of Binh Dinh b3tweeii
the two. Long chains of mountains separate this section from
th'} preceding. Th^re are only two routes, one across th^ peak
of Da Bia (770 Yds high), and the othor through an unheal-
6 THE LAND
thy marshy valley, both leading to ihe valley of Song Da
Rang.
The plain of Binh Dinh is the most extensive in Annam
and contains many ruins of ancient times. Not far from the
present fort of Bin Dinh which was built in the 18th. century
are to be found the ruins of the old fort of Caban the old
capital city of Vijaya, for a long time the capital of the ancient
kingdom.
This section corresponds to the modern districts of Phu
Yen and Binh Dinh.
IV. The fourth section comprises the modern districts
of Quang Ngai and Quatig Nam, extending from Point Sahoi
to the spur of hill called ' Col des Nuages ' ( The cloudy Peak )
on the coast. All along the coast line there are interminable
dunes and equally interminable lagunes. Quang Ngai con-
tains a rich plain watered by two rivers Soug Tra Kuc and
Song Tra Bong. The Song, the Great River, which takes vari-
ous names, with a number of affluents water the plain of Quang
Nam and fall in several chan.iels to the sea forming a large but
shallow estuary. The important port of Faifo on thin estuary
was once the principal port of ths ancient kingdom of Champa.
On one of the arms of this Great River is the Marble rock con-
taining Buddhist caves.
Th3 province contains innumerable vestiges of antiquity.
It was the ancient kingdom of Amaravatl. There are ruins of
many famous towns of old, tho most notable bsing Tra Kieu,
the ancient Champa- nagari, the capital of Champa, and Dong
Duong, the ancient Lidrapura. There are besides ruins of a
group of fine temples at My son which have yielded quite a
larg? number of epigraphic records.
V. Tlio fifth section extending from " Col des Nuagos "
to Hoan Sonh Mountains comprises the three districts of
Thua Thien, Quang Tri and Quang Binh. The dunes and
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 7
the lagunes along the sea-coast form its characteristic feature.
Each of the three districts is watered by a large river. The
river Song Gianh in Quang Binh is one of the largest in
Annam, and a few miles further north is the Cape Bung Chua,
the northernmost point of the ancient kingdom of Champa,
the Hoaii Sonh Mountains forming the frontier between it
and the Annamite provinces to the north.
This region was thoroughly devastated by the long-drawn
struggles between the Chains and the Annamites and by the
systematic pillage of the latter when they conquered it. As
a result only a few vestiges of antiquity remain on the
ground. It contains the modern capital of the province viz.,
Hue, and near it the ruins of Kiu-Siou the old stronghold
of Champa. 1
3. MODERN GEOGRAPHICAL DIVISIONS.
Annam is now divided into twelve districts. Starting
from the north immediately south of Tonkin, these may bs
enumerated as follows :
(1) Than Hoa
(2) Nghe An
(3) Ha Tinh
(4) Quang Binh
(5) Quang Tri
(6) Thua Thien (Quong Du'c)
(7) Quang Nam
(8) Quang Ngai
(9) Binh Dinh (Qui-nhom)
(10) Phu Yen
(11) Khan Hoa (Nha Trang)
(12) Binh Thuan
1. g 1 and g 2 are mainly based on 4 * inventaire Descriptif
des Monuments Cams de 1' Annam" by H. Parmentier, V 1, I
Chapter I.
8 THE LAND
4. THE CLIMATE AND POPULATION.
The climate varies according to Latitude and altitude,
the heat ranging between 50 and 100 F. There are
only two seasons, Summer and Monsoon. Summer com-
mences in February or March and ends in August. The
monsoon breaks out in September and continues till February.
The climate is, generally speaking, unhealthy and favours
diseases like fever and dysentery.
The population of the country was never very largo. Judg-
ing on the basis of the present population, the kingdom of
Champa, at its largest extent, may be regarded as having
contained about two and a half millions of people.
5. THE SOIL AND ITS PRODUCTS. 1
Nearly throughout the country the territory between
the mountains and the sea contains rich alluvial plains with
clayey subsoil. On the high plateau the soil is sandy. The
mountains, covered with rich forests, contain large layers
of clayey, sometimes also ferrugineous, soil which is very
fertile.
The most important product is rice which not only
grows on low or marshy plains, but also on high grounds
and even on mountains. Among other products of the soil
may be mentioned the sugarcane, mulberry, pepper, betel,
cotton, tobacco, maize, millet, sesame, caster-oil plant, indigo,
saffron, lac, turmeric, different kinds of potatoes, sago, beans,
pea, egg-plant, cucumber, hemp, fan-palm.
Among the fruit-trees, the most important are banana,
eocoanut, mango, betel-nut, date-palms, jack tree and apple.
Among other fruits may be mentioned mangosteen, guava,
tamarind, orange, lemon, pomegranate, papaw, pine-apple and
Lichi.
1. 4 G are mainly based on "Bouillevaux L'Annam ek le
Cambodge " PP. 449 ff.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 9
Among watery plants may be mentioned lotus, water-
lily and a kind of palms whose leaves were used in making
straw hats.
The forest contained a rich variety of important and
valuable trees of perfume such as sandal, camphor,
clove, frankincense and others. Cardarnum was found with
great difficulty, but valued at its weight in gold. Ther?
were ebony and other trees producing good timber, and
bamboo was found in great abundanc?
The mountains are generally composed of granite rocks.
They contain numerous minerals. The hills in Quang Nam
and Thua Thieu contain abundant zinc and copper, the
latter being also found in Phu Yen. Silver exists in Thua
Thien and Phu Yen while gold dust is found in Quang Nam
and oth'^r places. Mineral oils ara found nearly ail over the
country.
Gold was obtained in larg^ quantities and the Chinese
texts of old refer to ' Mountains of gold '. The soil abounded
in precious stones of various kinds and we hear frequently
of lapLs-la/xuli and amber being sent as presents or tributes
by the king of Champa.
6. THE FAUNA.
The more important domesticated animals are the
elephants, the buffalo, the horse, the ox, the boar, and tha
goat.
Among the birds may h* mentioned the duck, the pigeon,
and fowls of various kinds. The goose and the rabbit are rarely
1
tound.
The mountains and forests of Annam also abound in
wild animals, such as the elephants, buffalo, wild boar,
ferocious bull, and another animal called Jin (midway between
buffalo and bull) which is very ferocious. There are also tiger,
rhinoceros, wild goats, and deer in large numbers.
there are monkeys and hares.
10 THE LAND
The more important aquatic birds were rose-coloured
flamingo, stork, pelican, heron, crane, ibis, teal, and water-
fowls.
Among other birds may be mentioned peacock, pheasant,
swallow, parrots, quail, crow, small eagles, vulture, and wild-
fowls.
The rivers and sea abounded in fish of various kinds
and tortoises. There were besides muther-of-pearl and sea-
otter.
11
Chapter II.
THE CHAMS AND THE FOUNDATION
OF THE KINGDOM OF CHAMPA.
The country which developed later into th* kingdom of
Champa was originally inhabited by two class?s of people,
(l)the Chains, and (2) the savages. The distinction was
mainly a cultural one, for ethnographically they both belonged
to the sam^ Austronesiaiirac \ l The Chains looked down upon
ih" savages and called them by the general names of the
MlecchaH and the Kiratas, in addition to various local names,
such as th" Vrlas of Phanrang, Randaiy of Nlia Trang, and
the Mada of Binh Dinh.
The Chinese historians have left very interesting accounts
of tli? physical features ami the manners and customs of tin
Chains. ' They had black skin, deep sunken eyes, snub-nos a s,
and woolly hair. Their dress consisted of a piece of cotton
cloth which covered tlHr body from \vaisb to the feet. Neither
m a n nor women put on any oth?r cloth save that in winter
th a y usxl a kind of thick rob*. The, ordinary people wjnt
bar j- footed, but tli a nobles used shoes mad^ of skin. Both tli3
male and the female tied th hair into various forms of knots
and p/rforatud the ears for putting on rings or oth'*r ornaments.
The people loved cleanliness. Th-y bathed and washed several
js eveiy day and rubbed their body with camphor and muse.
(1) As usual there is a wide divergence of views in this respect,
but the general consensus of opinion is in favour of the
view mentioned above. The old language of the Chams,
as preserved in ancient inscriptions, which by the way does
not materially differ from the modern, as well as their phy-
sical features, described by the Chinese, lend support to this
view. Their manners and customs also point in the same
direction.
12 THE CHAMS
Their clothes werj perfumed with the vapour of a largo num-
ber of fragrant woods.' * Lin-yi-ki, a Chinso text composed
about the close of the 5th century A. D., describes the people
of Tan-eul as follows : " Th^ people love to walk bare-footed
and wear large ear-rings. Although the boys and girls havo
untidy naked bodies, th^y do not consider it a shame. In
summer th^y cover their body with earth and expose it to the
sun. Naturally their skin becomes black. For a long time
this practice has been a general one and black is regarded as
elegant." 5 *
It appears that the population consisted of some Chinese
elements, though th'^se wer? ultimately absorbed by th a Chains
or rather the Indianis?d Chains. For, in th ri same Chines ->
text, Lin-yi-ki, wo mid the following d ascription of the people
of Km-sou, a fortified stronghold of Champa, about 70 miles
from the capital.
"The inhabitants cbsc^iided from the Chinese exiles (255-
20G B. C. ) have been corrupted by coming into contact with
the indigenous elements, and the ancient manners and customs
of Je-nan have been completely transformed." 3
Very little is known of th.> early history of tin Chains.
The Annamites have preserved, in their Annals some legends
about it, but they are of little historical value. One of thm
runs as follows :
(1) This description is collected by Maspero from tho accou-
nts of several Chinese authors, belonging: to different pe-
riods (Touug Pao. 1910 p. 174). But as all these Chi-
nese writers belonged to a period when the Chams had
come under the influence of the Indian colonists, it is
difficult to decide how for the manners and customs des-
cribed by them were original or due to the Indian influ-
ence.
(2) B. E. F. vol. IV, No. 9, p. 15.
(3) Ibid, p. 13.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 13
" In ancient times there was a kingdom, beyond th^
frontiers of Annam, called Dieu-nghiem. The king of this
country was called the king of demons or Daanana (having
ten face*). To the north of this kingdom was the country
of Ho Ton Tinh whose king was Da^aratha. The son of
Dafiaratlia called Chung-tu had a beautiful wife. King
Das.lnana, being enamoured of hr beauty, conquered the
country of Ho Ton Tinh and brought away the princess.
Prince Chung-tu, however, gathered a troop of Monkeys who
bridged the oc j an with mountains, and brought back his
wife after defeating and killing Das&nana. "
After describing the above story the Annainite Annals
conclud * : " The Chams are the descendants of the nation
called Ho Ton Tinh. " The story is, on the face of it, simply
a localisation of the events of Ramayuna in Champa, and
no historical conclusion can bj drawn from it.
Tin earliest reliable information about the Chams is
obtained from the Chinese sources. But in order to under-
stand properly the relations between the two nations we
must go back a little to the past history.
In tlr- middle of the third century before Christ China
was divid -d into a large number of small kingdoms. To the
south and south-east of it, beyond the Nanling mountains,
lived a large number of independent tribes who were generally
d'vsignat"d as Yue, and who occupied not only Tonkin and
the northern portion of Annam as far as Quang Nam, but
also th a present Chinese districts named Kouang-Si, Kouang-
Tong, Fou-kien and Tcho-kiang (only the southern half).
In 221 B.C. Che-houang-ti, of the Tain Dynasty (225
B. C.-206 B.C.) brought the whole of China under his control
and established a united empire. After having properly orga-
nised the administration of his vast territories he turned his
14 THE CHAMS
attention to the conquest of the Yue tribes. By 214 B.C. 1 the
vast territories were conquered and divided for the purpose
of administration into several provinces. The whole of Tonkin
and northern Anriani was included in the province of Siang,
while the rest was divided into three other provinces. After
the death of Che-houang-ti in 210 B.C. anarchy arid con-
fusion prevailed in China, taking advantage of which the
governor of on? of these three provinces established an inde-
pendent kingdom called Nan-yue. It had its caj vital at Canton
and comprised the modern Chinese districts of Kouang-si and
Kouang-Tong. The province of Siang was soon conquered
by the king of Nan-yue and was divided for administrative
purposes into two provinces of Kiao-tche (Tonkin) and Kieou-
tchen (the region of Than Hoa and the Chinese territory
in Annam) with capitals respectively at Hanoi and Than-hoa.
In the meantime the Han Dynasty was established in
China. In ths year 196 B.C. the Han Emperors officially
recognised the kingdom of Nan-yue and its king agreed to
rule as a vassal king. In the y^ar 183 B.C., however, ID
revolted and assumed the title of the Emperor of Nan-yne.
He died in 137 B. C. and was succeeded by feeble rulers.
The Han Emperor s^iit a military expedition against tlvj
kingdom in 112 B. C. and it was wholly conquered in a y^ar.
The Han Emperors made a nnw arrangnnent of adminis-
trative units. Th territories comprising To:ikin and all
the southern conquests in Annam which were included in the?
province of Siang under the Tsin Emperors, and out of
which two provinces (Kiao-tche, and Kieou-tchen) were mad.3
by the king oi Nan-yue, were now divided into three pro-
(1) Maspero wrongly puts the events at 3 B. C t [T'oung Pao
1910, p. 322] probably a mistake for II I B.C., but even
this dato is not that of the original conquest but of the
later conquest by the Hans.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 15,
vinces viz., Kiao-tehe, Kieou-tchen and Je-nan. In other
words, Je-nan corresponded to the southern districts of Siang 1 .
Je-nan was divided into five districts, the two southern-
most of which had their head-quarters at Siang-lin and Si-
Kuan.
The question of the exact limits of Je-Nan has long
perplexed the scholars. But it may now be regarded as
having b^en fixed with a fair degree of certainty. Pelliot
has shown from a passage in Tsin Chou that the northern
boundary of Je-nau was the Heng-Chan, now called Hoan-
Sonh mountain, a chain which advaricjs towards the sea b,3tween
Ha Tinh and Quang Binli. 2 As to the southern boundary,
M. Aurouaseau lias draw:i attention to a passage in
Heou Haa Chou according to which the two provinces of
Kieou-tchen and Je-nan were situated respectively at a dis-
tance of 11,580 and 13,400 U from Lo Yang. It would
follow, therefore, that Je-nau was nearly 1820 li to the south
of Kieou-tchen. As this latter has been definitey identified
with Tha-i-hoa, it follows that Je-nan extended at least 250
miles further south ; i:i oth?r words it must have extended
beyond the province of BInh Dinh in the south. This is
corroborated by an Annamite Geographical text which fixes
the southern boundary of Je-Nan at the mountain chain
which terminates in cape Varella. Thus the ancient Je-Nan
may be regarded as that part of modern Annain which lies
between the Porte d' Annam and Cape Varella. 8
(1.) This rapid survey of the relations between China and An-
nam is based on the admirable article of L. Aurousseau
(B. E. F. Vol. XXIIf, pp. 137 ff., cf. specially pp. 152 ff,
216 ff, 223 ff. 232 ff. and 2G3 ff )
(2 ) B. E. P. Vol. IV, p. 190
(3.) Ibid Vol. XIV, No 9, p, 24.
16 THE CHAMS
We thus find that since 214 B. C., the whole of Tonkin,
and Annam as far as Cape Varella, passed under the supre-
macy of the Chinesa. The people who lived in Tonkin
and northern Annam were undoubtedly the Annamites who
were destined to rise to great power in a later period and
give their name to the southern part of the Chinese posse-
ssions. They b3longed ethnographically to the vast Yue race
that occupied the territory south of Nan-ling which was first
conquered by the Tsin Emperor Che-houang-ti between 221
and 214 B.C. A large part of this Yuo race was ultimately
absorbed by the Chines^, but those of Tonkin and northern
Annam retained their individuality, and, after canturies of
Chinese subjugation, ultimately formed themselves into a
powerful nation, as we shall S3e later on. The Annamites,
however, did not as yet extend beyond the "Col d? Nuages"
in the district of Quang Nam. To the south of it lived
the indigenous savage population. But already in the first
century A. D. we find a new element, the Chams, firmly
established in sufficiently large numbor as far north as
Quang Nam. At what date th > Chains pushed so far north
as Quang Nam wo are unabl to say, but wi* shall not
probably be far wrong, if we hold that at tlv* timo when the
Han Emperor had divided th:-* vast territories between the
frontier of Kouang-Si and capo* Varella into th^ thrae pro-
vinces of Kiao-tche, Kieou-tch r m and Jo-Nan, tin first two
were peopled by the Annamites and the third by the Chams.
The primitive savages of Tonkin a:id Annam, pushed by
the Aunamites from the north and the Chams from the south,
were gradually moving towards the high mountains as th3ir
last refuge.
To the south of cape Varalla, in the districts of Khan
Hoa and Binh Thuan, livid a small group of ind3p3ml3nt
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 17
Chains who constantly harassed the southern frontier of
the Chinese possessions. They must have been encouraged
in their incursions by the tacit sympathy of the population
their own kinsmen who were placed under the yoke of the
Chinese. As we shall see later on, the headquarters of the
southernmost Chinese district were placed in Quang Nam.
The Chinese control over the districts of Quang Ngai, Binh
D'mh and Phu Yen were probably moro nominal than real,
and the country, being full of narrow valleys and thick
impenetrable jungles, tempted the Chains to plunder and
devastate the Chinese possessions. The Chines3 historians
have described those Chains as savages who were ignorant of
the art of cultivation and lived upon hunting alone. They
frequently invaded the residences of the Chinese officials
and plunder, murder and devastation accompanied these
raids. As soon, however, as th? Chinas troops carne to
chastise them they fled and took shelter in the impenetrable
for3sts.
The Cham incursions sometimes took a fairly serious
turn. We learn from the Chinese history that in the year
137 A. D., about 10,000 Kin-lien, a barbarous trib3 from
b?yonl the frontier of their territories, attacked their
southernmost districts, d^stroy^d the Chines ; forts and
ravaged tho whob country. Th? governor Fan- Yen raised
ton thousand soldiers, but th\y were unwilling to
und ^rtake such a distant expedition and broke into revolt.
Taking advantage of this respite, the Kiu-lien pushed their
conquests further north, defeat 3d tli3 Chinese troops that
opposed tli a m, and occupied Rom rt < of the Chinese districts.
The Chinos3 emperor was inclined to ssnd a military
expedition against th3 intruders, but on3 of his ministers
pointed out tho futility of such a distant expedition, and
advised his royal master to rely upon diplomacy. Accord-
18 THE CHAMS
ingly Tchou Leang was sent to treat with them and the
Kiu-lien were induced to evacuate the conquered territory
in 138 A. D. There is no doubt that the Kiu-lien denoted the
Chams 1 who thus seem to have possessed great military skill
and organisation, as early as the second century A. D.
But the death-blow to the Chinese authority came from
within. The Cham inhabitants of Siang-lin were particularly
turbulent and now and then broke into open rebellion. In
100 A. D. nearly 2000 of them revolted and attacked the Chi-
nese possessions in the north. They killed many officials and
destroyed many villages, but retraced th'Mr stops as soon as
the Chinese forces arrived. In course of time they grew bolder,
and, about 192 A. D., taking advantage of the troubles of the
Han dynasty, a native of Siang-lin, nam-d Lion, son of Kong
tsa'o, and belonging to the family called Kiu, killed the officer
in-charge of the city and proclaimed himself king in Lin-yi.
As the term Lin-yi has been used by the Chinese throughout
in later periods to denote the kingdom of Champa, we may
trace in the successful revolt of Kiu Lien the foundation of that
kingdom, at first in Siang-lin but ultimately cbstined to cover
nearly the whole of Annam, south of Tonkin. 3
1. Jbid p. 28.
2. Maspero doubtfully accepted the hypothesis tli.it the king-
dom of Kiu Lien is that of Champa, but M. Aurousseau has
quoted definite evidence on this point from Chinese text*
[B. E. F. vol. XIV, No 9, pp. 26-27].
As to the origin of the name Liii-yi, M. Aurousseau sug-
gests that the Cham kingdom having been originally esta-
blished in Siang-lin, the Chinese called it Lin-yi ie. capi-
tal Lin [of Siang]. "Lin-yi" which was thus the first Chi-
nese name of the first Cham capital was ultimately extend-
ed by a natural process to denote the whole of the ancient
kingdom of 'Jkarnpa [Ibid],
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 19
The identification of the city of Lin-yi (Siang-lin) has
long baffled the scholars. But M. Auroussean seems to have
successfully demonstrated that Siang-lin is now represented by
Tra-kieu, a little to the south of Quang Nam. 1 It would thus
appear that the first Cham kingdom was established in Qnang-
Nam and this explains the presence of two such magnificent
groups of temples at Myson and Dong-Duong in the neigh-
bourhood.
We find a beautiful description of the topography of Cha-
mpa in a Chinese text called Chouei King Tchou composed in
527 A. ]).
' Th i city was about 40 li (about GJ miles) from th" sea-co-
ast a;id was at a distance of 2,500 li (about 400 miles) from
tin tcJieou of Kouang. At the south-west angle of th" ramparts
of th.* city Wfiv high mountains and a long chain of hills
which served as a natural embankment. Quite close to th-%
north o? th i hills flowed a river. To the south of the hills,
at a little distance was another river which joined the former
to the east of the, city.
' Tin? city was surrounded by a wall about a mile and
a half in circumference. On a brick wall about 20 feet
hiirh was raised a second brick wall of half that height,
pierced by square loop-hoi \s. On the walls were placed
wooden boards supporting many-storied pavillions, on tho
roof of which again arose towers varying in height from
40 to 70 feet. The first impression that these structures
gave was that of an owl, which, with its tail turned towards
the wind and touching the mountains and the clouds, was
looking towards the water, but would soon, by a leisurely
flight, asc md to the highest peak of the mountains. The
architecture was admiral)!-.' but showed lack of skill.
1. B. E. F. vol. XIV. No. 9, p. '23 ff.
20 THE CHAMS
' There were four gates in the walls. The main gate
was on the east. It opened near two islands in the river
Houai. The western gate opened on a double ditch which
turned to the north and reached a hill The southern gate like-
wise opened on a double ditch. The northern gate opened
on the river Houai but the route was closed.
'Within the walls were a small enclosure, assembly rooms
and brick palaces the walls of which had no opening to the
south.
4 There was a palac^, opening to the east, of which the
loose pieces supporting the rafter looked like the tail of an
owl. The gates were sculptured in open-work and painted
in blue, the passages were coated with red varnish and the
rafters were adorned with stone. There were other rafters,
rectangular or round, all being carved in old style. On the
pavillions and the palaces were columns rising to a height of
15 feet above the ramparts. The walls were besmeared
with cowdung which gave them a green and brilliant look.
There were eight temples of varying degrees of importance,
and also temples for worshipping the spirits. The storey ed
terraces and the belvederes looked like Buddhist monuments. 1
M. Aurousseau has tried to trac^ from the existing ruins
at Tra Kieu som 3 features of the city as described in the
above extract. 8
1. Ibid pp. 21-23.
Chapter III.
EARLY HINDU DYNASTIES.
The successful raids into the Chinese territory and the
establishment of a powerful kingdom testify to the growth of
a new spirit in the Chams towards the second century A. D.
This is easily explained byepigraphic records. The Vo-Chanh
Bock Inscription ( No. 1 ) refers to the royal family of ri
Mara, and its royal author is styled as the " delight of the
family of $rl Mara ". The inscription is not dated, but may
be referred, on palaeographic grounds, to the second or third
century A. D. Thus a Hindu or Hinduised dynasty was foun-
ded by Sri Mara in the second century A. D., and it was ruling
over the region, later known as Kauthara, about the second or
third century A. D.
The coincidence in date makes it almost certain that the
regeneration of the Cham power in the second century A. D.
was due to the introduction of anew element in her politics, Viz.
the Indian colonists.
From this time forward until the conquest of the country
by the Annamites in the 15th. century A. D. the Chams, as
such, never played any distinctive part in the political history
of the country. They cheerfully submitted to their foreign
masters and adopted their manners, customs, language and
religion. They were politically merged in the Indian elements
and there was a complete cultural fusion between the two races.
The Indians must have been acquaint3d with Champa
by way of trade and commerce, long before they established
thoir political supremacy in that region. The general ques-
tion about the nature and antiquity of Indian colonisation
in the Far East will be fully discussed elsewhere. Hare we
may confine ourselves to the traditions which the later Hindu
kings of Champa preserved about their origin. Th? Dong
22 THE HINDU DYNASTY
Duong (No. 31) Stelae Inscription of Indravarman II., dated 797
fSaka, describes how Uroja, apparently the first king, was sent to
the earth by &va himself. Three other inscriptions (Nos.
22, 29 A, and 71) refer to a king Vicitra-Sagara who flouri-
shed in the year 5911 of the Dvapara age or about 1,779,357
B. C. Uroja is evidently a mythical conception and Vicitra-
Sagara, too, belongs to the same category.
The first historical Hindu King, so far known, is, how-
ever, rl Mara who, as we have seen above, established a
dynasty about the second C3ntury A.D. Maspero has proposed
to identify this Sri-Mara with the Kiu Lien of the Chinese his-
tory referred to above. This is probable, but thero is as yet no
evidence in support of it.
Nothing is known about th? early Hindu kings of
Champa, but the troublesome events in China which brought
about the downfall of the imperial Han dynasty in 220
A. D. must have offered them a splendid opportunity to extend
and consolidate their kingdom. The dismemberment of the
Chinese empire into three parts ( 220-265 A.D. ) emboldened
them to cross the frontier and carry their raids far into the
Chinese territory. Some time between 220 and 230 A.D.
the king of Champa sent a diplomatic mission to the Gover-
nor of Kiac-Tche on th3 invitation of the latter; neverthe-
less, in 248 A.D. the Cham army made a naval attack, ravaged
even the provincial capital, Kiao-tche ( Hanoi ) with several
other towns, and defeated the fleet that was sent against them.
At last a treaty was concluded by which the district of K'iu-
Sou corresponding to Modern Thua-Thien was ceded to
Champa 1 .
1- According to M. Aurousseau the whole of Ciieou-ling was
ceded to Champa (Ibid p. 27), but Muspero is of opinion
that only the the |r>uthern part of the district, including
the capital K'iu-sou was ceded to the Charas, the northern
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 23
The Chinese history has preserved the names of several
kings of this period. Each of these names begins with Fan,
probably corresponding to ' Varman ', which was the
epithet of every Cham king in later times. 1 King Fan Hiong
who succeeded to the throne of Champa sometime between
270 and 280 A.D. was probably a descendant of rl Mara by
the female line. He continued the policy of extending the
Cham territory to the north at the cost of the Chinese. He
allied himself with the king of Fou-Nan ( in Cambodia ) for
this purpose, and continually ravaged the Chinese possessions
in Tonkin. For ten years th^ struggle went on, and the Chines3
were reduced to great straits. At last peace was established
in 280 A.D., probably on terms unfavourable to the Chinese.
Faa-Yi, the son of Fan Hiong, succeeded him on the
throne. He had a long and peaceful reign and devoted hia
energies to increasing the military power and strengthening
the defensive works of the kingdom. He was the first Cham
king to send an embassy to the Imperial court of China
( 284 A.D. ).
Fan-Yi died in 336 A.D.. 2 On his death the throne was
usurped by his commander-in-chief Fan Wen. Wen is said
to have been originally a Chinese slave and owed his fortune
to miracles. 3 It appears that he enjoyed the complete confi-
dence of his royal master, and taking advantage of his old age
part still remaining: in the hands of the Chinese; this por-
tion of Cheou-ling together with Wou-lao were conquered
by Champa in the time of Fan Wen.
B. E. F. vol. XVHL No. 3, pp. 24-25.
1. B. E. F. vol. IV, p. 194.
2. According to some authorities, in 331 A. D., (B. E. F. vol.
IV p. 382, fn (5). )
3. cf. the story as given in B. E. F. vol. XIV, No. 9, p 17.
24 THE HINDU DYNASTY
induced him to exile one of his two sons. The other, too, fore-
stalled his fate, and left the kingdom. Thus when the king
died, the legitimate heirs were far away. But Wen found
them out and had them poisoned. After thus removing all
possible claimants, he ascended the throne and proclaimed
himself king of Champa.
Wen was a capable ruler and soon made himself the
undisputed master of the whole kingdom by defeating the
savage tribes who formed independent states within the
kingdom. In 340 he sent an envoy to the Chinese emperor
with a request that the Hoan Sonh mountains should be recog-
nized as the frontier between the two states. 1 This would have
meant the cession of the fertile province of Nhu't-Nam
(corresponding to Thua Thien, Quang Tri and QuangBinh)
to Champa and naturally the Chinese emperor refused the
request. But Wen decided to take by fores what he could
not gain by diplomacy. The people of Nhu't-Nam were muti-
nous on account of the exactions of the Chinese governor.
Taking advantage of this situation Fan Wen led an expedi-
tion in 347 A.D., and conquered Nhu't-Nam. H 3 killed the
governor of the district and made an offering of his body in
an expiatory sacrifice. The Chinese governor made great
preparations against Wen, but the latter took the offensive
and captured Cu'n Due, putting to death a large number of
Chinese soldiers who garrisoned it (348 A.D.). In 349 he
again defeated a vast Chinese army ; but he was himself
wounded in the fight, and died the same year. Fan Wen
thus carried his conquests to the " Porto de Annam ", and the
kingdom of Champa now exactly corresponded to the
old Chinese provinc3 of Je-Nan, and reached its furthest
limit to the north.
1. Either on this or on another occasion Fan Wen wrote a
letter to the Chinese emperor in Indian characters.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 25
Wen was succeeded by his son Fan Fo ( 349-80 A, D. ).
He wanted to emulate his father's exploits and laid siege to the
chief town of the Chinese district of Cu'u-Chon. He was,
however, defeated and had to accept a disgraceful treaty in
351. But within a short time he again renewed hostilities.
In 353 the Chinese sent another expedition against him and
reconquered Nhut-Nam. But the struggle did not end there.
As soon as the Chinese returned to thoir country the Chains
renewed their excursions. At last the Chinese inflicted a seve-
re defeat upon Fan Fo in 358 and advanced upto the very
walls of the city of Champa. In 359 a treaty was concluded
by which tli3 district of Nhut Nam, as far as the Bay of On
Gang, was ceded to the Chinese. Fan Fo faithfully observed
the treaty till his death in 380, and sent his ambassadors with
tribute to the Chinese Emperor in 37*2 and again in 377.
Fan-Hou-ta, the son of Fan Fo, was very young when he
ascended the throne on the death of his father n 380. But
aa soon as he came to ag3 he revived the ambitious project of
his father. The whole of his reign was an almost unceasing
struggle against the Chinese. The times were favourable to
him. The imperial Tsin dynasty was in a decadent condi-
tion, and revolts broke out throughout the Chinese empire.
So Fan-Hou-ta scored some successes at first. He not only
recovered Nhut Nam but carried his arms even further to ths
north, as far as Than Hoa. But in 413 A. D., Tou Houei-tou,
the Chinese governor of Kiao-tche ( Hanoi ), arrived at Kieou-
tchen (Than-hoa) and defeated Fan-Hou-ta in a pitched battle.
Two (or one according to some version) sons of the latter fell
into his hands and wore beheaded. Tou-Houei-tou then laid
siege to Than-hoa. He occupied the top of the hills overlook-
ing the city and barricaded the course of the river by means
of hedges of trees. Exciting attacks and counter-attacks took
place almost under the ramparts of the city, and the Chinese
26 THE HINDU DYNASTY
governor retreated, after killing and wounding lots of enemies,
but without apparently being able to take the city. 1
The end of Fan-Hou-ta is not known with certainty.
There is no doubt that he was a great general and increased
the power and prestige of his kingdom to a very great extant,
after the late reverses. One of the most important works done
by him was the fortification of the city of Kiu-sou which the
Chams had conquered in 248 A. D. The identification of the
city of Kiu-sou had long been a difficult problem. But M.
Aurousseau is probably right in his hypothesis that it occupied
the site which is now covered by ruins immediately to the
south-east of Hue. This city occupied a very important posi-
tion from the point of view of military strategy. It was situa-
ted between two rivers which mat at the foot of its ramparts, and
was surrounded by high hills on three sides. Situated 400 li
(about 70 miles) to the north of th^ capital, it command 3d ths
routs which every Chines3 army had to follow in an expedi-
tion against Champa. Fan-Hou-ta fully raalis3d ths impor-
tance of the city and converted it into one of the strongest cit-
adols in his kingdom. For obvious reasons the citadol of Kiu-
sou, which was renamed by the Chams as Si-Kiuan, figures
largely in the Chinese historical texts. These give a very
graphic description of the fortified city. The ramparts round
the city, we are told, measured more than a mile, and liad
thirteen gates. The plinth of these remparts was made of a
brick course, 20 feet deep. Upon this was raised a brick wall
10 feet high, pierced by square loopholes. Upon the bricks
rested five-storeyed wooden structures supporting high towers
1. This interesting information is famished by Lia-yi-k if
a text composed probably towards the close of the fifth
century A. D.
(B E. F. vol. XIV No.9, p. 14).
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 27
on their roofs. The height of these towers varied botween
50 and 80 feet. The outer walls of the fortified city nearly
touched the mountains which were covered with thick impene-
trable forest. On account of its military strength the war-
materials of the kingdom of Champa were stored in this city.
Mappero has suggested the identification of Fan-Hou-ta
with king Bhadravarman. This is probable but not certain.
Bhadravarman is the author of two inscriptions ( Nos. 2 and
4 ) and three other inscriptions ( noa 3, 5 and 6 ) also probably
belong io his reign. On pal geographical grounds these inscrip-
tions have been referred to the 5th century A.D. and this
agrees well with the reign-period of Fan-Hou-ta. That the
latter set the fashion of engraving records on stone clearly
follows from the Chi neso accounts. For we are told that close to
the eastern gate of his capital there was a Stelse containing a
record of his glory in barbarous character (i.e., the Indian
alphabet as modified in Champa).
Whatever we might think of this identification, Bhadra-
varman must be regarded as one of the most important kings
in ancient Champa. His full name was Dharma-maharaja
fcSrl Bhadravarman. The fmdspots of his inscriptions show
that he ruled over at least the northern and central portion
of the kingdom, the provinces of Attiaravati and Vijaya.
There are, however, reasons to suppose that his kingdom
also included the southern province of Pauduraiiga. But
the famous work, by which he was destined to be immortal,
was the erection of a temple to Siva, under the name
of BhadreSvarasvamI, at Myson. This temple became the
national sanctuary of the Chams, and the practice he
thus set on foot of calling the tutelary deity by the name of
the reigning king, came to be almost universally adopted in
later timss. We shall have occasion to refer to this temple
of Bhadrejvarasvami again and again in* course of the history
38 THE HINDU DYNASTY
of ChampS. Bhadravarman made an endowment of lands
to this temple and their boundaries are given in 3 inscriptions
(Nos. 4, 5 and 7 ) as follows : " To the east, the Sulaha moun-
tain, to the south the Great mountain, to the west, the
Kucoka mountain, and to the north, the Great River". The
great river is of course the " Song-Thu-bon " and this shows
that the boundaries described are not of the temple and its
surroundings, as was formerly supposad, but of the lands
granted to it. 1 King Bhadravarman seems to have been a
scholar and it is expressly laid down in the inscription no. 4
that he was versed in the four Vedas.
According to the Chinese accounts. 2 Fan-Hou-ta was
succeeded in 413 by his son Ti-Tchen. We are told that
Ti-Kai, the brother of this king, fled with his mother, and
the king could not induce them to come back. Grieved at
heart, he abdicated the throne in favour of his nephew and him-
self went to India. The departure of the king was followed
by anarchy and civil war in Champa. Ti Kai thereupon
came back and claimed the throne from his nephew who was
designated as his successor by Ti-Tchen. Wen-Ti, a brother
of Ti-Kai by the same mother but a different father, and the
minister Tsang Yin joined the combat. Civil war followed
and led to murders and rapid successions to the throne till
the dynasty was dispossessed of the kingdom of Champa
after a reign of about 80 years ( 336-420 A.D. ).
1. The northern boundary, leading to the important conclu-
sion noted in the text, is given only in the inscription No.
5 (cf. B. E. F. vol XVJH, No. 10, p. 14 \ For the detail-
ed regulations of the endowment cf. Ins. No. 4.
2. The Chinese accounts regarding the period that followed
the death of Fan-Hou-ta are very conflicting cf. B. E. J\
TO!. Iv, p. 382. fn (9).
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 29
Maapero has suggested the identification of Ti-Tchen
with the king Qaugaraja who is mentioned in inscription
No. 12 as having abdicated the throne in order to spend
his last days on the Ganges. The abdication of the throne
and retirement to India are certainly very striking
coincidences, and the identification, although by no means
certain, is undoubtedly very probable.
The civil war was brought to an end by the accession
of Fan Yang Mai (420 ? A D. ). His origin is unknown but
he is said to have been a son of Fan-Hou-ta, probably by a
mother of inferior rank. The relations between China
and Champa were not interrupted by the civil war. The
Chains carried on their usual raids into the Chinese terri-
tory, attended by pillage, masecre and horrible cruelties.
In the year 420 the Chinese inflicted a crushing defeat
upon the Charns, and the following year Yang Mai sent an
ambassador to the Imperial Court with a request that his
title of king of Champa be recognised by the Chinese
Emperor. Yang Mai no doubt took this step to ensure
his position in the newly gained kingdom, and his example
was followed by many of his successors.
Yang Mai died within a few years and was succeeded
by his son Tou who assumed the name of his father. The
usual frontier raids against the Chinese territory continued,
and in 431 he sent more than 100 vessels to pillage the coast
of Nhu't Nam and Cu'u Cho'n. This provoked the Chinese
governor who sent a strong expedition both by land and sea
against Champa. The Chinese army besieged K'iu-sou.
Yang Mai II had gone to marry. He hurried back by way
of sea and fell in with the Chinese fleet. His chief pilot
was struck down by an arrow and his fleet dispersed, pur-
sued by the Chinese. The Chinese fleet, however, could not
follow up the victory on account of bad weather, and
30 THE HINDU DYNASTY
retreated. Consequently their army bad also to raise the
siege and fall back (431 A.D. ).
' Yang Mai was, however, elated with the result of the
battle and his ambition knew no bounds. In 433 A. D. he sent
an envoy to the Chinese emperor asking to be appointed the
governor of Kiao Tcheou. This would have virtually meant
the cession of the province of Tonkin and was of course refu-
sed. Irritated at the refusal, Yang Mai redoubled his efforts
against Kiao Tcheou and hardly a year passed without an
invasion of the district by his troops. All the while, however,
he continued to pay his tribute regularly to the Chinese
emperor,
The Chinese emperor now decided to bring his turbulent
vassal to sente by another military expedition. The pre-
parations took three years, and in 446 A. D. the Chinese
army under T'an Ho-Tche invaded Champa. Terror now
seized Yang Mai II and he proposed a humiliating peace to the
Chinese emperor. The emperor accepted his offer and sent
instructions to his commander to conclude a treaty, if he
found Yang Mai sincere in his desire for peace. The com-
mander accordingly sent some of his officers to Yang Mai
to traat with him. In the meantime the war-party in the
court, which had lost its influence on the approach of the
Chinese army, regained its power and prevailed upon the
king to reject the proposals of peace. Yang Mai accordingly
put the Chinese envoys to prison and sent back one of them
to carry the news to their commander.
The Chinese general &t once advanced and laid seige
to Kiu-sou 1 the principal stronghold of Champa. Yang
Mai sent an army in aid of Fan Fou Long who defended
the place, but although the Chams scored some successes at
1. For a description of Kiu-sou see above, pp. 26-27.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 31
first, the Chinese ultimately captured the stronghold. The
general Fan Fou Long was beheaded and all the inhabitants
above the age of 15 were put to the sword. The palace
halls were inundated with blood and heaps of dead bodies
covered the court-yarJ. An immense booty of gold, silver
and various other precious objects was gained by the victors.
The Chinese continued their advance and were at last
met by Yang Mai himself at the head of au immense host.
Yang Mai placed a large number of elephants in front
of his army. This terrified the Chinese soldiers. But the
ingenuity of a Chinese general saved the situation. He
prepared numerous figures of lions by means of bamboos
and papers, and these were thrown before the elephants. The
latter took fright and fled, and in so doing threw into con-
fusion and disorder the very army they were intended to pro-
tect. Yang Mai suffered a most terrible defeat and fled from the
battlefield with his son. The victorious Chinese general
T'an Ho Tche then entered the capital Champapura in
triumph and obtained a rich booty of very precious objects.
The whole country was occupied, all the temples were sacked,
and their statues were melted for the metals contained in
them. About 100,000 pounds of pure gold were obtained
from this source. The Chinese victory was complete.
After the retreat of the Chinese army Yang Mai
came back to his capital. But the city was in ruins and
Yang Mai died in a broken heart in 446 A.D. 1
Fan Yang Mai II was succeeded by his son and grand-
son. The latter, named Fan Chen Tch'eng, 1 pursued a
policy of peace and sent tributes to the Chinese emperor
1. G. Maspero pats the date wrongly as 443.
(T'oung Pao 1910, p. 499).
2. cf. T'oung Pao, 1910, p. 499 fn. (4).
32 THE HINDU DYNASTY
on at least three different occasions, in 455, 45S and 472
A,D. The tributes were very rich and the emperor was
pleased to confer high honours and titles on the ambassa-
dor.
The death of Fan Chen Tch'eng was followed by a
troublesome period. Taking advantage of this a man
called Fan Tan^-Ken-Tch'ouen or Kieou Tch'eou Lo usur-
ped the kingdom. He was the son of Jayavarman king
of Fou-Nan. He had committed some crime in his country,
and, fleeing from the wrath of his royal father, took refuge
in Champa. King Jayavarman could ill brook the suc-
cess of his son in the foreign land. He sent the Bhiksu
Si5akya Nftgasena to the Chinese Emperor in order to
complain against the usurper and ask the aid of imperial
troops to punish him. The long letter which Jayavarman
addressed to the Chinese emperor on this occasion, explain-
ing the measures he proposed to adopt for driving his son
out of Champa, is a very interesting reading. 1 It shows
that the Chinese emperor was tacitly looked upon as
the sovereign authority by all the states in the Far East,
and whatever the amount of actual control possessed by
him, he never ceased to exercise a political influence upon
them all. Jayavarman's endeavour, however, bore no
fruit. The Chinese emperor received the embassy cordially
and gave a very courteous reply, but he did not agree
to meddle in the affairs of Champa. On the other hand the
emperor recognised the usurper as the king of Champa
and gave him high sounding honorary titles 2 by an
1. The letter has been translated in full in Pelliot's "Le Fou-
Nan" B. E. F., vol. Ill, pp. 257 ff.
2. These titles are : "General, Pacifier of the South, Com-
mander-in-chief in all the military transactions on the Sea-
coast, Kins of Champa.
ANCIENT HJSTOEY OF CHAMPA 33
Imperial Decree in 4.91 A.D. But the usurper was defeat-
ed and dethroned immediately after by Fan Tchou-Nong,
great-grandson of Fan Yan Mai II. Fan Tchou-Nong
was recognised by the Chinese emperor in 492 A.D., and
received honorary titles like his predecessor 1 , but his
reign was short, and he died in 498 A.D., being drowned
in the sea during a pleasure trip, or, according to some
authorities, in course of a voyage to China, He sent
ambassadors to the Chinese court in 492 and 495 A.D.
Tchou-Nong was succeeded by his son, grandson and
great-grandson, named respectively Fan Wen K'ouan
or Fan Wen Ts'an, Fan T'ien K'ai (Devnvarman ?), and
Vijayavarman. We do not know anything about them
except that they sent embassies to China and received the
same honorary titles from the emperor as their prede-
cessors. The embassy of 502 A. D. was probably sent
by Fan Wen K'ouan. Devavarman's embassies were dated
510, 512 and 514 A.D. Vijayavarman sent two embassies
in 526 and 527 A.D.
KINGS REFERRED TO IN CHAPTER III.
1.
rl Mara or ) /,/-, T^ v
KiuLien } (wlO.A.D.)
2. Fan Hiong (c. 270-280 A.D. )
3. Fan-yi (c. 280 A.D.-336 A.D. )
( Son of No. 2 )
4. Fan Wen( 336 A.D.-349 A.D. )
(Commander-in-Chief of No. 3 )
1. The first portion of the title was slightly changed in his
case. It was "The Marshal, who maintains orders in
the South".
34 THE HINDU DYNASTY
5. Fan Po( 349-380 A.D.)
(Son of No. 4)
6. Fan-Hou-Ta ( Bhadravarman ? ) ( 380*413 A. D.)
(Son of No. 5)
7. Ti-Tchen ( Gangftraja ) ( 413-c. 415 A.D. )
(Son of No. 6)
( Civil War 415-420 A.D. )
8. Fan Yang Mai (420-c. 425 A.D. ?)
( Son of No. 6 ? )
9. Fan Yang Mai II (c. 425-446 A.D. )
(Son of No. 8)
10. Son of No. 9, name unknown (446-454 ?)
11. Fan Chen Tch'eng (c. 454-c. 480 A.D. )
(Son of No. 10)
12. Kieou Tch'eou Lo ( c. 480-491 AD.)
( Usurper )
13. Fan Tchou-Nong-( 491-498 A.D. )
( Great-grandson of No. 9 )
14. Fan Wen K'ouan ( c. 500-c. 508 A.D. )
(Son of No. 13)
15. Fan Tien K'ai (Devavarman ?) (c. 508-c. 520 A.D.)
(Son of No. 14)
16. Vijayavarman (c. 520 A.D.-c. 529 A.D.)
(Son of No. 15 )
Chapter IV.
THE DYNASTY OF QANQARAJA.
Vijayavarman was succeeded by ^ri Rudravarman
whose genealogy is given in the Myson stelae Inscription
(No. 12). The genealogy begins with a king Gangftrflja
who abdicated the throne and retired to the banks of the
Ganges. The breakage in the stone does not enable us
to determine his relationship with the next king Manoratha-
varman. Rudravarman was the son of a Brahmana, and
his mother's mother was a daughter of Manorathavarman.
Rudravarman was not, therefore, a direct descendant
of Vijayavarman. But, as has been suggested above, if
Garigarfija is identified with Ti-Tchen, Rudravarman would
belong to a collateral branch of the same family. Now
Gangaraja is placed at the head of the long genealogical
list in No. 12, implying thereby that he was the head of
a new family. This is made explicit in No. 20 wherein
PrakaSadharma (or Vikrantavarman ) is said to b el mg to
the ' family of GangeSvara,' 1 which may be taken as an-
other form of the name Gaugaraja. It would then fol-
low that the kings of this family could lay claim to the
kingdom of Champa only by virtue of their relationship
with Gangaraja. In other words, they could not establish
any legitimate claim to the throne by their relationship
with any succeeding king.
The identification of Gangaraja and Ti-Tchen would
supply a plausible explanation of the rise of this family.
As has been narrated above, the abdication of Ti-Tchen
1. We have probably another reference to Gangaraja as the
founder of the family in the inscription no 7., where the
isolated word '* Gangesasya occurs in line 1., the rest having
been effaced.
36 THE DYNASTY OF GANGARAJA
was followed by a civil war between his nephew, whom he
designated as his successor, and various other claimants
to the throne. Manorathavarman may be regarded as the
nephew, or at any rate, as deriving his claim to the throne
from his nephew. But all this is at present pure conjec-
ture.
Some important information about Rudravarman is
obtained from inscription No. 7. We are told that Rudra-
varman belonged to the Brahma-Ksatriya family and that
during his reign the famous temple of Mah&deva, called
Bhadre^varasvami after its builder the king Bhadravarman,
was burnt by tire. The date of this calamity is given in aka
year, but unfortunately this portion of the inscription is
badly mutilated and we can simply read " in the year
four hundred and ". Rudravarman thus ruled
sometime between 401 and 499 Saka i.e., 479 and 577 A.D.
There cannot ba any doubt, therefore, that he is to be
identified with Kao Che lu T'o Lo Pa Mo, mentioned in
the Chinese annals ( the Chinese name being equivalent
to Ku Sri Rudravarman) who sought for his investiture
from the Chinese Emperor in 529 by payment of tribute,
and renewed the tribute again in 534 A. D.
About this time the Chinese province of Kiao Tcheou
had revolted and thrown off the imperial yoke under the
leadership of Ly Bon. Rudravarman, probably incited
by the Chinese Emperor, took advantage of the situation
to conquer the province. His army was, however, defeated
by the general of Ly Bon and he had to beat retreat (541
A. D. ).
Rudravnrman was succeeded by his son Pra^astadharma
who took the name Sambhuvarman at the time of his
coronation. He is the author of the inscription No. 7. He
temole of Bhadravarman which was
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 37
burnt at the time of his father, and re-named the image
as ambhu-Bhadregvara, thus adding his own name to that
of the original founder. He also confirmed the endow-
ments made to the temple by Bhadravarman. The two
embassies sent to China in 568 and 572 A.D. probably
belonged to his time.
^ambhuvarman took advantage of the weakness of
the Imperial Tch'en dynasty to stop the customary tribute,
but renewed it in 595 A. D. after the Souei dynasty was
established on the Imperial throne. But this did not save
him from a Chinese invasion. The immense booty taken
from Champa by T'an Ho Tche impressed the Chinese
with an idea of the fabulous wealth of the kingdom, and
so when the Chinese general Lieou Fang came to quell the
insurrection in Kiao Tcheou, he was ordered to advance
against Champa. The Chinese advanced both by land and
sea, and reached the estuary of Linh Giang (modern Song
Giang) in 605. ^ambhuvarman stationed his soldiers to
guard the passes which separate the valley of Linh Giang
from that of the Do Le (Tou Li). Liaou Fang defeated
them and pitched his camp on the Do Le. He then crossed
the river without difficulty and overtook the enemy a
few miles to the south. A sanguinary battle ensued. The
elephants on which the Chains mainly relied were dispersed
by the Chinese archers, and they trampled under foot the
very army they were engaged to protect, ^ambhuvar-
man fled from the battle-field and the Chinese took about
10,000 prisoners and cut off their left ears. 1 Lieou Fang
pursued his victory and occupied K'iu Sou. Near about
1. It was customary in those days to cut off the left e;irs of
prisoners of war and send them as trOpbies to the Emperor.
The total number of captives could also be determined
thereby.
38 THE DYNASTY OF GANGAEAJA
this place he inflicted several more defeats upon Sambhu-
varman and reached the capital of Champa ( 605 A. D. ).
^ambhuvarman fled by sea. Lieou Fang thereupon sacked
the capital city, and put into captivity all the inhabitants
he could lay hands on. He further took the golden tablets
of eighteen kings who had ruled over Champa before
Sambhuvarman, and 1350 Buddhist works. Among his
captives were included some musicians from Fou-Nan who
carried to the Imperial court the musical arts of India.
Lieou Fang and his army suffered much on their return
journey from a disease Beri Beri or Elephantisis to which
the general himself fell a victim. The conquered country
was divided into three divisions, each subdivided again into
four 'prefectures', but owing to the distance and difficulty
of communication they were never effectively occupied, and
remained as part of the kingdom of Champa.
As soon as the invader had left, Sambhuvarman came back
to his capital, and to avoid further difficulties, sent an
ambassador to the Imperial Court for asking pardon.
Later on, however, taking advantage of the dynastic quar-
rels in China, he stopped the payment of tribute ; but
when Li Yuan established the T'ang dynasty (618 A. D. )
he resumed regular payment. He sent three embassies
in 623,625 and 628. Sambhuvarman was also on friendly
terms with the Khmer King Mahendra-Varman who sent
one of his ministers, Simhadeva as ambassador to the court
of Champa,
Sambhuvarman was succeeded in 629 A. D. by his son
Kandarpadharma (Fan T'eou Li of the Chinese). The king
had a peaceful reign. He kept peace with China by regu-
lar payment of tribute. On one occasion the disrespect-
ful conduct of his ambassador to the Chinese Emperor
nearly brought the two countries on the verge of war, but
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 39
the emperor pardoned the fault which was ' due to igno-
rance of etiquette rather than to any bad intention '. The
rich tributes of Kandarpadharma so pleased the emperor that
he wished to have a stone statue of the king close to his tomb.
The virtues of the king are referred to in eloquent terms
in verses 7 and 8 of the inscription No. 12. He is described
as "Virtue Incarnate" and Kali is said to have fled away
from his kingdom, knowing that he had nothing to expect
from a king, who was free from passions and protected his
subjects like his own sons by means of his virtues.
Kandarpadharma's son and successor Prabh&sadharma,
Fan Tchen-Long of the Chinese history, had a tragic end.
The events are thus summarised in the Chinese history.
" In 630, 631 A D. and the following years the king
Fan T'eou Li regularly paid tributes. On his death the
throne passed on to his son Fan Tchen-Long. In 645 Fan
Tchen-Long was killed with all his family by his subject
Mo-ho-man-to-kia-tou and the male descendants of the Fan
family were extinguished with him. Then the people
raised a Brahmaua, a son-in-law of king Fan T'eou Li, on
the throne. But he was deposed by the nobles who put
the daughter of Fan T'eou Li on the throne. As she was
unable to restore order, they summoned Tchou-ko Ti, son of
the paternal aunt of Fan-T'eou Li. Tchou-ko Ti came back
from Cambodge, where his father had fled after committing
a crime, married the daughter of Fan T'eou Li and was
proclaimed king. The ambassadors were sent to the
Imperial court by Tchou-ko Ti in 653, by Po-kia-cho-pa-mo
in 669, by Kien-to-ta-mo in 713, and by Lou-to-lo in 749." l
This circumstantial narrative is of great help in wad-
ing our way through the tangles of civil war and anarchy
1. B. E. F vol. IV, pp. 901-902.
40 tfHE DYNASTY OF GANGARAJA
that followed the assassination of the son of Kandafpa-
dharma.
In the first place it is quite clear that the son of
Kandarpadhattna was killed by his minister, for the Chinese
Mo-ho-man-to-kia-tou seems to correspond exactly to
Mahamantradhikrta. That the murder was the result of a
deliberate and well-laid plot to usher in a dynastic changd
is clearly proved by the fact that not only the king but
also his whole family was removed. The events that fol-
low would also make it quite clear that it was the daughter
of Fan T'eou Li on whose behalf the conspiracy was laid,
nor is it difficult to conclude that the kings of Cambodge
were the wire-pullers from behind. But the whole situa-
tion is made quite clear by the My son inscription
of PrakaSadharma (No, 12). Here the genealogy is first
of all carried down to Prabhasadharma. Then it refers
to his sister ' who was the source of welfare and prosperity
of the whole world '. We are next introduced to her hus-
band, SatyakauSikasvami, and their sons BhadreSvara-
varman, and his two younger brothers Anarigartipa and
YiSvarupa. Next we hear of Jgaddharma,-apparently a
son of Bhadresvaravarman, though the breakage in stone
does not make this point absolutely certain who had gene
to Cambodge (and here a long digression gives us a hifctbry
of Cambodge from its foundation) owing to certain cirdum-
stances, and there mftfrled the daughter of king
Ianavarman. The issue of this marriage was Pr&k&Sa-
dharma- Vikrfi,ntavarman, king of Champft who issued the
inscription in 579 aka (657 A. D.).
Now the scholars have found it impossible to reconcile
the Chinese annals with the data furnished by the
inscriptions. Maspero's suggested emendation has proved
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA
41
hopeleisly wrong, while Finot has to admit that the Chinese
accounts are inaccurate in at least three essential elements.
But there ought not to be any great difficulty in reconcil-
ing the two if the essential points are borne in mind. This
may be illustrated by putting the events recorded in the
two different sources in two parallel columns.
Chinese Annals.
1. Murder of Prabhasadharma 1.
645 A. D.
2. Son-in-law of Kandarpadh- 2.
arma, a Brahmana, put
on the throne, but depos-
ed by the nobles.
3. Daughter of Kandarpa- 3.
dharma reigning alone.
4. Tchou-ko Ti returns from 4.
Cambodge, marries the
daughter of Kandar-
padharma and becomes
king. He sends embassy
in 653 A. D.
5. King Po-kia-cho-pa-mo 5.
sends embassy in 669
A. D.
Inscriptions.
Prabhasadharma,
king.
Satyakauika8va -
ml, son-in-law of
Kandarpadharma.
Daughter of Kan-
darpadharma,sou -
rce of prosperity
of the whole world.
Bhadre$vara Var-
man (son of2 and 3.)
Jagaddharma (son
of 4) who had
been to Cambodge
and married the
daughter of the
king there.
Prak&gadharma
(eon of 5) king in
657 A. D.
42 THE DYNASTY OF GANGAEAJA
The arrangement is confirmed by one important piece
of external evidence. The Tra' Kieu Inscription (No. 9)
tells us that the wife of Praka^adharma's great-grand-
father (Prapit&mahl) was the daughter of Kandarpadharma.
The above arrangement entirely agrees with this fact.
The only point, not a very essential one, in which the
Chinese annals are mistaken is their belief that the daugh-
ter of Kandarpadharma was married a second time to Tchou-
ko Ti, a different husband, whereas the fact seems to be
that Tchou-ko Ti (Satyakau^ikasvami) was her first husband
who had sought shelter in Cambodge after being deposed
by the nobles. It appears that Tchou-ko Ti's family had
some influence in the court of Cambodge, for his father had
taken shelter there after committing some fault in Champfl,
and his grandson was married to the daughter of the king
of Cambodge.
That the daughter and son-in-law of Kandarpadharma
were very old when they came to the throne is established
by the following genealogy of PrakftSadharma drawn up
on the authority of Tra'-kieu Inscription (No. 9).
Kandarpadharma (630-640 A. D.)
Daughter
Son
Jagaddharma
Prakfi/adharraa (657 A. D.)
Now the way in which Prakft^adharma's prowess has
been extolled in the Myson Ins. dated 657 A. D. shows that
he must have then attained at least 20 years of age. Pra-
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 43
kft^adharraa'fl birth therefore conld not have taken place
later than 657 A. D, If we hold that a male must be at
least twenty and a female at least sixteen before he or she
can possibly have 'an issue, the birth of the predecessors oi
Prakafodharma could not have taken place later than the
dates mentioned in the following table.
Kandarpadharma (561 A. D.)
Daughter (581 A. D.)
Son (597 A. DJ
Jagaddharma (617 A. DJ.
Kandarpadharma then mast have been at least aboiit
70 years at the time of his accession, and probably much
more than that, as we have taken only ths minimum number
of years in the above calculation.
Now, bearing the above points in mind, we may offer
the following general outline of the course of events in
the light of the Chinese and epigraphic data that we possess.
In the first place the relation ot the different actors in
the scene may be illustrated by the following table.
Rudravarman (Lu-to-lo-pa-mo)
. c ' ,
Sambliuvarman (Fan Fan Tclie) , Daughter
Kandarpadharma (Fan Teou Li)
Prabhasadharma Daughter = SatyakauSika-
(Fau Tchen Long). svami
(Tchou-ko Ti)
c
BhaclreSvaravarman, Anahgarupa. ViSvarupa.
Jagaddharma = Sarvvftiu (daughter of Pana-
varman, king of
Cambodge.
PrakaSadharma-Yikrantavarman.
44 THE DYNASTY OF OANGARAJA
The disastrous defeat inflicted by the Chinese upon am-
bhuvarman must have considerably weakened the authority
of the government. As usually happens, the national cala-
mity served as an opportunity to adventurers, and in this
particular instance the female line seems to have coveted the
throne as against the male line. During the long reign of
$ambhuvarman the interests of two such female Hues were
cemented by the marriage of the daughter of Kandarpadhar-
ma with the grandson ( daughter's son ) of Rudravarman. It
is probable that an attempt was already made by this party
after the death of Kandarpadharma to secure the throne, but
it proved unsuccessful, and its authors had to fly to the court
of Cambodge. But a few years later, the attempt was
renewed, and Prabhasadharma was killed with all the male
members of the family (645 A. D. ). Satyakausikasvaml at
first occupied the throne, but was driven away by the nobles,
and his wife alone ruled the state. But a female ruler was
hardly likely to cope with the difficulties of the time and
SatyakauSikasvami returned to Champa. It is extremely
likely that the king of Cambodge was really pulling the
wire from behind in all the successive events. Tiie new
party had all along been intimately associated with that court,
for the father of SatyakauSikasvami had taken refuge in the.
cor.rt of Cambodge 'after committing some fault in Champa,
as the Chinese historians put it, and Jagaddharma, the grand-
son of Satyakausikasvftmi, was married to a Cambodge
princess.
Satyakausikasvami ruled for at least eight years from
645 to 653 A. D., with an interval. Whether his son and
grandson ruled after him cannot be finally decided, but the
answer is probably in the negative, for no royal title is atta-
ched to any of them in the Myson Stone Inscription. Eveu
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 45
if they did, they must have very short reigns. For by 657
A. D. Praka^adharma had already ascended the throne under
the title of Vikrftntavarman.
Prakasadharma-Vikrantavarman is the author of at least
eight inscriptions, Nos. 9-16. We learn from No. 12 that in
the year 657 A. D. he established $ri-Prabhase$vara and
granted lands to the gods I^anesvara, Jrl Sambhubhadre-
svara and Sri Prabhasesvara. No. 14. records the erection
of a temple to Kuvera, while no. 16. records the donation
of a koffa to Tsftne^vara and a diadem to BhadreSvara in 687,
A. D. The attribution of three inscriptions nos. 17-19 is
doubtful. They refer to king Vikrantavarman, who may be
either PrakaSadharma Vikrantavarman I, or Vikrantavar-
man II. It is interesting to note that he was not only devo-
ted to Siva (cf. Ins No. 10 and others noted above) but alt*o
to Visnu to whom he erected a temple (No. 11 ).
Prakasadharrna seems te have been at peace with the
Imperial court of China. He first sent tributes during the
period 650-656 A. D., and at least four more embassies were
sent in 657, 669, 670 and 686 A. D. He must have had a
long reign extending over more than 31 years (656-687 ).
We have no precise knowledge about the successor of
Praka$acHiarma Vikrantavarman I. The inscription No.
21 records that Praka^adharma intended to build a vedl of
stone, but this was actually constructed by Naravahanavar-
man. The inscription then proceeds to record the glories of
Vikrantavarman. It would thus appear that Praka^adhar-
mn was succeeded by NaravAhanavarmauand the latter again
by Vikrantavarman. This conclusion is, however, not certain,
as Naravahanavanaan might be another name of Vikranta-
varman, bat it may be taken as a working hypothesis. The
Chinese evidence in a way confirms this. We learn from the
Chinese history that in the years 713 and 731 Kien Ta To
46 THE DYNASTY OF GANGARAJA
Mo, king of Champa sent tributes to the Chinese Emperor.
Kien Ta To Mo may be regarded as a fairly good transcrip-
tion of Vikrantavarman. Now this Vikrantavarman can
hardly be regarded as identical with PrakaSadharma Vik-
rantavarman who sent tribute to China sometime before 656
A. D., as the interval is more than 75 years. Thus we are
to presume two kings bearing the same name Vikrantavar-
man. It is less likely, however, that the father and the son
should bear the same name, whereas it is usual for a king to
adopt the name of his grandfather. We may thus provision-
ally accept the following line of succession.
Praka^adharma- Vikrantavarman I.
Naravahanavarman
Vikrantavarman II.
The latest known date of Praka'adharma is 687 A.D.
and the earliest known date of Vikrantavarman II is 713
A.D. Naravahauavarrna's reign, therefore, falls betwe<5n
these dates. We hardly know anything about his reign.
Vikrantavarman II established an image of Laksmi in the
year 731 A.D. His conventional glory is sung in lines 8-9
of the inscription No. 21. The fragmentary inscription
No. 20 which belongs to his reign and is dated s >metime
between 708 and 717 A. D., records various donations to
a number of gods. The inscriptions Nos. 17-19 may
belong to his reign, but as already remarked above, this
is by no means certain. Vikrantavarman II regularly sent
tributes to China. As a matter of fact at least 12 embassies 1
X.. Maspero says that Vikrantavarman sent tributes to the
Chinese emperor no less than fifteen times (T'oung Pao
XI, p. 524). But in the footnote he gives detailed record
of only 13 sneh embassies. Of these the first, sent in
686, must be attributed to Prakasadharma whose last
kuowu date is G87 A. I). Of the rest, those before
713 must have been sent by one or other of the three kings
Prakasadh;irma, Naravahanav.'iim in, and Vikrantavar-
man 11,
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 47
were sent to China from Champa in the years 691, 695,
702, 703, 706, 707, 709, 711, 712, 713 and 731 A. D. Some
of these, before 713 A. D., might have been sent by either
PrakaSadharma or Naravahanavarmft, but the majority
were probably sent by Vikrantavarman II.
Vikrantavarman II was probably succeeded by Rudra-
varman II who sent tributes to China in 749 A.D. We
do not know anything more about him. He died about
757 A. D. and with him probably ended the dynasty which
was founded by Rudiavarman I about the year 529 A. D.
The inscriptions of this dynasty are mostly found in the
neighbourhood of Myson. This may be due to the sanctity
of the temple and it is not proper to infer from it that their
power was mainly confined to that district. The fact that
one inscription (No. 8) is found in Hue and another(No.
15 ) in Khan Hoa province shows that their power extended
very nearly over the whole of the kingdom. On of the
earliest inscriptions (No. 2) of this dynasty was found at Cho
Dinh in the province of Phu yen, and this also shows that
from the very beginning their authority extended far beyond
Myson. The epigraphical evidence undoubtedly shows that
the province of Quang Nam in which Myson is situated
was the chief stronghold of the dynasty from beginning to
end.
KINGS REFERRED TO IN CHAPTER IV.
1. Gangar&ja
2. Manorathavarman
(descended from No. 1)
3. Rudravarman (c. 529 A.D. c. 565 A. D.)
(Son of the daughter's daughter of No. 2J
48 THE DYNASTY OF GANGARAJA
4. S"atabhuvarman (c. 565 A.D. 629 A.D.)
(Son of No. 3J
5. Kandarpadharma (629 A D. c. 640 A. D.)
(Son of No. 4;
6. Prabhasadharma fc 640 A. D. 645 A. D J
(Son of No. 5)
7. SatyakiuSikasvaml (Daughter's"
son of No. 3 and son-in-law
of No. 5)
8. Daughter of No. 5 and wife of } (645 A.D.-653 A.D.
No. 7. |
7. SatyakauSikasvami ( a second j
time ). J
9. BhadreSvaravarman (?) (Son "j
of Nos. 7 and 8) \ (653 A.D.-655 A.D.
10. Jagaddharma (?) (Son of No. 9). J
11. PrakaSadharma-Vikrantavarman I (c. 655 A.D.
c. 690 A. D )
(Son of No. 10;
12. Naravahanavarman ( ?) (c. 690 A.D. c. 710 A.D.)
(Son of No. 11?)
13. Vikrftntavarman II (c. 710 A. D. 730 A. D. ?)
(Son of No. 12 ? ;
14. Rudravarrnan II ( 730 (?) A. D. 757 A. D.)
Chapter V.
THE DYNASTY OF PANDURANGA.
After Rudravarman II the kingdom of Champa passed
on to a new dynasty. As all the inscriptions of this dynasty
come from the Kauthara region in the south, they probably
originally belonged to that quarter. But from the very
beginning they seem to have exercised suzerainty over the
entire kingdom.
The founder of this dynasty is named Prthivl-
ndravarman. 1 A brief reference is made to him
in the Glai Lamov Inscription (No. 24), vv 2-5. We are
told that he ' enjoyed the lands by having conquered all his
enemies by his own power'. This seems to ahow that he owed
the kingdom to his military genius. As we shall see, there
are epigraphic references to more than one raid of Champa
by the Javanese fleet within half a century of his accession.
The Chinese history also contains reference to a raid as
1. Maspero attributes the title "Rudraloka" to this king on
the authority of Ins. No. 24, verse 5. This verse, however,
merely says 'that the king went to "Rudraloka" i.e, died,
and I do not think that '"Rudraloka" may be regarded as
a posthumous title. (Toung Pao. 1910, pp. 549-550). For
a similar expression cf. verse 10, of the Glai Lamov Ins.
(No. 24).
Maspero farther says that the throne was offered to
Prthivindravarman by the nobles, but I do not find any
authority for this statement' (Ibid). The verse (No. 31,
B. VI) on which he relies is difficult to construe. I
doubt if Prthivindravarman of that verse can be taken
to refer to a king of a different dynasty who died more
than 100 years ago. But even then it does not justify
Maspero's assumption.
50 THE DYNASTY OF PANDURANGA
early as 767 A.D. 1 It is likely that the invasion of the
Javanese fleet overthrew the last dynasty and Prthivmdra-
varman owed the kingdom to his success against these naval
marauders. But whatever may be the circumstances to
which he owed his throne, the inscription tells us that 'he
enjoyed the whole of Champa* (No. 24 A. V. 3). The king
is said to have destroyed all the thieves. This probably
means that there were disorders consequent upon the over-
throw of the last dynasty and king Prthivmdravarman
effectively checked them. He enjoyed a long reign and
died sometime before 774 A.D., the earliest known date of
his successor king Satyavarman. King Satyavarman was
the nephew (sister's son) of king Prthivladravarman. He
issued the Po-Nagar stelss inscription (No. 22) and we know a
great deal about him from the Glai Lamov Inscription
(No. 24) of his younger brother Indravarman, and the Po-
Nagar inscription of his sister's son, king Yikrautavarman
(No. 29 A.).
The chief event in the reign of the king was the raid of
the Javanese sea-men who devastated the land, and in parti-
cular destroyed a temple containing a Mukhalihga. There
was a halo of sanctity around the temple as popular tradi-
tion ascribed its foundation to a king Vicitrasagara ' in the
year 5911 of the Dvfcpara Yuga' ( No. 29). In the year 774
A. D. the Javanese " vicious cannibals coming from other
countries by means of ships/' burnt this temple and carried
away the image together with all the properties of the temple.
King Satyavarma pursued these marauders in his own ships
and inflicted a crushing defeat upon them. But the object
of the pursuit was not fully realised and king Satyavarman
was very much dejected to learn that the ^ivamukha, to-
1. T'oung Pao, 1910 p. 550.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 51
gether with its property which was in the enemy ships, was
thrown into water, and that the &ivaliziga was destroyed
( No. 22 ). The victorious king, unable to recover the old
image, installed a new ^ivaraukhalihga, together with images
of other deities, in the year 784 A. D. and gave rich en-
dowments to the god. For this reason he came to be regard-
ed as the second Vicitrasagaraoran incarnation of that king.
Conventional praises are bestowed on the king in verses
6-9 of the Glai Lamov Inscription (No. 24), but no other
specific event of his reign is mentioned. We are expressly
told in verse 10 of the same inscription that he died without
reigning for a long time, and we may therefore put the end
of king Satyavarman's reign shortly after 784 A. D. King
Satyavarman was succeeded by his younger brother Indra-
varman. He is the author of the YangTikuh and Glai Lamov
Inscriptions (Nos. 23 and 24) in which his glory is sung in
most extravagant terms. He is said to have fought with
many enemies and ruled over the whole of Cliampft. 1 The
chief event in his reign, like that of his predecessor, was
a raid of Javanese sea-men. In the year 787 A. D. they
burnt the temple of Bhadradhip&tiSvara, a celebrated deity
of the kingdom, who was regarded as having been establish-
ed there fur many thousands of years ( No. 23). King Indra-
varma re-installed the deity under the name of Indrabhadre-
6varo,, and endowed it with various treasures in the year
799 A. D. In addition to this, king Indravarmft endowed
many other pious establishments. He at first installed Indra-
bhogesvara at Virapura. He then installed in the excellent
Maspero thinks that it is by defeating the enemies that he
came to rule over Champa. That does not, however,
seem to be a fair deduction from the vague, general
expression of his victory over enemies with which the
two inscriptions abound.
52 THE DYNASTY OF PANDURANGA
house of Satyavarmft (i. e. in a temple erected by that king)
tho god IndraparameSvara, and endowed him with various
riches in 801 A. D. Lastly, Indravarma made a rich donation
of all kinds of treasures to the god Sankara-Nar&yana ( i. e.
$iva and Hari united in one body ).
A verse in Yang Tikuh Inscription ( No. 23, V. 3 and
footnote ) has been taken to mean that Indravarma carried
on wars in the north, north-east, ea?t, south-east and south,
and Maspero has based important conclusions upon it, loca-
ting the countries in the various directions implied in the
passage. The verse does not, however, seem to bear that
meaning at all.
Indravarman renewed the relations with China and
sent presents of rhinoceros and buffaloes to the emperor in
793 A. D.
Indravarman was succeeded by his brother-in-law ( sister's
husband ) Harivarman. Hi full name was Vlra Jaya Sri
Harivarmadeva and he assumed the proud title of ' Raja 1 hi -
raja ri-Champa-pura-Paramegvara ', king of kings, Lord of
Champ A. Three inscriptions of .his time are known to us
( Nos. 25-27 ). In one of th?m ( No. 2G ) he is said to have de-
featad the Cinas. From the Chinese history we know that in
January 803, a king of Champa conquered the two Chinese
districts of Hoan and Ai, and renewed the expedition again
in 809 JLD. But the Chinese governor forced him to retreat
after inflicting a crushing defeat upon him, and wreaked his
vengeance upon the people of the two districts who helped
the king of Champft. The king referred to in the Chinese
annals is almost certainly Harivarman, though it is not easy
to decide what was the* extent of his success against the
imperial forces.
Harivarman entrusted his son Vikr&ntavarman with
the government of P&n^urauga district (modern Phanrang),
ANCIENT HISTORY OP CHAMPA 53
but as he was too young for the responsible post, he was placed
in charge of a general named Par \ This general led an
expedition against Cambodge on behalf of hjs young master,
and 'ravaged the towns of the Kambujas '. Whether it was
a mere border raid, or anything more serious than that, we
have no means to determine. A fragmentary passage of the
Po-Nagar inscription (No. 2G) sterns to indicate that he carried
his arms into the heart of Cambodg5 5 . But the fame of the
general did not rest upon his victories alone. Ho was equally
renowned for his religious establishments. A famous tompld
of Bhagavatl in Kauthara remained empty for a long tini3,
probably the image was carried away by the Javanese marau-
ders. General Par made a new stone image of the goddess,
and in the year 817, erected three new temples for the Lii\ga
of Sandhaka, Sri Vinayaka and ri-Ma]a:la-kuthara. He also
made various other minor donations.
The known dates of Harivarman are 813 A. D. and
817 A. D. If the Chinese expeditions referred to above have
baen correctly attributed to him, he must have ascended the
throne before 801 A. D. As the last known date of Indravar-
man is 799 A. D. the year 800 A. D. may be looked upon as the
date of his accession.
Harivarman was succeeded by his son Vikrantavannan
III, who was the noplnw (sister's son) of the two kings Satya-
1. The reading of this name is doubtful. I have adopted
the reading of Finot (B. E. F. vul, III. p. 037. note 2.).
2. Maspero minimises the importance of this raid on the
ground that no Cambodian document describes Jayavar-
man II, the contemporary king of Cambodge, as being
vanquished by the Chms (T'oung Pao 1910, p. 56; ) But
as the inscriptions of a country ^ery seldom refer to
revoTsos sustaineU by its kings, no importance need be
attached to such silence in the piesent case.
54 THE DYNASTY OF PANDURANGA
varma and Indravarma. As related above, he was entrusted
with the government of Panduarauga by his father and was
placed in charge of general Par. He is the author of four
inscriptions found at Po-Nagar (Nos. 29 A, 29 B, 29 C, 30).
Conventional praises are bestowed on him in the last, while all
the four describe his religious endowments. Among others,
he granted a field to &i Vikranta-RudreSvara in 854 A. D.,
and subsequently another to t^ri Vikranta-devAdhibhave^vara.
He also established a Mahadeva and richly endowed the god.
Yikrantavarman III died without issue and with him
ended the dynasty founded by Prthivlndravarman. As al-
ready remarked above the epigraphic evidence shows that
the dynasty had its stronghold in the south, and it has bsen
styled the dynasty of Pandurariga.
It held sway for about a century from the middle of the
eighth to the middle of the ninth century A.D.
It has baen suggested 1 that the capital was removed
from Champa to Virapura during the rule of this dynasty.
There does not, however, seem to b:i sufficient evidence for
this assumption. For the only tiling we know about the
town is that ssveral images of gods were established thera by
Indravarman. On ths other hand, the fact that Harivarman
is styled as lord of the city of Champa seems to indicate that
Champa was still the official capital. Further, if we remember
that the government of Panduranga was entrusted by Hari-
varman to his son, we must hold that th3 main soat of th? govern-
ment was far to the north. All these, however, in no way
invalidate the conclusion, stated at th3 beginning, that the dynas-
ty might have originated from Pandurariga.
1. Maspero in Tonng p a o, 19 0, p. fj5 ( J. Maspero says that
the temple of Bhadradiiipfttisvara was "to th went of
the town of Virapura,'. The inscription (No. 23 V. 5),
imurnvflr. sirnnlv refers to town and not to Viropura*
ANCIENT HISTOEY OF CHAMPA 55
It is also a noteworthy fact that throughout this period
the Chinese substituted the name Houan Wang for Lin-yi
to denote the kingdom of Champa. After the downfall of
this dynasty Houan Wang was replaced by Tch'eng Cheng
which is undoubtedly the Chinese transcription of Champa.
It is difficult to explain the meaning of the new term Houan
Wans \
KINGS REFERRED TO IN CHAPTER V.
1. Prthivindravarman (c. 758 A. D. 773 A. D).
2. Satyavannan (c. 773 A. D. 785 A. D.).
(Sistsr's son of No. 1.).
3. Indravarman I (785 c. 800 A. D.).
(Younger brother of 2).
4. Harivarman (c. 800 A. D. c. 820 A. D.).
(Sister's husband of No. 3).
5. Vikrantavarman III (c. 820 A. D. 860 A. D.).
(Sister's son of Nos. 2 and 3).
1. T'oung Pao, 1910, pp. 547 ff.
Chapter VI.
THE BHRQU DYNASTY.
The new dynast}' that supplanted the old seems to have
been founded by Indravarman II, though we are not quite
certain on this point. The Dong Duong Inscription (No. 31 ),
issued by this king in 875 A. D. gives the following account
of the family.
"From the son (or family) of Paramos vara was born
Uroja, the king of the world. From him was born the fortunate
and intelligent Dharmarfija.
" From him was boru the intelligent king Sri Kudravar-
ma. The son of the latter was the far-fanrnl king Sri Bliad-
ravarma.
"The son of Sri Bhadravarmfi, known as Sri Indrnvarnmn,
has become the king of Champfi through the grace of Mahos-
vara.
" Thus the sovereignty of tlio king was transmitted in its
entirety from those kings ( lit. sons). It was not given by the
grandfather or the father.
" By the special merit of his austerities, and by virtue of
his pure intelligence lr- gained ( the kingdom ), not from his
grandfather or father. "
(Versos No. .SI. P.. \X-1 )
The last verse is echoed again in a pros'* passage "Sri Java
Indravarma Maharajadhirfija bjcarne king of Champa by vir-
tue of peculiar merits accruing from austerities of many pre-
vious births" ( Ins. p. 87 )
Now as to the genealogy of Indravarrna, it is traced from
Mahadova, and thus a divine origin is attributed to the family.
Elsewhere th" family is referred to as the ' Bhrgu family
(No. 42, v. <S ; No. ;* ( J, v. 10 ) evidently because of the mytho-
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 57
logy contained in No. 31, according to which Bhrgu was sent
to Champa by Mahade va himself. The next king Uroja also
belongs to the category of mythical kings, for he is elsewhere
( No. 31, A. 10, ) described as a god sent down to the earth by
Mahade va. As to the third king, Dharmaraja, it is doubtful
whether he is a historical figure, or belongs to the category of
divine or mythical beings. It may be noted that his name
does not end in ' varman' which is almost the invariable custom
of the kings of Champa at this period. Further, it is some-
what singular that whereas Indravarnian is said to be the son
of Bhadravarman, and the latter the son of Rudravarman, the
last named king is simply said to have baen born from Dhar-
maraja; similarly Dharmaraja is simply said to have been born
from Uroja. Of course ordinarily such expressions indicate
the relation of son and father, but here the obvious contrast
in tho two s^ts of expressions may be taken to mean that
Rudravarman was merely desc?nded from Dharmaraja and
not his son. 1 In short we shall be on the safe side if we look
upon the last three kings alone as historical figures viz.
Rudravarma
Bhadravarma
Indraviirma
Now both Rudravarma and Bhadravarma ara explicitly
referred to as kings. It would then follow that the royal
dynasty to which Indravarnm belonged was founded by Rud-
ravarrna, and the former inherited the throne of his father
and grandfather. Strangely enough, this is exactly the con-
clusion against which we ara warned by the king himself, who
declares, in no uncertain voic^, that he did not inherit the
throne from his father or grandfather, but gained it through
1. These arguments hnve heen elaborated by Finot. (B. E*
F- rol IV. pp. 90 if).
58 THE BHRGU DYNASTY
the grace of MaheSvara, by virtue of his meritorious acts in
previous births ( cf. the last four verses quoted above ).
It is a very hard task to reconcile these conflicting state-
ments. Finot supposes that the grandfather of the king
(i. e. Rudravarma) had probably usurped the throne by mur-
dering the legitimate king, and hence Indravarman, unwilling
to base his claim to the throne on this criminal act, referred
to his own austerities and grace of MaheSvara as forming
sufficient claims thereto. 1 This is no doubt a possible view,
but a b?tter explanation seems to b? that Rudravarman and
Bhadravarman were local kings, and it was Indravarman who
first made himself the master of Champa. Thus although
descended from a line of kings he did not owe the kingdom
of Champa either to his father or to his grandfather, but only
to his own meritorious acts. That kings Rudravarman and
Bhadravarman were historical personages we gather from
Hoa Que Inscription (No. 39 C.) and An-Thai inscription
(No. 37). The last named inscription further proves that
Bhadravarman actually ruled in the Quang Narn district and
made donations to a Buddhist monastery. There is nothing
to support Maspero's view that Vikrantavarman III, having
no children, recommended Indravarman to the principal citi-
zens who sought him out and placed him on the throne of
Champa .*
1. Ibid.
2- The expressions "Sandarsita" (No. 31 B, v. II) and
"Mahajanavarair-anugamyamanah" (Ibid, v. 9.) have
led Fiaot to suppose that king Indravarman was "nomi-
nated by the king" and proclaimed by the citizens'
(Ibid p. 97). The passage*, however, do not seem to me
capable of yielding this interpretation.
's view is apparently based upon that of
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 59
In any case Indravarman II. seems to be the first notable
king of this dynasty. He was originally called "SriLaksmmdra
Bhumlwara Gramasvamin" 1 , and on gaining the sovereignty
of Chamjm, he assumed the title ' Sri Jaya Indravarma Maha-
rajadhiraja '. He married his aunt, a niece of his grandfather
Rudravarman III (Hoa Que Ins. No. 39). The Dong Duong
Inscription praises him in extravagant terms, and commemo-
rates the erection of a monastery and a temple for Svabhayada,
i. e. Buddha. This is very interesting, for it shows that the
king had leanings towards Buddhism. But he had of course
the traditional faith in fiaivism. For the inscription not only
roi'ers tu a Sivalinga made by him (No. 31 B. V. 3), but also
contains a long invocation of the god Sambhubhadresvara
(No. 31 A. V. 10). This god is already familiar to us, and
we have seen above that it was erected by Bhadravarmau
about 400 A. !)., destroyed by fire, and re-installed by his suc-
cessor ^ambhuvarman. Indravarman II, however, completely
ignores theso historical facts and gives an altogether different
story about its origin. He says in effect that the sage Bhrgu
got the Hugo, from Mahadeva himself, while Uroja got it from
Bhrgu and installed it at Champa. Thus the two mythical names
Bhrgu and Uroja are substituted for those of Bhadravarmau
and Sarnbhuvarman. Indravarman could not possibly have
Finot, but he has transformed it a great deal. Finot
apparenfciy means that Indravarman was nominated by
the king:, his father, but Maspero takes this king to bo
YikrantavarniHii, and adds two new facts viz. that Vik-
rarit a varman had no children, and that the nobles of his
court \vent in search of king Imlvnvarman, nominated
by him. I do not find any authority for either of these
statements.
]. I)OTI Duong Ins. No, 31. B. v II. CF. B. E F-, vol. IV.
P. 97.
58 THE BHRGU DYNASTY
the grace of MaheSvara, by virtue of his meritorious acts in
previous births ( cf . the last four verses quoted above ).
It is a very hard task to reconcile these conflicting state-
ments. Finot supposes that the grandfather of the king
(i. e. Rudravarma) had probably usurped the throne by mur-
dering the legitimate king, and hence Indravarman, unwilling
to base his claim to the throne on this criminal act, referred
to his own austerities and grace of MaheSvara as forming
sufficient claims thereto. 1 This is no doubt a possible view,
but a b?tter explanation seems to b? that Rudravarman and
Bhadravarman were local kings, and it was Indravarman who
first made himself the master of Champa. Thus although
descended from a line of kings he did not owe the kingdom
of Champa either to his father or to his grandfather, but only
to his own meritorious acts. That kings Rudravarman and
Bhadravarman were historical personages we gather from
Hoa Que Inscription (No. 39 C.) and An-Thai inscription
(No. 37). The last named inscription further proves that
Bhadravarman actually ruled in the Quang Nam district and
made donations to a Buddhist monastery. There is nothing
to support Maspero's view that Vikrantavarman III, having
no children, recommended Indravarman to the principal citi-
zens who sought him out and placed him on the throne of
Champa .*
1. Ibid.
2 The expressions "Sandarsita" (No. 31 R t v. II) and
"Mahajanavarair-anugamyamanah" (Ibid, v. 9.) have
led Fiaot to suppose that kinglndravarmau was "nomi-
nated by the king" and proclaimed by the citizens'
(Ibid p. 97). The passages, however, do not HUOIU to mo
capable of yielding: this interpiotntion.
Maspeio's view is apparently based upon that of
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 59
In any case Indravarman II. seems to be the first notable
king of this dynasty. He was originally called "SrlLaksmmdra
BhumlSvara Gramasvamin" 1 , and on gaining the sovereignty
of Champa, he assumed the title ' Sri Jaya Indravarma Maha-
rajadhiraja '. He married his aunt, a niece of his grandfather
Rudravarman III (Hoa Que Ins. No. 39). The Dong Duong
Inscription praises him in extravagant terms, and commemo-
rates the erection of a monastery and a temple for Svabhayada,
i. e. Buddha. This is very interesting, for it shows that the
king had leanings towards Buddhism. But he had of course
the traditional faith in Saivisrn. For the inscription not only
refers to a Sivalinga made by him (No. 31 B. V. 3), but also
contains a long invocation of the god SambhubhadreSvara
(No. 31 A. V. 10). This god is already familiar to us, and
we have seen abovo that it was erected by Bhadravarmau
about 400 A. 1)., destroyed by fire, and re-installed by his suc-
cessor Sambhuvarman. Indravarman II, however, completely
ignores these historical facts and gives an altogether different
story about its origin. He says in effect that the sage Bhrgu
got the liuga from Mahadeva himself, while Uroja got it from
Bhrgu and installed it at Champa. Thus the two mythical names
Bhrgu and Uroja aro substituted for those of Bhadravarmau
and Sambhuvarman. Indravarman could not possibly have
Finot, but he 1ms transformed it a great deal. Finot
apparently means that Indravarman was nominated by
the king, his father, but Maspero takes this king to be
Vikrautavarman, and adds two new facts viz. that Vik-
rantavarman had no children, and that the nobles of his
court went in search of kin^r Itidravarman, nominated
by him. I do not find any authority for either of these
statements.
1. Don* Duong Ins. No, :j] . B. v II. Cf. B. E P-, vol. IV.
l>. 97.
60 THE BHRGU DYNASTY
been ignorant of these kings, for their inscription recording
the installation of the linga were there before the temple.
It was then a deliberate misrepresentation on the part of
Indravarman II, actuated no doubt by a policy of ignoring
kings and dynasties from whom he could riot legitimately
claim his succ?ssion.
Besides Dong Duong Inscription two other inscriptions
(Nos. 32 and 33 l ) belong to th^ reign of Indravarman II.
Phu Thuaii (No. 33) inscription simply records that the king
exempted the temple of Sii Bhagyakant-svara from taxes,
and employed four priests for daity worship th^re. From Bo
Mang inscription (No. 32) wo learn that the king d nlicat^l
a field together with slaves to Sri Mah.Uiugad^va, installed
o
by his minister named Manicaitya in the y^ar 889 A. D. Conven-
tional praises are bestowed on him in An-Thai inscription
(No. 37).
Indravarman II must have enjoyed a fairly long and
peaceful reign between 854 A. D., the date of Vikrantavar-
man III, and 898 A. D., the earliest date of his successor. His
known dates are 875 and 889 A. D. 2 So far as we know
he sant only a single- embassy to China in 877 A. D., as he had
nothing to fear from that quarter on account of its internal
conditions. Indravarman II seems to have b ;en succeeded by
Jaya Siiiihavarman. 3 The relationship b jtwen the two is riot
definitely known. The Dong Duong inscription (No. 36),
however, says that the mother of king Jayashnhavarman had
a younger sister, Pov ku lyan ii Kajakula, also known as
1. This is doubtfully attributed to Indruv.irman IT, cr No. ^3
2. To this we may possibly add 893 A. 1). (Son Introdu-Jti ^i
to the Chama Ins. No. 38).
3. This conclusion sftoins to follow from Uio Ban-l:inh Ins-
cription (N>. >">), nr.d the Cln,n--K i In.sripit.>ii (Mo ,'iS).
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 61
Haradevi. Haradevi's husband was king ri Parama-Buddha-
loka, and she installed f3ri Indraparamevara for the sake of
religious merit of her own husband. This might be taken to
imply that the coronation-name of her husband was Indra-
varman, as the name of the gods is often fornibd by the addi-
tion of the name of the king. It may b3 held therefore that
Haradevl was tho qii3en of Indravarman II. 1 According to
this view, Suiiliavarinan would b? the son of the elder sister
of Indravarmaii's queen, 2 and Indravarman would have tli3
epithet of " Parama-JJuddhaloka".
We possess liv 1 inscriptions belonging to the reign of Jaya
Simlmvarman (Now. 34-38 ), but tlr>y merely give a list of his
pious donations and do not contain any ref^r^ncs to political
evpnts. Only w-h^aragr >at d;al of th-3 wealth arid splendour
of Indrapura which s >?ms to have bjen the real capital of this
dynasty, although th? city of Champa is still officially recog-
nised as such.
Out of gratitude to his maternal aunt Haradevl, to whom
he owed the throne, king Jaya Siiiihavarman exempted from
taxes several temples erected by her and installed the august
goddess Harorna.
Other pious works of th^ king in the form of direct do-
nations to gods, or protection and immunity granted to temples
established by othors, are referred to in Bo-Mang (No. 34),
Ban-lanh (No. 35), An-Thai (No. 37), Hoa-Que (No. 39), and
1. Tiiis point b;is been fully discussed in tbe Introduction to/
I'onp' l>uong Inscription No. 30.
^. MtivSpero concludes from a reference t Guhesvara in v.
2 of the Dong Duong Inscription, tluit Guhesvara was
th name of Jftya, isimhavarman's father (T oung Pao
vol. Xllp. t r )8). I5ut this seems to be a far-fetched
iut rprotatior.. In any c so \\iu Dame should bo Guhavar-
man and not Guhosvara.
62 THE BHBGtT DYNASTY
the fragmentary Chau-sa Inscriptions (No. 38).
It is important to note that the royal patronage vras not
confined to f5aivism alone but Buddhism also had a fair share
of it.
The queen of Jaya Simhavarman was named Tribhuvana-
Mahadevi who is praised in extravagant tarms in the Nhan-
Bieu Inscription ( No. 43 ) and whose religious donations are
referred to in the Ha-Trung inscription (No. 44). The Nhan-
Bieu inscription refers to her father's family as of very high
standing arid gives the following genealogy.
Lyan Vrddhakula
Narendradhipati Son
i i
Daughter Tnbhu vaiwdevi
"
Pov Klun Pilih Rajadvarah
The Nhan Bieu inscription furnishes a detailed account of
Pov Klun Rajadvarah, the son of tho queen's cousin. He be-
came a favourite of king Jayasimhavarman and was sent on a
diplomatic mission to Java. The Bo-Mang inscription ( No. 34 )
makes a vague allusion to the power of the king having spread
to other lands, and this is confirmed by the diplomatic mission
sent to Java which, as we shall see, was continued by his suc-
cessors. King Jayasiuihavarinan was succ^ed'id by his eldest
son $ri Jaya^aktivarman. 1 He is only referred to in t^e Nhan
Bieu Ins. (No. 43) and probably reigned for only a short time.
The earliest known date of Jayasimhavarman is 898 A. D. and
1. Jt is unnecessary to point out in detail the errors in Mas-
pero's accounts of this period. They are due partly to
the misreading of the Po-Naprar Ins. (No. 4f>) by Bertfai-
irno, thereby introducing a newkintr Hnravurm;in, and
pftrtly to tho fact that several inscriptions throwing nw
light on this period were not yol d.scoTered.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 63
that of the successor of JayaSaktivarman, 909 A. D. Jayasiin-
havarman, theref 3re, must have died sometime between 903 A. D.
his last known date, and 909 A. D. His son, too, must have died
before 909 A. D. The next king was Bhadravarman III. whose
relationship to his predecessor is not known as yet. The way
in which he is introduced in the Nhan Bieu inscription seems
to indicate that he did not occupy the throne by any unfair
means. For Instancy Pilih Rajadvarab, the son of the cousin
of Jaya S'nihavarman's queen, continued to occupy a high posi-
tion under Bhadravarrnan, as he did under his two predeces-
sors, and was again sent on a diplomatic errand to Java. This,
of cours. 1 , proves nothing, but gives ris^ to a fair presumption
that th-^re was no violent disturbance in the internal polity
of the kingdom.
We possess four inscriptions of the time of Bhadravarman
III. ( NOH. 39-42 ). Con volitional praises are bestowed upon
th r > king, and in particular his victories over enemies are refe-
rred to again and again. Whether these are mere eulogistic
expressions or have any historical basis to stand upon, we have
no means to determine. The Bang- An inscription ( No. 42 )
refers to the multitude of royal ambassadors coming from
different countries. The Hoa-Que Inscription ( No. 39 ) says
with reference to one of his ministers, that he was able to
understand thoroughly the meaning of m^ssag3s scmt by kings
from different countries/ The Nhan-Bieu Inscription (No.
43) states that he sent Pilih Rajadvarah on a diplomatic mis-
sion to Java. These isolated statements, occurring in different
contexts, leave no doubt that the kingdom of Champa was
now recognised abroad as an important and powerful kingdom
and took part in international politics. The first stages of
this new departure we have already not'ced in the reign of
Jaya Simhavarman.
The Hoa-Qu inscription ( No 39) refers to an important
4 THE BH^GTJ DYNASTY
collateral branch of the royal family which supplied high
officials to the kingdom. The founder of this family, Sartha-
vaha, was a nephew of Rudravarman III, the first king of the
dynasty, and a brother of the principal queen of Indravarman
II. His three sons Xjfta Mahasamanta, Sjna Narendra nrpa-
vitra and Sjna Jayendrapati occupied high positions in the
kingdom as ministers of king Bhadravarman. These three
brothers, together with a younger sister, called Ugradevi, 1 erec-
ted an imaga of Maha Rudradeva, ' out of devotion to, and in
imitation of the features of their father/ Other religious en-
dowments of the members of the family ara also referred to in
the same inscription.
Bhadravarman erected many temples and images of gods,
a list of which is given in the Hoa-Que inscription (No. 39).
Other religious endowments are referred to in the Bang-an
inscription ( No. 42 ).
Bhadravarman must have a very short reign. His known
dates are 909 and 910 A. D. He must have died in 910 or 911
A. D. the known date of his successor. His reign, therefore,
ialls between this date and 903 A. D. the last known date of
Jaya Simhavarman. As one king intervened between the
two he did not probably reign for more than a period of five
years, 905 to 910 A. D.
Bhadravarman III. was succeeded by his son Indra\arman
1. Huber who edited the Hoa-Que inscription remarks that
Ugradevi had married a Cham king, probably Bhadravar-
man III, ;the reigning king (B. E. F. vol. XI, p. 280).
This is apparently based on his interpretation of verse
XXV] (c) 4>f the inscription. But the verse does not eon-
tain any word equivalent to "queen" so far as 1 could
see (cf. the text and translation of the inscription No. 3D).
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 65
III. We possess eight inscriptions of his reign ( Nos. 43-50 J. 1
The king had a remarkable personality. His literary accom-
plishments are described in the Po-Nagar inscription ( No. 45 ).
He is said to have mastered the six systems of Brahmanical
Philosophy as well as the Buddhist Philosophy, the Grammar of
Pamni together with its commentary Kagika, and the Uttara-
kalpa of the k5aivites. Inspite of obvious exaggerations, the
king must be taken to have been a remarkable scholar in his
day.
1. It has been usual to distinguish between Indravarman III
and his successor Jaya Indravarman I, the last five
inscriptions (Nos. 4G-5c) being attributed to the latter.
But I do not see any reason for this distinction. Indra-
varman II, for example, is twice called Jaya Indravarman
(cf. Dong Duong Ins. No. 31, B., and Bo-Mang Inscrip-
tion 'No, 32) and the same thing may hold good in the
case of Indravarman III. Besides, the Po-Nagar inscrip-
tion (No. 47) of the so-called Jaya Indravarman I refers to
the re-erection of a stone image in place of the golden one
formerly installed by the king himself (cf, yena in line 1
and its correlative sa in line 3). Now we know from No.
45 that Indravarman ULerected a golden image of Bhag&-
vati. The identity of the two may therefore be presumed
on fairly satisfactory evidence, although it cannot
be definitely proved. It may be objected that as Indra-
varman III 'ascended the throne in 910 or 911 A. D.
and the last known date of Jaya Indravarman is 971 A.D.
the identification of the two would lead us to presume an
unusually long reign. But as the Lai-trung Inscription
(No. 46) of Jaya Indravarman'^1 is dated 918 or 921 A.D.
we have in any case to presume quite a long reign.
Besides, Maspero's theory that Indravarman HI was
succeeded by Jaya Indravarman I about 960 A.D. is
proved erroneous by the Lai-trung Inscription (No. 46).
66 THE BHRGU DYNASTY
But while the king was busy with the study of Philosophy
and Grammar, the kingdom was invaded by the Cambodgians.
The Po-Nagar inscription ( No. 47 ) informs us that the golden
image installed by the king was carried away by the Cambo-
dgians and the king substituted a stone image in its place in
965 A. D. This golden image is no doubt that of the goalless
BhagavatI which was installed by the king in the year 9 8
A. D. (cf. Po Nagar Ins. No. 45 ).
The date of this Gambodgian invasion is not difficult to
determine. The Baksei Cankran inscription of Kajendravar-
man II, dated 947 A. D., 1 states that the king was a fire of
destruction to his royal enemies, commencing with that of
Champa. As Rajendravarman ascended the throne in 944
A. D., his expedition against Champa must have taken place
between 944 and 947 A. D.
Indravarman ultimately hurled back the forces of the
Cambodgian king, but his straitened circumstances are indi-
cated by the fact that the golden image of Bhagavati which
was carried away by the invading troops could only be
replaced by a stone figure. (Po Nagar Ins. No. 47).
For a long time the kings of Champa stopped their
customary presents to China, apparently b'jcaus^ it was torn
by internal dissensions after the downfall of tin >Tang dynasty.
The four ephemeral dynasties that succeeded the T'arig were
all ignored by the Chain kings, but on the accession of Kouo
Wei, who founded a new dynasty the Heou Tcheou Indra-
varman sent an embassy to China with various presents
(951 A. D.). The intercourse thus resumed continued
uninterrupted throughout hia reign. When Tchao K'ouan^-
Yin founded the Soung Dynasty in China (960 A. D.), liidra-
1. J. A. 188: (2) p. 151J1881 (1) p. 54. Aymonier, Cam-
bodgo vol. Ill p. 8.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 67
varman sent an embassy to offer congratulations. Altogether
seven embassies from Champa visited the Imperial court in
958, 959, 962, 966, 967, 970 and 971 A. D. 1
Indravarman III. enjoyed a long reign of sixty years.
Ho ascended the throne about 911 A. D. and died in 971 or
972 A. D.
KINGS REFERRED TO IN CHAPTER VI.
1. Rudra varman III.
2. Bhadravarrnan II.
(Son of No. 1)
3. Indravarman II. (c. 870-c. 895 A.D.)
(Son of No. 2)
4. Jaya Simhavarman (c. 895-904 A. D.)
(Son of the elder sister of the
queen of No. 3)
5. Jay agakti varman (c. 904-905 A. D.)
(Son of No. 4)
6. Bhadra varman III. (c. 905-911 A. D.)
7. Indravarman III. (c. 911 A. D.-972 A. D.)
(Son of No. 6)
1. T'oung Pao 1911, p. 62 ff.
Chapter VII.
The Annamite Invasions.
For nearly a century after the death of Indravarman III.
the history of Champa is obscure in the extreme. Excepting
one doubtful case, to be noticed later on, no epigraphic evi-
dence comes to our help, and we are solely dependent on
the Chinese and Annamite annals for guiding us in this
dark period. The outstanding event of this period is
the Annamite invasion, leading to internal disintegration
of the kingdom of Champa, and this sufficiently explains
the absence of epigraphic records bearing upon the history
of the period.
Indravarman III. seems to have been succeeded by a king
whose name is differently spelt in Chinese histories and
may be taken to be equivalent to Paramesvaravarman.
He sent embassies to China in 972, 973, 974, 976, 977,
and 979 A. D. But he was soon involved in a quarrel with
the Annamites which brought ruin upon himself and his
kingdom.
AH the Annamitee began to play an increasingly predo-
minant part in the history of Champa from this time for-
ward till that kingdom was finally subjugated by them,
it is necessary to give a brief review of the rise and growth
of this new power.
It has already been related in Chapter II how a section
of the widely spread Yue race had ultimately established
itself in Tonkin and northern Annarn, and developed a
distinct nationality. It has also been pointed out that when
this country passed into the hands of China (111 B. C.) during
the Han period, the territory inhabited by tin Arinamit?a
was comprised within the two Chinese provinces of Kiao-
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 69
tche and Kieou-tchen corresponding to modern Hanoi and
Thanh Hoa regions.
These two provinces were ruled by Chinese governors.
Tho central authority in China, however, could not always
keep a firm hold upon these distant provinces. Si-
Kouang, the governor of Kiao-tche (in the first quarter of
the first century A. I).) behaved practically as an independent
king. His administration was memorable for the large
measure of success which attended his efforts to introduce
the Chinese civilisation in tho province. But the tyranny
of tho Chinas 3, both officials and colonists, weighed heavily upon
the people. In 8G A. 1). To Dinh, the successor of of Si Kouang
put to death tlr* husband of Tru'ng Trac, and the exaspe-
rated people fit once broke into revolt under tho leadership
of this spirited lady and her sister Tru'ng Nhi The Chinese
governor fled in haste and Tru'ng Trac began to rule as
an independent sovereign (40 A. D.). But h^r power was
short-lived. A Chinese army under Ma Youen easily over-
ran the country. The two sisters were taken captive and
beheaded, and the Chinese authority was again established
iri the country.
The conqueror Ma Youen planted a column of bronze
at Co-lau as a token of his victory, and also probably to
mark the boundary of the province He did not pass beyond
Than Hoa in the south, but according to later legends, he
passed far to the south, in the heart of Aunain, planted a
small Chinese colony there, and erected two copper columns
to mark the southern frontier of the Chinese possessions.
The Annamitos again revolted in 183 A. D., but were
subjugated iri 226 A. D. Jn 541 Ly Bon or Ly Bi, an
Annamite of Chinese origin revolted against the Chinese
governor and declared himself king. He and his two suc-
cessors ruled for 62 years, but the Chinos" 1 general Lieou Fang
70 THE ANNAMITE INVASIONS
reconquered the province in 603 A. D. Ly Bon ruled over
the whole of Tonkin and in the south his kingdom reached
the frontier of Champa. His fight with Kudravarman has
been referred to in Chapter IV.
From 603 to 939 A. D. the Chinese remained the undis-
puted master of Tonkin. Under the T'ang dynasty a new
province was created embracing all the Chinese possessions
from the northern extremity of Tonkin to the borders of
the kingdom of Champa. It was named Ngan-nan (pro-
nounc-'d by th" Aimnmitjs as An Nam) meaning "pacified
south". In 722 an Annamite chief, Mai Thuc Loan, made
alliance with the kings of Champa and revolted against the
Chinese governor. But the revolt was easily suppressed by
the Chinese generals.
Towards the close of the ninth century A. D. troubles
arose in the country. The political changes in China, invol-
ving frequent changes in the provincial administration, led
to a state of anarchy and confusion in Tonkin. At last,
unable to bear the miseries of Chinese yoke, the Annamites
broke into revolt early in the 10th century A. D. The
moment was very opportune. The downfall of the Imperial
T'ang dynasty in 907 A. D. was followed by a period of anarchy
and disintegration in China, lasting for more than half a century.
The Annamites took full advantage of this situation
and freed themselves from the iron yoke of the Chinese.
Henceforth Annarn became an independent country, nomi-
nally acknowledging the suzerainty of China at times, but quite
free from Chinese control for all practical purposes. A new
power thus came into existence which was ultimately destined
to play an important part in the history of south-eastern
Asia. 1
1. The short historical account of Annarn is mainly based on
the following books. (1) Cordier-IJistoire Generalo de
ANCIENT HISTORY OP CHAMPA 71
The first independent royal Annamite dynasty was
founded by Ngo Quyen in 939 A. D. But the supreme power
did not remain with a single chief for a long time. By 965
A. D. twelve important chiefs had partitioned the country among
themselves. In 9G8 A. D. Dinh Bo Linh defeated the
twelve chiefs and proclaimed himself emperor. He ruled
for 12 years but was murdered in 979 A. D. Ngo Nhut
Khanh, one of the twelve chiefs defeated by the emperor,
had taken refuge in the court of Champa. As soon as the
news of emperor's death reached him, he planned to seize
the throne and asked for the aid of Paramesvaravarman.
The latter readily consented and led a naval expedition
against Tonkin in person. The Chain fleet made good progress
and reached within a few miles of the capital. At night, how-
ever, a storm broke out and destroyed the whole fleet with
the exception of the royal vessel which safely returned to
Champa. A large number, including Nhut Khanh, was drow-
ned and the rest fell into the hands of the Annamites ( 979
A. D. ).
Shortly after, Le Hoan was elected by the Annamite chiefs
as their emperor ( 980 A. D. ). Ho successfully opposed a
Chinese expedition sent by the Emperor K'ouang-Yito recon-
quer the province. He sent an ambassador to ParameSvaravar-
man, but the latter imprisoned him against diplomatic conven-
tion of all ages and countries. Lo Hoan was naturally furious,
and led an expedition in person against Champa. ParameSvara-
varman was defeated and killed at the first encounter, and the
Annamite king marched towards the capital. Although a new
king was hastily set up, he could not save the capital city which
fell into the hands of the Annamitos. After pillaging the city and
la Chine [Paris 1920] [2], E. Luro Le Pays D' Au-
nam [Paris 1878].
72 THE ANNAMITE INVASIONS
burning its temples Le Hoan made arrangements for governing
the province and returned with an immense booty (982 A. D. ).
Among others, he took with him 100 ladies of the royal harem
and an Indian Bhiksu.
The new king whose name has been restored from Chinese
Annals as Indravarman (IV) took refuge in his southern
territories and sent a Brahmana envoy to the Chinese court
complaining against the Annamite occupation of Champa.
But the emperor was not in a mood to renew the fight with
the Annamites and advised the king of Champa to protect
his own kingdom and live on friendly terms with his
neighbours.
In the meantime the Annamite chiefs were quarrelling
among themselves. The history of the internal quarrels and
dissensions is but imperfectly known to us but they ultimately
led to the usurpation of the throne of Champa by Lu'u-Ky-
Tong, an Annamite chief, who revolted against Le Hoan. L3
Hoan advanced with an army to punish him but the difficulties
of the route, added to the inclemency of the weather, forced
him to retreat (983 A. D.).
Lu'u-Ky-Tong was now quite secure in his domi-
nions in northern Champa. His power was on the increase,
and after the death of Indravarman IV he was officially proclaim-
ed king of Champa. The foreign domination, however,
pressed hard on the people, and they began to emigrate to
the Chinese territories in large numbers. Fortunately, a
national hero appeared at this time at Vijaya. Lu'u-Ky-Tong
disappeared and the former was crowned king under the name
of Vijaya gri Harivarman (II) 1 (989 A. D.). The capital was
fixed at Vijaya in Binh-Dmh.
1. Maspero reads this name as Sri Indravarman [T'onng Pao
1911, p. 72] but cf. Finot's remarks in B. E. F. vol. !V,
No. 2. p. 48 fn (2).
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 73
This king has left a short Cham inscription of four lines
on a block of sandstone lying in the vestibule of a temple at
Myson(No51). It records the installation of the god Sri
Jaya I^ana Bhadresvara in the year 991 A. D., and is proba-
bly a reminiscence of the work of restoration that must have
slowly followed the cruel devastation by the Annamites.
Shortly after his accession Harivarrnan II found his terri-
tories again ravaged by L ^ Hoan. He sent an embassy with
rich presents to tin Imperial court of China complaining about
th^ conduct of L^ Hoan, and the emperor commanded Le Hoan
to keep within his own territory. Hari Varman II also wanted
to conciliate th'-j Annamito kins; .and refused assistance to an
Annamit? chief who had rebelled against Ls Hoan. The latter,
touched by this signal mark of friendship, and probably also
intimidated by the order of the Chinese emperor, not only
stopped his incursions, but also released a number of Chaoi
prisoners ( 992 A. D. ). During the same year the Chinese em-
peror sent a rich present to Harivarman II, who was, glad beyond
measure at such an unexpected honour, and sent in return an
envoy with a rich tribute. In a letter to the emperor which he sent
.along with this envoy, the king poured forth his feelings of
gratitud3 and helpl?ssri?ss in a pathetic manner :
" 1 am a chief of email renown. The foreigners always
invaded and devastated my country, and my subjects, unable
to defend, were scattered like straw before a storm. Then you
extended your protection to me and sent me a present of mag-
nificent horses, standards and equipments of war. Learning the
Imperial favour vouchsafed to me, my neighbours no longer
entertain any desire of ruining me. Now my kingdom is again
enjoying peace, and the scattered people are coming back...
My country has the same reverence for you as for the heaven
.above which covers us, and the earth below which bears us, and
my gratitude is unlimited. 10,000 li of sea divides your august
74 THE ANNAMITE INVASIONS
capital from my country, and yet your goodwill is extended
towards me" The humble epistle ended with a request that
three hundred of his subjects which had taken refuge in the
Chinese territory might be repatriated to Champa.
Outwardly Harivarinan was on equally good terms with
Le Hoan, the Annamite king, and sent diplomatic missions to
him. Nevertheless the soldiers of Champa ravaged the Aima-
mite territory to the north. Onc a , Le Hoan rebuked the
Cham envoy and refused to accept the tribute brought by him.
Harivarinan hastened to pacify him and sent his own grandson
as hostage to his court ( 095 A. D. ). But the Chains never-
theless continued to raid the Annatnite territory. In 997 a
Cham army marched npto the borders of Tonkin but returned
without invading it.
Harivarman II was succeeded by a king, the first part of
whose name alone has reached us in a Chines? form, 1 viz. Yah
Pu Ku Vijaya Sri. He ascended the throne sometime before
999 A. D. when he sent an envoy to China. King Harivarman
II, although proclaimed king at Vijaya, had re-established the
Court at the ancient capital Indrapura. But that city was
sacked by Le Hoan and had suffered all the horrors of foreign
domination. Yan Pu Ku Vijaya Sri definitely abandoned it,
and, in order to avoid the domination of the Aimamites, retired
to Vijaya which henceforth became the capital of Champa
and remained as such till the end.
In 1004 Yan Pu Ku Vijaya Sri sent an ambassador to the
Chiness Court who met there a deputation iVom Arab. Three
years later, he sent another ambassador to the Emperor with
a long loiter and rich presents. Question >d by the Emperor
the ambassador reported that th k ir capital had ben removed
to Vijaya, 700 li to th * south of th * old capital.
1. Yang p'o TI Ivh; T'i t'cm vi Che li.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 75
Ya& Pu Ku Vijaya ri w succeeded by a king, the Chi-
nese form of whose name 1 has been doubtfully restpred to gri
Harivarmadeva III. He sent three embassies to China ia 1010,
1011, and 1015, and one to Tonkin in 1011. With hi* envoy
to China in 1011 he sent a few lions which were objects of
great curiosity to the Imperial Court.
Hie successor, the Chinese form of whose name' has been
doubtfully restored to Paranievaravarman II, sent tribute to
China in 1018 A. D. Early in the year 1021, the Annamites
all on a sudden attacked the camp of Bo Chanh which protec-
ted the northern frontier of Champa. The Cham genei^l op-
posed th-em, but was killed, and his army retreated in disor-
der. The invading amiy, however, also suffered great lots and
did not dare to advance? any further.
The next king, the Chinese form of whose name 8 has been
doubtfully restored as Yah Pu Ku rl V ikrantavarman ( IV )
was on the throne in 1030 A. D. when he ssnt an embassy to
China with tribute. His reign seems to be full of civil wars
and revolutions. For twice, in 1038 and 1039 A. D., his son
sought protection at the court of Tonkin, and a few months
later, th? entire garrison of the camp of Bo Chinh 0ught re-
fuge with the Annamite Ernparor. Vikrantavarman died in
1041 A. IX, and th* year following, his son Java Si u* havarman
II asked for investiture from the Chinese court.
Jaya Simhavarman's indiscretion brought auother terrible
calamity upon the unfortunate kingdom of Champa. In 104
his navy harassed th* Annamite coast but was forced to retreat
in the face of a large fore 3 sent against them. The Annamite
Emperor Pliat Ma now decided on an expedition on a large
scale to chastise his turbulent neighbours, who had besides,
1. Che H Hia H pi ma ti.
2. Che Mei P'ai mo tie
,i. Yang P'on Kou Che-li P'i lau To Kia pan motie.
76 THE ANNAMITE INVASIONS
ceased to perform any act of vassalage ior the last sixteen
years. He constructed 100 new vessels and drilled hia soldi-
ers for both offensive and defensive war. At length, on the
12th January, 1044, he led the expedition in person against
Champa. The flotilla safely reached the bank of the river
Ngu Bo whers Jaya Sirhhavarman was waiting with his troops.
The Annamites disembarked and offered battle. The Cham
army was completely routed. Jaya Simhavarman himself
lay dead on the field which was covered by the dead
bodies of 30,000 of his soldiers. Moved by pity That Ma
at last stopped this fearful carnage and inarched towards
the capital city Vijaya. Vijaya was easily captured and rava-
ged by his army. At last the Anuamita Emperor turned back
with an immense quantity of booty and large number of
prisoners, including all the women of the palace It is recor-
ded about one of these that wlrai summoned to the royal vos-
sel she threw h?r.self into th'j sea, preferring death to disho-
nour in th? hands of her foreign for*. Tho emperor admired
h~r nM^l ,ty ami guv-3 \\*r a posthumous title meaning ' \vry
chaste and very sw-^t lw.lv.'
KINGS REFERRED TO IN CHAPTER VII.
1. EaranviSvaravarrnan (972 982 A. D. )
2. Indravannan IV (c. 982 988 A. D. )
a Lu'u-Ky-Tong ( 983989 A. D. )
( Aimauiifc usurper)
4. Vijaya Sri Harivarman II (989 c. 998 A. D. )
5. Yau Pu Ku Vijaya S'rl. ( c. 998 c. 1008 A. D.)
C. 6rl Harivarmaileva HI (c. 1008 c. 1016 A. D. )
7. Parame^varavarman II (c. 101G c. 1028 A. D. )
8. Vikrantavarman IV ( c . 10281041 A. D. )
9. JnyaRimluivarrnan II (1041 1044 A D >
< Son of No. 8)
Chapter VIII.
DECLINE OF CHAMPA.
The dynasty which came to power in 989 A. D. alter the
Ammmite usurpation perished with Jaya Simhavarman II
amid the disasters of the second Annamite invasion. But
within six years a now dynasty was founded by Jaya Pafame-
vuravarmadeva Tsvararnfirti, descended from the old -royal
family of Champa 1
Tlie new king lia'l to fac^ a very h?avy task. For nearly
seventy years (980 J 050 A. D.) tin kingdom was a prey to
foreign invasions aivl internal dissensions. The repeat xl incur-
sions of the Annamites had brought untold miseries upon
the kingdom and exhausted its resources. As tli3 central au-
thority became weak, provincial revolts b^gan. The southern
provinc ^ of Paiiduranga, for example, r *peat jdly rabelbd and
s^t up a new king on the throne 8 Th^ Cnml)oigians also pro-
bably took advantage of th3 weakness of tlrsir neighbour to
push on th')ir plundering raids into tin kingdom, 3
It r-'^fl'cts givat credit OH laya ParameM r ari Varman that
hu brav.-jly fae-jd thj dangers and restored p^ac ^ and order in
th:i kingdom to a considerable txt.iit. H; linst turned his
1. Cf. Phu-Qui Ins. (No. 57). Mespero's vieTi that * 4 his ances-
tors were simple warriors, vassals of the preceding kings"
rests upon a somewhat wide interpretation of the verse 2 of
the Po-Nagar Ins. (No. 60). It must be added, however, that
the Phu Qni Ins. wai not discovered when Maspero wrote.
2. cf . Po Klaun Garai Ins. Nos. 53, 54.
3. This seems to be a legitimate inference from Po Klann Ga-
rai Inscriptions Nos. 52, 53, 5fi. Otherwise we are to assume
that the king of Champa made an aggressive raid on Cambo-
dgo which appears unlikoly in view of the political conditioa
of Champa.
78 DECLINE OF CHAMPA
attention towards the, revolted province of Pan<Juraiiga. The
political situation of this country, probably typical of many
other provinces, is thus described.
" The people of Paiiduraiiga were always stupid, of mis-
chievous spirit, and evil-doers. For instance, on several occa-
sions they revolted against different kings of Champa down to
the time of His Majesty ^ri ParameSvaravarmadeva who gave
all the Barons of the country to the God ParameSvara (proba-
bly the country of Panduranga had been plac3d under the suze-
rainty of a great monastery ). Nevertheless, the people of Pan-
duranga were guilty of culpable acts. They set up different
individuals one after another and proclaimed them kings of
the country." 1
In order to put a stop to this chronic state of rebellion,
Parame^varavarmadeva led an \vell-orgariis3d expedition agai-
nst the province. Three armies wsre S3nt against it, one led
by th3 king in person and the two other by two of his nephews,
the Yuvaraja Mahasmapati, arid Devaraja Mah&senapati. 2
The revolted people of PAnduranga were completely defeated
1. Po Klaun Garai Ins. (No. 54).
2. This seems to be the only legitimate inference that may be
derived by a comparison of the three inscriptions at Po Kla-
un Garai (Nos. 52, 53, 54,). No. 5J explicitly states that the
kin$: "sent troops in varions batches". No. 52 says that De-
varaja $Iahasenaf>ati came to take the town of 'Panduranga
in 1050 A. D. on behalf of kiflfe gri ParamesVaravarmadeva.
According: to No. 53. 'the king "ordered his nephew, the
Yuvaraja Mahasenapati, to proceed with all his generals and
conquer the city", and the latter installed a Ltnga as mark
of victory in 1050 A. D. Lastly, we learn from No. 53 that
**His Majesty Sri Paramosvaravamiadevn led troops to the
conquest of the country and oro^ted a column of victory in
1050 A. D." ThuH there wore at least three different batch-
es Of trOODS tflkitio- nnrt tn tl* o,~ -,;m.:-- -- i*-^ ~
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 79
and came to terms ( 1050 A. D. ). The result is thus described
in one of the inscriptions :
" All the troops of Panrah came to fight. He ( Yuvaraja
Mahasenapati ) pursued and crushed th3m all and they took
shelter in mountains arid caverns. But the Yuvar&ja, who had
a powerful arrny, orderad his troops to pursue them in all direc-
tions. And th?se troops got hold of all the people of Panrafi
with oxen, buffaloas, slaves and elephants, on b3half of king
Piiratii'js vara varmad'3va Dharmaraja. "*
Half of tlu peopl3 were r^leas^d in order to re-establish
the city, and th? other half WHM distributed as slaves to vari-
ous religious establishments. 'Two columns were
raised to coinunmorat3 tin victory, on ^ by tliB king himself
and the otlr*r by the Yuvaraja Mahasena-pati, and two Idngas
ot ston3 were installed byth?two g^ii^rals/ Thes3 were inten-
ded to impress the people with an idea of the wealth, splendour
and piety of the king of Champa, and they produced the desi-
red effect.
" And on account of his piety to ^iva, when the people of
this country saw the beauty and the marks of this 'lihga*
they resolved to give up their revolts against the king of Cham-
pa who was always victorious." 2
" And when this column of victory was completed the people
of Pfinduraiiga, who had revolted, became, for ever, perfectly
virtuous and loyal towards tha king of Champa." 3
Having brought the affairs of Panduranga to a satisfactory
conclusion, the king turned his att3ntion towards his western
neighbour, the Cambodgians. H3r3 also his attempts proved
completely successful. The Yuvaraja Mahas3napati who had
played such a distinguished part in the Pilnduranga war inflic-
1, PJ Klauti Garni Ins No. 5,'J.
L 1 . Ibid.
3. l*o Klaun Garai Iru. No. 54.
80 DECLINE OF CHAMPA
ted a crushing defeat upon the Cambodgians and took the town
of ambhupura. He destroyed a large number of temples there
and distributed the Khmer captives among the temples of
King Parame^varavarman had to devote a great deal of
attention to the restoration of the religious institutions which
had suffered during the troublesome period t-iat preceded his
reign. In 1050 A. D. he re-installed the image of the famous
goddess of Po Nao-ara and endowed her with lands, slaves and
O O
various other costly articles. 1 In 1055 he restored a cave at
Lai Cham 1 and erected avihtlra atPhu-qui, endowing the latter
with men, oxen, buffaloes, grains as well as all the vessels n?c>
ssary for the worship of the gods. 3 The Yuvaraja Mahasena-
pati, who had assisted hi s royal uncle in his military expeditions,
also ably seconded his efforts in this direction. He erected or
restored a number of temples and endowed them with neces-
sary articles. He also installed many Lingas and made vari-
ous gifts to temples, monasteries and salds ( Houses of Charity 0-
He devoted special attention to the temple of Sruanabhadres-
vara in the precincts of which he erected aa ' imagtf of Liug&
in 105G A. D. ( No. 59 ).
Jaya Parame^varavarman cultivated friendly relations with
the Emperors of China arid Arinana. To tin former he sent
ambassadors in 1050, 1053 and 1056. On the last occasion his
ambassador was shipwrecked and lost all his baggages, where-
upon the Chinese Emperor sent him 1000 ounces of silver.
His ambassador also visited the Court of the Annamite Empe-
ror in 1047, 1050, 1055, 10GO and also sometime between 1057
and 1059 A. D. 4
l.'Po-Na^ar Ins. Nos. ">:>, f>8.
2. Lni chain Ins. No. MJ.
.'{. Phu-qni Ins. No. r>7.
4. T'oung Pao 1911 p. 238. An ambassador sent from Champa
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 81
Jaya Par&mssvaravarman was probably succeeded by
Bhadravarnran IV. This name is only known from the Po
Nagar inscription (No. GO) of his younger brother Rudravar-
man IV, but as no royal title is attached to the name, it is
doubtful whether he actually ruled. If hs did so, he must
have ase^ndad the thron? sometime ia 1060 or 10G1 A. D. In that
ease we may look upon him as the king of Champa who sent
tribute to China in 1061.
Bhadravarman IV was succeeded by Rudravarman IV.
Ho was born in the family o Jaya Parainesvara but the rela-
tionship between the two is not definitely known. From the
very beginning he made preparations for attacking his northern
neighbour. He organis M! his army a:ul train H! his soldiers
for the purpose He then sent an ambassador to China, in
1062 A. D., for securing assistant against the Annamit?a
But although the Chinese emperor was friendly and snt him
some presents, he was not in a mood to send any eft* Active aid
against the Annamites. For some years, therefore, Rudra-
varman IV thought it politic to keep on friendly terms with
the Annamite Emperor and regularly sent tributes to him in
1063, 1065 and 1068, 1 In 1064 he propitiated the goddess of
Po Nagar witli a variety of rich presents. 2
But ail the while Rudravarman IV continued his prepara-
tions and at last opened hostilities towards the end of 1068
A. D. The Annamite Emperor, Ly Thilrih Ton, took up the
challenge and moved his troops on the 16th February, 1069
A. D. He gradually arrived at the port of Sri Banoy and there
disembarked his troops. The chain army, drawn up on the
to Annani in 1047 was imprisoned there but it is doubtful
whether he was sent by king Paiamesvaravai mau.
1. T'ounff Pao 1911, p. 241.
2. PO Nagar Ins, No. 03.
82 DECLINE OF CHAMPA
bank of the Tu Mao offered battle to the invader. They fought
furiously for a long time, but their general being killed, they
lost heart and fell back in disorder, leaving a large number
on the field. As soon as Rudravarman learnt the news of the
defeat, he left tin capital with his family. He was, however,
pursued and captured within the borders of Cambodge
(1069 A. D.).
The victor now took up his ivsid-nce in the royal palace
at Vijaya and celebrated his- triumph by feasts and dances. Pie
th'^n gave orders to put to fire all the houses in the capital and
its suburbs. This don*, he gave orders for retreat. On the
17th July ho mad" a triumphal entry into his capital. Escor-
ted by two armies, and surround 4 d by his officers on horseback,
ho himself rode on a chariot behind which marched Rudra-
varman and his family accompanied by five executioners.
About 50,000 Chains were taken to Tonkin as prisoners of war.
Rudravarman was not kept in captivity for long. He ob-
tained his release by ceding three northern districts of Champa
viz. Dia Ly, Ma Liiili and Bo Chanh ( 1069 A. D. ). This
meant the cession of the \vhob of Quang Biiih and the north-
ern part of Quan g Tri and brought the frontier of
Champa to the mouth of th^ river Viet. The Chains
could never reconcile thems >lves to this cession of important
t Trltories and it gave ris3 to many a battl i in future.
On his return to Champa Rudravarman IV found it to be
a seat of anarchy and civil war, as several persons had proclai-
med tlums 4ves as kings in different parts of the kingdom.
It is doubtful wluth?r Rudravarman was able to re-establish
his power to any oxt Mit. We h >ar of tributes b^ing s^nt from
Champa to Annani in 1071, 1072 and 1074 A. D. and to China
in 1072, A. D., but w do not know d.-finlt'ly the name of the
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 83
king or kings of Champa to whom those may be attributed.
Amid these disorders Rudravarman IV passes from our view. 1
KINGS REFERRED TO IN CHAPTER VIII.
1. Jaya Pararne;varavarman (c. 1050 c. 1060 A. D.)
2. Bhadravarman IV (c. 1060 10G1 A. D. )
3. Rudravarman IV ( c. 10G1 1060 A. D. )
(younger broth T of No. 2)
1. Maspero infers from an Anuamite record that Rudravarman
took refuse in the Annamoso court with his family and lived
there as an exile the rest of his life.
Chapter IX.
DYNASTY OF EL4RIVARMAN.
Among the many aspirants to th? throne of Champa dur-
ing the dark days that followed the Anuamite conquest and
the capture of the king, one name stands in bold relief, that
of Harivprman IV. We have two long inscriptions ( My sou
Ins. Nos. 61, 02) with interesting particulars of his life and
times, and th ^se enable us to reconstruct the history of the
period to a certain extent.
The full name o the king was Sri Harivarmad wa prince
Thari-yaii Visnmnurti or Madhavamurti or Devatamurti. 11^
was the son of Pro.1 >yo?vara Dharmaraja of the Cocoanut clan.
As his mother b-longed to the B^telnut clan, he represented
in his person the two chief rival families of the kingdom. 1
Within ten years of the capture of Rudravarman, Harivar-
rrian established his authority ov^r the greater part of the king-
dom. But tli3 civil war continued throughout his reiorii 2 an<l
f C?
he had to fight with rival chiefs for the throne of Champa.
To make matters \\ T ors r , the Annamite king s^iit a n"\v oxpodi-
tion in 1075, 3 and th> kingof Cambodg > also b >gan his plunder-
1. Tho two clans probably represented two important fljfs in the
kingdom. M. Dnrand bas loc'ited the betelnut clau in Binh
Tlman (B. E. F., vol. V, pp. 3(iS ff )
2. cf. Po Naffar Ins. No. G4 which rofors to a civil war of sixteen
years ie. from 10GD-IOS4 A. l>.
3. Tho kiiif? of Aniiam sent an expedition Jiga'mst Champa in
107,5 on the pretext of somo ngressivo frontier raid conduc-
ted by the Chains But the expedition proved a f.-iilnre.
Tlie defeat of the Annamito kinsj emboldened the ( 1 hines*
court to send an expedition against him (1073-1076 A. D. )
and the Chinese emperor ordered the kinprs of Champa and
Camhnd ov t,O nft-ipL* A--,nm f>-m-i I!IM tirmfh. Tfip Irinffif
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 85
ing raids. It reflects great credit upon Harivarman that ho
not only checked his internal foes but also guarded his king-
dom against his powerful neighbours. No wonder, that his
roign was full of military campaigns as we are told in the
Myson Inscription. " He has dispersed the hostile troops in
the nVld of battle as many as twelve times. He has cut off
the h^ads of kinjis generals, chiefs and other men in the field
r*> ' o '
of battle nine tini"H. lie defeated the troops of Cambodge at
Somofvara and captured the prince Sri Nantlaiiavarmadeva who
commanded the army." (No. 6:2 b d ). The defeat of the Aiina-
mit^ forces assure! the sal >ty of th? uowly esta))lished power,
and by dint 01 num'rons mil.tary RUCC^SS^S a the king of Cham-
pi 1) *cnm'> prosperous as of old.'' Th"ii king Harivarman celeb-
rated his coronation and probably ass'imfd tlr> title Utkrstara-
ja. Aft n r this lie enjoyed complete happiness and tasted
royal felicities. 1
But Harivarman had another important task before him.
The country had b JOH ruined by the Aimamite invasions and
tli) Civil War and it was iioc \ssary to repair the damages as
i'ar as possible. The ruinous efp ct of the foreign domination
Champa oboynd and despatched a force 7,000 strong to Nghe-
an. TJio Cliineso army was, however, defeated, and so tho
kinc: of Champa also had to beat retreat. The year following 1
he sent rejruKir tribute * to the court of A/inam as well as to
China. Masporo supposes that the king 1 of Champa referred
to above was Hariv.-irman, but this is ut best doul)tful, and
hence is not incorporated in the text. The other supposi-
tion of Maspero that the Annarnito raid of 1075 against Cha-
mpa was undertaken with a view to restore Kudravarman
to the throne is eqinlly doubtful (T'oung Pao 1911, pp. 247-
48; li. E. F. vol. XVII, No. ,'j p. 44).
1. Myson Ins NX (il. Th'j term Utkrstaraja mny also be taken as
nn ordinary adjective rather than a special title assumed by
the king.
86 DYNASTY Q^ HARIVARMAN
has thus been graphically described in the Myson Inscription
(No. 61.).
" The enemy had entered into the kingdom of Champa
and installed themselves as masters, having taken possession
of all the royal property and thy wealth of tin gods; having
pillaged the temples, the monasteries, the sito, cells, hermita-
ges, villages and various edifices tog^tlnr with the horses, ele-
phants, infantry, ox-ii, buffaloes and the crops; having ravaged
everything in the provinces of tin kingdom of Champa; having
plundered the temple of Srianiabhadresvara and all that tin
king of past times have granted as ondowin *nts to Sri^anabha-
dro^vara; having tak^n all tin riclns of tin god an 1 carried
away the men belonging to the temple, the dancers, musicians
servants, together with the various properties, of SrI3a.ua-
bhadresvara; tin tempi 3 ivnviined empty and devoid of wor-
ship..."
The inscription proceeds: "Tlnii his M ijesty Vijaya Sii
Harivarmadeva, Yau Devatamurti ascend ^1 tin thron \ ILe
completely defeated tin on.Miiies, procj^did to tli3 Nagara
Champa and restored tin temple of Sri finabhadr^vara."
(No. 61).
Two Inscriptions at Myson (Nos. 01, 02) d-scrib in d -ta'l
the work of restoration as well as the rich cndowm k nts to tin
temple of Sii'anabhadrosvara made by the king and his brother
Yuvaraja Mahasjuajuiti. The latter "re-erect MI tin t Miipl \s,
the chapels, the gateways and the diflrrent r.dilic s in the do-
main of hii anabhadre^vara and mad^ th -in perfectly b aii-
tiful. Here-erected the temples in tin various }rov!ncesof
the kingdom of Champa. H(i gave all the necessary articlf^a
for the worship of the god with the servants of tempks, dan-
cers, muwicians as before. He re-established the 8,7 to, the
cells, and the hermitages in the various provinces of tin k'ng-
dom of Cham} a. . .". ( No. 61 ).
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 87
The rich endowments of king Harivarman to Srl=anabhad-
reSvara consisted of various articles of gold, silver and preci-
ous jewels, as well as of servants and various animals. Tin
Myson Inscription informs us that "seeing Srl^anabhadres-
vara despoiled of all his possessions at the end of the war, he
came to worship the god with a pious heart, and gave him all
the booty taken at RoimSvara ( i. e. from the conquered Cam-
bodgians) and various objects" (No. G2).
King Harivarman also turned his attention to secular
buildings and "reestablished tin ediiic s and th > city of Cham-
pa during tin troubl \soin :* days of the war. And the
city of Champa and all th * edifice wer> enrich d, as if by
nature, and fr '.shly dec >rat d" (No. 02). Tin Yuvaraja also
"ord i r M! tin people of S'uilvipura to construe*, tin temples, to
build thn houses, to make p^rp>tinl sacrific i s, to re-^rect the
chapels, and to reconstruct th 3 roads, all as before." (No. 62).
King Harivarman thus succ \ssfully accomplish id the two
important tasks of establishing law and ord-T and restoring
material prosperity in tli3 kingdom. With tli3 exception of
the southern district of Pan lurahga, tha whole of Champa was
probably united under his sceptre, and he vigorously s' i t him-
s4f to th Q task of repairing damages ami reviving the old pros-
parity of the kingdom. Harivarman must have I) ?en endowed
with exceptional (jualities and th^ long praises b 'stowed upon
him at th^ commune im Tit of tin Myson Inscription (No. 62)
may have sonn justification.
In 10SI A. D. at tin ag i of 41 1 Harivarmiu IV ab licat ><l
in favour of his eldest son, Pulyan 8rl llojadvara, and dwot-vl
himself to spiritual exircls'is and worship of Siva. H3 did
1. Tho Cham ambassador in the court of China in 1070 referred
to his kins as boin<? of .'HI ye.ars of a^e (T'ounf? Pao 1011,
t>. IMO).
90 DYNASTY OF HARIVARMAN
The full title of the new king was &i Jaya Indravarma-
deva (V) prince Vak yan Devafcamurfci. He is praised in extra-
vagant terms in the Myson Ins. ( No. 65 ) which refers to his
rich donations to rr'anabhadre3vara and the gift of a monastery
to fri Indralokesvara in the district of Tranul. He also sup-
be easily accounted for by supposing that Paramabodhisattva
had died and was succeeded by the legitimate sovereign Jaya
Indravarmadeva Maspero obviously lays emphasis on the
passage quoted above. He holds that if, as we are told,
Harivarman and Paramabodhisattva had already reconstruc-
ted and repopulated the city of Champa, Jaya Indravarmau's
attempts in the same direction could only be explained by
supposing that there was a fresh civil war in course of which
the city was again ruined. But it is obvious that the serious
damages which the Annamite hosts inflicted upon the capital
city might have taken long to repair, and Jaya Indravarman
probably merely supplemented the work of his father and
uncle.
On the other hand, the way in which the"'abdication of
Indravarman, coronation of his uncle and his own restora-
tion are described in an inscription of Jaya Indravarman
himself (No. 65), and particularly the favourable notice of the
qualities of Paramabodhisattva contained therein discredit
any idea of a civil war between the two.
Further, Maspero's view that Harivarman IV abdicated
in 1080 A. D. is almost certainly wrong. The Inscription
No. 62 refers to his abdication in favour of his son and also
contains an account of his death in 1081. No mention is
made therein of the accession of Paramabodhisattva which,
as we know, took place within a month of the abdication.
We are therefore bound to conclude that the abdicntion and
death of Harivarman. took place within a month some tiwe
in 1081 A. P., and Paramabodhisattva replaced his nephew
on the throne almost immediately after the latter event
(of. MftftT>ero T'ounar Pao 1911, pp.252 ff)
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CfiAMPA 91
plemented the work of his lather and ttofcle in *&iona6ructing
the town of Ghamjsft,
Although Jaya ladratharman V paid his tribute to the
court of Annain with fair regularity, he deplored the loss of
the three districts ceded by Hudravartnan. Tlie two peoples
were so much estranged over this question, that Wh*n th&r
ambassadors, having arrived at th3 Chinese <*oui"t At the s&me
time, were introduced to the Emperor on the sdhis day, they
kept themselves aloof from each other. At a dinii* in whifeh
th^y were invited they were seated at two ends of ths table.
At last in 1092 A. D. Indravarman stopped tho paymnt of tri-
bute to Annam and approached th3 Chin3S3 emperor with a
proposal to make a common caus3 against that country. The
Chinese emperor, however, refused to fight with Annam.
Nevertheless, Jaya Indravarman continued to withhold the
tribute till a formal complaint was made by the Annamese
court in 1094. Indravarman was seized with terror, and has-
tened to comply With th3 demand. Thi tribute was sdnt in
1C95, !097, 1098, 1099 and 1102 A. D.
At last in 1103 a refugee from Annam instigated king
Indravarman to fight against the country. He rdf>re^nted
that Annam was enfeebled by internal dissensions and had
not the power to reer'st an invasion from Champa. Misled by
th* se false statements Jaya Indravarman led an army and con-
quered the three esded districts. But his triumph Was Short-
lived. Ho was soon d3feat3d and ootnp3lied to abandon thos3
districts. To avoid furtii3r troubhs h3 imm3diat3ly s?nt tri-
bute to Annam. Henc3forth ths two countries lived in paaca
and tributss were regularly S3nt from Champa to Annam.
Jaya Indravarman V was succeeded by his nephsw Hari-
varman who was on th^ throne in 1114 A. D. (No. 68). Jaya
In dravar man's reign, th3refore, falls batwaen 1086 and
1114 A. D.
92 DYNASTY OF HARIVARMAN
Harivarman V has left us a single inscription at Myson
(No. 68) from which we learn that he built two temples and a
palace for Sri'anabhadreSvara and bestowed various articles
of gold and silver for his worship.
He was on friendly terms with ths Chinese and Annamese
courts. The former bestowed honorary titles on him in 1116,
1127, and 1129 A. D. The latter also treated his ambassadors
with honour and distinction and invited him to the imperial
palace in 1126. From 1120 to 1124 he had regularly sent
tributes to the Annamese Court without any exception.
KINGS REFERRED TO IN CHAPTER IX.
1. Harivarma IV (c. 10701081 A. D.)
2. grl Jaya Indravarmadeva V (1081 A. D. )
(Son of No. I)
3. Paramabodhisattva ( 10811086 A. D. )
( Younger brother of No. 1 )
2. grl Jaya Indravarmacleva V ( 10861113 A. D. )
( Second time )
4. Harivarman V (1113 A, D. 1126 A. D. )
( Nephew of No. 2 )
Chapter X.
War with Cambodge.
Harivarman V seems to have left no heir and the next
king known to us is Jaya Indravarman VI. The Myson Pillar
inscription (No. 69) and Po Nagar Ins. (No. 71) give a suc-
cinct account of his life and anc3stry. He was, we are told,
an incarnation of Uroja, the mythical forefather of the kings
of Champa, who was a descendant of iva himself, and is fre-
quently referred to in the official inscriptions of that kingdom,
( cf. e. g. No. 31 ). The theory of incarnation has been develo-
ped in an int3resting way in the inscription No. 69. Uroja,
after his death, was reborn as king Bhadravarman and again
as king Jaya Simhavarman-both of whom, ba it noted, are his-
torical personages and kings of Champa. Then Uroja was again
born as Jaya Indravarman himself and thus he had appeared on
th3 earth altogether four times as king of Champa. This mythical
ancestry seems to ba a sure indication that Jaya Indravarman
had no legitimate claim to the throne and that he wanted to
legalise what he had acquired by other means, by tracing his
relationship with the former kings of Champa. It is not impossi-
ble, of courss, that h3 might have some remote
relationship with Jaya Simhavarman II but it is not possibh
to decide the question one way or the other with the evidenca
availabh at pras3nt. It is equally unc3rtain whsth3r he im-
mediately succeeded Harivarman, or one or more kings inter-
vened between the two. The latter hypothesis seems more
probable.
Jaya Indravarmau VI was born in th^ year 1108 A. D.
He b?came Devaraja in 1129 and YuvarSja ins 1133 A. D.
Finally he asc3ndod the throne in 1139 (No 69). This short
94 WAR WITH CAMBODGE
account of his life shows that his father had also reigned before
him whoever he may be. 1
The king's religious endowments are recorded in both his
inscriptions. In 1140 he erected an image ( or a temple ) of
lriS,nabhadrevara, and two years later, that of a Siva-linga
and the Srlsana-Visnu. In 1138 while yet a Yuvaraja,
he made gifts to Saddharma, apparently some god or institu-
tions connected with Buddhism, and also to a ^iva-linga. With
his usual propensity of looking back to ths past history of
Champa, he recalls, in connection with the latter, how, long
ago, about 1, 780, 500 years ago, king Vicltra Sagara establi-
shed the linga at Kauthara.
Unfortunat3ly, Jaya Indravarman VI was involved in a
qiiarrel with both his powerful neighbours. Suryavarman,
the bellicose king of Cambodgs, asc3nded the throne in 1112
A. D. and began to harass the kingdom of Champa, Then in
1128 he sent an expedition, 20,000 strong, against the Anna-
mite kingdom, and inducad the king of Champa to join with
him. This wafc probably not a difficult task, as Chatnpa had
mariy old scores to pay off, and was ever ready to seize any op-
portunity to recover the thrao northern districts ced3d by
Kudravarman. tJiifortunatsly, th3 Cham army could n<3t
join the Cambodgians in time, and both armie& were S3paratsly
defeated. Baffled in his entsrprifi') Suryavarman d3spatch?d
next year a navy of 700 vess3ls to harass ths coast of Than
fitoa. A similar attempt was again mad 3 in ll&2wh?nJaya
Indravarman invadad Ngha-An in conc3rt with th3 army of
Camtxxlge, but Was easily d3feat3d by th3 Annamit3a f H3
then sattlsd matt3rs with them by paying off ttn tribut3 iti
1. Maspefro gtn>posefe that Jaya Indravtirrtiati was adopted by Hari-
Tliis is a pt-olmble
t? ^,,1 VXTlTT TkT^ O **
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 85
1136 and withdrawing from the offensive alliance he had lately
form3d with th3 king of Cambodga.
But this pusillanimous conduct did not save the unfortu-
nate king. Unsuccessful in his expedition against the Anna-
mite king, Suryavarman now wanted to make amends for his
loss by attacking his faithless ally, the king of Champa. In
1145 h3 invad3d th3 kingdom and made himself master of
Vijaya. Jaya Indravarman VI was eith3r killed in the battb,
or mad 3 a prison 3r. In any case we do not h)arofhimany
more. 1
When the kingdom of Champa lay prostrate under the
victorious army of Cambodg^, a scion of the old ruling family,
a descendant o? king Paramabodhisattva, proclaimed himself
king and took refug3 in the south3rn district of Panduranga.
His name was Rudravarman Parama-Brahmaloka, and ho
was the son of an eminent king, whose name, so far as it could b3
recovered, is $ri Rudraloka...Murti. It is just possible that this
Rudra-loka was the succ3ssor of Harivarman V. In that case
Rudravarman Parama-Brahmaloka must b3 regarded as the
bgitimat3 own3r of th3 throne which was succassfully usurp-
ed by Jaya Indravarman VI or his fath3r. Rudravarman
Parama-Brahmaloka was formally cons3Crat3d to the throne,
but he did not enjoy a long reign and died in 1147 A. D. f
On the d?ath of tin king, tin p3Oph of Paudurariga invi-
ted his son Ratnabhumivijaya to b3 the king of Champa, and
1. Toting Pao, 1911 , pp. 293-295.
2. Maspero's account of the events of this period is vitiated by
bis adopting: the wrong reading of a large number of dates
which have since been corrected by Finot. Maspero, for ex-
ample, believed that Rudravarman did not practically rule at
all, having died imraedi itely after his coronation. But we now
know that he raled for at least two years This disposes of his
argument concerning the nse of the title Uroja by his son
(T'oung Pao, 1911. p. M5. fn. 6.).
m WAR WITH
he fkfiei$ded the ^h*oae in 114T A. D., under the name '&x
Jaya Harivarmadeva VI, prinoe ^ivanaadana. 1
Seven imscriptiona of this iMJig have reached us ( Noa. 72-
2& ), and ihey enable us to -reconstruct a detailed aeeount of
his life aad reign, such as we do not possess of a/ay other king
o| Champa bafoce or sinca. The early life of Harivarnaa
was far from being pleasant. "Having quittsd his own count-
ry he apejit a long time in foreign lands amid joys and sorrows.
Then he cams hack to Champa". 1 This apparcantiy refers to
the period when Jaya Indravarman VI had usurped th^ throne
and Rudravarman fled from tha country with his son.
Harivarman VI ascended tin throne at a very critical
moment. The greater part of the kingdom was und^r a for-
eign foe who was now extending his aggressions to the south,
and the Annamites as well as the Kiratae and other semi-bar-
barous tribes on its frontier took advantage of ths situation
to carry on plundering raids into its very heart. But Harivar*
man was equal to the task that faesd him, and ataered the
vessel of state safely through thesa shoals, amid heavy storms,
back to the harbour.
Scarcely hadtheking ascended the throne when the king of
Cambodge commanded Sarikara, the foramost among his generals,
to go and fight him in the plain of Rajapura. Sankara was aided by
a large number of troope from Vij^ya i. e. tho portion of Cham-
p& subject to Caa*boJg3. Harivarman met the hostile army
at Chaklyah (probably the village of Chakling in the south-
ern part of the valley of Phanraug* in tha naighbourhood of tha
*oek of Batau Tablah which contains an inscription d^serib-
ing the battle ) and gained a groat victory. As th3 Myson
inscription tells us : " J^ya ^arivarman fought against tha
^aukara and all the other Cambodian gmerals with
1. Batau Tablnh Inscription No. 75.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 97
fclnir troops. They died in the field of battle " ( No. T2 ).
This happened in ll47 A. D. (No. 75). Next year "the king of
Cartibodga S3ht an army th6Usted tiin^ stronger than the pre-
vious one to fight in the plain of Virapura" (No. 72). Hari-
varm&n met them at the fijld of Kayev and completely defeated
th3m(No. 75),
Having defeated the two armies S3nt agftirret him, Hati-
varman now felt himself powerful enough to take thd offensive.
The King of Cambodg3 did not underrate the danger. Bfe
hastily consecrated Harideva, the younger brothel 1 of feisT fitst
queen, as king of Vijaya, and "commanded various generals
to lead the Cambodian troops and protect pHnca Harideva
until he b3caim king in the city of Vijaya." Jaya Harivatman
also marched towards that citiy and probably re-to&k it before
the arrival of Harideva. In any case the two hostile armfefi mt
at th3 plain of Mahra ( No. 72 ), " to th3 east of the tetAptd df
GuhbSvara on the river Yarn!" ( No. 74 ), and Harideva was
defeated and killed. "Jaya Harivarmaii destroyed the king
Haridfeva with all his Cham and Cambodian generals and the
Cham and Cambodian troops; they all perished" (No. 72).
Then the victorious king, duly consecrated, ascended tKe
thfrme of his forefathers with due pomp and C3r3nrony (1149
A. D. ) and reigned as supremo king from this time, 1 But the
diffiral ties of Harivarman ware far from b3mg over yet. Th3
king of Cambodg3, thric 3 baffled, now hit upon a different pl&tu
He incited the barbarous motint&in trib3S of Champa Against
king. 2 The Rade, the Mada and oth?r barbarous tribes,
1. The detailed account of the military campaigns is given in
Myson Inscription ( No. 72). The dates are supplied by
the Batau Tablah Ins. (No. 75).
2. The Myson inscription (No. 72), so far as it has been deci-
phered, does not directly convey the impression thai the king
of Cambodge had incited the tribes, but that seeina to be a
98 WAR WITH CAMBODGE
collectively known by the general appellation of the "Kirata",
now invaded the plain in the neighbourhood of Vijaya. A
battle took place near the village of Slay, and the Riratas were
defeated (No. 72). Unfortunately, Harivarman VI had not
to fear his external enemies alone; his own relatives betrayed
him. The brother of his wife called Vah^araja now joined his
enemies. "The Kirata kings proclaimed his brother-in-law
Van^araja, brother of his wife, as king in the city of Madhya-
magrama." The undaunted king bravely met this new danger.
Jaya Harivarman VI led his army, defeated Vah?araja, cap-
tured the Kirata army, and defeated them all" ( No. 72 ).
The Kirata difficulty was over, but Van-araja remained.
He took refuge in the Annamese court and asked the Emperor
for military assistance in order to placa him on the throne of
Champa. The Annamese Emperor acceded to his request and
declared him king of Champa. The inscription proceeds. "The
king of Yavanas, learning that the king of Cambodge had crea-
ted difficulties in the way of Jaya Harivarman, proclaimed
Van^araja a citizen of Champa, as king. He gave him several
Tavana generals together with hundred thousand valorous
Yavana soldiers Then Jaya Harivarman conducted all
the troops of Vijaya. The two parties were engaged in a ter-
rible combat. Jaya Harivarman defeated Van^araja
and large number of Yavana troops lay dead on the field/'
(1150 A. D.). 1
After having thus quelled the external enemies Jaya
Harivarman probably hoped to reign in peace. But that was
not to be. Civil war broke out, first at Amaravafcl ( 1151 ) and
legitimate inference from the few broken sentences that
have been preserved.
1. The detailed account is supplied partly by the Myson Ins.
(No. 72) and partly by the Annamese documents (T'oung
Pao lldl, p. 299). In the Myson Inscription the enemies are
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 99
then at Panduranga (1155). Harivarmau successfully put
th?m down, but Ui3 embers of conflict were not finally extingui-
shed till 1160 A. D. An inscription datod in that year sums
up his military success as follows:
''King rl Jaya Harivarman, prince ^ivanandana, has
triumphed over all his enemies, to wit, the Cambodgians the
Annamites, Vijaya, Ainaravati, and all the countries of the
north; Panduranga and the countries of the south; the Bade,
the Mada and other barbarous tribes in the regions of the
west. ;>1
Having secured the throne of Champa Jaya Harivarman
had to turn his attention to the restoration of temples and tha
repair of damages. The inscriptions give a long list of his pious
works. He installed a Linya on the MahlSaparvata, and erec-
ted two temples there in memory of his father and mother. 1
In accordance with a former vow he restored the temple of
rlaanabhadre3vara on the Vugvan Mount which was destroyed
by the enemy, and installed several images there, including a
^ivaliiiga. "The fire in the temple of JsrlSanabhadre^vara",
says the king, "was extinguished by the enemies. Having
killed those destroyers in battle, I have built it again." "The
temple was re-established in its old beauty," and as it had
been plundered by the enemy, the king gave all the necessary
called "Yavanas" which might ordinarily be taken to imply
the people of Java. But the agreement of the epigraphic acc-
ount with what we learn from Annamite documents constrains
ns to interpret it as Annamites. Besides, in the Batau Tab-
lah (No. 75) and Po Nagar Inscriptions (No. 76), which con-
tain a list of the tribes with which Jaya Harivarman was at
war, mention is made of the Annamites but not of the "Ya-
vanas".
1. Batau Tablah Ins [No. 75]; Po- Nagar Ins. [No. 76],
2. Myson Ins. No. 72.
100 WAR WITH CAMBODGE
things to the god Elsewhere we are told that "in accordance
with his former vows, he first destroyed the soldiers of Cam-
bodge and the Yavana soldiers ( i. e. Annamites ), and then re-
erected the temple of 3iva which they had destroyed." 1
In the year 1157 A. D. the king installed a god, called
after him Harivarmesvara, and granted a number of fields for
his worship 2 . About 1160, he made donations to the god
Jaya Hariliiigesvara 8 as well as to the tutelary deity of the
kingdom, the goddess of Po-Nagara. 4 The king also restored
a temple at My son. 6
Like Jaya Indravarman, king Harivarman also believed
that he was an incarnation of Uroja. In ordsr to substantiata
his claim, he referred to a treatise called * Puranartha ' which
was apparently regarded as a holy religious text and is descri-
bed as a "mine of useful information in this world" (No. 74).
" Four times I have been incarnated as Uroja; lest I b3
not born again, I re-install this Siva in fulfilment of the pro-
mise I made before.
" The god of gods !riganabhadre$vara, and the god of
gods established on ths Vugvan mountain-both will bs enriched
by that king who is a portion of myself longing for the glory
of a iSaiva.
" Such is the Puranartha, description of Uroja, which the
world must know." ( No. 74 )
Further, it is curious to note, that liko Jaya Indravarman,
Harivarman also regarded himself as tha fourth incarnation
of Uroja; in other words, Harivarman did not admit tha claim
of Jaya Indravarman to ba regarded as an incarnation of Uro-
1. Myson Ins. [Nos. 72, 73, 74],
2. Mysou Ins. No. 74].
3. Batau Tablah Ins. [No. 75].
4. Po.Nagar Ins. [No. 70],
5. Myson Ins. [No.78].
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 101
ja, probably another evidence of the usurpation of the latter.
Harivarman kept on friendly relations with the Chinese
court. He demanded from the Imperial court the same dig-
nity which his predecessors had enjoyed, and this was accorded
to him in 1155 A. D. 1 After the war with the Annamite
Emperor was over (1150), he maintained friendly relations
with that court also. In 1152 he sent rich presenta to the
Emperor, and two years later, when the relations between the
two countries again became rather strained on account of the
repeated incursions of the Chams against Annamite territory,
he pacified the Emperor by presenting him with some women.
He also senfc tribute to the Annamese court in 1155 and 1160.
King Harivarman died shortly after 1162, 2 and was succeeded
by his son Jaya Harivarman VII. We do not know anything
of his reign, not even if he actually reigned at all. He is
referred to as king by his son in inscriptions Nos. 94 and 95,
and might have bsen merely a pretender to the throne for all
we know.
Certain it is, that within a year of the death of king
Harivarman VI, the throne of Jhampft was occupied by Pu Ciy
Anak Sri Jaya Indravarman VII, an inhabitant of Qram^pura
Vijaya. 3 It does not appear that he was relatad in any way
to Jaya Harivarman VI or VIL On the other hand we know
that the latter had at l^aat two sons who had aft3rwards ruled
in Champa. Tli3re is, th3refor<3, hardly any doubt that Jaya
Indravarman was an usurper.
Jaya ludravarman must have ascended the throne of
Champa as early as 1163 A. D., when he gavs a K&g& to $ri3&-
nabhadreSvara, for whieh 232 golden panas, 82 precious sto-
1. T'onng Pao 1911, p, 302.
2 Ibid p. 303.
3. T'oung Pao 1911, p 303.
102 WAR WITH CAMBODQE
aes, 67 groups of pearls, and 200 pancts of silver wore requi-
red. 1 Next year, as well as the year following, he made cost-
ly donations and erected an inner chamber with sandalwood,
silver and gold. 2 He sent tributes to th3 Annamite Court in
1164 and 1165.
The ambassador whom he sent in 1166 for the same pur-
pose performed his duties in a somewhat strange fashion.
He led an army and plundered the Annamite population on the
sea-coast. The Annamesa court could hardly be expected to
brook this insult. An Annam9S3 fores entered Champa and
the leader of the expedition wrote a strong letter to the king
recalling the damages done by his troops. Jaya Indravarman
VII hastened to pacify him and sent a noble of his court with a
large quantity of precious stones and other valuable presents.
The matter was then amicably settled, and the Annamese
troops retreated to their country. 3
Jaya Indravarman was formally consecrated to tha throne
about 1165 A. D. Immediately after his consecration, ha sent an
ambassador to China asking for investiture from the Imperial
court. The presents which the ambassador took to China had
been plundered from Arab merchants. The amount of tri-
bute appeared to the Chinese emperor to be so very large, that
he was at first inclined to accept only one tenth of it; but when
he came to know of the source from which these articles had
come, by the complaints of the Arab merchants themselves, ha
refused to take anything at all, and ordered a letter to be writ-
ten to Jaya Indravarman explaining the cause of his refusal.
Moreover, the council of ministers decided that it would not
be prudent to invest the king of Champa with the customary
1. Myson Ins. [Nos. 79, 81].
2. Myson Ins. No. 81.
3. T'onng pao 1911, p. 3C3.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 103
honorary titles till tha commotion caused by the incident had
subsided.
Jaya Tndravarman now turned his attention to the con-
quest of Cambodge. He assured the neutrality of the Anna-
mssa Emperor by payment of rich presents and sanding an
ambassador to pay tha usual homage Baing sacure in the
north, ha attacked tha kingdom of Carnbodge (1170). That
kingdom was th3n ruled over by king Dharanindravarman II.
Both th3 opposing forcas were equally matched and the
war went on for a long time without any decisive result. At
this time a Chinese officer, shipwrecked on the coast of Cham-
pa, taught the king a new cavalry manoauvre, and the art of
throwing arrows from th3 back of a horsa (1171 A. D. ).
Jaya Indravarinau now asked tha Chin3S3 officar to buy horses
for him in his own country. With the h3lp of thasa horses he
was enabled to sacura soma advantage against the enemy, and
this induced him to look for more horsss. In 1172 he ssnt a
Iarg3 numbar of men to Kiong Tchaou, in tha island of Hai
Nan, with the object of purchasing as many hors3s as possible.
They were ill recaived thsre, and therefore retaliated by plun-
daring a numbar of inhabitants they came across. The terri-
fiad people than allowed them to make their purchases. But
the affair came to the knowledge of the Chinese Emperor, and
ia 1175 ha issu3d an ordar prohibiting ths export of horses
outside tha empire. Jaya Indravarman, dasiring to have tha
horsas at any cost, rapatriated to Hai Nan the people captured
by his soldiers in 1172, and sant an ambassador to tha Imperial
court, asking permission to buy horses at that island. The
Emparor replied that it was forbiddan to export those animals
of the empire, and that the rule specially applied to the island
of Hai Nan ( 1176 A. D. ).
Jaj^a Indravarman now gave up the idea of invading Cam-
bodg3 by land. Ha equippad a flaat and sant a naval expadi-
104 WAR WITH CAMBODGE
tion In 11Y7. Proc3eding along tha coast, ths flaet, guided by
a shipwrecked Chin3S3, reach 3d the mouth of tha Grand River
(Mekong). Then going up the river it reached the capital
city. Jaya Indravarman plundered th3 capital and then r<3-
iired, carrying an imm3ns3 booty with him. 1
The glorious victory of Jaya Indravarman VII indicatss
the revival of ths old prosperous days of Champa. This was
further shown by the rich donations of the king to various
temples. We have already referred to his rich donations to
rimnabhadreSvara in 1163 A. D. The Hyson inscription
(No. 81) describss in cbtail how he continued these rich en-
dowments, year after year, in 1167, 1168, and 1170 A. D.
Further, he "installed Buddha Lokesvara, Jaya Indra LokeS-
vara and Bhagavati Sri Jaya IndreSvarl in the district of Bud-
dha, and Bhagavati &ci Indra Gaurisvari in that of Sri
Vinayaka."*
The king also mad3 rich donations to th3 goddess Bhaga-
vati KauthareSvari of Po Nagar temple. "Part of these was
made when the king went to conquer Cambodge". The gift
was jointly made by the king, the queens ParameSvari and
R&yft, princess Bhagyavati, princess Sumitra, princess Sudak-
siuft and Mau s'i Ai Gramapura Vijaya ( th3 princa ? ). 3
1. T'cmng Pao 1911, pp. 305308.
There is some difficulty in fixing the date of Jaya Indra-
varman's invasion of Cambodge. Maspero, apparently on
Chinese and Annamese authority, fixes it at 1170 A. D. But
the Po Nagar Inscription [No. 80] %f hich refers to the king's
campaign against Cambodga is dated 1167 A D. (This date
was formerly read as 1105 Saka but Finot has corrected it to
1080 Saka). In that case the campaign against Cambodga
must have begun 3 years earlier.
2. Mysonlns. [No. 81],
3. Po Nagar Inscription [No. SO],
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 105
An inscription at Afc TKuan ( No. 82^) has preserved relics
of something like a military feudalism that prevailed at the
time. Three dignitaries of the kingdom named Taval Vira
SiiTiha oh Vayak, Taval ur&dhik* varmma, and Taval Vikranta
Simha oh Dhuu took an oath of allegiance to the king which
contained, among other promises, an undertaking to the effect
that they and their children will fight for their lord in case of
war as long as they live.
The last known date of Jaya Indravarman VIUs 1177
A. D. 1 How long he lived aftar that, and whether he could
leave ths kingdom he h&d usurped to his legitimate su603ssors,
are yet unknown. 2
KINGS REFERRED TO IN CHAPTER X
1. Jaya Indravarman VI ( 11391145 A. D: )
2. Rudravarmun Parama-
Brahnraloka ( 11451147 A. D. )
a Jaya Harivarmadeva VI ( 11471162 A, D. )
(Son of No. 2)
4. Jaya Harivarman VII ( 11621163 A. D. )?
(Ron of No. 3)
5. Jaya Indravarman VII ( 1163-C.1180 A.D, )
1. cf. the Chinese account of the king's expedition against Cam-
bodge. The* last known date from epigraphic records is
1170 A. D. (Myson Ins. No. 81).
2. Maspero's account of this period is now proved to be hope-
lessly wrong in the lifcht of new inscriptions or new interpre-
tation of old inscriptions. I have not made any attempt to
point out the difference between his version and mine as the
two are almost radically different.
CHAPTER XI.
The ; Cambodian, Mongol and
Annamite invasions.
Altar Jaya Indravarman VII we find a new king at
Champa named Jaya Indravarman VIII oh Vatuv. Whether
there was any relationship between the two is yet unknown. 1
But the latter continued the "forward" policy of his prede-
cessor, and carried on an agressive campaign against Cambodge.
In 1190 A. D. the king of Cambodge, Jayavarman VII, son
and successor of Dharaiiindravarman II, sent an expedition
against Jaya Indravarman oh Vatuv.
The leader of this expedition, who was ultimately desti-
ned to play an important part in history, was Sri Suryavar-
madeva, prince rl Vidyanandana of Tumprauk-Vijaya.
He was apparently an inhabitant of Champa, but betook him-
self early in life to Cambodge ( 1182 A. D. ). The
king of Cambodge welcomed him and employed his
services on various occasions. Thus we read: "During
his stay at Cambodge, a dependent town of Cambodge called
Malyan, inhabited by a multitude of bad men, revolted against
the king of Cambodge. The latter seeing the prince well-
versed in arms ordered him to lead the Cambodgian troops
and take the town of Malyah. He did all that the king of
Cambodge desired " s
The king of Cambodge, pleased at his valour, conferred
on him the dignity of Yuvaraja, and when war broke out with
1. Maspero identifies the two kings (Tonne Pao 1911, p. 304,
fn. 2). But this does not seem probable (cf. Finot's remar-
ks B. E. F. vol, XV, No. 2. p. 50. fn. 2).
2. Myson las No. 8-i. The account of Snryavarmadeva Vid-
yanandana that follows, is entirely basedonthis inscription.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 107
Champa, as related above, he "sent the prince at the head of
Cambodgian troops in order to take Vijaya, and defeat the
king Jftya Indravarman on Vatuv' l Sri Siiryavarmadeva
obtained a complete victory. He captured the king and had
him conducted to Cambodge by the Cambodgian troops. 2
The king of Cambodge now divided Champa into two
portions. Hs placed his own brother-in-law Surya Jayavar-
madeva prince In, as king of the northern part, with Vijaya
as capital, while Siiryavannadeva, prince Sri Vidyanandana,
the victorious general, became king of the southern portion
with his capital at llSjapura in Panrftn.
Survavarmadfcva prince Sri Vidyanandana defeated a
number of 'thieves or pirates', apparontly the adherents of the
late regime that had revolted against him, and reigned in
peace at Rajapura. The northern kingdom, however, was
soon lost to Cambodge. Within two years, Prince R-isupati,
apparently a local chief, led a revolt against the Cambodgian
usurper, Sri Surya Jayavarman prince In. The latter was
defeated, and returned to Cambodge, while Rasupati ascend-
ed the throne under the name of Sri Jaya Indravarmadeva.
The king of Cambodge now sent an expedition against Vi-
jaya (1192 A. D.). With a view, probably, to conciliate the na-
tional sentiments by placing the captared king of Champa
Sii Jaya Indravarmau 011 Vatuv on the throne, as a depen-
dent of Cambodge, he sent him along with this expedition.
The Cambodgian troops first went to Rajapura. There the
king Suryavarmadeva princ3 Sri Vidyanandana put himself
1, Ibid.
2. Ibid, of also tLe Ta Prohm Inscription of J ay a- v aim an VII,
whe:e the king is said to have captured and then released
the king of Champa. B. E. P. vol. VI. p. 44.
108 THE FOREIGN INVASIONS
at their head, and marched against Vijaya. Ha captured
Vijaya and defeated and killed Jaya Indravarman cei Rasu-
pati.
The victorious king of Rajapura now ascended the throne of
Vijaya and the whole of Cham pa was again re-united under him.
Jaya Indravarman oa Vatuv, who was thus deprived of the
throne, fled to Amaravatl. There he collected a large num-
ber of troops and advanced against Vijaya. "The king defeat-
ed him, compelled him to fall back on Traik, and there cap-
tured him and put hirn to death." Henceforth Suryavarma-
deva Vidyanandana ruled ovar tli3 whole of Cliamoa with-
out opposition ( 1192 A D. ).
But he had shortly to reckon with the king of Cambodge
whom he had so basely bstrayed. In 1193 an expedition was
sent against him, but he gained an easy victory. Next yes.r
the expedition was repeated on a larger scale.
"In gaka 1116 (1104 A. D.) the king of Cam bodge sent
a large number of Cambodgian generals with all sorts of
arms. They came to fight with the prince. The latter fought
at Jai Ramya-Vijaya, and vanquished the generals of the
Cambodgian army." 1
This was the crowning triumph of Sri Suryavarmacleva,
prince rl Vidyanandana of TutTiprauk-VJ lya, who b^giu his
life as an exile, but after a romantic career gained the undis-
puted supremacy over the whole of Cham] .
Immediately after his victory the king sent an ambassa-
dor to the Annamese court (1194 A. D. ). Four years later,
he was formally consecrated to the throne with all due ritts,
and asked for formal investiture from the Chinese Emperor.
This was granted to him in 1199 A. D. 8
1. Ibid.
2. T'omitf Pao. 1911, p, 311.
ANCIENT HISTORY OP CHAMPA 109
After the Cambodgiaii war was ovar, the king, we are
told, "marched to Amaravatl and re-erected all the houses." 1
la other words, he set himself to the task of restoration, which
was badly needed after the late troublesome period of civil
war and foreign domination. As usual, he made rich gifts to
Sri-'anabhadre^vara. 2 Ha also erected a house called ^rl
Herukaharmya. But the king was not destined to enjoy his
sovereignty for a long time. He was defeated in 1203 A. D.
by his paternal uncle, called Yuvaraj a (or son of Yuvaraja)
Mnagahiia on Dhauapati or Yuvaraja on Dhanapatigrama, 3
who was sent by the king of Cambodge against him.
The career of this Yuvaraja was analogous in many res-
pects to that of king Siiryavarm<1 himself. He, too, lived as
an exile in the Court of Cambodge and obtained the favours
of the king by successfully suppressing the revolt of Malyaii.
It is just possible that these two Cham chiefs, uncle and
nephew, both went together to Cambodge and tho Malyaii
revolt, which both claim to have subdued, was the self-same
J. Myson Ins. (No. 89).
2. Ibid.
3. The account of Dbanapatigramn is based on the concluding:
portion of two inscriptions at Myson, Nos, 02 and 84. The
identity of Dhampatigrama, mentioned in No 62, with
Mnagahna on Dhanapati (No 84) is not certain but very pro-
bable. It is to be noted that the portion of No. 62 containing
the account of Dhanapatigrama begins with Svasti, which is
generally used at the commencement of a new Inscription.
It was probably added at a later date. The account is partly
corroborated by Aunamite documents (T'oung Pao 1911. p
311 fn G), The difficulty in the ideatification, noted by Finct
d^es not really exist; cf the text.
110 THE FOREIGN INVASIONS
military expedition in which both of them took part. But
the nephew soon surpassed the uncle, and, as we have seen
above, ultimately became the king of Champa.
The king of Cambodge, twice baffled in his attempt to
defeat him, at last sent the uncle against the nephew. lu
1203 A. D. king Suryavarman was defeated and the Yuvaraja
on Dhanapati ruled over champfi.
Suryavarman now sought protection at the court of
Annam. Accompanied by 200 vessels and a number of his
faithful soldiers he want with his family to the port of Co Li
and asked for shelter. The Ann-unites, however, suspected
his intention, and Pham Gieng, the governor of Nghe
An, wanted to get rid of him. Forewarned o this,
the king invited Phain Gieng aboard his ship. That officer
went with a number of vessels, with a quantity of arms con-
cealed therein, an 1 asked his men to examine the vessels
of the Cham king with the light of their torches. But at
night, while the watchmen of the Annamite vessels fell asleep
the Chams threw torches at them. The Annamites started up
out of their sleep, and being seized with pamic threw them-
selves into the sea. A large number of Annamites was thus
drowned. Suryavarman again t3ok to S3a and what became
of him is not known. 1
The Yuvaraja Dhanapatigrama, who now ruled over
Champa, had a hard time before him. Rebellion broke out
in various parts of the kingdom. The most formidable was
one led by Putau Ajfia Kn, but it was put down by the Yu-
vanVja. "Then Putau Ajiia Ku revolted. He conquered
from AmaravatI as far as Pidhyan. The king of Ca ui bodge
commanded the Yuvaraja to lead the troops of Cambodga
and capture Putau Ajfift Po Ku. He captured him and
1. Toung Tao 1011, pp. ^11312.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 111
sent him to Cambodge according to the desire of the king"
(No. 62).
The king of Cambodge, pleased at his valour, conferred
high dignities on him, and apparently formally appointed him
as the ruler of Champa in 1207 A. D. (cf. No. 86).
While the Yuvaraja was ruling in Champa, a new figure
appeared on the scene. This was Jaya ParameSvaravarma-
deve Oa Aiiforaja of Turai-Vijaya, 1 son of Jaya Hurivarmau
VII. He was the legitimate owner of che throne of Champa
of which his father had been wrongly dispossessed by Jaya
Indravarraan VII Gr&mapura Vijaya. During the period of
usurpation by that monarch, and the disastrous Cambodge
war that followed, Oh AiiSaraja lived as an exile and at last
took refuge in the court of Cambodge.
In 1201 A. D. the king of Cambodge conferred upon him
the title of '-Pu Pon pulyau Sri Yuvaraja", and afterwards
gave him permission to live in Champa with the Governor
Yuvaraja Dhanapatigrama. 2 It must have been with a mixed
feeling of joy and sorrow that the exile returned to his
native land, only to find the throne of his forefathers occu-
pied by an usurper. Why he was sent to Champa,
and what he did here tfor the next twenty years are
yet unknown. It appears, however, that Champa was at this
time very hard pressed by the Annamites. The Cho Dinh
Inscription tells us: "Then (sometime afoer 1207 A. D.) the
Siamese and the Pukam (Paganese) came from Cambodge
and a battle took place with the Annamites. The Cambo-
1. The account of On Ansaraja of Turai-Vijaya who ascended
the throne nnder the name of Jaya Paramos varavarmaa ia
based on nine inscriptions (Nos. 83-D'f).
2. T'oung Tao 1911. p. 313,
112 THE FOREIGN INVASIONS
dgian generals led the troops which opposed the Annamitea
and the loss on both sides was very great. 1 ' 1 The Annatnite
documents inform us that the Chams aided by the Cambo-
dgians attacked Nghe-An in 1216 and 1218, but the gover-
nor oj the Province dispersed them. 2
It would thus appear that since about 1207 A. D. a long
series of battles followed, in which victory more often inclin-
ed to the Annarnites.
These long-drawn battles must have exhausted the Cam-
bodgians. As a matter of fact, the series of warfares in
which they were involved ever since 1190 A. D., when they
conquered Champa, must have proved too great a burden
for the people of Cambodge, and, to make matters worse,
the Siamese at this time began to press them hard from the
west. At last in 1220 A. D, the Cambodgians evacuated
Champa, and a formal peace was probably concluded with
Oh Au^ar&ja of Turai-Vijaya in 1222 A. D. lu any case the
latter ascended the throne of his ancestors under the name
of Jaya Paramesvaravarman IV, and was formally consecra-
ted to the throne in 1226 A. D. Henceforth the king reig-
ned in peace. He restored order in the different parts of his
kingdom and set himself to the task of repairing damages
caused by the "Cambodge war of 32 years" (1190 1222
A. D.) 3
The king, as usual, made rich donat'ons to Sii'anabhad-
regvara* and the goddess Po Nagara. 6 He installed the
1. Cho-dinh Ins. (No. 86).
2. T'onng Pao 1911, pp. 313-14; cf. also B. E. F. vol. XV1IT,
No. 3 p. 35.
3. Oho-dmh IriR (No. 8f).
4. Myson Ins (No. 87).
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 113
image of the god Svayam-Ut'panna 1 and endowed him richly. 3
He re-installed all the lingas of the south, viz. those of Yan
Pa Nagara and the lingas of the north, viz. those of Srifona-
bhadre^vara, and made donations tto the god Camped vara, 3
as well as to a number of Buddhist divinities 4
The last known date of the king is 1234 A. D. and the
earliest date of his successor, 1243 A. D. The death of tha
king must, therefore, have taken place sometime betweeii
these dates.
Jaya ParameSvaravarman IV was succ3eded by his
brothar Jaya Indravarman X prince Harideva of Sakan-
Vijaya. About this time a powerful dynasty was established
on the throne of Annum. The new king of Annam madd
remonstrances to the court of Champa against the conduct of
Cham pirates who pillaged the Annamite population on the
sea-shore. The king of Champa demanded m reply the res-
titution of the three northern districts of Champa conquered
by Annam. This irritated the emperor of Annam who led
in person an expedition against Champa. The campaign was
long and arduous, but did not lead to any decisive result.
The Emperor returned with a number of prisonfer^, includ-
ing a qheen and a number of nobles and concubines of th<3
king of Champa. 5
After this Jaya Indravarman X lived atpeacs with his north-
ern neighbour and devoted his time to pious worka He made
rich donations to fSriganabhadre3var& 6 His daughter Pu-lyafi
Ratnavall, princ3ss Suryadevi, and hsr husband, a nobleman
IT Cho-dinh Ins. 1 No.~89)^
2. Lomngoeu Ins. (No. 91). Phanrang Ins. (No. 92).
3. Lomngocu Ins (No. 91).
4. Kim Choua Ins. (No. 1J3).
5. Touiig Pao 1911, p. 432.
C Mysou Ins. (Nc. 94 N .
114 THE FOREIGN INVASIONS
called Oh Raiu Nandana made rich presents to the Po Nagar
temple, and installed there the images of goddess Matrlinge-
6vari and goddess KauthareSvar!. 1
In the year 1257 A. D. the king was murdered by his
nephew, sister's son, named Pulyan Sri Yuvaraja Vlom. The
regicide then ascended the throne under tho name of Sri Jaya
Simhavarman 111(1257 A. D. ). There ssemod to ha vebeen some
disturbances in the kingdom. An inscription at Po Nagar,
dated 1257 A. D., records the donation of the king Sakranta
belonging to Manclavijaya. Apparently a local chief had S3t
himself up as king at the place named. But nothing more is
heard of him, Most probably Jaya Simhavarman defeated
him. Jaya Simhavarman further cut off the two thumbs of
his only surviving maternal uncle, the younger brother of
king Jaya Indravarman X, so as to remove all possibilities of
danger in that direction. Having thus secured his position
against all possible enemies, Jaya Siilihavarman was formally
consecrated to the throne in 126G A. D. under the name Indra-
varman ( XI). 2
The new king wanted to remain at peace. So immedia-
tely after his coronation he sent an ambassador with tributes
to the court of Annam (12GG) and renewed it again in 12G7,
12G9, and 1270.
The pious endowments of the king are recorded in seve-
ral inscriptions. In 1274 A. D. he presented the god Svaya-
mutpanna with a large elephant and G slaves (No. 10G). Four
1. Po Nagar Ins. (Nos. 97, 98, 105).
2. Batau T.-iblah Ins No. 104. It may bo concluded from this
inscription that during the period 1257-1266 A, D. Jaya Sim-
havrtrman was king of the southern region only and in 1266
he became the king of the whole country. It is possible that
Sakranta was the king of the noithern regions during that
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 115
years later, his noble queen Suryalaksim installed the statue of
the god Bhumivijaya. 1 In the Po Nagar temple the king installed
&i Indravarma-Sivalingejvara, and dedicated three infants to
tho god. He also install ad there Siva-liriga and the god Sri-
anabhadres*vara and endowed the goddess KauthareSvarl with
lands ( Nos. 108 and 1C 9 ).
But the reign of king Lidravarman XI was destined to in-
volve Champa into one of the greatest calamities that ever
befell her. She had just pass3d through Cambodgian incur-
sions lasting 32 years; now she was to suffer the unspeakable
horrors of a Mongol invasion.
The Mongols had suddenly risen as a groat power in Asia
towards the close of the twelfth century A. D. Their great
leader Chenghiz Khan (1162 1227 A. D.) had conquered
large territories in Asia and eastern Europe, and planned the
conquest of China when he died. At his death his empire
extended beyond the Caspian sea and the Black sea on the
west, as far as Bulgaria, Servia, Hungary and Russia. To tha
east it included Korea and reached the Pacific oc3an, and oil
the south it was bounded by India, Tibet and the ruins of tha
splendid empire of Khwarezm, Ogotai, tht) son and successor
of Chenghiz Khan, conquered that portion of China over which
the Kin dynasty ruled, and was aided in this task by the Sou-
ng dynasty who ruled over tli3 rest. But tha turn of th'3 Sou-
ng dynasty was loon to come. Ogotai's son and successor Kou
youk having died in 1248, the Mongol empire passed on to
Mangkou(1248 1259), a grandson of Chenghiz Khan, and
then to his brother the famous K'oublai Khan (1260 ). K'ou-
blai had conquered Yun Nan (1253) Curing his brother's
reign, and after his accession to the throne, he looked forward
to the conquest of the whole of the Chinese Empire by putt-
1. Yang Kur Ins. (No. 107).
116 THE FOREIGN INVASIONS
ing an end to the Soung dynasty. But even while he was
carrying on the struggle with the Imperial dynasty, K'oublai
Khan sought to exact the oath of allegiance from all foreign
states that had hitherto accepted the Chinese Emperor as their
suzerain. So an invitation was sent to the kings of Annam and
Champa to come and pay their homage as vassals to the Great
Khan. In 1278 Sagatou, a high official of the Khan, reported
that king Indravarman of Champa was willing to submit. On
hearing this K'oublai gave the title of "Prince of second rank"
to the king and gave rich presents to the Cham ambassadors
who presented themselves to the court in 1279. But K'oublai
Khan wished his feudal kings to come in person to the court
in order to perform the act of vassalage, and so early in 1280
sent an embassy to Champa, inviting king Indravarman to
come in person to the court. The latter was unwilling to do
BO, and in the month of May sent an embassy offering submi-
ssion. This, however, did not satisfy the Khan who on 1st
July renewed his command to the king to present himself to
the court. In reply the Cham king sent on the 5th September
some nobles of his court with a few elephants as presents,
whereupon the great Khan sent 'an ambassador extraordi-
nary' to king Indravarman, asking him to send to the Imperi-
al court a few nobles of his court together with one of his
younger sons. Indravarman then sent two embassies, one
on the 13th August, 1281, and the other, two months later,
so that K'oublai at last decided to confer on him the insignia
of "Prince Imperial of the second rank."
K'oublai now treated Champa as part of his empire.
He appointed Sagatou and Lieou Cheng as viceroys to
administer Champa in the name of the king. The old and
feeble king submitted to this humiliation, but his proud son,
the prince Harijit, could not bring himself to yield to it. He
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 117
fanned the popular discontent which ultimately became so
serious that the viceroys of the Khan, no longer feeling their
position secure, went to their country.
K'oublai now decided on an expedition against Champa.
He made extensive preparations and entrusted it to Sagatou.
But before this expedition could start, Champa gave another
provocation to the great Khan, by arresting and imprisoning
his ambassadors to Siam and Malabar. Neverthsless, the Khan,
who was a thorough diplomat, called a Cham ambassador who
was pressnt in his court, gave him some clothes, and asked
him to t^ll the old king, that he had nothing to fear, that his
guilty son aloaa will b3 punished, and nona elsa n33d b3 afraid
at all. At last in 1282 Sagatou, invested with the title of
"the governor of the provincs of Champa," embarked his troopa
on thousand vessels- the land route through Tonkin b3ing refu-
sed by the Annamite King and landed hia army unopposed
on the coast of Champa. The Cham army guarded the cita-
d3l of Mou Tcheng and was led by prince Harijit in person.
Sagatou tried the method of conciliation, but failed. At lasfc
the battle took place in January, 1283. The Chains, 10,000
strong, fought obstinately for six hours, but thsn beat retreat.
The Mongols entered the citadel and kilbd about a thousand
persons. King Indravarman XI put his magazine to fire and
then retired with his troops to the mountains.
The Mongol army now made preparations to conquer ths
metropolitan province. On the third day, however, an envoy
came from king Indravarman, tendering submission on tha
part of his master. Next day Sagatou, who had already
reached the south-eastern limit of the province, dismissed ths
ambassador, and charged him to tell his master, that he was
pardoned, but must come in person and present himself before
him. On the following day Sagatou entered into the province when
118* THE FOREIGN INVASIONS
an envoy from Indravarman announced that th? king woulo}.
presently arrive, whereupon Sagatou camped outside the capi-
tal city.
But the king never really intended to present himself
before the Mongol Chief he merely wanted to temporise.
But still fearing the wrath of the Great Khan he sent on the
following day his maternal uncle Pao-t'o-t'ou-houo ( Bhadra-
deva ? ) for presenting tribute of submission. He represented
that the king wished to come in person but was prevented
by a malady, and that his son wants three days' time to pre-
sent himself. Sagatou became furious and Pao-t'o-t'ou-houo went
back to Indravarman to narrate what had happened.
The heir-apparent, prince Harijit, had no more desire
than his father to present himself before the Mongol comman-
der. He sent, inst3ad, two of his brothers to the Mongol camp.
They told Sagatou that their elder brother had died of the
wounds he had received in battle, and that their father, the
king, was struck by an arrow in his chin, and although gradu-
ally improving, was not yet in a condition to present himself.
Sagatou saw through the trick and would not listen to any
excuse. He even doubted whether the envoys were really
eons of king Indravarman. But he sent them back and trans-
mitted through them the order to the king to come and pay
respect in person.
Shortly, the Chinese spies brought news that king Indra-
varman had entrenched himself on mount Ya Hcou, with
20,000 men, and that he had s?nt ambassadors to Annam, Cam-
bodge and Java, asking for military assistance Sagatou then
sent a detachment of his army against the king. Although
succsssful at first, the Mongol troops W3re harassed by the ene-
my in tha unknown mountain forests, and r?gain3d th> camp
with great difficulty and after h?avy losses. But Sagatou
being re-inforcad from China, himself took the offensive
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 119
on the 14th June, 1283, and inflicted great loss on the Cham
army. King Indravarman again retired to the mountains and
the great Mongol general had again to fall back on the old
expedient, viz. writing letters to king Indravarman to coma
and tender his submission in person.
Thus inspite of all his victories Sagatou could not secure any
substantial result. Th3 king of Champa was as inaccessible as
before, and his own position, in an enemy's country, was ever
precarious. B?sides, he was unpopular in the army, and thera
were heavy dS3rtions both among soldiers and offic3rs.
The Cham campaign had already cost K'oublai Khan hea-
vily in men and monsy. Nev9rtli3less, in 1284, he arranged
to 83nd another supporting army of 15,000 soldiers. The num-
ber of vess3ls being insufficient, only a part of the army could
immediately start. But disaster dogged their footstep and
th 3 first division of the navy, carrying th3 first batches of sol-
diers, completely disappeared, within sight of the Chon Mei
Lein canal, and no one knew what bacame of hor.
The rest of the troops safely reached tli3 coast of Champa
under the leadership of Wan Hou Lieou Kiun K'ing. But hav-
ing arrived at Sri Banoy, Wan Hou learnt to his great surprisa
that Sagatou had burnt his camp and started on his return
journey a few days bsfors. HB tli3n ad vane 3d alone and sent
an ambassador to Indravarman asking him to com 3 in person
with his son. But tli3 king was in no mood to listen to this
aft3r tin d3parture of ths main Mongol forci. H^ m3rely
S3nt a raply vsaying that th3 army of Sagatou had put the cou-
ntry to fire and sword, without leaving anything that could b^
offered as present, and that next year he would send his own
son with presents. He thsn decided to send his grandson to
the Emperor to renew the oaths ef allegianca (1284). Three
months later, he ssnt to K'oublai a map of his kingdom and
the following month he S3nt an embassy of 18 persons with a
120 THE FOREIGN INVASIONS
prayer for the withdrawal of troops on condition of regular
payment of tribute. Three months later still, the same ambassa-
dors again presented themselves to the court of the great Mon-
gol with rich presents.
But inspite of all those embassies and assuranc3s of sub-
mission, things continued as before. The king stationed him-
self in the mountains, re-forming his army as soon as it was
dispersed by the Mongols, while the latter, unabb to S3cure any
solid advantage, suffered from heat, diseases and want o pro-
visions. So, in order to bring the campaign to a successful
end at any cost, the great Khan resolved to send by land an
army sufficiently strong for the final conquest of Champa.
In order to reach Cham pa- it was n?cssary to pass through
Annamite territory. The king of that country, like Indravar-
man, had obstinately refused to pay homage in person. His
son and successor Nho'n-Ton resolved to follow the same policy,
and when invited to present himself at the court, sent his
uncle Tran-di Ai. K'oublai, furious at this obstinacy, declared
Nho'n Ton to have forfeited the throne, and appointed Tran-
di- Ai as king in his place. He also appointed Tch'en Tch'ouen
as "Ambassador Extraordinary and Generallissimo of Annam",
and asked him to go and install Tran-di- Ai on the throne.
They were, however, unable to ent^r into Anriam, and
Nho'n-Ton also refused passage to the troops of Sagatou. Next
year Sagatou asked him for m?nand provisions, but he refused.
He stated that Champa was a small country long since subject
to his government, that his father had lived on good terms
with it, and that he also followed the same policy. Moreover,
for thirty years there was no war b ^tween the two countries,
and he, therefore, excused himself from supplying provisions.
Four months later, in 1284, he gave a similar reply to a fresh
demand for provisions. At the same time h? protested against
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 421
the accusation that he had helped Champa with 20,000111611
and 500 vessels.
It was undoubtedly an enlightened view of his own inte-
rest, rather than any sympathy for Champa, that made Nho'n
Ton so obstinate in refusing a passage through his country.
He knew he was secure from an invasion by the Mongols so
long as they were busy with Champa, and that the moment his
neighbour would submit, his own turn would come. So when
he at last received a peremptory order to give passage to the
troops bound for Champa, he opposed thsir advance into his
territory.
The Mongol troops were commanded by Togan tli3 son of
K'oublai. Failing to win over the Annamite king by diplo-
macy, he at last invaded the passes leading to that country
and carried them one after another. Then winning victory
after victory, he crossed the Red river and entered the capital
of Annam as victor. At the same time Sagatou advanced from
the south and defeated the enemy at Nghe-An and Than Hoa.
At last the Annamite Emperor took the offensive. He defeat-
ted Togan in the north and drove back his army beyond ths
Red river. Sagatou, unaware of this defeat, was still advanc-
ing into the enemy's country, when he was surprised and com-
pletely defeated. He was killed in the action and his head
was presented to Nho'n Ton.
Thus Champa was at last delivered from the scourge of
Mongol invasion. In order to prevent a repetition of the catas-
trophe Indravarman hastened to o^nd an ambassador with rich
presents to K'oublai (1285). The great Khan had now renoun-
C3d all hopes of conquering Champa and released the priso-
1. The account of the Mongol expedition to Chai&pa is based on
T'ouug Fao 1911 (pp. 450-475).
122 THE FOREIGN INVASIONS
King Indravarman XI, who had heroically sustained the
arduous struggle against his powerful foe, probably did not
long survive this happy deliverance It appears from the
account of Marco Polo who visited Champa about 1288 A. D.
that king Indravarman was already dead. 1
He was succeeded by his brave son prince Harijit, born of
the queen Gaudendralaksmi, who had bravely stood by his
father in his hours of trial, and now ascended the throne und^r
the nam of Java Simhavarman IV. He restored p^ace in the
kingdom which it badly needed after the long and arduous
campaign.
The proud king rlisp^ns^d with all marks of vassalacp in
respect of the great K'oublai Khan. When the Mongol fleet
passed by the coast of Champa in course of an expedition to
Java, the king mobilised his forces, and held himself in readi-
nes to prevent any attempt at landing. Fortunately no un-
toward events took place.
He also stopped the payment of usual tribute to Annam.
There King Nho'n Ton had abdicated the throne in favour of
his son Anh-Ton and retired to hermitag3. After spending a
secluded life for some time, Nho'n-Ton desired to visit the holy
places of different countries, and in 1301 A. D. cam^ to Champa.
He lived there for 9 months and was so hospitably treated by
Jaya Simhavarman that before his departure he promised the
king the hand of one of his daughters.
The court of Annam coldly received the proposal. But
Jaya Simhavarman, who had already married a princoss of
Java (or Malaya Peninsula) named Tapasi, was eager for this
new alliance. Negotiations continued as late as 1305, but Jaya
1. Different dates are proposed for Marco Polo's visit to Cham-
pa, but 1288 is generally accepted. (Yule Marco Polo vol.
II. p. 27L). T'oung Pao, 1911 p. 470 fn. 2. p. 471. fn. 3.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 123
Simhavarman, impatient afc the dslay, sent an ambassador with
nuptial presents and promised to cede to Annam, on the day of
marriage, the two northern provinces of his realm, correspond-
ing to Thua Thien, the southern portion of Quang Tri and the
northern part of Quang Nam. It is an irony of fate that the .
man who fought so valiantly for his country even at the risk
of his own life, did not scruple to part with two of the most
valuable provinces of his kingdom, including the famous strong-
hold of Kiu Sou, for a mere hobby. Thus was Champa dis-
membsred a second time (cl p. 82 above). The Annamite
council made a last attempt to prevent the alliance which they
considered as humiliating for the daughter of an Emperor, but
Anh-Ton, more practical than his ministers, was ready to sacri-
fice his sense of prestige and brotherly sentiments for the good of
the country. He accepted the provinces and sent the princess to
Jaya Siiuhavarman. All along the way, popular ballads, com-
posed on the occasion, were sung by the young and the old
alike, jeering " at the Emperor of the Hans who had given
away his daughter to the king of the Huns" 1 (1306).
Aymonier supposes that this daughter is probably referred to
as Paramesvaii, daughter of king Devadideva, in the Posah
Ins. (No. 110), for the Annarnite kings were known as the
kings of gods among the Cambodgians. 2 But king Jaya
Simhavarman IV did not live long after this marriage,
and died in 1307 A. D. He had established a Mukhalinga
called Jaya SimhavarmalingeSvara at TaJi and made many
other religious endowments. 8
1. The allusion is to two political marriages between Hau prin-
cesses and the Hnn chiefs that took place long ago.
2. Bulletin de la commission archeologique deiMndoohine, 1911,
p. 17.
3. Po Klong Gorai Inscriptions (No s . 111-115), and Tali Ins.
Xo. 11G.
124 THE FOREIGN INVASIONS
As soon as the king of Annam h^ard of Jay a Simhavar-
man's death he sent a high official to bring back his sister. It
was a delicate task, for according to the custom of Champa
the queen had to be burnt alive on the funeral pyre of her
husband. After a great deal of difficulty, however, the queen
was brought back to Annam.
Jaya Simhavarman was succeeded by his son prince Hari-
jitatmaja, born of the queen Bhaskaradevi. Ho was born in
1274 A. D. and was therefore 33 years old at the time of his
accession. His early career is known to us from one of his
records. 1 In 12S8 A. D. he had received the titb Taval ura
Adhikavarman. Two years later he was appointed to govern
a district extending from the river Vauk as far as Bhumana
Vijaya. In 1301 his fath-r gave him the name Pulyaii Ud-
dhrta Simhavarman. In 130G he got the name Mahendra-
varman.
He at first kept friendly relations with the court of Annam.
But this attitude waa not pr^s3rved for long and he often tur-
ned rebellious. The facb was that he regratt 3d the cession of two
provinces by his father which brought the north-rn boundary
of Champa far to th? south, and the people of the two province
also chafed at the foreign domination. The result was rebel-
lions and frequent incursions into those provinc3s, so much
so- that the Annamito colonists installed in the two provinces
found it impossibb to live ttera. So at the banning of 1312,
the Annamite emperor Anh Hoang decided to load an expadi-
tion against Champa. Just at this moment an ambassador
from Simhavarman presented himself with tribute. The am-
bassador was prevailed upon to go back and induce his master
to submit to~ Annam.
The Emperor himself led the expedition and king Sin'iha-
1. PosaL Ins No. 110.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 125
varman was induced to submit without any fight. The king
with his whole family went by sea and pres3nted themselves
before the Annamite Emperor. His soldiers, however, wpre
enraged at this humiliation, and attacked the camp of the
Emperor. They were, however, soon defeated and took to
flight. Thereupon Simhavarman was made prisoner, and his
brother Che-Da-a-ba-niem was entrusted with the government
of Champa with the title "Feudatory princ3of th3 second rank."
The campaign was over in six months and Anh Hoang cam^
back to his capital with his royal prisoner. He gave him high
honours but that was a poor consolation to the captive who died
at the beginning of 1313. His body was burnt and the ashes
were buried in the ground according to the custom of Champa. 1
The kingdom of Champa had now practically b?coine an
Annanrita provincs. The Clnnoso Emperor, however, could ill
brook it. He pretended that Champa was still his own vassal-
state and ord^rjd its king to send him rlunocBros and elephants.
Anh Hoang, however, paid no h?ed to these demands, and
looked upon himself as the sole king of Champa. At the same
time he acc3pted the responsibility of the position, for, when
in 1313 A. D. bands of Siamese invaded Champa arid commit-
ted pillage and destruction, Anh Hoang sant one of his officials
against th?m and they wera driven away.
Chu-Da-a-ba-niem, who had been plac?d on the throne by
tli3 Annamitcs, assumed tli3 name of Che Nang after corona-
tion (1312 A. D. ). Two years later, Anh Hoang abdicated
ths throne in favour of his son Ninh Hoang. Che Nang took
advantage of this change of mast?r in throwing off his yoke to
1. T'onng Pao 1911, p. 590-594. The history cf Champa for the
next hundred years is almost solely known from Annamite
documents, the next Cham Insciiption being dated 1401
A, D. The account in the text that follows is almost solely
based on Muspero's amount in T'oung Pao 1911 pp. 595 ff.
126 THE FOREIGN INVASIONS
Annam. He had some successes at first but was soon defeated
and took to flight. Afraid of meeting with his brother's fate he
fled the country and took refuge in Java (c. 1318 A. D. ). With
him ended the dynasty founded by Rudravarman Parama-
Brahmaloka in 1145 A. D.
KINGS REFERRED TO IN CHAPTER XL
1. Jaya Indravarman VIII oh vatuv ( 11801190 A. D. ).
2. Surya Jaya varmadeva prince In (1190 1191 A. D. ).
( Cambodian usurper )
3. Jaya Indravarman IX cei Rasupati ( 11911192 A. D. ).
4. Suryavarmadeva prince Sii (1192 1203 A. D. ).
Vidyanandana
5. Oh Dhanapatigrama (12031222 A. D.).
6. Jaya ParameSvaravarmadeva (1222-c. 1240 A. D.)
( Son of Jaya Harivarman VII;
cf chap. X ).
7. Jaya Indravarman X (c. 1240-1257 A. D.)
( Younger brother of No. 6 )
8. Jaya Simhavarman III or
Indravarman XI ( 1257-c. 1287 A. D. )
(Nephew, sister's son, of No. 7)
[ 9- gakranta ! ( usurper ? ) 1257 A. D. ]
10. Jaya Simhavarman IV (c. 1287-1307 A. D.)
also called Harijit
(Son of No- 8)
11. Harijitatmaja-Mahendravarman ( 13071312 A. D. )
(Son of No. -10)
12. Che Nang ( 1312-c. 1318 A. D. )
( brother of No. 11)
Chapter XI I.
The Annainite conquest of Champa.
The kingdom of Champa was now without a king and
there was probably no legitimate heir to the throne. On the
recommendation of the victorious Annamit3 general, the Empe-
ror appointed a military chief called A-Nan as his viceroy in
Champa (1318 A. D. ).
A-Nan behaved exactly like his prodecessor. As soon as
he felt himself powerful enough he tried to shake off the
Aunamit'3 yoke. For thus purpose he commenced negotiations
with the Mongols who had never ceased to demand contributions
from Champa. In 1321 A-Nan received the order to send
some domesticated elephants, and sent an ambassador with the
tribute in 1322. Next year he sent hisbrotli3r to the Chinese
Emperor asking for assistance against his powerful neighbour in
the north. The Emperor Jen Tsong agreed to this and sent
ambassadors to Ninh Hokng asking him to respect the integri-
ty of Champa (1324). Ninh Homing replied to this message
by sending an expedition against Champa in 1326. But it led
to disasters. A-Nan defeated his army and hencoforth csased
to consider himself as his vassal.
On the other hand A-Nan continued his relations with the
Mongols, and sent ambassadors to the Chinese court in 1327,
1 328 and 1 330. Then he ceased to s?nd them and reigned as
an independent sovereign. Neither Annam nor China was in
a position to make an effective protest against this. In tha
caso of the former, the practice, which had hardened into a
custom, for the emperors of the Tran dynasty to abdicate ths
throne in favour of a boy made it impossible to assert its rights,
while the discord between the Mongols and the native inhabi-
tants in China eafoebhd the C3ntral authority there. Thus
128 THE ANNAMITE CONQUEST OF CHAMPA
A-Nan reigned during the last eleven years as an independent
king and brought back peace and tranquility to the kingdom
which had not known it for a long time.
A-Nan had a son-in-law Tr& Ho& Bo De and placed more
confidence in him than in his own son Che Mo. Bo D3, whila
outwardly showing great affection for Che Mo, excited popular
sentiment against him, and ingratiated hims3lf into the favour
of th3 military chiefs. Thus when A-Nan died, Bo Do had no
difficulty in removing Che Mo and making himself king in his
plac3 (June, 1342).
Cli3 Mo did not taks this act of usurpation lying down.
He collected th? loyal people and fought with Bo Do for tlr->
throne. Being defeated Ii3 sought protection in tin court of
Annam. Th3 king of Annaru took advantage of this to demand
tribute of Bo Da and th3latt?r hastened to ssnd an ambassador;
but his presents were consid3red insufficient.
At the same time although Che Mo was well received, and
his presents accepted with thanks, no preparation was made
for sending an expedition to Champa in his favour. At last,
tired of waicing, one day he addressed the king of Annam :"My
lord, in old days a king of Champa was very fond of a monkey
and announced a reward of 10,000 gold coins for anyone who
cuuld train it to speak. At last a man offered to do it in three years,
on condition of receiving 100 gold coins every month. "Within
these three years" said he, "either ths king or the monkey
or I shall die." The king of Annam understood the import of
the parable, and sent an expedition (1353), but as the army did
not meet with the navy at the appointed place, it came back.
Che Mo, who returned with the army, died shortly afterwards.
Bo De, elated beyond measure at the retreat of the An-
namite troops, now took th3 offensive in order to reconqusr ths
northern districts, bui hi was defeatadm his first attack (1353
A. D. ) and gave up the enterprise.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 129
Bo D^ was 8dcc3oded by Ch3 Bang Nga. The date of his
acc3ssion and his r3lationship with Bo D3 are alik3 unknown.
But it is probable that he came to the throne sometime about
1360 A. D.
The reign of Che Bong Nga was remarkable for a series
}f victorious campaigns against Annam. In 1361 he suddenly
raided tho port of Da Li (Li-Hoa in Botrach). Having put
to flight the soldiers who defended it, he pillaged the town
and its neighbourhood, massacred th3 population and re-
turned by sea with an immense booty. Next year he plun-
dered the chief town of Hoa Chan. In 1365 the Chams
carried away tho boys and girls of Hoa Chan who gathered
to C3lebrata a festival according to local custom.
At last in 1368 Du Hoang, the king of Annam, sent a
powerful army against Champa, but Che Bong Nga lay in
ambush, surprised them completely, and put them to a pre-
cipitate retreat.
In the meantime Tchou Youen-Tchang had driven away
the last Mongol emperor from China and ascend 3d the throne
under the name of Houng Wou (1368), He founded the Impe-
rial Ming dynasty and installed his court at Nanking. His
first care was to re-establish tli3 unity of the empire, and
with this view he ordered all his vassal states to pay alle-
giance to the Emperor. Chs Bong Nga had already sent
tributes to the new emperor, and the latter was pleased to
B^nd presents to him and confer upon him the title of " King
of Champa," The Cham king sent another ambassador in
1370, and continued to pay the homage regularly ysar after
year. Houng Wou S3iit one of his officers to Champa to
offer propitiatory sacrifices to the spirit of the mountains
and rivers and to institute an examination for the students.
At tin sani3 time he enjoined upon both Annam and Champa
130 THE ANNAMITE CONQUEST OF CHAMPA
to c^ase their quarrels and live on good terms with each
other.
Du Hoang, the king of Annam, died in June, 1369. One
of his younger sons was placed on the throne by the intri-
gues of the queen-mother. But Phu, the brother of the
deceased king, revolted against him, put him into prison and
ascended the throne under the name of Nghia-Hoang (1370
A. D.). The queen-mother Du'o'ng Khu'o'ng then flod to
Champa and enlisted tli3 h-lp of Che Bong Nga. In 1371 the
latter sailed with a fl^et and marched unopposed to tho
capital. He pillaged tha city, burnt the royal palace and re-
turned with a rich booty (1371),
Next year, Chn Bong Nga, with impudent effrontery,
wrote a long btter to th? Chinese Emperor, complaining
that the Annamit3 troops had invaded his territory and were
harassing his people. " I b?g your Majesty," th^ letter con-
cluded, "to send me some military equipments, instruments
of music and some musicians. Then Annam will S3e that
the kingdom of Champa is tributary to your Majesty, and
will not dare to molest it". This direct psrversion of truth
was apparently intended to forestall the complaints of
Annam, and assure tti3 nautrality o China. Tli3 Chinesa
Emperor fell into the trap. He did not S3nd the things asked
for, but 83nt a long letter in reply, observing, among others,
" that from this day forth Annam must take back his army,
and Champa should make peaca with h3r, so that the two
countries might be content with th3ir own legitimate domi-
nions." Further, Che Bong Nga phas3d the Einp?ror bs-
yonciymeasure by prss3nting to him tl\3 rich booty which
he had taken from the pirates subdued by him (1373).
In the m?antimo Nghia-Hoang had abdicated the throne
of Annam in favour of Kham Hoang (1372). Ths now King
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 131
resolved to avenge the insult that Champa had inflicted
upon his dynasty, and made preparations on a large scale.
As soon as Chs Bong Nga came to know of this, he has-
tened to communicate to the Chinese Emperor that he was
attacked by the Annamites. The latter, tired of these re-
ciprocal complaints, justly observed that if this year Champa
complained of Annamite aggression, last year it was Annam
who demanded aid against the aggression of the Chams,
and that consequently it was impossible to know who was
in the wrong. He again advised both of them to suspend
their war-like activities and live on good terms with each
other.
After a great deal of delay, Kham Hoang at last marched
at the head of more than 1,20,000 men in January 1377,
and arrived unopposed b3for3 the town of Vijaya which waa
surroumbd by a paliside. Tinra a Cham reported to Kham
Koano- that the town was deserted, that the king had taken
o
to flight, and that by a quick march he could yet overtake
the king. Heedless of the prudent couns 4s of his generals,
Kham Hoaug marched with his army which advanced pell
mell without any ord?r or organisation. When they had
proceeded some distance the Chams sudd 3nly fell upon them
and intercepted their passage. This produced such a panic
in the Annamite army that it was compbt^ly routed. The
Emperor with his two commanders-in-chief and several oth?r
nobles lay dead on the fhld.
Immediately after this great victory Che Bong Nga
sailed with a fleet towards the capital of Arumm, Giau
Hoang who was hastily proclaimed king made arrangements
for defending it, but Che Bong Nga entered into the town
and- pillaged it for a whole day. He returned with an im-
mense booty which was sent as tribute to the Chinesa
132 THE ANNAMITE CONQUEST OF CHAMPA
Emperor. Next year he again inarched towards Annam.
Having conquered Nghe-An, and appointed there his own
governor, he plundered the capital and returned with an
immens3 booty. A part of this was sent as tribute to the
Chinese Emperor.
Henceforth the people of Annam lived in constant
terror of the Chams. The Emperor Gian Hoang removed
his treasures to the mountains of Thien Kien and the caves
of Kha lang for saving them from the cupidity of the Chams
(1379). And it was well indeed that h3 had done so. For
inspite of tli3 injunctions of the Chiiiess Emperor to leave
tli3 Annamites in peaca Che Bong Nga lad a new expedition
against them in 1380. Th3 old king of Annam made pre-
parations for defending tli3 country both by land and s?a and
at last succeeded in inflicting a def eat upon Chs Bong Nga who
took to flight.
Inspite of this defeat Che Bong Nga remained master of
Thuan Hoa, Tan-Binh and Nghe-An, and his constant
incursions against Than Hoa reducsd the Annamite authority
over that province almost to a shadow. In 1382 he invaded
Than Hoa, but this time also ho met with disaster ; a part of
his navy was burnt and his army retreated with great loss
(1382).
Nothing undaunted, Che Bong Nga formed a daring plan.
As he was unsuccessful at sea, and the defiles between Than
Hoa and Ninh Binh wore well guarded by the Annamites, Ii3
marched with his coinmander-in-chief La-khai over the high
ranges, across mountains and forests, and descended at a point
north of the Annamite capital (1383). After inflicting a
heavy loss upon the enemy he returned to his kingdom
in 1384.
Five years later, Ch? Bong Nga led another victorious
expedition. By a ruse he completely defeat3d the Annamits
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 133
army and advanced towards the capital. He reached the river
Hai Trieu and there was nothing to prevent him from occupy-
ing the whole country. The situation appeared so desperate
that the younger brother of the Annamite Emperor passed over
to tho camp of Che Bong Nga, expecting no doubt to be
appoint3(l to the government of Annam after ifcs conquest.
But at this moment the treachery of a Cham military
officer changed the whole complexion of things. As Che Bong
Nga advanced with about 100 vessels to reconnoitre the forces
of the enemy, one of his officers, who was reprimanded and
afraid of his life, passed over to the enemy and told them that
the king's vessel was easily recognisable by its green colour.
On learning this the Annamite commander made for the Cham
navy and asked his m3n to concentrate the fury of their attack
on the royal vessel. Suddenly a volley of musketry was fired
at Che Bong Nga and he fell (bad. The Chams lost heart at
tti3 sudden death of their chief and beat a precipitate retreat
to rejoin the main army wh'.ch was stationed at the river
Hoang under the command of the general La Khai (February,
1390). La Khai immediately led back the army by forc3d
marches day and night. The enemy overtook him but was
easily defeated. As soon as h^ reached Champa he proclaimed
himself king of the country. The two sons of Che Bong Nga,
deprived of their legitimate rights, sought protection in the
Annamite court. But although received there with honours
and distinction they could not secure any support to regain
their throne.
La Khai, who thus established a new dyaasty, is almost
certainly to be identified with Sri Jaya Simhavarmadeva V
Sri Harijatti Vlras'uuha Champa-para, the founder of tha
Brsu family of kings. 1
1. Binh Dinh Ins. (No. 117). The identity was first establi-
shed by Finot (B. E. F. vol. XV, No. 2, p. 14). Maspero
1*4 THE ANNAMITE CONQUEST OF CHAMPA
One of the first acts of Jaya Simhavarmadeva was to send
tributes to the Chinese Emperor Tiii Tsou. But the Emperor,
who had himself usurped the throne by driving away his
toaster, refused to accept the tribute from the usurper (1391).
Jaya Sioihavarman did not insist, but he again sent the
tribute in 1397, and it was accepted. The tribute was renewed
in 1399.
Immediately after the death of Che Bong Nga, the two
provinces Tan Binh and Thuan Hoa, which he had annexed,
made submission to Annam. It is probable that other parts of
Champft, too, did not acknowledge the authority of Jaya
Si^'havarmadeva. We hear indeed of a Cham general seeking
protection in Annam in 1397 with his family. Everything
indicates an unsettled time, but unfortunately we know very
little of the reign of Jaya Siuihavarmadeva. H3 ruled for
twelve years (1390-1401), and was succeeded by Sri Vrsu
Visnujatti Vira Bhadravarmadeva. 1 Th3 king was form2rly
called prince Nauk Glaun Vijaya 2 and aft^r a r3ign of 32
years he was cons3crated and took the naras Sri Brsu
Indravarman.. 3
Tli3 Annamit^s had never given up their intention of
conquering Champa and led an expedition against it in 1401.
Vira Bhadravarrnau, who had just asc3nd3d ths throno, opposed
tha enemy vigorously and forced th?m to rotraat. It was
with consdd3rabl3 difficulties that the Annamite forces could
regain their own territory.
In 1402, the Annamit3 army again invaded Champa.
Bhadravarman S3nt his g*n3ral to opposs them, but he was
identifies Jaya Siriihavarman with the successor of La khai
(T'onng Pao 1913. p. 150.)
1. Binh Dinh Ins. (No. 117).
2. BienHoahis [No. 121].
3. KHI Ben- Lang Ins. [No. 122].
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 135
killed in a fight with the vanguards of the enemy. The king
was now terribly afraid for his life and throne, and sent
his maternal uncle with rich presents to treat with the enemy.
He offered the rich province of Indrapura on condition of
cessation of hostilities and the retreat of the Annamite troops.
The Annamites demanded Quang Nghia in addition, and
thus the whole of Quang- Nam and Quang- Ngai, the ancient
Amaravati, was ceded to the enemy. It was a terrible blow
to tli3 power and prestige of Champa. The ancient capital of
Indrapura was full of accumulated riches and trophies and was
associated with tl\3 glorious days of the past. The provincs of
Amaravati was also one of th3 richest and the most fertile.
By this humiliating treaty tin kingdom of Champa was reduced
to half its siZ3 ; it lost its rich fertile regions in the northern
plain, arid was confined to poor mountainous regions in th3
south.
The Chams of the ceded provinces could ill brook ths
Annaniite domination. Although a son of Ch3 Bong Nga was
appointed as tli9ir governor, they emigrated in Iarg3 numbers.
King Bhadravarman also repented of his act. He sent a
pathetic appeal to the Chiness Emperor (1403), and the latter
sent two plenipotentiaries to the Annamite court, asking it to
leave its neighbour in peacx The Annamites replied by
sending a force, 200,000 strong, against Champa both by way
of land and sea.
Bhadravarman had been assured by the Chinese Emperor
that Annam would leave him in peace. He, therefore, hastened
to inform that Emperor of the new expedition. On the 5th
September, 1404, his ambassador arrived at the Imperial court
with a rich present consisting of a rhinoceros and other
indigenous products, and delivered his message to the emperor.
It ran as follows;
" Tn a i\3C?nt roport I havo informed your Majesty that
186 THE ANNAMITE CONQUEST OF CHAMPA
Annam iiad violated our territories and killed and carried away
men and Animals, and at my request your Majesty was pleas-
ed to, order the king of Annam to withdraw his army. But
the latter has not complied with the order of your Majesty
In the fourth month of the year (between 9th May and 8th
June 1404} he again ravaged the frontiers of my country and
caused sufferings to iny people. Recently, during the return
journey of my ambassador who had gone to pay the tribute
to the Imperial court, all the presents sent to me by your
Majesty were forcibly taken by the Annamites. Moreover,
in order to indicate my vassalage to him, the king of Annam
has forced me to use his crown, dress and seal. Bssides, he
has seized upon Cha-li-ya and other places in my kingdom.
Still, even now he does not caasa to attack and molest my
territories. I fear I have not the power to protect myself
and I therefore place rny kingdom at the feet of your Majesty
and request you to have it administered by your officials." 1
The Chinese Emperor became furious and asked his mi-
nister to send an ambassador. He also sent battleships in aid
of Bhadravarman. These met the Annamite fleet which retrea-
ted bafore it without fighting. The Annarnite army which
besieged Vijaya also raised th3 siege and turned back, b?caus3
their provisions ran short and the town was well defended.
Tch'eng Tsou th3n S3nt presents to Bhadravarman and
wrote to Han Thu'o'ng, the Annamite emperor, condemning
his action (1404). The latter was unwilling to provoke the
wrath of his powerful neighbour. He, therefore, returned to
him the two elephants which the king of Champa had ssnt to
China, but which hs intercepted and kept with him, believing,
said ha "that they were presented to him by the Cham king
for delaying the despatch of troops."
1. The letter is quoted in the Chinese text *'Ngan-nan ki cheou
pen-mo", composed between 1404-14.^2 A. I). It is thus a
contemporary record, ef. B. E. P. vol. XIV, No. 9, p. 42.
or
figift
totfefct neighbour, and tke M&g of Champa e*ai4k** him
tfceiot*. Although Han TMo'ng tofoi to Avoid Wtf*, b$
Jwfeed to it, and it was fatal to hito&lf rind t6 httf dyn*B)y. ft*
July, 1407, he fell into thfc hands of the Chinese^ 4ih Mi
father and son, and they alt died in exite.
Virft Bhadravarman, gratified beyond All n&aatrffe ti& ti$t
defeat of his implacable enemy, sent & mimpttibiwa? Mbtffe trf
the Emperor, and received in return a still mO*e stJKiii^o^?
present. He then sent an expedition to recover the ceded
provinces. The Annamite forces who defended it wre easily
defeated, the son of Che Bong Nga who still governed the
provinces on behalf of the Annamites lay dead on the field,
and the two provinces, ceded in 1402, passed again into ttie
hands of Champa.
In the meantime, after a long struggle, th Chitaeflfe*
general Tchang Fou became the undisputed master of tW
whole of Annamite territory which was redta&d to fittf
position of a Chinese province. The Chinese genetfcl riovfr
coveted the two Cham provinces which were ceded to Annatir
in 1402, but were reconquered by Vira' Bhadravarmaw d3T
stated above. The Chinese general even solicited the p^nm&Sictti
of the Emperor to lefcd an expedition against Chathpl Hie
Emperor was not, however, willing to go so far, but he drifeif&d
the king of Champft to restore the two provinces. The W&er
offered excuses and sent regular tributes, but did n6tf
up. the "provinces.
Soon the whole situation was changad. In
Chinese were finally driven out of Annam by 3 Iio'i who
proclaimed himself emperor. Vlra Bhadravarman Hastened" ti>
make friends with him, and sent an ambassador wlio Came
back with rich presents. But six years l$*ar, wfcem I
lift THE AHJWJTE CONQUEST OF CHAMPA
died and was succeeded by a boy of 11 years, Bhadravafman
regarded it as a suitable opportunity for renewing the attacks
against Annam. In 1434 he sent an expedition by both land
And sea. Two of his men were taken prisoners by the
Annamitei. They were made to review the Annamite army
And then sent back. Bhadravarman, having learnt from them
the military strength of the enemy, wished for peace. The
plenipotentiaries were exchanged and the pacific relations were
established between the two countries in 1434.
Free from troubles in the north by the Chinese victory
over the Annamites in 1407, Bhadravarman had invaded Cain-
bodge, and made himself master of it. The king of that
country Chau Pouha Yat complained to the Chinese Emperor
in 1408, and again in 1414, and asked for his assistance. The
Chinese Emperor addressed a letter to Vira Bhadravarman
asking him to withdraw his troops from Cambodge and leave
it in peace. What caine out of it we do not know, but in
an inscription dated 1421 A. D. ' the king is said to have vanqui-
shed the Annamites and taken possession of a kingdom called
Brah Kanda. He gained innumerable victories, erected an
image of Visnu called Tribhuvanakranta, and appropriated the
booty he had taken from the Khmers to the service of tta
god/ 1 The king, besides, made various rich gifts to 5rI3ana
(SriSanabhadreSvara ?)
It was during his reign that Nicolo de Conti visited Champa.
He went west from the island of Java " towards a maritime
city named Ciampa rich in Aloe wood, camphor and gold."
Vira Bhadravarman was the last king who has left inscriptions
in the Cham language. After him Champa knew peace no
longer. It remained a scene of civil war and foreign invasion
till its downfall at no distant date.
1* Sin Hoa Ins. ( NO. 121)
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 199
Vira Bhadravarman died in 1441 A. D. and was suooeedad
by his nephew Maha Vijaya. la a letter to the Ming Emperor
he declared himself to have been nominated to the succession
by his uncle himself ; but his nephew and successor Maha Qui
Lai later on advanced a similar claim, and announced that as
he was too young, he had abdicated the throne in favour of
his uncle. The probability seems to b3 that the death of
Bhadravarman was followed by a civil war for succession
and his nephew Maha Vijaya came out successful at
first.
Immediately after his accession Maha Vijaya sent an
ambassador to the Chinese Emperor and asked for investiture,
representing that his uncle had left the throne to him by a
f< rmal testament. The Emperor nominated him king of
Champft and sent presents for the king and the queen.
Having thus been assured of friendship or at least the
neutrality of China, Maha Vijaya commenced the old tactics
of harassing the Annamite frontier. He sent expedition
against the border province of Hoa Chau in 1444, and
again in 1445. The second one was disastrous, for the army
was suddenly caught during an inundation at the citadel of An
Dung, and suffered severe losses.
The Annamite court, tired of these border campaigns,
resolved to carry the fight into the heart of Champa. They
tried to secure the neutrality of China, and represented, that
taking advantage of the young age of their Emperor, Maha
Vijaya made plundering raids into the province of Hoa Chaii
and inflicted considerable damages upon the country. The
Chinese Emperor rebuked the king of Champa and asked him
to fix the limits of the two countries and forswear all war in
future. " You must " concluded he " issue strict commands to
the officers of your frontier posts not to had any incurskm
140 THE ANNAMITE CONQUEST OF CHAMPA
against the Annamites." At the same time he asked the
Annamites to refrain from commencing a war of vengeance
against their neighbour. But the Annamites had already
assembled their troops and collected the munitions of war.
Their army entered into Champa, defeated the enemy troops
and besieged the capital city Vijaya"(1446 A. D.). Maha Vijaya
shut himself up into the city with all his troops, and hoped
to be able to defy the enemy. But he was betrayed by his
nephew Maha Qui-Lai. On condition of being recognised as
king of Champa he delivered up the city to the Annamites.
Maha Vijaya was made prisoner with his wives and concu-
bines and the enemy returned to their country with an immense
booty. Amid pompous ceremonies, the captive king ' was pre-
sented to the ancestors' of the Annamite Emperor. Most of
the Cham prisoners were then released but the king was
not allowed to return, although the Chinese Euiperor sent an
order to that effect. N^verth^hss he was well treated. He
was allowed to put on his royal costume and invited to the
feast offered to the ambassadors of his country (1447).
Maha Qui-Lai asked for formal investiture from both the
Annamite and Chinese courts, and his request was granted by
both. The Chinese Emperor repeated to him his advice to ba
on friendly terms with the Annamite Court. He listened to
this counsel and sent tributes to Annam (1447). But he could
not long enjoy the sovereignty which he had purchased by
betraying his king and his country. He was dethroned by his
younger brother Qui-Do who threw him into prison and
declared himself king (1449).
The Annamite Emperor Nho'n Ton was very angry and
refused the homage of the new king. " A subject" said he
" wlKfassassinates his king, and a younger brother who kills
his elder, merits an exemplary punishment according to all
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 141
laws, both ancient and modern. I categorically refuse all your
presents and return them." He further sent an officer to
Champa to obtain first-hand information about the recent
happenings in that country. Apprehensive of the results of
this inquiry Qui-Do sent another ambassador to the Annamite
court. But he did not fare better than his predecessor. When
questioned about the crime of his royal mastar he could not
give any reply but simply made the most humble obeisance.
Nho'n Ton not only dismissad him but recalled all the Anna-
mites ssttled in Champa, and wrote a strong letter to Qui-Do.
" In a kingdom " said he " thsra must b3 a king and his
subjects ; this is an eternal principle. You Chains, you dare
transgress this eternal law. Wh^n the old king had died, you
ebcted Bi-Cai (Maha Vijaya) to the throne, instead of the son
of the late king. He refus3d to respect our authority and
created troubles for us. He was punished for his crime and
fell in our hands. You then demanded investiture for Qui-Lai
and again abandoned him for placing Qui-Do on the throne
Are you then devoid of all principles and fidelity ? Do you
regard the king as merely a piece on a chess-board ? "
The Cham king could very well retort by pointing out
the support which the Annamite court had extended to the
traitor and regicide whom he had displacad, But it was the
logic of the strong towards the weak. Qui-Do sent back
about 70 Annamitss (1449) and did not make any further
attempt to establish friendly ralations with the Annamite
court.
Some time elapsed b3fore Qui-Do asked for investiture
from China. In 1449 the Chinese Emperor Ying Tsong was
made prisoner by the Mongols and his brother King had
asc3nded th? throne. Th3 dslay of Qui-Do in asking for in-
vestiture was probably due to thss3 events. But in 1453 h3 sent
142 THE ANNAiirTE CONQUEST OP CHAMPA
ambassadors to the Emp^tfor King. They reported the death
of Mahft Qtii-Lsi and requested that his brother Maha Qtri-Do
snight be t-eoognised as king. Their prayer was granted. When
the Emperor Ying Tsong recovered the throne, Qui-Do took
oath of allegiance again in 1457.
Towards the close of 1457 or the beginning of the next
year Qui-Do was assassinated by the son of a nurse at the
instance of Maha Ban-La Tra-Nguyet. The latter then
ascended the throne. He was a nobleman and had married a
daughter as well as a niece of Maha Vijaya. The new king
was recognised by China but he did not pay any homage to
the Annamite Emperor. The result was the renewal of hosti-
lity between the two countries, and ones the Cham king lodg-
ed a formal Complaint to the Chinese Emperor against the
incursions of the Annamites. The king did not raign long,
having abdicated the throne in 1460 in favour of his younger
brother, Bin-La Tra-Toan.
The new king inherited the enmity of Annam which his
predecessor's action had provoked. The Annamite Emperor
Thanh Ton pretended that Champa was a feudatory state of
his and demanded some white elephants of the king. Tra
Toan who had already been recognised by China, now requested
the Chinese Emperor to send an official to fix a definite frontier
between the two countries. The new Emperor Hian Tsong
was dissuaded by his advisers from trying to establish peaca
between two countries which had been enemies for such a
long time, and he simply asked the king of Champa to main-
tain peace.
Tra-Toan, unable to defy Annam without the help of
China, sent tributes to Thanh Ton in 1467. But the latter
persisted in his contention of being treated by Champa exact-
ly on the same footing as the Chinese Emperor, and demanded
AH01BNT H16TQBY OP CHAMPA 148
a supplementary tribute consisting of rhinoceros, elephants
and many precious objects. The Cham ambassador represent-
ed that he was unable to concede the additional demand with-
out a reference to his master, and asked Thdnh Ton to send
an envoy to Champa to settle this question. Trk-Toiua, how-
ever, refused this new demand and informed Hien Tsong of
it ( 1469 ). He resolved to maintain the independence of his
country at any cost and decided to risk a war.
He first sent a naval expedition against Hoa Chau ( 1469 )
and next year invaded the province at the head of an army
100,000 strong. He had a strong cavalry and a number of
war elephants with him. The Annamite general, unable to
oppose this vast army, shut himself up in his stronghold, and
informed Th&nh Ton of his precarious situation.
The Empsror was waiting for this very opportunity,
He at once made extensive preparations for the compaign.
Then, with a view to avoid hostility with China, he sent an
ambassador to Hien Tsong informing him of the war in which
he suddenly found himself involved. He also explained the
cause of the war, and particularly emphasised the repeated
Cham incursions against the frontier of Hoa Chau. Lastly,
he issued a long proclamation addressed to the Chams. "In a
month", said he, "peace will reign again your last
hour is near at hand". He reproached them for the accusa-
tions they made to the Chinese Emperor against himsalf , for
the way in which they treated his ambassadors, for the assa-
ssination of their king, and for raising Tr&-To&n to the throne.
He exposed the tyranny of the usurper in the following
words: "Boys and girls are forced to the corvee, and widows
are ill-treated. You have to pay most excessive taxes and it
must be a great trial for you to see the people of {ri Vina*
raised to high offices and honours." The proclamation conti-
L This was the birth-place of the king.
THE lKAMtTB COTQOT3T OF CHAMPA
iwve imprisoned men and Wooaea of y
**i frrtm shelter to the fugitives whom We want. . . ...... Wfcetr
I*** at peace, you assemble a band of men and attack my
*t)imir/ But ad soon as I take the field you wag your tail
Jifce a dog, and ask for pardon. I hare now, by the order of
Ood, brought a magnificent army and brave soldiers for chastising
y&& mid showing you my majesty. I have resolverd to aoaqftte*
your kingdom and thus to wipe away the disgrace inflicted
upon the preceding emperors."
After issuing this proclamation the Emperor offered solemn
prayers for victory before the altar of his ancestors. He had
already despatched a magnificent fleet containing 100,000 men,
and IK>W started in person with 150, 000 soldiers. The huge
army reached the soil of Champa in safety ( 1471 ). Trit-Toan
ami' his younger brother with 5,000 men on elephants to sur-
prise the enemy camp. But the small force was hemmed
maud in all sides and practically cut off by the enemy.
/ Trk-Toaa was very much alarmed at the news of this
disaster and sent a member of his family to bhe emperor to
(iflfer submission. But the latter continued to advance, seized
l$f Yiai,and at last invested the capital city Vijaya. The city
TjFa* } taken by assault without much difficulty. 60,000 Chams
tfteKfe put to the sword, and 30,000 made prisoners. Fifty
members of the royal family fell into the hands of the conque-
ror. Tj&~Toa4i was led bafore the Emperor. "Art thou the
lord of Chmp&?" asked he; "Yes my Lord" was the reply.
"Who do you think am I?" "One glance at your face is enough
to tell me that you are the Emperor." "How many children
Bfcve you ?" "More than ten."
Thanh Ton constructed a shed outside the palace to guard
ifce pttstraers. As his officers werra jostling against
ll^aflkBd them to treat that king with more respect.
^SB the lord of this country", said he, "it is not right to treat'
Mm thus," But Trk-To&n did not long survive the disgrace,
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 145
Abandoned by all, even by the Chinese emperor, who for fear
of provoking the hostility of Annam did not even dare to ask
for his release, deprived of his wives 1 and attendants, he fell ill
and died in a ship on his way to Annam. His body was burnt
and the ashes cast into the winds, but the head was fastened
to the forepart of the imperial vessel with a whits flag on
which the following words were inscrib3d; "This is the head of
the very wicked Trd-To&n of the kingdom of Champa."
Meanwhile a Cham general Bo Tri Trl collected the re-
mnants of the army and took refuge in Paiidurariga. There ha
proclaini3d himself kin^ and sont an ambassador to offer th3
oath of allegiance and tribute to Thanh Ton who accspted
them. The mountains which 83parat3 tli3 pi\3S3nt provinc3S of
Phu Yen and Khan Hoa and terminata in cape Varella hencs-
forth formed th3 boundary b?tween Annam and Champa. A
boundary stono marked the limit.
Thus not only the whole of AmaravatI wh'ch was onca
C3ded in 1402, but retaken by tha Chams again in 1407, but
also the whole of th^ provincs of Vijaya passed into th3 hands
of the Annamitos. The kingdom of Champa, which now con-
sisted only of Kauthara and Paaduranga, was thus reducad
to nearly one-fifth of what it was even in the days of Chs
Bong Nga. Even th-3 small territory that remained (viz; tha
modern districts of Khan Hoa and Binh Thuan) was absolu-
tely at th3 msrcy of th3 powerful Annam itoa,
But old prestige dies hard. Ths petty Cham chiefs of the
south still bore the proud name of the king of Champa, and
the Chineso empsror not only invested them as such, but even
called upon the Annamit3S to restore the provinc3S of Vijaya
and AmaravatI to th3m. Three kings received formal investU
1, Only two were allowed to accompany him.
146 THE ANNAMITE CONQUEST OF CHAMPA
ture in this way from the Chinese court. The first, Tchai-Ya-
Ma-Pou-Ngan, said to bs the nephew of a former king, died
In 1478. He was probably killed by his brother Kou Lai
who succeeded him and ruled from 1478 to 1505 A. D. His
son and successor Cha-Kou-Pou-Lo received formal investiture
from the Chinese court in 1509 A. D. and sent an ambassador
to China in 1543 A. D. This was the last embassy from the
king of Champa to the Chinese court.
The king had a tragic end. Taking advantage of some
troubles among the Annamites he mado a last dosperate effort
to free himself from the Annamite yoke. But he was defeat-
ed and confined in an iron cage where he died. The Annamites
on this occasion annexed the Cham territory up to the river of
Phanrang. The seat of the kingdom of Champa was then re-
moved to Bal Chanar at Phanri. There in 1720 the officers of
the SS. Galath?e saw the king of Champa seated on a throne
and have left us an int3rasting account of the palac3. 1 In cour-
se of the seventeenth and eighteenth C3nturies the Chams were
dispossessed of Khan Hoa and Phan Rang. In 1822, Po Chong,
the last king, unable to bear the oppressions of the Annamites,
passed over to Cambodge with a colony of exiles, leaving prin-
cess Po Bia to guard over the so-called "Royal treasur3S of
Cham" at Bal Chanar. She died a few years ago, mourned by
her faithful subjects who looked upon her as the last emblem
of their independence.
Thus closes a brilliant chapter in the history of Indian
colonisation. Brave sons of India, who planted her banner in
far off lands and maintained its honour and dignity for more
than 1500 years, at last vanished into the limbo of oblivion.
But'the torclf of civilisation which they carried dispelled the
darkness of ages and still throws its lurid light over the pages
of -history.
1. B E. F , vol V, pp. C85 C.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA
KINGS REFERRED TO IN CHAPTER XII.
147
1. A-Nan
2. Bo De
( Son-m-fow &i No, 1 )
3. Che Bong Nga
4. La Khai or
Jaya Si mharVfcrmiti* V
5. Bhadravarman V
or Incbavarmati XII
(Son of No. 4)
6. Maha Vijaya
( Nephew of No. 5 )
7. Maha Qui Lai
( Nephew of No. 6 )
8. Maha Qui-Do
( Younger brother of No. 7 )
9. Maha Ban-La-Tra-Nguyet
( Son-in-law of No. 6 )
10. Bin-La Tri-To&n
( Youngsr brother of No. 9 )
11. BoTriTri
1 2. Tchai- Ya-Ma-Fou-Ngan
13. Kod-Lai
( Brother of No. 12;
14. Cha-Kou-Pou-Lo
(1318 1342 A. D.)
( 1342 e. 1360 A. D. )
(a 1860-4*80 Ju
(1390 1401 A D.)
(14011441 A,D.)
( 14411446 A, D. )
(14461449 A.D.)
( 1449-0. 145T A. D. )
(1457 1460 A. D.)
( I4b0 1471 A. D. )
(ace. 1471 A. C. ?)
( died in 1478 A. D. )
(14781505 A. D.)
(1505 c. 1543 A. D.)
Chapter XIII.
Administrative System.
Having concluded the politic*! history of Champa we may
now proceed to give a short sketch of the system of adminis-
tration prevailing in the kingdom. The mat rials for this stu-
dy are very scanty as we have to d3pmd mainly upon th>
indirect allusions and references contained in the inscriptions.
It is not possible to trace the gradual evolution of the political
system and we must remain content, for th^ nr Q s^nt at 1 ^ast.
with only a general outline of the essential feature of adiiKU.a-
trative system.
Monarchy was the form of government in Champa from
beginning to end. The king adminisber3d th whoh stat?
with almost absolute authority. The C3ntral a 1 ministration
might be broadly divided into three c1ass?s, civil, military and
religious. At the head of the civil administration were two
chief ministers with three grades of officials under them. 1
The Captain of Guards and Sjnapati 2 were th^ chi-^f m l.tary
officers, while the religious establishment consiste.l of a ELgh
Priest the Brahmauas, Astrologers, Pandits and Masters of
ceremonies. 8
The ministers naturally occupied a very high position
and some inscriptions throw interesting light on their status. *
Sometimes the ministers seem to have been chosjn from the
same family and the post acquired almost a hereditary charac-
ter. 5
The kingdom was divided into three provinces.
(1) Amaravati, the northern part, corresponded to Quang
Nam. Here were the two famous capital citips Champapura
1. T'oung Pao 1910, p. 394, fn 6. 2. of. Ins. Nos 26, 35. 3. cf.
Ins. No. 65. 4 cf. Nos. 32, 39. 5. cf. No. 39.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 149
and Indrapura. The latter occupied the site of Dong Duong.
(2) Vijaya, the C3ntra1 portion of the kingdom, correspon-
ded to Binh Dinh. Its chief city, Vijaya, served for some-
time as the capital of the whole kingdom. It contained the
famous port ^rl Vinaya.
(3^ Paudurafiga, the southern part corresponded to the
vail >ys of Phan-ranh and Binh Thuan. Its chief town Vira-
pura, also called Rajapura, once served as the capital of the
whole kingdom.
The region called Kauthftra, corresponding to Khan Hoa,
was usually included in this division, but sometimes formed
an independent provinc?.
These provinces were divided into districts, the total num-
ber of which, according to a Chinese authority, was thirty-
eight in th3 reign of Harivarman III ( 1080 A. D.). Each
district contain3d a number of towns and villag3S which were
th3 lowest territorial units. The population of any of thesa
hardly ever exceeded 700 families, and there were more than
hundred which contained three to five hundred families each.
The population of the provincial capitals was of cours3 consi-
derably larger. According to the C3nsus taken by Li Than
Tonh in 1069 there were 2,560 families in Vijaya.
It would appear that two high functionaries, a "governor"
and a "senapati", were placed at the head of each provincial ad-
ministration. Thus king Harivarmadsva appointed his own son
Vikrantavarmft as the governor of Paiiduranga, and at the
same time deputed Senapati Pamr to guard the prince (No. 26).
The selection of tho heir-apparent as the governor was pro-
bably due to the importanc3 of the province. We have already
seen how the province frequently rebelled against the C3ntral
authority and sometimes maintained its iiKbpend?nc3 for a
fairly lopg period (pp, 78 89).
SYSTEM
e prd^iftdal gtfvefftdrs had 1 under tteto nearly fifty offi-
cials of different g?&d"S for general adftrinistr&tion afcd collec-
tion of revenue. Notie of these officials watf paid iti c&sh, birt
g6f sStftetlitog; like & jayvf ctr maintained themselves at the cewt
of the peoplo und^r th?m. Th^ people were bound to prwidd
fcf thea6 officials, and the system erf COTV&* or forced labour
Ttftttf in vogtie.
Th piincipal sourcB of revenue seems to be the land-tax
which consisted usually of one-sixth the produce, though some
times reduced to one- tenth. 1 The kings sometimes made a
gift of this royal share to a temple for its maintenance. In
addition, the king often exempted the lands belonging to a
temple from taxes. 8
Taxes were also imposed on all industrial products and
articles of merchandise. The royal officers boarded the fore-
ign merchant vessel after its arrival at the port and took a
fifth of the goods as royal revenue. The kin^ even took a
ehare of the products of the forest, ^ucli as timber and animals
collected by the toils of the people.
Justice was administered apparently in accordance with
the Hindu principles, for we are told that Jaya Indravarma-
deva V "followed the eighteen titles of law prescribed by Ma-
nV(In*. No. 65). Harivarmadava IV also did the same ( No.
62 )> King Jaya ludravarinadeva V T II is said to have been
versed in the Dhsrma^Sstra* notably the Naradiya and Bh&r-
ggftvlya (No. 81).
We gather a few details from epigraphic records nd
Chinese texts. Certain crimed were punished by confiscation
of goods and loss of personal freedom. Slavery was also m
punishment for debts. Crimes Were ordinarily pdfciahed by
The criminal was stretched an the round
1. cf. Ins. No. 4. 2. cf. Ins. Nos. 33, 36. 37.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 151
two men on the right and two on the left alternately struck
him as many as 50, 60 or even 100 times according to the
gravity of the offence. Theft and robbery were punished
by the mutilation of finger*, while adultery involved capital
punishment for both the accomplices. 1
The capital sentence was inflhted in many ways. Ordi-
narily the condemned person was fastened to a tree; then his
neck was pierced through by means of a sharp spear and after-
wards his head was cut off. For cold-blooded murder, or mur-
der accompanied by robbery, the criminal was either delivered
up to the people who throttled him to death, or trampled
under the feet of an elephant. The rebel was tied to a post
io a lonely place and was not released till he submitted.
Lastly certain crimes were punished by deportation.
It appears that "the Divine Judgment/' was resorted to
in certain extraordinary cases. If a man were devoured by
a tiger or ti crocodile his family complained about it to the
king. The king ordered the High Priest to invoke the divine
judgment. The latter offered prayers and conjurations at
the very place where the man met his death, and it was be-
lieved that the tiger and crocodile would be obliged thereby
to return to the fame place to take punishments. If the
complaint appeared to be false, the priest, in order to ascertain
the truth, asked the man to go to the riverside. If he were
guilty of telling lies he would be devoured by a crocodile. If
he were innocent the crocodile would take to flight.*
In view of the constant wars in which the kingdom was
involved the militar}' organisation WAS a thing of the highest
1. It appears that sometimes the adulterers escaped by paying
the price of a bull.
2. This account of administration of justice is based upon
T'oung Pao 1910 pp 202 203 Maspero laments the absence of any
legal code of ancient Champa, but fails to note the reference to
Mann Saaihita and its adoption by tbe kings as legal eocU.
152 ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM
importance. A large regular army was maintained by the
state. At the time of Fan Wen the army was nearly forty
to fifty thousand strong. It must have been considerably
increased in later times. At the time of Che Bong Nga, the
royal guard alone numbered 5000. The armament of the
soldiers consisted of a shield, javelin, halbard, bow and cross-
bow The arrows were not feathered but their tips were poi-
soned. The soldiers marched with their standards at the
sound of drums and conchshells. They were arranged into
groups of five who were responsible for one another. If any
one of them fled, the other four were liable to death.
According to Maspero the Charn army consisted merely
of infantry and elephants till 1171 A D. when they learnt
the use of cavalry from the Chinese. This is not, however,
quite correct. What the Chams learnt from the Chinese in
1171 was the art of throwing arrows from the back of horses,
a somewhat difficult operation inasmuch as both hands of the
rider had to be kept free. Bat cavalry was a part of their army
long before that. This is proved by the following vivid des-
cription of a battle-field contained in an inscription dated
909 A. D. "Which (the battle-field) is grey with the dust raised
by the swift-moving sharp hoofs of horses galloping high;
whose surface has been dyed red with drops of blood, like
Aoka flowers, shed by means of various weapons; and in the
four regions of which the sounds of war-drums were drowned
by the roarr of gigantic beautiful elephants" ( IQS. No. 39,
v. 17).
The elephants formed an important part of the army and
we have already seen how the Chinese army was perplexed
by this new element in warfare which was no doubt intro-
duced by the Indian colonistfl. The number of war elephants
maintained in Champ* was nearly one thousand. OJoric de
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 153
Pordenone says that at the time of his visit to Champa (c.
1323 A D. ) the king had 14,000 tame elephants. 1
The navy consisted of large turret -ships as well as light
junka The total number of vessels was fairly large and we
have several referencas to squadrons of more than 100 ves-
sels supporting the movement of an army on land.
The king often entrusted his brothers or other members
of the royal family with the chief command of the army.
The generals had the title of Mahasenapati and S?napati, and
there were several grades of officers under them. They all
took an oath to the king to fight for him till their death.
Their pay consisted of subsidies in kind, and th^y W3re exempt
from taxation. The ordinary soldiers received two bushels
of rlci per month and three to five dresses for winter and
BU miner.
The Ch-iins had a fair knowledge o! the art of fortifica-
tion. They protected their towns by brick walls flanked by
watchtowers made of stone. These citadels and a stronghold
ra
named Kiu-sou specially fortified for the purpose served aa
the depot for their war materials. A detailed account of the
fortification of Kiu-sou has been given above (p-26). Lastly
the Chams constructed entrenched camps by means of
palisades and turrets. They painted the outer gates of their
citadels with the ashes of an animal. They believed that these
were thereby made impregnable.
While the Chams assiduously cultivated the arts of war,
they did not neglect the arts of peace. The kings maintained
diplomatic relations with neighbouring countries. Constant
embassies to the courts of China and Annam have already
been referred to in the preceding pages. The Nhan-Bieu
Inscription (No.43) records the career of a nobleman named
Rajadvarah who was twice despatched by the king to
Yavadvipa on a diplomatic mission. The Baug-An Ins.
(No 42) refers to a multitude of royal ambassadors coining to
1. Marco Polo. Edited by Ynle- Vol. 1L p. 352~
354 ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM
Champa from different countries The Hoa Que Ins. (No 39)
relates, among oth?r qualifications of th3 minister 5jna
Jayendrapati, that " by hard exertion Ii3 was able to under-
stand thoroughly th? meaning of m9ssag3s 83nt by kings from
different countries." All th3S3 references, taken togsth^r,
leave no doubt that th3 king lorn of Champa maintain3d
extensive diplomatic relations with Ii3r n3ighbouringcou:itri?s.
The art of diplomacy, as practis3d in India, was fairly
understood. TJi3 neighbouring states wterj classified as
fz'iends, enemies or neutrals, and tho relation with th'S?
powers was guided by the four expedients of adma (concilia-
tion), ddna (gifts), bheda (discord) and d<w?.<i (chastis3m?nt)
(Nos. 9 and 62). Sometimes danda is replaced by upaprudtna
(brib?ry) (No. 65). What is more important still is the
refereiiC3 to t: sldgunya "' which is undoubtedly identical
with tho " sadyiitiya" of Kautilya, meaning th3 sixfolJ
measures of royal policy. 1 Karnandakiya Nltisara, a tr3atis>
on politics bas?d upon Kautiliya Artha astra, d3als extensively
with th3 four exp3dients and th? sixfold in^asur^s of royal
policy. It is possible that political science was studied in
Champa from books of this kin I. 2 It is to bj rem iinb.'ivd,
how3ver, that Manusi Iihita, which ws know from otlnr
sources to havj b^an usjd in Champa, also d^als With both
th^83 topics, viz. tho four exp.dionts and th? s : xfold measures
of roj'-al policy, but its discussion on these subj -cts is, n ithor
full nor accurate, th3 author having evidently borrowed his
materials from books on political scianc.e which he did not
charly understand. But howsoiver that may bfl, there is no
doubt that th3 statesm3n in Champa wjra thoroughly imbu?d
with th3 idms of Indian Political Sciencj and it formed the
basis of polity in that kingdom.
1. Kamiliya-Arthasaetra Bk. VII ch I
2. Dr. E. Mitra pointed out in the Introduction to 1m edition
of Kamnndakiya Nitisara that the hook was imported into
Hali island by Hs Ilindn inhabitants as eaily us the
fourth century A.D.
Chapter XIV.
The King.
The king of Champa was not only the head but also the
centre of administration, and it is therefore necessary to
discuss his position and status at some length. Fortunately,
our materials for the study of this subject are fuller and more
reliable than those for the administrative system.
In theory the king was regarded as of divine origin, the
colonists following in this respect the view of the orthodox
Brahmanical schools of India. Indeed the whola conception
of the status and position of the king seems to 1*3 dominated
by the Brahmanical views such as those propounded in Mauu-
sanihita.
Reference to the divine nature of kings is found in Po
Nagar Tns. (No.29A., v.2). In Dong Duong Ins. (No.31A,
v.8) kings are referred to as " the gods dwelling upon earth ".
Lastly ha is said to have the vigraha or body of Chandra,
Iridra, Agni, Yama and Kuvera (No.23, v.3). Now no body
cau possibly ignore the striking res3mblanc3 between these
views and thos3 propounded at the beginning of Chapter VII
In Manusamhita. Ws road thsi'3 that the king "is a great
deity in human form " (v.8) and that the Lord created him
11 taking for that purpose eternal particles of Indra, of the
Wind, of Yama, of the Sun, of Fir?, of Varuua, of th3 Moon,
and of the Lord of Wealth (Kubera) ". l
To what extent this thoory of divine origin modified
th3 status of king m practic3 it is not possible to say. In
on3 respect, however, it was carried to its logical conclusion,
in a manner which would have been regarded as horribly
Rcandalous in India. In Po Nagar Ins. (No.30) we read that
king's feet were worshipped, even by Brahrnauas and
1* Laws of Mann' Transl. by Buhler, pp 216-217.
156 THE KING
priests. This would ba quite in keeping with ths divine
origin of kings, but in India the Brahmanas were careful
enough to safeguard their own position, and thus the first and
foremost duty of the "divine kings" was to worship the
Brahmanas. 1 The kings in Champa were not apparently
dominated by the influanca of the .Brahmanas, at least to the
same extent as in India.
But although thooretically tha king appears to ba vested
with absolute authority, there might have baen limitations
to his power in actual practice. Unfortunately our knowledge
in this matter is very vague. The Vo-Chanh inscription
(No. 1) refers to an "assambly", bat we do not know any
thing about its power and functions.
Maspero supposes that the crown-prince could not ascend
the throne without tha approval of tin nobility. Ha admits
that this rule was violat3d wh3n th3 king was powerful
enough, but holds that it was the normal rule. Unfortunat3ly
the evidence in support of his view is slender in tha extreme.
The modern practice of Cambodge to which ha refers can
hardly ba taken as a sura guide for practic3 in ancient
Champa. The passages of Dong Duong Ins. 2 on which he
relies, as translatad by ma, do not support tli3 contention in
any way. On tha oth3r hand such boasting expression as is
used by Indravarman viz. that ha "gained th3 king. loin by
tha special merit of his austerities, and by virtua of his pure
intelligenca, and not from his grand- father or father" saems
to indicate that hereditary succession was tha normal rule. It
is quite true that in troublasoine times, or probably for
some special reasons such as tha abs^nca of a la^al or suitable
heir, the king was sometimes electad by the people Thus
when Jaya Rudravarrnan died at Panduranga in 1147 A. D.
1. cf. Muimsamhita, Ch. VII, vv, 37 if
2. No. 31 B vv. VI, !X aud XI
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 157
the peoph of that town invited his son Harivarma to
be th-3 king of Champa (Ins. No. 75). According to Myson
Ins. =(No. 12) the kingdom was bestowed on Prakasadharma
by holy men. When Harivarman abdicated, the people offered
th? authority to his son (No. 62).
In connection with tha hereditary succession it is
n3C3ssary to note the importance of the femalea Kings are
succeeded not only by their sister's son, but also by their
sister's husband and even wify's sister's son. 1 This has been
attributed to the syst?m of matriarchy supposed to ba prevalent
in>thos3 parts of the country.
After his acc?ssion bo ths throne th3 new king performed
his coronation C3remony with groat pomp and splendour.
Sometimes a long interval elapsod between the accession of
a king and his coronation. Thus Harivarman ascended the
throne in 1147 A. D., but was " consecrated to the throne
with due C3remonials " only in 1149 A. D. King Vira
Bhadravarmadeva was eons3crat3d 32 years aft3r his acces-
sion.
There seems also to have been a fairly general practice
among kings of Champa to take a new name called
Abhisvkanama (No. 7) at the time of the coronation. Thus
Pra astadharma, son of Rudravarraan, took the name Sri
Sambhuvartnan at the time of his coronation (No. 7). Several
other instances of this kind are shown in a tabular form
bulow.
Ordinary Name. Coronation Name.
1. Prakagadharma. rl Vikrantavarman (No. 12)
2. Pu lyau Sri Rajadvara. ri Jay a Indravarmadeva (No. 62)
3. Prince Nauk Glaun
1. Of. the genealogy of kings referred to in Cb. V and also
tho case of Jaya Bimhavarmadtrva (Nc. 36).
158 THE KING
Vijaya or Vira Bhadra rl Brsu Indravartaan.
varma-deva
Whether the assumption of new names at the time of
coronation was a universal practica we cannot say, but there is
no doubt that it was a fairly common practice.
After hie accession to the throne the new king was
confronted with a heavy list of duties. Numerous referencas
to personal qualities of the king enable us to form a general
idea of what the kings were expected to be, if not what they
actually were. A general picture of these ideal qualities of a
king would throw light not only on the ideal of kingship in
those days, but also, to a c?rtain extent, on the ideals of human
life at Champa. An analysis of thasa ideal qualities as cullod
from different inscriptions 1 is given below.
I. Physical charm.
The king " had all the marks of a Maharaja, according to
the canon of Rajacakravartin " (No. 65). He had the 32 signs
(33 according to No 94) as well as grace and beauty, youth
and ability (Nos. 62, 65.). His baauty was like that of Cupid
and yet his appearanca was terrible like that of Garuda
(No. 24).
II. Strength and Valour.
The king was skill 3d in all the weapons and was heroic
and energetic (62, 65.). He was possessed of innata couraga
and of great strength. Ha took part in numerous battbs and
cut off the heads of kings, generals and other men of the
hostile party (62,65,72,81).
III. Administrative capacity.
The king kriew and practised the four expedieats viz.
*dma, dana, bheda and danda (or upapradana) V 62,65.X He
i. ^Oife figures within brackets in tbe succeeding paragraphs
refer to the number of inscriptions.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 159
maintained the eighteen titles of law laid down by Manu, and
the uniformity of procsdura (Nos. 62,65). H3 knew th3 trua
import of th3 sixfold measures of royal policy. H3 was strictly
impartial in discharging his duties (65), and U3ver transgres-
sed th3 et3rnal rubs of conduct (12). H^ dutifully prot^ct3d his
subjects (No. 12) and cbstroy-jd all tli3 thieves (24). H3 was
constantly davot3d to his duty and faithful to law Iik3
Dharmaraja (24). Ernbrac3d by th3 goddess of soveraignty Ii3
was " without equal in r>sp3ct of royal glory, knowledge,
wisdom, spbndour, fani3, sacrod learning, polity, renown and
conduct" (31).
IV. Learning and c\iltui"\
Th3 king had tin knowbdgi of 64 Kuls* (arts) (02,72). H3
was wis3, eloquent, and profoundly intelligent. (65,74). Ha
was V3rs3d in all t,li3 diff'rant branches of knowbdg3 l (32,94).
V. Moral qualities.
The king had tin knowbdg3 of th'3 goovl and the bad
(62 65) and poss3ssed a S3ns3 of duty, patieno, forb3aranc3,
calm of h3arfc, Morality, truthfuln3ss and compassion towards
all brings (65,41). H3 impartially pursued the thr3e objects
w?alth, virtu3 and pbasura without showing pr?f^r3nc3 to any
(65). H3 controlled th3 six passions viz. fcjma (sensual
passion), krodha (ang3r), lo^ha (covetousa?ss), moha (infatua-
tion), mada (pridt*) and mdtsarya (malice) (65).
1. King Bhidravarrnan was versed in the four Vedas (No. 4).
King Indravarm-m knew the six systems of Philosophy,
including Mimamsa ani Buddhist PhilosDphy, the gram-
mar of Panini with Kasika ootntnentarv, and the Akhyana
and the Uttarakalpa of the Saivas (Ho. 45). King Sri
Jaya Indravarmadeva was versed in Grammar, Astrology,
Philosophical doctrines like Mahayana and Dharxnasutras,
notably the Naradiya ani the Bhargg.tviya (No. 81).
160 THE KING
VL Beligions qualities.
The king knew the supreme truth and the absolute
reality without egotism (65). He installed gods and
temples and endowed them liberally 1 (94,110). Realising that
the body and its pleasures are ephemeral, he perform ad t/<#a,
dhyana and samadhi and practised virtue constantly and
thoroughly (65). Ha was the foremost among thos^ who
regarded sacrifices as their principal treasures (23). He made
pious works such as digging tanks, building roads, making
religious endowments (110) and gave gifts day and night (62),
particularly to munis, asC3tics and learned Brahmauas (24).
The king was not only of a religious temperam3nt but
was also, in a manner, the defender of faith and protector of
religion. It was his duty to maintain intact the castes and
A dramas in society, and we also hear of his zeal in protecting
Dharma (No. 23). In this respect he followed the traditional
role of kings in India.
We also get some account of the royal life in Champa
from the Chinese accounts and epigraphic evidences. The
following description of King Harivarman by his ambassador
to the Imperial Court (1076 A. D.) is recorded in a Chinese
Text.
" The King is 36 years of age. He is dressed in rich
embroidered silks, 1 and a long tunic hjld by seven chains of
gold. He wears a golden crown 3 adorned by seven kinds of
precious gems, and puts on sandals of copper. When he goes
1. For a detailed account, see later.
2. Sometimes the silk was of black or green colour with flowers
in gold embroidered upon it.
3. The crown was of elegant design and very richly decorated.
We can have a fair idea of it from actual specimens includ-
ed among the "royal treasures of Champa" (B. E. F. Vol,
V. P. 40 ft).
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 161
out he is attended by fifty men and ten women, who carry
betel and nuts on golden plates and play on musical instru-
ments".
The Po Nagar Ins. (30) says with reference to king
Vikrantavarman, that a big white umbrella was raised over
his head and his " body was decorated with diadem, waistband,
necklace, and earrings made of gold, ruby and other jewels."
The Glai Lomov Ins. (No* 24) says of Indravarmaa that his
hands and breast were made white by the application of an
abundance of perfumed sandal and musk.
We possess other incidental allusions to the royal dress
and habits. The undergarment of the king was made of
very fine white cotton, probably muslin, bordered by lace or
f unit shed with golden fringe. He put on this dress alone,
even in court, exc3pt on ceremonial occasions, when he wore
the silk tunic as noted before and put on, round his waist, a
rich belt of gold decorated with pearls and jewels. Even his
shoes were d'^corated with precious stones. 1
Attired in his gorgeous robe the king entered the Hall
of Audience where he held his court. The immediate
entourage of the king consisted, among others, of nobles,
eminent Brahmat.ias, Purohita, Pandits, astrologers and
masters of ceremonies.
Strangely enough, tha so as, brothers, and niore important
officials of the king had no immediate access to his person,
This was apparently due to f-ar of b^ing assassinated by
them. The daily life of the king was regulated by a fixed
routine. Every day at midday he gave audienca to his
people in an open Durbar. The king sat cross-legged on a
high throne. Those who were presented to him saluted him
in Indian fashion, bowing down their h3ads very low, while
1, T'oung Pao, 1910, pp. L93 04,
162 ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM
importance. A large regular army was maintained by the
state. At the time of Fan Wen the army was nearly forty
to fifty thousand strong. It must have been considerably
increased in later times. At the time of Che Bong Nga, the
royal guard alone numbered 5000. The armament of the
soldiers consisted of a shield, javelin, halbsrd, bow and cross-
bow The arrows were not feathered but their tips were poi-
soned. The soldiers marched with their standards at the
sound of drums and conchshells. They were arranged into
groups of five who were responsible for one another. If any
one of them fled, the other four were liable to death.
According tc Maspero the Cham army consisted merely
of infantry and elephants till 1171 A D. when they learnt
the use of cavalry from the Chinese. This is not, however,
quite correct. What the Chams learnt from the Chinese in
1171 was the art of throwing arrows from the back of horses,
a somewhat difficult operation inasmuch as both hands of the
rider had to be kept free. But cavalry was a part of their army
long before that. This is proved by the following vivid des-
cription of a battle-field contained in an inscription dated
909 A. D. "Which (the battle-field) is grey with the dust raised
by the swift-moving sharp hoofs of horses galloping high;
whose surface has been dyed red with drops of blood, like
Aoka flowers, shed by means of various weapons; and in the
four regions of which the sounds of war-drums were drowned
by the rp^rr pf giguntiq beautiful elephants" ( Ins. No. 39,
v. 17).
The elephants formed an important part of the army and
w<* have already seen how the Chinese army was perplexed
by this new element in warfare which was no doubt intro-
duced by the Indian colonists. The number of war elephants
maintained in Champa was nearly one thousand. Odoric de
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 153
Pordenone says that at the time of his visit to Champa (c.
1323 AD.) the king had 14,000 tame elephant^ 1
The navy consisted of large turret-ships as well as light
junka The total number of vessels was fairly large and we
have several referencss to squadrons of more than 100 ves-
sels supporting the movement of an army on land.
The king often entrusted his brothers or other membars
of the royal family with the chief command of the army.
Th3 generals had tli3 title of Mahaaonapati and S^napati, and
th3ra ware 83veral grades of officers und3r ttnm. Tiny all
took an oath to tha king to fight for him till th3ir death.
Th3ir pay consisted of subsidies in kind, and th^y w?r3 exempt
from taxation. Tli3 ordinary soldiers received two bushels
of rlc^ par month and thrae to five drjssas for winter and
summer.
The Chims had a fair knowledge of tli3 art of fortifica-
tion. They protsctod their towns by brick walls flankad by
watchtowers made of stone. These citadels and a stronghold
named Riu-sou specially fortified for the purpose served as
tha depot for their war materials. A detailed account oJ the
fortification of Kiu-sou has baen given above (p-26). Lastly
th3 Chams constructed entrenched camps by means of
palisades and turrets. Th,3y painted the outer gates of their
citadels with the ashos of an animal. They believed that thess
were theroby made impregnable.
While the Chams assiduously cultivated the arts of war,
th^y did not neglect tin arts of peac3. Th3 kings maintained
diplomatic relations with neighbouring countries. Constant
embassies to the courts of China and Annam have already
been referred to in the preceding pages. The Nhan-Bieu
Inscription (No.43) records the career of a nobleman named
Rajadvarah who was twice despatched by the king to
Yavadvipa on a diplomatic mission. Tha Bang-An Ins.
(No 42) refers to a multitude of royal ambassadors coming to
1. Marco PoloTEdited by Yule Vol. 11 p. 352i
154 ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM
Champa from different countries The Hoa Que Ins. (No 39)
relates, among oth?r qualifications of tha minister 5jna
Jayendrapati, that " by hard exertion Ii3 was able to under-
stand thoroughly tin maning of m3ssag38 83nt by kings from
different countries." All th^s3 references, taken together,
leave no doubt that tli3 king lorn of Champa maintain3d
extensive diplomatic relations with h3r n 31 ghbour ing countries.
The art of diplomacy, as practis3d in India, was fairly
understood. Tli3 neighbouring stat3S wer3 classified as
friends, enemies or noutrals, and the relation with th>s3
powers was guided by the four expedients of sdma (concilia-
tion), ddna (gifts), bheda (discord) and dandu (chastis3tn3nt)
(Nos. 9 and 62). Sometimes ditnda is replac3d by i^papradlna
(brib?ry) (No. 65). What is rnora important still is the
referenc3 to t: sjdynnya '' which is undoubtedly identical
with tho " 80,'1/junya" of Kautilya, meaning th3 sixfold
measuras of royal policy. 1 Karnandakiya Nitisara, a traatis)
on politics basad upon Kautiliya Artha astra, d3als ext3nslvj]y
with th3 four cxp3dients and th? sixfold moasuras of royal
policy. It is possibh that political science was studied in
Champa from books of this kin I. 2 It is to bj rainiinb^rad,
however, that Manusi uhita, which we know from othar
sources to hava b,>on us 3d in Champa, also djals with both
thS3 topics, viz. tho four expedients and tti3 s'xfold m?asurss
of royal policy, but its discussion on th 333 subj ?cts is neither
full nor accurate, th? author having evidently borrovv3d his
materials from books on political scianca which he did not
charly understand. But howso3ver that may be, there is no
doubt that th3 statesui3n in Champa ware thoroughly imbued
with the id?as of Indian Political ScienC3 and ib formed the
basis of polity in that kingdom.
1. Kantiliya-Arthasastra Bk. VII ch I
2. Dr. R. Mitra pointed out in the Introduction to his edition
of Kam*ndakiya Nitisara that the hook waa imported into
Hali island by Ha Hindu inhabitants as eaily as the
fourth century A.D.
Chapter XIV.
The King.
The king of Champa was not only the hsad but also the
centre of administration, and it is therefore necessary to
discuss his position and status at some length. Fortunately,
our materials for the study of this subject are fuller and moi'e
reliable than those for the administrative systam.
In theory the king was regarded as of divine origin, tha
colonists following in this respect the view of the orthodox
Brahmanical schools of India. Indeed the whola concaption
of the status and position of the king 83eras to ba dominated
by the Brahmanical views such as those propounded in Alanu-
sanihita.
Reference to the divine nature of kings is found in Po
Nagar Tns. (No.29A., v.2). In Dong Duong Ins. (No.31A,
v.8) kings are referrad to as " the gods dwelling upon earth".
Lastly ha is said to ha ye the vigmha or body of Chandra,
Indra, Agni, Yama and Kuvcra (No.23, v.3). Now no body
can possibly ignore the striking ressmblanca between these
views acid thosa propounded at the beginning of Chapter VII
In Manusamhita. W j r3ad thara that the king " is a great
deity in human form " (v.8) and that the Lord created him
" taking for that purpose etornal particles of Indra, of the
Wind, of Yama, of the Sun, of Fir?, of Varuna, of tha Moon,
and of tha Lord of Wealth (Kubara) ".*
To what extent this thaory of divine origin modified
tha status of king hi practica it is not possible to say. In
ona respect, however, it was carried to its logical conclusion,
in a maanar which would have baen regarded as horribly
scandalous in India. In Po Nagar Ins. (No.30) we read that
king's feet were worshipped, even by Brahmauas and
1* Laws of Maun' Trans!, by Buhler, pp 210-217.
156 THE KING
priests. This would ba quite in keeping with the divine
origin of kings, but in India the Brahmanas were careful
enough to safeguard their own position, and thus the first and
foremost duty of the " divine kings" was to worship the
Brahmanas. 1 Tho kings in Champa were not apparently
dominated by the influsnc3 of the iSrahmanas, at least to the
Bame extent as in India.
But although theoretically th3 king appears to b3 vested
with absolute authorit}^, there might have bsen limitations
to his power in actual practice. Unfortunately our knowledge
in this matter is very vague. The Vo-Chanh inscription
(No. 1) refers to an "assembly", but we do not know any
thing about its power and functions.
Maspero supposes that the crown-prince could not asc3nd
the throne without tti3 approval of tin nobility. Ha admits
that this rub was violated wh3n th3 king was powerful
enough, but holds that it was the normal rule. Unfortunately
the evidenc3 in support of his view is slend3r in th3 extreme.
The modern practice of Cambodge to which ha refers can
hardly ba taken as a sura guide for practic3 in ancient
Champa. Tho passages of Dong Duong Ins. 2 on which he
relies, as translated by ra3, do not support tli3 contention in
any way. On th3 oth^r hand such boasting expression as is
used by Indravannan viz. that h3 "gained th3 king-loin by
tha special merit of his austerities, and by virtu3 of his pure
intelligenc3, and not from his grand- father or fath?r" ssems
to indicate that hereditary succession was ths normal rule. It
is quite true that in troubbsome times, or probably for
some special reasons such as th3 absenc3 of a b^al or suitabh
heir, the king was sometimes elected by the people. Thus
when Jaya Rudravarman died at Panduranga in 1 147 A. D.
1. cf. Mamisamhita, Ch. VII, vv, 37 ff
2. No. 31 B vv. VI, IX and XI
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 157
the paopb of that town invited his son Harivarma to
be tha king of Champa (Ins. No. 75). According to Myson
Ins. = (No. 12) the kingdom was bestowed on Prakasadharma
by holy men. When Harivarman abdicated, the people offered
th? authority to his son (No. 62).
In connection with ths hereditary succession it is
n?c?ssary to note th.3 importance of the females. Kings are
sucooded not only by their sister's son, but also by their
sister's husband and even wife's sister's son. 1 This has been
attributed to the system of matriarchy supposed to be prevalent
iu.thoso parts of the country.
After his acc?asion to tha throne th^ new king performed
his coronation C3remony with groat pomp and splendour.
Sometimes a long interval elaps3d between the accassion of
a king and his coronation. Thus Harivarman ascended the
throne in 1147 A. D., but was " consecrated to the throne
with due ceremonials" only in 1149 A. D. King Vlra
Bhadravarmadeva was consacratad 32 years after his acces-
sion.
There seems also to have been a fairly general practice
among kings of Champa to take a new name called
Abhiselcandma (No. 7) at the time of the coronation. Thus
Pra'astadharma, son of Rudravarman, took the name 6ri
Sambhuvarman at the time of his coronation (No. 7). Several
other instances of this kind are shown in a tabular form
below.
Ordinary Name. Coronation Name.
1. Prakagadharma. rl Vikrantavarman (No. 12)
2. Pu lyau Sri Rajadvara. Sri Jaya Indravarmadeva (No. 62)
3. Prince Nauk Glaun
1. Of. the genealogy of kings leferred to in Ch. V and *lo
tho casts of Jaya Simhavarnmdova (Nc. 36).
158 THE KINO
Vijaya or Vira Bhadra rl Brsu Indravarman.
vttrma-deva
Whether the assumption of new names at the time of
coronation was a universal practice we cannot say, but there is
no doubt that it was a fairly common practice.
After hie accession to the throne the new king was
confronted with a heavy list of duties. Numerous references
to personal qualities of the king enable us to form a general
idea of what the kings were expected to be, if not what thoy
actually were. A general picture of these ideal qualities of a
king would throw light not only on the ideal of kingship in
those days, but also, to a certain extent, on the ideals of human
life at Champa. An analysis of these ideal qualities as cullod
from different inscriptions 1 is given below.
I. Physical charm.
The king " had all the marks of a Maharaja, according to
the canon of Rajacakravartin " (No. 65). He had the 32 signs
(33 according to No 94) as well as grace and beauty, youth
and ability (Nos. 62, 65.). His beauty was like that of Cupid
arid yet his appaarancs was t3rrible like that of Garuda
(No. 24).
II. Strength and Valour.
The king was skilbd in all the weapons and was heroic
and energetic (62, 65.). He was possessed of innate courage
and of great strength. He took part in numerous battles and
cut off the heads of kings, generals and other men of the
hostile party (62,65,72,81).
III. Administrative capacity.
The king knew and practised the four expedieats viz.
aflma, dana, bheda and danda (or upapradana) V 62,65.X He
i. Tte figures within brackets in the succeeding paragraphs
refer to the number of inscriptions.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 159
ma'ntained the eighteen titles of law laid down by Manu, and
ths uniformity of proc3dura (Nos. 62,05). H^ knew t'h.3 true
import of ths sixfold measures of royal policy. H3 was strictly
impartial in discharging his duties (65), and n3ver transgres-
sed th3 et3rnal rubs of conduct (12). H^ dutifully prot^ct3d his
subjects (No. 12) and d?stroyjd all ths thieves (24). Ha was
constantly d3vot3d to his duty and faithful to law lika
Dharmaraja (24). Ernbracsd by th3 goddess of sovoraignty Ii3
was " without equal in r^spsct of royal glory, knowledge,
wisdom, spbndour, fani3, sacrad learn inr, polity, renown and
conduct" (31).
IV. Learning and culture
Th3 king had tin knowbdgs of 64 KulCi* (arts) (62,72). H3
was wis3, eloquent, and profoundly intelligent. (65,74). Ha
was V3rs3d in all tli3 diff'rant branches of knowbdg3 l (32,94).
V. Moral qualities.
The king had th3 knowledg3 of th'3 jrooJ and the bad
(62 65) and poss3ssed a sonse of duty, patience, forb3aranc3,
calm of h3art, liberality, truthfulness and compassion towards
all b sings (65,41). H3 impartially pursued the thr3e objects
w?alth, virtue and pbasur3 without showing preference to any
(65). He controlled th3 six passions viz. k,jma (sensual
passion), kroiha (an<pr), lo')ha (covetonsaess), inoha (infatua-
tion), mada (prid^) and mataarya (malice) (65).
1. King Bhidravarman was versed in the four Vedas (No. 4).
King Indravarm-in kn^w the six systems of Philosophy,
including Mimamsa and Buddhist PhilosDphy, the gram-
mar of Panini with Kasika oouimentarv, and the Akhyana
and the Uttarakalpa of the Saivas (No. 45). King Sri
Jaya Indravarmadeva was versed in Grammar, Astrology,
Philosophical doctrines like Mahayana and Dharmaautras,
notably the Naradiya anl the Bhargg.iviya (No. 81).
160 THE KING
VL Religions qualities.
The king knew the supreme truth and the absolute
reality without egotism (65). He installed gods and
temples and endowed them liberally 1 (94,110). "Realising that
the body and its pleasures are ephemeral, he perform 3d 2/<#a,
dhydna and samddhi and practised virtue constantly and
thoroughly (65). Ha was the foremost among thos* who
regarded sacrifices as their principal tr3asuras (23). He made
pious works such as digging tanks, building roads, making
religious endownnnts (110) and gave gifts day and night (62),
particularly to munis, ascetics and learned Brahmauas (24).
The king was not only of a religious t3inp3ram3nt bat
was also, in a manner, the defender of faith and protector of
religion. It was his duty to maintain intact the castes and
A^ramas in society, and we also hear of his zeal in protecting
Dharma (No. 23). In this respect he followed the traditional
role of kings in India.
We also get some account of the royal life in Champa
from the Chinese accounts and epigraphic evidenc3S. Th3
following description of King Harivarman by his ambassador
to the Imperial Court (1076 A. D.) is recorded in a Chines3
Text.
" The King is 36 years of ag3. He is dress3d in rich
embroidered silks, 1 and a long tunic h^ld by seven chains of
gold. He wears a golden crown 3 adorned by seven kinds of
precious gems, and puts on sandals of copper. Wh3n he goes
1. For a detailed account, see later.
2. Sometimes the silk was of black or gren colour with flowers
in gold embroidered upon it.
3. The crown was of elegant design and very richly decorated.
We can have a fair idea of it from actual specimens includ-
ed among the "royal treasures of Champa" (B. E. F. Vol,
V. P. 40 ff).
ANCIENT BISTORT OF CHAMPA 161
out he is attended by fifty men and ten women, who carry
betel and nuts on golden plates and play on musical instru-
ments".
The Po Nfcgar Ins. (30) says with reference to king
Vikrantavarman, that a big white umbrella was raised over
his head and his " body was decorated with diadem, waistband,
necklace, and earrings made of gold, ruby and other jewela"
The Glai Lomov Ins. (No, 24) says of ladravarnmn that his
hands and breast wore made white by the application of an
abundance of perfumed sandal and inusk.
We possess other incidental allusions to the royal dress
and habits. Tli3 undergarment of the king was made of
very fine white cotton, probably muslin, bordered by lace or
furnished with golden fringe. Ho put on this dress alone,
even in court, exc3pt on ceremonial occasions, when he wore
the silk tunic as noted before and put on, round his waist, a
rich belt of gold decorated with pearls and jewels. Even his
shoes wpre decorated with precious stones. 1
Attirod in his gorgeous robe the king entered the Hall
of Audience where he held his court. The immediate
entourage of the king consisted, among others, of nobles,
eminent Bmhmanas, Purohita, Pandits, astrologers and
masters of ceremonies.
Strangely enough, tha sons, brothers, and more important
officials of the king had no imm?diat3 access to his person.
This was apparently due to f-ar of b^ing assassinated by
them. Tli3 daily life of the king was regulated by a fixed
routine. Every day at midday hs gave audienca to his
people in an open Durbar. The king sat cross-legged on a
high throne. Thosa who were presented to him saluted him
ia Indian fashion, bowing down tiioir h3ads very low, while
1, T'oung Pao, 1910, pp. 19394.
1G2 THE LAND
placing the arms across their breast. This was again repeated
when the audience was finished.
On having tho Durbar, the king mounted an elephant,
to the accompanim?nt of the sounds of drums and conchshells,
and a cotton umbrella was raisad over his head. Close behind
him marched an official with a plate uf betelnut. Then fol-
lowed the royal guard of more than 1000 soldiers, armed with
spear, sword, shield, bow and arrow. On less formal occasions
the king went in a chariot, escorted by 30 women carrying
b2tels and a shield. Sometimes tho king went in a palanquin
carried by four men.
Aft3r tin arduous toils and anxieties of administrative
work th<3 king sought for relaxation in his vary- big harem.
Thars ware a Iarg3 number of queens of various ranks, con-
cubines, danc'ng girls and a large retinue of servants. Ac-
cording to Marco Polo, "no woman in the kingdom of
Champa was allowed to marry until the king had seen her.
If the woman pleased him then he took her to wife ; if not,
he gave her a dowry to get a husband." When Marco Polo
visited Champa, about 1285 A. D., " the king had, between
sons and daughters, 326 children, of whom at least 150 were
men fit to carry arms."
Odoric de Pordencne who visited Champa about 40 years
later also remarks that the king of the country had about 200
children, for he had many wives and a large number of
concubines. 1
On the death of a king, the more favourite among" his
women, particularly the queens, burnt themselves on the
funeral pyre according to the " Sati rite " prevalent in India.
The rest remained faithful to their dead lord," and passed
their lives in good deeds and religious ceremonies; unless, as
1. Maroo Polo-Ed. Yule, Vol. If, pp. 249-250 and the footnotes.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 1G3
it happened in some cases, they entered into the harem of th<>
next king, either willingly or under compulsion. 1
It would be unfair to conclude, however, that the kings
of Champa were as a rub devoted to luxury and sensual
pleasures. Some of them were of religious bent of mind. We
even hear of some kings abdicating tli3 throne in order to
spend the last days of their lives in religious practices. The
cases of Gangamja and Harivarrnau may be cited as examples.
In this respect, too, tho colonists followod some of the beat
traditions of India.
1. Fan Wen starved to death thoso Mou.en cf Fan Yi who re-
fused to obey him.
BOOK II
THE CULTURE CIVILISATION
OF CHAMPA
CHAPTER I.
Religious Evolution in Champa
Religion has boen on3 of the most important factors in
ths building up of Indian civilisation. It is no wonder,
therefore, that the Indian colonists who founded a new king-
dom in Champa transplanted to tlr^ir land of adoption tho
religious idons with which they wore imbued at home. Indeed,
it is a matter of common knowledge that no other feature of
Indian civilisation 1 . k f t such a profound imprbss upon thes^
colonial kingdoms, and event now, whan tho political supremacy
of tin Indians in ihoso far-off kinds is merely a dream of ths
past, th?y contain unm : stak&bls traces of tli3 Indian religion
and its handmaid, art and architecture.
Several circumstances imik^ tin study of Indian religion,
as developed in thes? countries, ono of profound interest. In
the iirst place, although it is a familiar story how Buddhism
made extensive conquests in foreign lands, Hinduism had never
b3en known to make its influence felt outside the boundaries
of India. Yet it is precisely the conservative form of Brah-
maiiical religion that became predominant in the new colony,
and dominated the entire development of Hindu civilisation.
Secondly, the religious ideas of India were confronted there by
a system of primitive beliefs and superstitions, and we find
here a repetition, on a smaller scale, of what took place in
Northern India, when the Aryans swept away the whole
country and imposed their own religion upon the primitive
people.
Thirdly, the study of Indian religion in ancient Champa
not only affords an interesting insight into the vigour and
vitality of the Brahmanical religion, but also shows the com-
pleteness with which tli3 foreigners had absorbed the Hindu
civilisation. Nothing demonstrates more strikingly the absolute
168 RELIGIOUS EVOLUTION IN CHAMPA
hold which the Indian civilisation had over the native mind.
It i hot only a story of a great triumph, but of a triumph
against enormous odds. It has been already related in the pre-
vious pages that the political power of the Indian colonists in
Champa was never very sscura. Threatened by the Chinese,
the Annamites and the Cambodians they had always to lead
an insecure life. Repeated incursions of thesa powers almost
destroyed the solidarity of thoir political fabric. Yet, amid
all these vicissitudes of political fortune, Hinduism never
ceased to make headway and inspire its million devotees to
place their wealth and energy at its service. The triumph was
all the greater because Hinduism had to reckon in this distant
land with the all-powerful civilisation of China. As a matter
of fact China was first in the fbkl, and was already master
of the greater part of the country when the Indian colonists
made their influ3nce felt. Further, throughout the cours3 of
history th3 Chin333 empire wh'.ch cached th3 borders of the
new Indian colony exercised political influence of both direct
and indirect character. The Hindu kings of Champa had oft3n
to acknowledge the nominal suzerainty of the Chinese emperor
and send him regular tributes and pres3nts ; now and then the
Chinese army even occupied and cbvastated the whole country.
Yet, inspite of all these natural advantages, the Chinese civilisa-
tion had to give way b}fora the onward inarch of the Indian
in a distant land practically cut off from the mainland of India,
The superiority of the Indian civilisation was ouc3 more
demonstrated, and it was apparsnt that Brahmauical religion
was not probably much behind Buddhism in respect of mis-
sionary zeal and proselytising activity.
The Brahmanical religion that flourished in Champa WAS
not the Vedic religion of old but the neo-Brahmrtnical raligion
that was evolved in India almost at the same time As Buddhism
and Jainism. The essential characteristic of this new religion
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 169
was its sectarian character, the chief God being recognised as
either Brahm&, Visnu or $iva. The belief in a multiplicity o!
gods which prevailed in Vedic times was replaced by absolute
faith and devotion to one supreme God. Gradually the new
faith inspired a new literature, the Pur&toas, and usherad in
elaborate rituals and ceremonies. We find an echo of the pomp
and grandeur of Buddhism in the magnificent temples erected
to Visnu, Siva and the hosts of gods associated with them.
These gods formed the centre of new philosophical specula-
tions and hosts of myths and legends, and on them was lavished
the wealth and luxury of an opulent people.
In course of time the sectarian BrahmanicaJ religioa
triumphed over Buddhism which had hitherto played a dprni-
nant part in India. But although worsted in the struggle
Buddhism maintained its existencd for C3uturie ; s tp cojne.
Thus the religious history of India during the first thousand
years of the Christian era presented a new spectacle, the
gradual rise of the new sscts and the corresponding decline of
the once triumphant Buddhist religion.
All these characteristic features can be traced in minute
detail in the religious history of Champa. Fortunately,
materials for the study of this history are abundantly supplied
by the large number of inscriptions aad images of deities that
are still to be found in that far-off land.
Of the two Brahmauical sects that flourished in Champa,
Saivism was by far the more influential and exercised a pro-
found influenea on the whole course of religious development.
The hold of the Visuuites and tin Buddhists was poor m com-
parison. But there is no trace of any reUgious sjtroggle. Q,n
the other hand we have abundant traces of mutual good will
and attempts at reconciliation between the different secta
CHAPTER IF.
The conception of Siva.
Of the three membsrs of the Hindu Trinity iva occupied
an unquestioned position of supremacy in the Hindu colony of
Champa. The causes as well as the process of gradual eleva-
tion of one of the gods above his rivals are but imperfectly
known to us, but there can ba no doubt about the fact. Of the
130 inscriptions discovered in Champa and published in this
volume, about 21 do not refer to any religious sect in particular.
Of the rest, 92 refer to iva and the gods associated with him,
3 to Visnu, 5 to Brahma under the name Svayamutpanna and
7 to Buddha, while two refer to both ^iva and Visnu. 1 This
analysis of the known inscriptions is an eloquent testimony to
the predominance of the god iva. The same conclusion is
forced upon us when we rem3mb3r that the two principal groups
of temples in ancient Champa, Viz. thos3 of Myson, and Po-
Nagar are dedicated to iSivaite gods. Further, the preeminence
of iva is clearly indicated by th3 fact that the god was regard-
ed as ths tutelary deity of both the city and the kingdom of
Champa. Thus according to the Ins. No. 41, the city was
created by the rays issuing from the pair of feet of rI6anabha-
dresa', while in the Ins. No. 94, the same god is referred to
as 'the origin of the kingdom of Champa. These brief allu-
sions are fully explained in tho Ins. No. 31 which describ3S
how Uroja, sent to the earth by &va, established the kingdom
of Champa, having at first placed a iinya of that God as the
protector of the city. In the Ins. No. 42 we are told that th3
god $ri IganeSvara 'lives here triumphantly together with his
1. In this calculation, account has been taken only of the princi-
pal God mentioned in the inscriptions. In several cases, al-
though Siva is the piinsipal God, Vig n u and other gods have
been mentioned as subsidiary gods.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA
multitude of servants for the Stfke of the proSperiiy of Chatnpa'.
The god Siva vfras knowri by various names. These taay
be roughly classified as follows :
(a) Names denoting his position of supremacy over other
gods 1 :
Mahevara(4)
Mahadeva (6)
MahadeveSvara (29)
Amare^a (10)
AdhlSa (31)
Devadeva (34)
Isvaradevata (59)
Isvaradevadideva (32) ;
Vrddhe,;vara (35)
Parame.Svara (36)
(b) Names denoting general greatness, mastery etc :
Itona (20) Itenadeva (21) ligane'lvaw (1^) K&tfa-
natha (16) Pane.1raranatha (17).
(c) Names denoting the beneficent nature of the god :
ambhu (22) Ankara (28) ^ankare^a (38) Bhagyakft-
nteavara (33) Dharme^vara (39).
(d) Names denoting the destructive or fierce character of
the god:
garva (79) Bhlma (17) Ugra (24) Rudra (24) Eudra-
madhyeSvara (35) Eudrakotisvara (39) Maharudra-
deva (39).
(e) Names arising out of mythological attributes or char-
acteristics :
1. Figures within brackets after each name indicate the serial
number of the Inscription where it occurs. Although one
reference only is giverti to 'eiich, sometenieiS a Wm't** ocdurs r in
severar inscriptions;
172 THE CONCEPTION OF SIVA
gull (7;, Bhava (17), Pa^upati (17), Varaegvara (19), Vama-
bhute$vara(20), Yogi'vara (59>, Guheg vara (74), JayaguheSvara
(35), VijayasuiiheSvara (61), Bhumivijaya (107), IndralokeSvara
(65), Suvarnaksa (18), Sanflhaka (26).
(f) Names connected with linga.
Devalinge^vara ("43)
Mahalingadeva (32)
5ivalinge>vara (35)
^ivalingadeva (35)
MahaSivalingesvara (39)
Dharmaling3svara (41)
The various names attributed to Siva would convey a
fair idea of tho conc3ption of the god in the mind of his devo-
tees at Champa. Fortunately wj are not dependent upon
such a slender nnans alone for our knowbdga in this resp3ct.
The inscriptions contain hymns and praises addressed to Siva,
as well as a large number of incid dntal allusions, and these
enable us to enter more fully into this subject.
&va is expressly referred to as 'the chief of the Trinity'
and the 'supreme god of gods' in quite a large number of in-
scriptions. Th'ia Siva is said to have 'obtained ths position of
the head of the gods by m?ans of his extraordinary power and
fame' (No. 31 A. v. 15). He is the preceptor of gods (No. 39,
v. 13), He is the suprann daity extolled and revered by all the
gods beginning with Brahma or In Ira (No. 16, v. 1; No. 21, v. 1;
No. 32, v. 1; No. 46, v. 1). The gods as a class, derive their strength
fromgiva(No.3l,v.l3).BrahmaandVi8nu bow down to Him,
saying 'Thou great god, of gods; pleas? grant a boon to us' (No.
39, v. 10). Lastly, the brilliant picture of the assembly of
gods, drawn in No. 42, ssts the final 83al of supremacy to th3
god Siva. 'With Indra in front, Brahma to tli3 right, tho Moon
and the Sun at the back, and the god Narayaua to th3 left,
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 173
sits in the middle, glowing with splendid rays, while
those and other gods bow down before him and sing a chorus of
praise and thanksgiving beginning with* om' and ending with
'Svadha-evaha'. 1
Quite in keeping with this position of unique supremacy
among the gods, Siva is endowed with a numb3r of the highest
divine attributes. Ho controls the creation, maintenance and
dissolution of this world, while he himself has neither begin-
uing nor end/ He is not only the creator but also tli3 precep-
tor of the three worlds, bhuk t bhuvah and svah ; he is the
knower of all things and the fixed cause of the universe (No. 7).
He is 'the primaeval being' (No. 32, v. 1), calm, pure supreme
and sublime (No. 16, v. 1). HB is possessed of anima, and
other divine faculties (No. 17) ; he cannot be cut or pierced
(No. 16, v. 10) ; he is without cause (No. 17, v, 6) and without
atoms (No. 21 v. 1) ; his body is imperceptible (No. 95. v. 1) ; ha
permeates everything (No. 73, v. I), penetrates everywhere
(No. 46 v. 1), and embodies the entire world in himself (No .73,
v. 1). There is none in the world who knows Siva in his true
aspects, for his true nature is beyond the domain of thought
and speech (No. 17, v. I). 2 He is the aupreme energy (No. 23,
v.l) and the source of the supreme end of life (No. 17). His
image, identical with the universe, is manifested by his forms,-
earth, water, fire, air, sky, sun, moon and sacrificer. He is con-
stantly devoted to the welfare of all beings (No. 12, v. 28). Ha
is the one lord of the world and grants supremacy to gods and
men (No. 17). From him are born all creatures and to him
they ultimately resort (No. 23, V. 1).
1 For a similar presentation of Mahadeva, cf Mahabharata
Anusaaanaparvan Ch. XIV.
2. Also cf the prose portion on p. 35.
174 THE CONCEPTION OF &VA
$iva has dual aspects. He is the destroyer (No. 73, v; 1),
and burnt all forms including gods (No. 7). On the other hand,
he removes the sin of the world (No. 7) and delivers men from
the ocean of existence by destroying the seeds of karma which
lead to successive re-births (No. 12).
He is the object of meditation of the aso3tic$ (No. 32, v. 1)
and even thoughts of him alone are capable of yielding infinite
bliss (No. 12, v. 30).
But &va is not conc3ived in the abstract alons. Hs
appears as a concrete divine figure with familiar myths and
legends clustering round him. The old popular god of Indian
masses reappears in a foreign land with his well-known featu-
res. He has matted hair (No. 24), three eyes (No. 24), five (No.
79) or iix (No. 84) facas, and holds th3 trident in his hand (12).
He originated from the nether world (No. 23) and is a resident
of heaven. But sometimes he lives in the Himalaya-(No. 24) or
Malaya mountains (No. 31 B, v. 2), and sometimes sports in the
Manasa lake with his Saktis (No. 95 v. 1). Besmearing his
body with ashes (No. 23) h3 rid?s on a bull (No. 17) and dancas
in cemetery (No. 12, v. 28). He married Gauri, the daughter of
Himalaya, (No. 17) but maintains the Ganges on his head (No.
23). He is not, however, a frivolous god. Ho is learnad ( No. 62
v. 3) and intelligent (No. 74, v. 13). He practises austerities
without desiring any reward therafrom (No. 17). Indeed, ha
haa no desira of his own ! (No. 12, v. 30)., His body is purified
by means of miracles, yoga, japa, hunklra, etc. (No. 24b).,
Ha 13 attended and worshippad by man and gods as well as the
semi-divine baings like siddhas, cdranO8, yaktaa, etc.
Some of ths great achievements of Indian Siva were
quite familiar in Champa. The famous epiaode of burning the
Cupid to ashes is again and again referred to. (Ncfc. 17, 21, 24,
36, 41, 74). Being struck with the, arrow named &cmn*ot*ana by
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 175
Cupid (No. 41, v. 2), he reduced the latter to ashes by imans of
burning fire proceeding from his eyes (No. 17), but later on
again restored him to life (No. 36, v. 1). This well-known
allegorical myth, depicting Diva's absoluta control over sensual
passions, is a favourite theme of Sanskrit p03ts, and has baen
immortalised by Kalidasa in his famous poam Kumara-Samb-
hava. Apparently this aspect of Siva's character made a deep
impression upon his devotees at Champa.
The second nnmorable achievem3nt of ^iva, stress3d in
ths inscriptions of Champa, is the destruction of tha demon
Tripura (No*. 17, 24, 32 ) an 1 his three cities in the sky. As
has already bsen noted, th3 details of this event agree cloaely
with those given in the Mahabharata. l
Ths third mythological incident about Siva is the story of
Upamanyu (No. 17). This has baen narratad at great length in
the Anu^asanaparvan of Mahabharata (Ch. XIV) which agree*
with the inscriptions of Champa in extolling Mahadeva in the
most extravagant terms and placing him above all other gods
including Brahma and Vismi.
Lirigapuraua, an extratnist ^aiva book of the sam3 type, is
probably the source of anothsr story in tho inscription of
Champa (No. 39). It is said that on one occasion there was a
contest for supremacy bit ween Brahma and Visuu when a
luminous Linja appeared before them. The two combatants
agraed to traca tti3 sourc3 of the Liny*. Brahma took the
form of a swan anl W3nt upwards, whih Visnu in th3 form of a
boar went downwards. For a thousand years they tried but
could not reach th3 end of the Liny a one way or the other.
Mahadeva then appeared bafore th3 discomfited gods and recei-
ved homag3 from tham, and th3y promised eternal devotion lor
him. 8
1. Cf. [ns. N<>. 17 V. 4 and the footnote.
2. For tho story cf. Lingipuraua T, 17, 5-52. Vayupurana, oh. 66.
176 THE CONCEPTION OF SIVA
Thai Hoa-Qne Inscription from which we learn the above story
oontame an elaborate praise of the Linga form which virtually
credits the Linga with the same attributes as those given to
6iva himself. The Linga is primaeval, having no beginning
or end, and revered by gods and men. The Linga assumes
Various forms for the sake of prosperity of this world, and
those who even once bow down to these Lingo* realise their
desires.
Chapter III.
The Worship of Siva.
In Champa, Siva was repres3nt3d both as a human figure
as well as in Irs lingo, form. The latter occurs more frequently,
as in India, than the image of $iva.
Th3 ordinary Zi?i</r4sareplac3don a pedestal (Sndna-dronl)
which is usually square and sometimes richly ornamented with
human figures or other decorative designs. In a few instances
th3 pedestal is round and tli3 Yoni is rspressnted therein. Very
often several lingas, sometimes as many as seven, are found
on th? same pacbs'al.
Tii3 linjds ai*3 of the usual cylindrical shape. Som3times
a tnad is sculptured on this linga. This is undoubtedly the
Mukhalinga so frequently nnntionad in the inscriptions pf
Champa. M. Finot supposes that this h?ad repres3nts that of
the king who founded the liwja and identified himself with
Siva, But M. Aymonier sterns to b3 right in his view that
th3 h3ad repres3nts &va him93lf. For, according to th3 Ins.
No. 39, after Brahma and Visuu had bowed down before the
/ircga of Siva, th3 lattsr "showed th3m his fac\ issued from
th3 middb part of tin linga." But it is quite probable th*t
tli3 fae3 wasd3lib3rately made to resemble that of ticking.
In support of this view we can quote tli3 Ins. No. 39 in which
we are told that three brothsra erected images of 6ri Mahft-
Rudradeva and Bhagavati out of d3votion to, and in imitation
of th3 features of tlnir father and moth3r. In India we meet
with similar Mukhalihgas, sometimes with four faces.
As a human figure Siva is represented in a variety oi
forms.
I. Ordinary human figure with two hands.
Two mutilat?d oarly iva figures of this type found at
Tra-kieu are given in Ars Asiatica Vol. IV. Pi. XXII. The god
178 THE WORSHIP OF SIVA
is repres3nted as a strongly built figure standing in a defiant
attitude.
The head is covered with rich curls of matted hair magni-
ficently arranged in conical shape. A richly decorated diadem
surrounds it at the basa, while a brilliant mukuta ( crown )
covers the upper part. Stray locks of hairs fall on the breast.
The ndgas or serpents sarve as the ornaments of the ears
and also take the placs of the sacred thread. This last is
attached to the lower of the two necklaces around the neck.
Belts of pearls etc, surround the waist and the upper part of the
abdomen. The upper part of a dagger is seen from above the
belt.
The figures being mutilat3d, the position of hands and feet
cannot be ascertained. One arm shows trace of a bracelet made
of serpents. In the fac% the eyebrows and moustachs are very
prominent. There are crosses and circles in tho diadem which
might repres3nt the sun and th3 moon but tti3 third eye is not
represented on tli3 foreh3ad.
Tli3 images of &va found at Myson are less decorated
and much simpler in design. 1 The god is repressntad as standing.
The upp3r part of thi body is nucb, whih two garments fixed by
a b^lb round th3 waist cover th^ lowar part. The lower garunnt
reaches almost upto th.3 ankb, bufc tin upper one t-tops at tlrj
knee. There is a rosary round tli3 wrist of ths right hand
while the left hand holds a vase. The hair is arranged in three
stages on the head. Th3 god has a smiling fac3 with fins mous-
tache, and the third eye is repr383nt3d on the forehead.
Very often Siva is represented as seated, in an attitude of
meditation. 2 Sometimes thore is a beautifully decorated halo
bahind the h?ad. 3
1. Farm. I C., vol. I Fig 78, p. 362 and Fig. 79, p. 36J.
2. I l >id vol. n f pi^g. 103, 101), pp. 4045.
3. Ibid Fig. 71. p. 290.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 179
In a few instanc3s even the normal human figure ol
f5iva has got an uncanny appearance. The &va found at
Yan Mum 1 may be cited as an instance. The god is represen-
ted as seated, with a trident in one hand and an elephant's
goad in the other. He has three eyes and the sacred thread
But he is attired like a king and the expression of his face is
almost ghostly. Sometimes, as at Drau Lai, civa is represented
as seated on Nandin, very much in the name style as one sits in
a chair 1 .
2. Siva is sometimes representad as a human figure with
extra hands in various attitudes. The following varieties may
be noted.
(i) Standing, six arms, the two upper joined behind the
head, others holding a TriSula, lotus, sword and a cup (?).
(ii) Standing on Nandin, in an attitude of attack; holding
a lanca in two handa; has 24 or 28 arms; attributes: Ankara
(Elephant-goad), nagi, ball, pitchar, bag and bow.
(iii) Dancing the Tandava -sometimes surrounded by N&gls
playing on harp and drum.
(iv) Seated holding a rosary in one hand and trident in
another.
3. In decorative designs, specially on the Tympanum,
(iva is represented as dvdrapdla (gate-keeper of temples). In
these cases he has mostly a terrible appearance with projecting
eyes and long teeth. He is armed with a club, and wears a
crown, ear-drops of skulls, upavita and bracelets of
serpents.
Sometimes the dvdrapdla is represented as standing on a bull
1. Ibid, Fig. 77, p. 309
2. Ibid, Fiff. 105, p. 401
180 THE WORSHIP OF SIVA
brandishing a sort of wedge-shaped iron instrument, while
a small figure on the head of the animal and turned towards
the main figure holds a sword in the right and a buckler in the
left hand.
The images of $iva at Champa aro too ntimerouw to be trea-
ted in minute details. The following summary of Parmentier
Would give a fair idea of the general position.
"As an idol, iva is more frequently represented as a linga
which, on the other hand, seldom figures in decorative designs.
As to the figure of &va, it is more often represented as a
normal human being, rather than of monstrous appearance.
Tho figure is usually seated, but, in rare cases, standing.
In the earlier period he is represented with a corpulent body ; in
the later period, as an ascetic. It is only in the form of dvdra-
pdla that he takes a terrible appearanc3. But this form of
sculpture gradually disappeared. It is in the decoration of tym-
panum again in the earlier period, that the god is represented
as fighting or victorious. It is specially in these cases that the
god has monstrous forms. This is only partly caused by the
multiplication of hands which vary from four to thirty. It is
bnly in exceptional cases again that the god is represented
with a multiplicity of heads. On the other hand he has very
often the third eye on the fore-head. His usual vtihana
(vehicle) is Nandin, and he has the Brahman leal sacred thread
as his distinctive sign. He is sometimes covered by serpents
in the shape of oraameiits. The usual attributes of the god
are the sword, the rosary, the lotus-stem, the triSula, and the
vajra. Among other attributes, less generally found, may be
mentioned discus, lance, bow, arrow, pen, purse, wallet, comb,
cup, bowl, horn, bell, and elephant-goad. Sometimes the
Omkara is marked on the head-dress" 1
1. Ibid, pp. 411-12
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA
One of the oldest Ung&* ^ $iva came to be regarded as the
national deity and maintained this position throughout the course
of history. The linga was established by king Bhadravarmau
towards the close of the fourth or the beginning of the fifth
century A. D. and was named i3hadr&3vara, for it was custo-
mary to designate the god by a term composed of the first part
of the donor's name and the word Isvara. This linga named
BhadreSvara or BhadreSvarasvami was placed in a temple at
Myson which soon became a national sanctuary and the C9fcre of
a group of magnificent tempba The king endowed the temple
with lands whose boundaries are described in three inscrip-
tions (Nos. 4, 5, and 7). This tompb was burnt sometime bet-
ween 478 and 578 A. D. but restored by king Sambhuvarman
who confirmed the endowments previously given by Bhadcavar-
man. Following the custom set on foot by ths latter he, associa-
ted his own name with that of the god, and called him ambhu-
BhadreSvara. Successive kings, such as Praka'adharma
(No. 17) and Indravarraan II (No. 31) and many others vied
with one another in richly endowing this 'god of gods', and
composing hymns of praise in his honours 1 . In course of time
a mythical origin was attribated to the Lin ja. It is saidj in
an inscription, dated 875 A. D., that Siva him93lf gave it to
Bhrgu, and Uroja having got it from the latter established it
in Champa. We are told that ^ambhu-Bhadresvara, the greatest
of gods, and the only one fit to be worshipped, was the guardian
deity of Champa, all the kings of which have become famous i|i
the world through his grac3 and favour.
From the middle of the eleventh century A. D. tiftna-
BhadreSvara came to occupy the position of national god. It
appears extremely likely that w.e find here the pJd god
ambhu-Bhadravara under a new name, for the god
1. cf . Ins. No. 17, p. 35.
182 THE WORSHIP OF SIVA
Bhadrevara ia also said to bo installed by Uroja (No. 73, v. 3).
Henceforth king after king declares himself to be an incarna-
tion of Uroja, and restores or endows the tempb of ^rl^ana-
bhadrevara which Uroja had formerly established on the
Vugvan mountain (cf. pp. 93, 99 ff above). The temple suffered
much in the hands of tbe enemies, particularly the Cambodgians,
and was therefore repaired and endowed by a succession of
kings, 1 sometimes with the booty taken from the Cambodgians
themselves. An idea of the wealth and grandeur of the god and
its surroundings may be formed from the numerous lists of
articles granted to the god by the kings of Champa in per-
petual endowments. In 1088 A. D. Sii Jaya Indravarman
gave him a "golden Kofta of six faces ornamented with ser-
pents and decorated with coloured jewels fixed at sharp points
in the diadem". The Kos'a, which was a frequent gift to
Siva lingas in Champft, appears to be an outer covering for
the same. Th3 one given by Jaya Indravarman V had six
faces, and also an Urddhvakosa or the Adhara Urddhva-mukfta.
As the weights of the Ko3a and of these last two items are
all given separately, it appears that both the fac3S and the
Urddhvakosa were detachable elements fixed on to tho Koza.
This Ko$a of Jaya Indravarman, when completa, contained a
large number of costly gems and gold weighing about 431bs
Troy. About eighty years later, another king of the same
name, Jaya Indravarman VII, gave still richer endowments
to the same god (11 63- 11 70 A. D.). He gave a golden Ko$a t de-
corated with costly jewels, constructed an antargrha (inner cham-
. ber) of sandalwood with silver and gold decorations, and offered
vessels, pitchers and various other objects of gold and silver.
He also decorated the temple of iiftnabhadrevara with
eilver and coated all the pinnacles of the temple with gold.
.1. cf. Ins. Nos. 59 61, G2, 68 73, 79, 81, 84 ." 87, 94, 101,
109, 117.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 183
The total amount of gold required for the above purposes was
nearly 75 IbaTroy in weight, and the amount of silver nearly
35,000 Ibs. Troy. 1 Besides, the king gave large elephants,
male and female slaves etc. Among the various objects which
we find dedicated to the god by a succession of pious kings
may be mentioned, diadem decorated with jewel, necklaces and
other ornaments, pitchers and other utensils of gold and silver,
variety of articles made of gold, silver and sandalwood, the
exact nature of which cannot be ascertained, male and female
servants, and other women including dancers and musicians,
fields, grain stores, oxen, buffaloes, and elephants, (cf. also
the lists of articles in Nos 23, 24, 29.).
It is thus absolutely clear that ^ambhubhadre^vara or
{3ri''anabhadresvara was regarded as the nation.il deity of
Champa from beginning to end, and most elaborate arrange-
ments compatible? with the wealth and resources of the kingdom
were made for his worship. There were apparently tha
system of 'Devada&is', 'female dancers', who dedicated their
lives <o the service of the god which forms so characteristic
a feature of Indian temples even to-day. The enormous wealth
of the temples of Champa would also remii d o le of tli3 tem-
ples of India, the wealth and grandeur of \\ hic'i have been so
vividly described by Sultan Afohmud and the writers of his
time.
In addition to the &iv&-lin<ja wh'ch attained the position
of the national deity there were many others though of less
importance. The most remarkable among these was a Mukha-
li hga of Sambhu in PoN igar. We learn from an inscrip-
tion of the 8th century A. D. (No. 22) that this Muklia-linga
was established by a king named Vicitrasagara Two inscrip-
tions (Nos, 29, 71) even profess to give the exact date of this
event. It was established, we are told, in the year 5911 of
1. According to the Measures of weight given by Maspero
(Toung Pao, 1910, p. 210).
184
THE WORSHIP OF SIVA
4he DvSpara Yuga, about 1, 780, 500 years ago. How this
date was arrived at, it is impossible to say, the main idea, no
doubt, being to refer it to a hoary antiquity. This linga was
destroyed in 774 A. D. by savags races coming by way of
sea, but king Satyavarman (see pp : 50 ff ) restored it and called
itSatyamukhaliriga. We find reference to this linya as Iat3
as the 12th century A D. but it n3ver acquired the status of a
national deity like 6ambhu-Bhadrowara or Sriana-Bhadre3-
vara.
The kings of Champa se3m to have regardod it as a pious
duty not only to maintain and endow the famous lingas of
olden times but also to establish n3w ones. In such casss the
almost universal practice was to associate his own name with
tha new image. Below is given a list of kings and the names
of gods established by them.
NAMES OF KINGS. NAMES OF GODS. NUMBER OF INS.
1. Bhadravarman
2. ^ambhuvarman
3 Indravarman.
Do.
4 Vikranta-Varman
Do.
Do.
5. JayasixLha-
varmadeva
Bhadre^vara.
!ambhu-Bhadre3vara.
Indra-Bhadrosvara.
In.ira-Bhogesvara 1
Indra-ParameSvara. J
Vikranta-Rudra.
rl Vikranta-Rudra^ vara.
6ri VikrantadevadhibhaveS-
vara.
Jay a Guhe^vara.
6. Bhadravarmadeva Praka'a-Bhadra^vara ~)
Bhadra-Malaye^vara |
Bha<lra-Champe$vara S-
Bhad ra- Maudale - vara j
Bhadra- Pure 'vara J
2
7
23
24
30
Do.
Do.
39
39
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 186
7. Indravarman. Indra-Kantefo. 44
8. Harivarman. Hari vanned vara. 74
9. Jaya Harivarman. Jaya-Harilmge3vara. 75
10. Jaya Indravar- Jaya-Indra-Lokevara. 1
man. $rI-Jaya-Indre$vara V 81
ri-Indra-GaurI6 van J
11. Indravarman Indravarman ^ivalingelvara. 108
12. Jayasimhavar- Jayasimhavarmalingegvara. f 112
made v a | 116
In addition to these instances where tha kings associated
their own names with the gods established by themselves, thegft
are other cases on record where kings and nobles associated
the names of their beloved relations with the gods founded by
them. Thus king Jayasimhavar madeva installed the goddess
Horoma for increasing the religious merit of his moth^r/a
younger sister, queen HaradevL The latter installed Indra*
Parame^vara for the sake of religious merit of her husband
Indravarman (No. 36.). She also installed Rudra-Parame6vara
and Rudroma for increasing the religious merit of her father
and mother. These names are also probably to be explained
in the same way, though nothing definite can be laid down as
we are ignorant of the names of her parents. The Ins. No. 38
records the consecration of a Uuga^ called Indradeva, in
honour of king Indravarman, by a dignitary of the realm.
Again, iSvaradeva, brother of a minister, installed the god
Isvaradsvadideva (No. 32). The Ins. No. 12 mentions two
gods Igane^vara and PrabhaseSvara, and it is extremely likely
that these two gods are associated with the kings named
lanavarman, and Prabhasadharma referred to in that inscrip-
tion. There are similarly other cases, where the names of gods
are apparently derived from some kings, though ire-are tnH
either to identify the king or to decide whether the king Him-
self founded the image or somebody else installed it in his
186 WORSHIP OF SIVA
honour. Two conclusions however stand out prominently from
the above analysis. In the first place, the kings of Champa
vied with one another in installing images of Siva as it was
regarded pious to do so, and secondly, they identified or
associated themselves with the gods by adding their name to
that of the god, and also at times by making the image of
the god resemble their own.
The practice of associating the name of the king with
that of the god founded by him was certainly not unknown to
India. Thus the Chandella king Prthvldeva installed an
image of &va named PrthvIdaveSvara 1 . Two queens of the
Calukya king Vikrarnaditya II, named Lokamahadevi and
Trailokyamahadevi installed two images of $iva called ras-
pectively LokeSvara and Trailokyesvara. 2 The RajataranginI
furnishes numerous examples from the history of Kashmir.
Thus we are told "that Sura founded the temple of Visnu
^uravarmasvamin. Two sons of a younger brother of Sura
called Dhira and Vinnapa built under their own names
temples
"Mahoday, who was the chief door-keeper of Sura, con-
secrated the (shrine of Visim) Mahoday asvamin
u The illustrious Prabhakaravarman, the king's minister,
built a temple of Visnu called Prabhakarasvamin." 3
1. Ep. Ind., Vol. I t p. 38.
2. Bom. Gaz. Vol. I, Part II, p. 190.
3. Rajatrangmi, Bk, V, vv. 23 ff.
CHAPTER IV.
Saiva Gods.
A numbsr of deities came to be associated with Siva.
The most prominent among them was of course the 'akti' of
Siva, known variously as Um& (Nos, 4, 22), Gauii (26), Bhaga-
vati (26, 80), MahabhagavatI (26), Devi (39) and MahadevI
(32). She was also called Matrlmgesvari (97) and Bhumisvarl
(50). She was the daughter of Himalaya and the incompara-
ble and loving spouse of Siva, worthy of being adored with
joy by that god (13).
The cult of Sakti worship seems to have been most pre-
valent in the southern region known as Kauthara. Here was
established the goddess Yapu Nagara or BhagavatI Kauthftre*-
varl, in the temple of Po-Nagara which b3cani3 a national
sanctuary of the Chams comparable to that of ambhu-Bhadre-
vara or Srlsanabhadresvara.
We learn from an inscription of king Harivarman (No. 26)
that 'an old image of BhagavatI in Kauthara, famous all over
the world, remained empty for a long time*. In other words
the image was carried away by savage trib3S or destroyed by
enemy troops, and the temple remained empty for a long time.
Tb-nin 817 A. D. king Harivarman made a new stone image
of the goddess, adorned with a variety of ornaments, and offe-
red- her gold, silver, jewels, clothbs of variegated colour and
other articles. He further dedicated to the goddess fields in
the Kauthara country together with male and female slaves,
buffaloes etc. Within half a century the stone image was
coated over with a plate of gold, and ornaments with costly
jewels were added to the head and ears of the image. (No. 29).
In the year 918 A. D. king Indravarman established a golden
image of the goddess (No. 45). This was unfortunately carried
away by the Cambodians sometime between 944 and 947 A. D.
188 SAIVA GODS
The war apparently taxed the resources of the king to the
utmost, for in 965 A. D. he replaced the golden image that
was lost by a stone one (No. 47). About a century later, in
1050 A. D. king Parame^varavarman made rich gifts to the
goddess, viz. vase inlaid with gold, a diadem, waistband, silver
vase, an umbrella decorated with peacock feathers, a vast silver
canopy and several golden pitchers and vasas (No. 55). In
1084. king Paramabodhisatva, together with his sister and
eldest son, gave to the goddess, among other things, elephants,
a golden crown, a necklacs decorated with jewels, and various
other ornaments and utensils of gold and silver (No. 64). In
1160 A. D., king Harivarman, after having triumphed over all
his enemies, both foreign and internal, 'first of all honoured
*&
the goddess called Yapu Nagara by giving her great riches'
(No. 76). Again, in 1167 A. D., king Jaya Iridravarinan VI,
together with his queens and daughters, made rich donations
toBhagavati Kautharegvarl (No. 80). In 1233 A. D. king Jaya
Parame^varavarman granted land and slaves to the goddess
Pu-Nagara. The slaves belonged to both the sexes and to
various nationalities such as the Khmer, Cham, Chinese and
Siamese (No. 88). Probably the image of the goddess was
destroyed soon after. For we learn from two inscriptions (Nos.
97-98) that princess Suryadevi, daughter of king Jaya Indra-
varmadeva gave a sum of money for making a statu3 of the-
goddess BhagavatI Kauthare^vari. She also gave various or-
naments of gold and silver to the goddess and prescribed regu-
lations for the dancing girls employed in the service of the
goddess (1256 A. D.\ Later kings of Champa also
continued the donations to the goddess (cf. Nos. 99, 105,
109).
The general conception of akti is beautifully illustrated
by the long hymn with which the Ins. No. 55 begins. Her
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 189
power is conceived to be equal to that of god iva. 'She is
in her very essence at one with whatever is in the world of
God during its creation as well as in its dissolution. She is
the primordial energy of the existent and the non-existent*.
Bufc, as we have seen above, these are exactly the attributes
of iva himself. Hence the 6akti and ^iva are conceived as
essentially one and the same: 'Thou hast as body, half of that
which has moon as its diadem i.e. Mahadeva; thou art of
beautiful appearance and form part of the body of the lord of
embodied beings'.
Here we have evidently the conception of 'Ardhanari*.
Bergaigne concludes from it that the image of Bhagavati Kau-
thareSvarl, also named goddess Yapu Nagara, was that of an
Ardhanari i. e. an idol which represents &va and Durga in
the same body, prominence b3ing given to the female part
under Tantric ideas. This may or may not be true, for the
epithets in question might refer to the general conception of
Sakti and not to the particular image.
It is true that an image of Ardhandrl has been actually found
at Dong Phuc. The female side in this statue is emphasised by
the dress and developed breasts while the male part is indica-
ted by fine moustache. The identity of 'ardhanarl' is revealed
by the third eye on the forehead. 1
But the image of the goddess of Po Nagar at Nha
Trang is of a quite different character. It is a beautiful statue
of black stone. The goddess, s?ated cross-legged, has develo-
ped breasts, and the folds on her bally indicate her maternity.
She has ten hands. Two of these are placed on the two knees
with palm upwards. 2 The eight other hands behind the two
1. Farm. 1. C., Vol. II, pp. 413-14, Fig, 79, p. 312.
2. Parmentier thinks that these indicate the two Mudras of
daiia (gift) and abhaya (assurance). The published
190 SAIVA GODS
car#y dagger, lance, bow, arrow, elephant-goad, shield, discus
and conch-shell. The goddess, adorned with bracelets and
necklaces has a rather sombre expression. This statue of the
goddess has been supposed by Aymonier to be the one erected
by Jndravarman in 965 A. D. More likely it is the statue
erected by princess Suryadevi about 1256 A, D. (See ante).
Sometimes, in bas-relief, the goddess is represented as stand-
ing on Nandin. In a bas-relief at Myson the goddess is repre-
sented as dancing, holding different attributes in her tan
hands. These attributes are generally speaking the same as
those of $iva. Another bas-r&lief at Chien Dang represents
the goddess in a fighting attitude. She has six arms and holds
a bow and an arrow.
The number of images of Bhagavatl, so far discovered,
does not correspond to the importance which the inscriptions
attribute to that goddess. But in on3 respect the monuments
Corroborate the epigraphic records. I<i appears equally from
both that Uma or Bhagavatl was more regarded as a female
counterpart of Siva than as a separat3 goddess. She has got
the same attitudes, attributes and characteristics as tliQS3 of
Siva. She has a third eye on the forehead, a large number of
arms varying ' from four to ten, and even the same Vahana
viz. the Nandin. Only, unlike Siva, sho does not wear the
sacred thread which is peculiar to the male sex.
The second deity associated with the Siva-cult is Gane?a,
also called Vinayaka ( No. 26 ). We know from Ins. No. 26
that a separata temple was dedicated to that god at Po Na^ar.
He had, besides, two temples at Myson. Very often the imagQ
of Ganea is found in other Saiva temples, sometimes along
with those of Bhagavatl and Kartikeya, his mother arid bro-
ther. The extant images of Gauesa at Champa are indeed so
figures, however, do not make this quite clear.
Farm. I. C. Vol. II p. 412. B. E, F., Vol. L p. 15, Fig. 1.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 191
numerous that his cult seems to have been at one time even
more popular than that of Urna, his mother.
The god is usually represented as seated on a pedestal,
with a corpulent body and the head of an elephant. The
end of the trunk is usually put in a bowl which the god has
in his left hand, while his right hand holds a small object
which may b3 a lingo, or the missing tusk. In at least three
figures a garland is substituted for this object. The god
wears a sacred thread. Sometimes he has two of the attri-
butes of Si^a a third eye on the forehead, and ornaments
of serpents.
There is only one figure, at Myson, in which the god is
representsd as standing. He has four arms, with one of which
he holds the bowl with the end of the trunk in it, while the
three others have a garland, a pen and a rosary. The figure
is richly attired, the dress on the lower part of his body being
covered by a tiger skin.
In the temples of Dong Duong and Myson the figures of
Gauesa appear in the decorations of tympanum. These resem-
ble the separate images of the god described above. 1
The third $aiva deity, Karttika (No. 24), known also as
Kurnara (No. 9), seems to have enjoyed a great popularity
in Champa. He is referred to in four inscriptions (Nos. 9,
24, 36 and 39 ), from one of which we learn that an image of
the god was placed with those of Gaiie^a and Uma in a $aiva
temple. He is conceived as a great hero who repelled all
his enemiep ( No. 9 ), and this no doubt refers to the part he
played as commander-in-chief of the gods in their wars against
the Asuras. In the Ins. No. 36, iva, here called Guhe6vara,
is said to have brought about peace, victory and happiness
to Kumara.
1. Cf. Farm. I. C Vol. II, pp. 415-417. Figs. 117-120. B. E. F.,
Vol. I. P. 17. fig. 2.
192 SAIVA GODS
Four or perhaps five images of the god have been disco-
vered so far. 1 In two of these the god has his usual Vdhana
the pea-cock. In two others, however, the god rides on rhi-
noceros, a conception unknown in India though familiar in
Cambodge. In one instance the goJ is represented as stand-
ing on the peacock with the peacock's train at his back. In
other cases the god is represented as squatting on his Vdhana.
The Vajra and sword are his principal attributes. The hair
of his head is beautifully arranged in four parts, a fashion
peculiar to this god. Sometimes the god is adorned with
necklaces And bracelets. I a one instant only the god figures
in the tympanum of a temple in the train of ^iva.
Lastly, a word must be said about Nandin, the Vdhana
of Siva and Uma. Separate images of Nanlin are found in
large number in the vestibules of temples. The figure is that
of a recumbent humped bull, looking towards the goi in the
temple. Sometimes the pedestal of the image was richly
decorated and a number of bells was tied round the neck of
the bull in the form of a necklace. 3
1. Cf. Farm. I. C. vol. II pp. 417-18. Figs. 121-122,
2. Farm. I. C. Vol. II, p. 419, Figs. 123, 136. B. E. F. Vol, I,
P. 17, Fig 3.
CHAPTER V.
Vaisnavism.
Although not so prominent as Saivism, Vaisuavism also
played an important part in Champa. The number of ins-
criptions which are distinctly Vaisnavite in character are in-
deed small (Nos. 11, 27, 121) but numerous incidental refe-
rences to the gods associated with that religion leave no doubt
of its strong hold in the country.
Visnu was known by various names, such as Purusottama
(11), Narayana (24), Hari (23), Govinda (39), Madhava (62),
Vikrama (23) and Tribhuvauakranta (121).
He was given high attributes: Visnu is the preceptor
of the whole world and without beginning or end (11). He
is revered by the gods, Asuras and irunis (No. 24). He is
valorous in battle (62) and protects the whole world (24).
Some mythological feats of Visnu are referred to. He
churned the ocean by means of the Mandara mountain (95)
and raised the world by his two han.ls (23). He defeated the
Asuras (24), Madhu and Kaitabha for example (24), and crush-
ed other enemies (23).
But as in India, the incarnations of Visnu probably clai-
med greater homage than the god himself. Two of these,
Rama and Krsna, are again and again referred to. Visnu is
said to have divided his essence under the form of four
Ramas Viz. Rama and his three younger brothers (No. 74),
and we have already s^en how the events of Kamayaua were
localised in Champa (p. 13). Prominence is given to the
heroic feats performed by Visnu in his incarnation as Krsna.
He held aloft mount Govardhana, and destroyed Kamsa, Kegi,
Cftnura, Arista and Pralamba. 1 Again, the Cupid is referred
1 According to the Visnu Purana, Pralamba was killed by
Balarama at the command of Krsna (Part V, Section IX).
194 VAISNAVISM
to as the son of Visnu (No. 74), apparently in the incarnation
of Krsna, for, according to the Furanas, Kama is the son of
Krsna and Rohim.
Kings of Champa took delight in comparing themselves
to Visnu, and sometimes even regarded themselves as his incar-
nation. Thus J&ya, Rudravarman was regarded as incarna-
tion of Visnu (75) and his son, king Sri Jaya Harivarmadeva,
Sivanandana regarded himself as a unique Visnu whose glories
surpassed those of Rama and Krsna, firmly established in all
directions (74).
The concrete conception of Visnu is that of a god with
four arms. His Vdhana is Garuda, but he sometimes lies
down on the fathomless bed of the ocean of milk, served by
Vasuki, the serpent king, with infinite hood.
The epigraphic record is in this respect fully corroborated
by the actual images of Visnu discovered at Champa. The one
erf cted by prince Nauk Glauh Vijaya (No. 121) and found at
Bien Hoa 1 is seated cross-legged in Indian fashion and richly
decorated. He has four arms. Two of them hold two clubs,
while the other two hold a discus and a conchshell. He
wears a sacred thread, a unique feature as it is absent
from the other images of Visnu in Champa, about 7 or 8 in
number, which have so far been discovered. The chief attri-
butes in the hands of these images, other than those nontioned
above, are lotus, sceptre, and military weapons such as sword,
clul), axe and bow. In very rare cases Visnu has only two
hands, but he has generally four, and never more than that.
He is usually represented as seated.
In some decorative panels Visnu is represented as riding
on Garuda or seated cross-legged on its back. 8 There are also
1. For the imaffe tee Farm. 1. C. Vol, I, p, 554, fiig. i:7
and B. E. F. Vol. I. P. 19. fig, 4.
2. Farm I. C. Vol II, p. 422 fig 124.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 195
images of the Anantaffayana of Visnu. The god is lying at ease
on the coils of serpent Vasuki, whose seven hoods guard his
head. From the navel of the god rises a lotus on the petals of
which is seated Brahma in an attitude of meditation. That
the scene is laid on the bed of the ocean is indicated by wavy
lines with fishes. 1
We find also an image of Krsna in the act of protecting
the cows and cowherds by holding aloft the mountain Govar-
dliana over their hoads. 1
Laksiul: Laksmi the akti of Visnu, also referred to as
Padma and Sri, was a well-known goddess of Champa. She is
frequently referred to in inscriptions (Noa. 12, 21, 43), and
emphasis is laid on her proverbial inconstancy (No, 43). She
i the ideal housewife (No. 43) and faithfully follows Visnu
(tfo. 12). The favourite Indian convention of regarding
likrimi as the symbol of sovereignty was also not unknown
(Jo. 12). She is said to have been born in the Kailasa
umintain (No. 21), though the Indian tradition regards her
as arising from the ocean of milk on the occasion of the churn-
ing of the ocean. 3
The Ins. No. 21 gives the long history of an image of
Lal-smI, originally installed by King Sambhuvarman, and
re- lustalbd by king Vikrfintavarman in 731 A. D. The altar
of this goddess, we are told, was made of gold and silver.
Three images of Laksmi have been so far discovered. 4
But the goddess figures largely in the decorative panelo. A
1. Jbid-p. 42.3, fig. H'5.
2. Farm. I. C. Vol. I, p. 259, fig. 48
3. ct\ Visnupurana Bk. 1 Chap. VIII ff. But the Indian
tradition also seems to have boon known in Champa, cf.
e g, li. G-7 of In. No. 22
4. Farm. I. C. Vol. II pp. 421-2?, For another figure doubt-
fully identified with Lulcsmi cf. B E. F. Vol. I p. 20. fig.6
196 VAISNAVISM
tympanum at Dong Duong represents the goddess with two
hands as seated between two elephants, who are pouring water
upon her head from a vase held aloft by their upraised trunks.
In another tympanum the goddess is represented as seated on
a coil of serpents, the thirteen heads of which surround her
on all sides. She has four arms ; three of them carry conch,
discus and a club, while the fourth points to something by the
extended fore-finger. The goddess is frequently represented
as having only two arms, and holding stems of lotus plant. 1
Garuda. Like Nandin, the Vahana of &va, Garuda, the
Vahana of Visnu, was also a familiar object in Champa. It
not only figures in connection with Visnu as its Vahana, but a
large number of separate images of it occur in decorative
panels in various parts of temples.
According to Hindu legends, Garuda is the king of birdf
and the great enemy of snakes. He is represented in Champ*
with the head of a bird, but with the rest of the body verf
often like that of a lion. He has beak, tails and wings of ft
bird; as a king he is crowned with mulcuia and richly decom-
ted with jewels ; and being divine in nature he wears the
sacred thread. Sometimes Garuda is represented as if on foe
point of taking his flight, and his legs are in different plares.
Sometimes the legs are in the same plane and hold a number of
snakes. The snakes are often represented as forming a cais
for Garuda, and are treated more as companions of the latter
than his victims.
The head of the Garuda is not always a faithful reproduc-
tion of that of a bird. Sometimes it looks like that of a mon-
key, and sometimes it is almost human. Sometimes Garuda is
represented with the head of amonbter crushing a large number
of snakes with his teeth. 2
1. Farm. I. 0. Vol. II pp, 421-427, figs 127, 128. B. E. F. v ol.
1 pp. 18-20, fijrs. f>, (j.
2. Farm. I. C. Vl. II pp. 202 (f, n. 7), 273 ff 5 4 5. Fig, 02. B.
E. F. vol. I p 20.
CHAPTER VI.
Brahma and the Hindu Trinity.
Brahma, the third god of the Hindu Trinity, is referred
to as creator in several inscriptions (No. 12, v. 24; No. 62, v. 3),
but does not seem to have held a very prominent position in
Champa. He is also called Caturanana, having four faces (No.
12), and in several inscriptions of the 13th century A. D. he is
referred to as Svayamutpanna or self-created (Nos. 89, 91, 92,
96, 106). In Ins. No. 21 he is said to have made the golden peak
of mount Meru. King Jaya ParameSvaravarman installed an
image of Svayamutpanna at Phanrang in 1233 A. D. (No. 89)
and rich endowments were made to the god by the king himself
(Nos. 89, 91, 92), his heir apparent Nandabhadra (No. 92),
his Commander-in-Chief Abhimanyudeva (No. 96)
and by king Indravarman (No. 106). The evidence of
iconography is in full accord with that of epigraphic records
in respect of the inferior position of Brahma. Only two small
images of Brahma have heen discovered in Myson. These
were originally placed in temples A and B as secondary gods.
Brahma also figures in bas-relief decorations of temples, but,
mostly as a subsidiary god.
The characteristic features of the image of Brahma are
his four faces of course only three being visible in most
cases and his Vdhana, the goose. His common attributes are
rosary and lotus stems. In a bas-relief in theTouranne Muse-
um he is represented as standing, with four heads and eight
arms holding a sceptre in one of them.
Tho scene figuring the birth of Brahm& has been referred
to in connection with Visuu. Here Brahma wears a sacred
thread, and holds a discus andalon^-nocksdbottbin his hands.
198 BRAHMA AND THE HINDU TRINITY
Brahma is usually seated on lotus though in one case the ser-
pents form his bed.
The real importance of Brahma lies in the fact that he is
regarded as a member of the Trinity. We meet with the con-
ception of the Trinity of Hindu gods in one of the earliest
records of Champa. The Myson Ins. of Bhadravarman dating
from 5fch century A. D. begins with a reverence to Uma and
MaheSvara, as well as to Brahma and Visnu. This decided
leaning towards 5iva is further developed in Ina. No. 39.
Here Siva is represented as the supreme god, and the two
others pay homage to him ; finally the three gods stand
together, $iva in the middle with Brahma on the right and
Hari on the left.
The same idea is conveyed by iconographic representa-
tions on decorative panels. The Tympanum at Trach Pho 1
has a Mukhalinga in the middle with Brahmfi seated on a
serpent to the proper right, and Visnu, seated on a boar, to
the proper left. Both these gods are turned towards biva
with joined hands, and two attributes of Visnu viz. a discus
and a club are shown in the background. In the tympanum
at U'u Diem, 2 Siva and Uma riding on a single bull occupy
the centre; Brahma and Visnu, With joined hands, and S3ated
respectively on a lotus and a Garuda, are in the upper right and
upper left corners, while two other figures, an armed soldier
and Karttika (?), occupy positions just below these figures.
At Thuy Trieu, however, Visnu occupies the central position
with Brahma on the left and iSiva on the right. Siva rides on
aboir, and both the godn have their hands joined in an attitude
of prayer.
Thus Visuu and iva were both claimed to be the chief
3. Parni, I. C. Vol. II, p. 411. fig. 115.
2. Ibid Vol. I. p. 518 fig 120.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 199
of the Trinity by their respective followers. 1 An attempt at
compromise resulted in th3 conception of a new god Saiikara-
Narayana. Here the two gods are placed on the same level in
theory, and this is expressed by a concrete image, half of which
is &va, and half Visnu. Such an image is clearly referred to
in Ins. No. 24; 2 but unfortunately no actual remains of such a
figure have yet been discovered.
The idea of association of the clvef gods also probably
led to tho practice of decorating the temple, dedicated to ona
god, with figures of the other group. Thus the tempJe of
Phong Ls dedicated to Siva has its front decorated with
images of Visnu. Similarly figures of Laksmi and Brahma
appear on the tympanums of ^aiva temples. The principal
tympanum in a temple, however, usually figures the god or
gods to whom the temple is dedicated, though a ^aiva temple
in Myson has the scene of the birth of Brahma, and a temple
at Phanrang, dedicated to Brahma, shows the Trinity with
Visnu as the chief god.
1 M. Parmentier observes as follows: A close study of the
evidences furnished by epigraphy and iconography seems to
indicate that from the 12th century A. D. a silent religious
revolution in favour of Vaisnavism was taking place in
Ohampa. The references to Vaisnav/i cult or Vaisnava tem-
ples before this period are few and far between. But from
this period onwards we find, an increasing number of them.
Again, whereas the figures of Visnu and Laksmi hold but a
minor place in the decoration of temples of the earlier period
they gradually occupy an increasingly preponderant pohition
in the later period. Lastly Siva is clearly subordinated to
Visnu in the image of the Trinity under discussion.
M. Parmentier thinks that the position of Siva as the sup-
reme god was lowered in the eyes of the Cham s on account of
the constant reverses sustained by them in the hands of the
Annamites and other enemies. They naturally discarded
Siva who was unable to afford them the necessary protec-
tion, and turned to other gods in the hope that they might
succeed where Siva had failed. This might also account for
the rise of Brahma into importance at the cost of Siva
(Parm I. C. vol, 11. pp. 432-433)
2 The god "Srisana Visnu", mentioned in No. 71, may alo,
refer to such an image,
CHAPTER VII.
The minor deities of the Hindu pantheon.
Although the great gods of the Hindu Trinity, viz. Brahma,
Visim and feJiva almost monopolised the homage and worship
of the people, the lesser gods of the Hindu pantheon were not
altogether forgotten. Thus the Ins. No. 24 begins with "a
reverence to all the gods", and the Ins. No. 31 frankly recogni-
ses their importance in the following words:
"In some places Indra, Brahma and Visnu, in some places
Vasuki, in some places Saiikara, in some places ascetics, Sun,
Moon, Agni, Varuna, and in some places image of Abhayada
(Buddha) appeared for the deliverance of creatures. '
While the list of gods in the above passage is by no means
exhaustive, it is worthy of note that deities like Indra, Vasuki,
Sun, Moon, Agni and Varuna are placed on the same level
as the great gods, and regarded as deliverer of human beings.
It shows that side by side with the pompous worship of biva and
Visnu there were popular cults of various gods and goddesses.
This view is corroboratsd by the opening lines of Myson
Ins. (No. 4) of Bhadravarman. The inscription begins with
"reverence to Uma, Mahesvara, Brahma and Visnu", and this
is immediately followed by * 'reverence to the Earth, Wind,
Sky, Water and Fire" i.e. the five elements of nature. Appa-
rently these were regarded as divine in nature. Ins. No. 17
refers to these five together with Sun, Moon and Sacriticer as
the eight forms of Siva.
The epigraphic records introduce us to a number of these
gods. A short account of them is given below.
1. Indra.
Indra is referred to in a large number of inscriptions
(Noa. 12, 16, 17, 22, 23, 24, 42, 62, etc.).
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 201
He is referred to as the chief or king of the gods (No. 16)
who killed Vrtra (17) and other Asuras (24), and worked the
miracle of creating the three worlds (17). Ho is said to have
performed severe austerities and a large number of great
sacrifices (Yajna) in previous births. Having gained the king-
dom of heaven by virtue thereof (23), he protected it according
to rules of Dharma (31). His son is also extolled for the pro-
wess of his unconquered arms. The popularity of the god is
indicated both by the lar^e number of referencas in Inscrip-
tions as well as by the fact that no less than twelve kings
assumed the name Indravarman. Many kings of Champa
are also referred to as Indra personified ( No. 30 ) or Indra
fallen from heaven to earth in order to rula over the country.
Two images of Indra have so far t>9on discovered in
Champa, one at Tra Kieu and the other at Myson. These are
two small human figures and only identified with Indra by
the figure of elephant, the Vdhana of Indra, before the
pedestal. In one of them Indra has probably the Vajra
( thunderbolt ) in his hand 1
2. Yama.
Yarna, the god of death, is conceived as a terrible figure,
but he faithfully maintains the law in his kingdom ( Nos.
22-24 ). He is referred to as Dharma ( No. 12 ) and Dhar-
maraja ( 24 )
3. Candra.
Candra is referred to as god and the victim of Rahu
( Nos. 23, 74).
4. Kurya.
Th<3 Sun-god is often coupled with the Moon. They both
form part of the grand assembly of gods described in Ins. No.
42. Two small images of Surya have been discovered at
1. Parrn. I. C. Vol. II p, 430
202 MINOR DEITIES OF THE HINDU PANTHEON
Myaon. They are identified by means of the figure of horse,
the Vdhana of Surya. The god holds the nword in his hands. 1
5. Kuvera
Kuvera is described as a friend of Mahesvara and a mine
of wealth ( No, 12 ). He is also called Dhanada and is
praised for his liberality ( No. 23 ). He is called "Ekaksa
pingala", apparently in allusion to a story described fully in
the Ramayaua ( Uttarakanda ch. XIII ). A temple of Kuvera
was erected in the seventh century A. D. by king PrakaSad-
harma ( No. 14 ). This god was worshipped by the people for
increasing the wealth and guarding against evils ( No, 14 ).
The god referred to as ArtheSvara in No. 92 may be the same
as Kuvera. Yaksas, th3 mythical attendants of Kuvera, are
also frequently mentioned ( No. 23, 31 etc, ).
6-7. Agni and Vasuki are mentioned in the passage quoted
above in Ins. No. 31.
8. SarasvatI is mentioned in Ins. No. 12 v. 26; but
whether she is conceived as a goddess or merely regarded as a
symbolical expression for knowledge and learning cannot be
determined.
9. A god called Vanantare 3 vara seems to have been wor-
shipped in the later period, but its identity is at present un-
known ( Nos. 129, 130 ).
10-11. Two gods Mandara and Pranave^vara are referred
to in No. 28 but their identity is unknown.
In addition to these gods, there were other beings of the
nature of demi-gods who arj frequently referred to in the in-
scriptions of Champa. Chief among these are the divine sag^s
( Rsis ) ( Nos. 23, 46 etc. ) who are placed on the same level as
the gods in the passage quor.ed above from Ins. No. 31.
Among them Brhaspati, the preceptor of the gods, and
.1. Piirm. I. <J. vol. II, p 430
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 203
KjMyapa, the preceptor of the gode and demons ( 23 ), are men-
tioned by name. The former is extolled for his eloquence
( No, 74 ) and knowledge of astras ( No. 82 ).
Next to the divine sages mention may be made of the
Siddhas ( Nos. 24, 35, 46 ), Vidyadharas ( 23 ), Caranas ( 24 ),
Yaksas (23, 31), Kinnaras ( 24 ), Gandharvas and Apsaras or
celestial nymphs (24, 40 ).
A number of evil spirits also figure prominently in the
mythical conceptions of the people. Prominent among them
are the Daityas and Asuras who are the eternal enemies of the
gods in heaven ( Nos. 12, 22, 31, 42, 46 etc. ). There were also
the Uragas ( 23 ), Raknasas ( 23 ), Pittas ( 22 ) and Pi^acas
( 42 ).
Images of Apsaras are found in decorative panels. They
wear rich mvJcutas and are represented as flying figures with
lotus stem in their hands. 1
The Raksas are represented by demoniacal figures, with
clinched teeth and a multiplicity of heads and arms. 3
Figur3s of Nagls ara also to be seen in the decorative
panels. They resemble the Indian figures, having the body of
a S3rpent with a female bust. 3
In order to complete the sketch of religion in Champa wo
must briefly allude to certain general conceptions.
In the first place, the abstract conception of a supreme God
was not altogether superseded by the images of Siva, Vismi etc.
We find reference to Him in Inscription No. 12. He is referred
to as the Creator whose ways are incomprehensible to men.
Secondty, emphasis is laid upon the performance of sacrifi-
ces. Merits of sacrifices are extolled again and again ( 12,
23 ). Sacrifices are regarded as the principal treasure of good
1. Farm. I. C. Vol. II. p. 431.
2. Ibid
3. Ibid.
204 MINOE DEITIES OF THE HINDU PANTHEON
men ( 23 ), and they beget not only material prosperity but
also eupernatural powers ( 12 ). The actual sacrifices before a
kindled fire are referred to in Ins. Nos. 2 and 3. In the latter
case we have probably an instance of human sacrifice. That
this was not unknown in Champa is proved by the fact that
king Fan Wen, after having defeated the Chinese governor of
Nhut Nam, offered his body in an expiatory sacrifice ( see p.
24 ). ASvamedha sacrific3 is raf erred to in Ins. No. 12 but
we do not know of any instance of ifcs actual performance.
The pessimistic current of Indian thought seems to have
made a deep impression upon the Chams. Again and again
we read in the inscriptions how the kings and nobles, 'recognis-
ing the unsubstantial nature of wealth and worldly gain 1 and
thinking that this body is as impermanent as the foam float-
ing on waters/ performed "meritorious works", to atone for all
evil deeds as well as for the sake of salvation, or, as is often
expressed in a more concret3 form, for gaining th9 hoaven of
&va. These meritorious works took various shapos. It might
be the installation of gods or perpetual endowments to reli-
gious institutions, for "gifts made to gods are a mode of
purification" ( 59 ). But sometimes we hear not only of the
worship of &va, but also of Dkydna ( meditation ) Yoya
( spiritual exarcisos ) and samicZAi ( concentration ) (Nos. 46,
62, 65 ). Sometimes kings abdicated their throne in order to
pass the remaining days of their life in these religious practices.
( No. 62 ). Pilgrimage was also regarded as a meritorious
work and an old king abdicated the throne and went over to
India to enjoy the bliss of spending his days on the banks of
the Ganges (No. 12).
The Myson Ina. No. 59 claims the highest results from
these pious practice. Th-> author of this inscription, "knowing
1. Cf. Ins. 43 Co) v. 13
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 205
that the body and its pleasures are vain and transient", instal-
led lingas and made gifts to the gods "who were present in
their symbols." He embellished and enriched SrisanabhadreSvara
and increased the riches and the land of the god. The thought of
Is varadevata, otherwise known as YogI3 vara, was always present
in his mind. By the force of effort and concentration of mind
he at last saw Isvaradevata, who became entirely visible
( pratyakm ) to him (No. 59 ). This may ba taken as a sketch
of the ideal of religious life in Champa.
A characteristic feature of the religious development in
Champa is the spirit of toleration that marked it from beginning
to end. Although sectarianism prevailed, and two or three
prsdominant Brahmanical sacts flourished side by side with
Buddhism, we hear of no animosity in the field of religion.
On the other hand, we find a liberal and catholic spirit pay-
ing reverence to all religious sects. This is proved by the
passage in Ins. No. 31 quoted above on p. 200. The kings, too,
often practically demonstrated their eclecticism. Thus king
Praka^adharma installed 5iva lingas ( Nos. 10, 12 ) and at th^
saire time erected a temple of Visnu ( No. 11 ). King Indra-
varman, too, shows equal zeal towards Saivism and Buddhism
( No. 31 ). Such instances can be multiplied to almost any
extent. The people, too, followed the example of the kings ( 28).
In this respect the Indian colonists maintained the best tradi-
tions of their motherland.
This brief sketch of the religious life may be concluded by
a short account of some striking popular beliefs and supersti-
tions.
The Indian theory of transmigration and "Karmaphala"
( effects of deeds done in one life passing to the next) seems to
have been the basis of religious life ( No. 4 ). Thus king
Praka'adharma established a god "with a view to destroy
the seeds ( of Karina ) which have the power of leading to
206 MINOR DEITIES OP THE HINDU PANTHEON
births in quick succession" ( No. 12 ). King Jay* Indravarman
believed that "he became king of Champa by virtue of peculiar
merits accruing from austerities of many previous births" (No.
31 ). The very interesting fact that several kings believed
themselves to be inacrnations of Uroja, who was bora four times
in this earth, have been already referred to. King Satyavar-
man was also regarded as an incarnation of Vicitrasagara (29)
We find also a belief in the influence of ttars and planets
and their power of guiding the destinies of man. Thus king
Jaya Indravarman's glory and wisdom is said to be due to the
protection of Mercury, Mars, Jupiter, the Moon, the Sun, Venus
and Saturn ( No. 31 ).
The belief in heaven and hell of course played a predo-
minant part. In general, heaven is looked upon as the abode of
gods and abounds in pleasures of all kinds. Hell is on th-3
other hand the place for sorrows and torments of all kinds. We
hear of heaven associated with a particular god, such as Rudra-
loka, Isvaraloka (24) Buddhapada (31. c. 8. ). On the
other hand, hells, too, were many in numb3r. The conventional
number of hells is given as eight ( 31 ). In particular re fere nee
is made to Raudra, Maharaurava ( 31 ) and Avici ( 33 ).
The question of heaven and hell is frequently raised in
connection with perpetual endowments. Imprecations in right
Indian fashion are added at the end of inscriptions containing
record of perpetual endowments. Any one maintaining these is
promised salvation, heaven, or nirvana along with his friends
and relations, while those who destroy them are threatened with
the direst consequences, such as living in hell for aeons with
their relations and ancestors. In one case it is threatened
that even the mother of the man, who destroys the goods of
temples, would be haunted by multitude of dogs ( 32 ).
Lastly, there was the belief in the Yugas. Three
of them are mentioned by name viz. Krta, Dvapara
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 207
and Kali. The Krta age is the ideal or golden age
( 74 ), as in India, when Dharma prevailed in its entirety
( 12 ). The Dvapara which immediately preceded Kali, is
brought within historical range by the mention of king
Vicitrasagara who is said to have flourished in that age ( 29 ).
The Chains even professed to know the exact date when
Dvapara Yuga began. For we are told that in the year
5911 of the Dvapara Yuga king Vicitrasagara established a
JMukhalinga in Kauthara ( No. 29 ). Again the same event is
placed 1, 780, 500 years before 1065 Saka (No. 71). Thus the
Dvapara Yuga commenced in 1, 785, 268 B. C. It would b&
interesting to know the basis on which this calculation was
made.
The Kali Yuga is, of course, full of evils (Nos. 26, 29). It
always tries to "lead people to error and pride" ( No.65 ) and
kings have always to be on their guard in order to withstand
its evil effects. It is antagonistic to the prosperity of kings
( 35, 62, 74 ) who are consequently obliged to wage an eternal
war against it. The only way of fighting it is to follow the
path of virtue and righteousness. This is beautifully expres-
sed in the following passage.
1 I have nothing to expect from a king who, free from
passion, dutifully protects his subjects like his own sons '-with
this melancholy reflection, Kali, chased by the splendour of tha
king, sadly moved away, nobody knows where, even as the
army of darkness flies bafore the Sun leaving its unbearable
rays behind." ( No. 12, v, 8 )
CHAPTER VIII.
Buddhism.
Buddhism had also a fairly strong hold on the peonle of
Champa. At least eight inscriptions specifically refer to that
religion (Nos. 28, 31, 37, 43, 93, 103, 123, 126.) and interest-
ing information about it is supplied by them.
Buddha is known by various names such as Jina ( 28 ),
Lokanatha ( 37 ), Loke3 vara ( 31 ), Sugata ( 37 ), Damaresvara
(123), Svabhayada (31), Abhayada (31), 3akyamuni, Ami-
tabha, Vajrapani, Vairocana (37 ), Saddharrna 1 (/) (69, 71), and
PramuditalokeSvara ( 37 ).
Buddha is regarded as born from a succession of Buddhas
(31 ). He is omnipresent in this world ( 37 ) and his essential
characteristics are conceived to b? kindnsss and an anxiety to
deliver all creatures from misery. "The essence of his soul is
pity and his intelligent is wide awake in saving creatures.
He is always full of kindness and his patience is incomparable.
Men overpowered by sorrows and the dwellers in hell long to
see him day and night; as thirsty mon, overpowered by sun's
heat long for cool water in summer, so th^y, suffering from
many sorrows, wish to have a view of Buddha" ( 31 ).
Utmost emphasis is laid upon th doctrines of Karrna and
transmigration as propounded by Buddha.. Deeds done in
this life must have their effect, and evil deeds lead people to the
clutches of Mara, the Buddhist Satan. The Buddha alone can
grant salvation and rebase people from tho terrible hosts of
Mara in hell. These ideas are beautifully expressed in the
two following verses, the first of which is unfortunately
mutilated.
1 Saddharma really means Buddhism, but it seems to bo used
also for Buddha.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 209
"Hail ! constant reverence to that merciful one
Those whose happiness was over, and who were being
struck by iron rods... got the highest salvation by thinking oi
Lokevara.
"Sinful men attached to their works in former lives, and
without any hope of deliverance, were eternally surrounded
by the terrible hosts of Mara, and overpowered by hunger and
thirst on account of their want of liberality and aversion to
Sugata (i. e Buddha) in former times. But being rescued by
Vajrapfini from the hell, they secured the way to salvation
pointed out by the Buddha". (No. 37, vv, 1-2)
This salvation is defined as the "attainment of the
Buddhist Nirvana to which there is no parallel" (No. 31). It
is also evident from the Dong Duong Ins. (No.31,c-8) that there
was a popular conception of a Buddhist heaven, where vir-
tuous people might enjoy pleasures along with their ser-
vants.
Buddhism seems to have obtained a great deal of royal
favour, and statues and temples of Buddha were erected by
kings and people alike. There was also a powerful com-
munity of Buddhist monks and we hear of erection of monas-
teries in different parts of the kingdom.
We learn from the inscription of Sthavira Buddhanir-
vana dated 829 A. D. (No 28), that his father erected a Bud-
dhist temple and a Buddhist monastery and granted lands to
the latter, apparently for defraying the expenses of the monks
living therein. The famous Dong Duong Ins. (No. 31) informs
us that king ri Jaya Indravarinan,also known as "L^ksmln-
dra, Gramasvaml, installed an image of "Lokevara", called
after him "Laksrnlndra-Loke^vara, in 875 A. D. He also
founded a monastery for the perpetual enjoyment of the
Bhiksu-samgha or the community of monks, and placed
therein all the necessaries of life. Ho also endowed the
210 BUDDHISM
monastery with a large number of fields. He did all these
for the sake of Dharrna, for the propagation of Buddhism
and not for his own enjoyment or increment of royal reve-
nues. Usual benedictions and imprecations for those who
maintain or destroy the gifts are added at the end. Indra-
varman, who was thus a devoted follower of Buddhism, got
the posthumous titla of Parama-Buddhaloka fNo. 36), The
An-Thai Ins. (No. 37) dated 902 A, D. records the erection
of temples and monasteries by kings Bhadravarman and In-
dravarman, apparently at the request of, and out of respect
for a monk called Nagapuspa. Again, the Nhan-Bieu Ins.
(No. 43), dated 911 A. D., records that a dignitary of Champa
erected a temple of Avalokitesvara and a monastery, called
Vrddhaloke^vara, apparently after his grandmother, princess
Lyan Vrddhakula.
Referring to the condition of Buddhism in Lin-i or
Champa, I-tsing remarks that "the Buddhists generally be-
long to the Aryasammiti-uikaya and there are also a few
followers of the Sarvastivadanikaya '. This would mean the
prevalence of Hlnayana sects. 1 r$ut, according to the
inscriptions, the later Mahayftna form of Buddhism was most
predominant in Champa. This clearly fallows from the reference
to AvalokiteSvara, Amitabha etc. as well as from the concep-
tions of Vajradhatu, Padrnadhatu and Cakradhatu (No. 37).
Hence it is that a large number of Buddhist goJs and god-
desses received the homage of the people. Some of these
divinities are named in Kim Choua Ins. (No. 93) viz rl
Jina Parame-vara, >rl JinalokeSvara, rl SaugatadeveSvara
rl Jina VrddheSvarl and >rl Jinadevadevi
It is a notable fact that sanctuaries of iva and Buddha
and monasteries of these two sects were often erected side by
side by the same donor (cf. Nos. 28, 31, 43). The reciprocal
1. I-tsing by Takaknsu p, 12.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 211
influence of theae two religious sects is also indicated by the
fact that Buddha was called Damarelvara (No. 123), the lord
of Damaras or bhutaa, an epithet originally belonging to
^iva. It is also a note-worthy fact that figures of Siva
decorated the famous Buddhist temples of Dong Duong. 1
It may be observed in conclusion that the famous Bud-
dhist formula "ye dharmah hetupra.bhav&h" etc. is also found
in Champa (No. 126).
The archaeological remains have corroborated the evi-
dence of inscriptions in regard to the importance of Bud-
dhism. The Dong Duong Ins. of Iridravarman Parama-Bud-
dhaloka refers, as we have seen above, to the erection of a^
Buddhist temple and a monastery Now, the excavations
at that place have unearthed the remains of a Buddhist temple,
far greater in dimensions than the largeHt Brahmauical
temple in Champa. Several images of Buddha have also
been discovered amid the ruins. On the whole Dong Duong
appears to have been an important stronghold of Buddhism.
An image of Buddha found at Dong Duong is nearly 5
ft. in height. It is seated in European fashion with the
hands on the knees and has U riia and Usiusa. The god is
seated on a large pedestal and around him are a series of
figures paying homage to him. A fine standing image of
Buddha in bronze has also been found at Dong Duong. It
is regarded as the most artistic representation of Bud dim so
far discovered in Champa.
There is a peculiar Buddha figure at Trung Tin. Bud-
dha is seated cross-legged on the body of a serpent, which
has been arranged in the form of a rectangular pillar, and is
protected by its seven hoods. Sometimes, as at JChau Tho
Dong, Buddha figures are seated between two atupcks. A
1. Farm I. C. II. p. 134,
212 BUDDHISM
terracotta figure discovered at Phuoc Tinh also represents
Buddha as protected by a Naga and seated between two
stupaa.
A number of small but interesting terracotta seals con-
taining Buddhist figures have been discovered in the cave of
Phong-nha in Quang-Binh. They represent (1) a dagaba,
(2-3) two images, probably of AvalokiteSvara and (4) a female
deity, probably Tara, and (5-6) two Buddha figures, one in
Bhumisparsa and the other in Dharmacakrapra vartana-mudra.
It appears that the cave was a sanctua ry of the Mahayftna
Buddhists who frequented it in large numbers and purchased
these seals probably to preserve them as amulets.
The influence of the Mahayana form of Buddhism is fur-
ther indicated by a bronze statue of Bodhisattva found in
the neighbourhood of BinhDinh. The god is seated cross-legged
on the coils of a Naga, and his head is protected by its seven
hoods. He is decorated by a rich headdress, rich ornaments
hanging from the ear, necklaces and bracelets. His dress is
transparent like that of the Buddhist figures of the Gupta period,
and not marked by waving lines as we find in the Gandhara
images and in the Buddha figure described above. It passes
tinder his right armpit and covers the left shoulder. The
soles of his feet are marked by cakra or the figure of a wheel.
The two hands rest on the lap, while the palm of his right
hand, placed on that of the left, shows the sign of a lotus
flower.
There is also a standing image of Bodhiaattva in stone,
found at Phuoc Tinh. Two other figures discovered at Binh
Dinh have been doubtfully identified as Buddha or' Bodhi-
sattva 1
1. Parrn 1. C. Vol. 11, pp. 433 ff. B. E. P. Vol. I, pp. 22 fl
Figt. 7.12.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 213
The evidence of inscriptions and sculptures thus leads
to the conclusion that although not so predominant as
^aivism, Mahayana form of Buddhism had a great hold on
the country.
King Sri Jaya Indravarmndeva VII was evidently a great
patron of this sect. We are told that he was learned in the
doctrines of Mahftyana and mtalled several Mahayana dei-
ties (No. 81)
It is rather remarkable that remains of stupas, a struc-
ture almost invariably assoc ated with Buddhism, are almost
conspicuous by absence. Bat the existence of stupaa in
Champa in ancient times is oroved by references in Chinese
books. 1 It may be safely held that the ruins of these
structures proved useful quarries in later times, as in India,
and the stupas nearly vanished from the surface of the
earth.
1. T'ounc Pao 1910, p. 497.
CHAPTER IX.
Society.
The Indian colonists in Champa tried to build up a
society of the orthodox Hindu type, but it bad to be modi-
fied in some essential aspects by the pre-existing traditions,
manners and customs.
The people were theoretically divided into four castes,
Brahmana, Ksatriya, Vaisya and ^udra. 1 Bat this division
hardly existed in practical life except with regard to Brah-
manas and Ksatriyas. The terms Vaisya and budra are only
referred to in a solitary inscription, whereus references to
Brahmaua and Ksatriya are numerous. Even when a gene-
ral enumeration of castes is intended, the terms Vai?ya and
6udra are conspicuous by their absence. Thus we read in
the imprecatory verses: "Those who take away those goods-
Ksatriyas, Kings or Brahmauas fall every day into thd
doleful hell along with their father and mother/' Again:
"Those kings, Ksatriyas, Brahinanas, ministers... merchants
who take away or destroy these etc. "*
It is evident, therefore, that the fourfold division of so-
ciety in accordance with the injunction of the Hindu Sastras
was merely theoretical. The Indian colonists belonged mairi-
Jy to the ranks of Ksatriyas and Brahinanas, while there
was probably no very aharp distinction between the other
classes of society. The merchants, on kccount of their wealth,
probably occupied a high position in society as indicated by
the passages quoted above, but beyond this there were pro-
bably no social divisions among the common rank of people,
whether Indian or Chams. There is no clear indication
in the inscriptions that the conquered Chains were specially
marked out for the servile position.
1 Ins. No. 65. 2. No. 31.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 215
The distinction between Brahmanas and Ksatriyas seems
more akin to that of classes r ither than that of castes. For
one thing, it is evident that intermarriage between the two
was in vogue. Thus, according to the Ins. No. 12. King Rud-
ravarman was the "son of an eminent Brahmana" and the
"son of the daughter's daughter" of glorious Manorathavar-
inhn". Manorathavarman, as is apparent from his title
Varman, muat have been a Ksatriya, and thus Rudravarman
had a Brahmana father and Ksatriya mother. This conclu-
sion is corroborated by the fact that in Ins. No. 7 he is
called the "ornament of the Brahma-Ksatriya family (or
families). Again, the sister of king Prabhasadharma married
Satyakausikasvarni. The latter was undoubtedly a Brahmaua
(see p. 39fF. above) and the issue of this marriage, Bhadre-
varavarman, is said to have "shed lustre on both the Ksatriya
and Brahmana families" (Ins. No. 12, vv. 12-13). That such
marriages were pretty frequent seems to follow from Ins.
No. 75, where the king, Sri Jay* Harivarmadeva, is said to
belong "to Ksatriya family on both the father's and mother's
hide". Such qualifying phrases would have been absolutely
uncalled for if marriage usually took place between
members of the same caste.
It is probably the marriage relation between Ksatriyas
and Brahmanas that gave ris3 to a new clan, the Brahma-
Ksatriyas, 1 to which frequent reference is made in inscrip-
tions. The word literally means "partaking of the character
of both Brahmana and Ksatriya." Two kings viz. Rudravarman
(Ins. No. 7) and Indravarm'in (No. 23) are said to be the
head of the Brahma-Ksatra clan. The Brahma-Ksatra is a
well-known caste in India. The Sena kings of Bengal be-
1. On the meaning and origin of the term Brahma-Ksatra, See
Prof. Bhandarkar'a article in J. A S. B (N. S.) Vol. V.
1900. rm. 1fi7-87.
216 SOCIETY
longed to this caste and it exists till to this day in many
parts of India. In Champa, however, the Brahma-Ksatriyas
do not seem to have formed a separate caste or class, but were
merely a subdivision of the Ksatriyas. This is conclusively
proved by a comparison of the two inscriptions, Nos. 72, and
75. In the former, the king, Sii Jaya Harivarniadeva, is
said to belong to "Brahma-Ksatriya caste", but in the latter
inscription he is expressly said to belong to "Ksntriya family
on both his father's and mother's side". Thus Brahma-Ksa-
tra can only be regarded as a sub-class under the Ksatriyas,
and in any case there could not possibly be any rigid dis-
tinction between the two.
The Brahmanas occupied a high position in society. As
has already been observed, 1 they did not dominate over the
king and the state to the same extent as in India. But
otherwise they occupied a position of great dignity. The
Brahmanas are regarded as gods among men, and the murder
of a Brahmana is regarded as a very heinous crime (No. 12).
According to the same inscription even kings are said to be
devoted to them (No. 12). It is doubtful, however, whe-
ther they ranked above the Ksatriyas. It is true that in
the only instance where the traditional four castes are enu-
merated, the Brahmanas occupy the conventional position of
supremacy; but in a good many instances where only the two
classes are mentioned, the Ksatriyas are placed before the
Brahmauas, 3 as we find in Buddhist and Jaina books, accor-
ding to which the Brahmanas are inferior to the Ksatriyas.
On the whole, the available materials saem to show that the
distinction between the Brahmanas and the Ksatriyas was not
a very rigid one, and they cannot be said to have formed
two castes in the strict sense of the term.
1 cf. p. 150 above
2 cf. Ins, NO. 12, v. 13 ; Ins. No. 31, C v. 7, and D.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 217
The constant mention of the Brahmauas and the Ksa-
triyaR seem to show that these were really distinguished
from the rest of the population. Bat whether this distinction
led to any restriction about food and marriage such as pre-
vails in India between two castes, we are unable to deter-
mine. Taking everything into consideration it would seem
quite safe to conclude that the society was really divided into
two broad classes, the higher one composed of Brahmanas
and Ksatriyas, and the lower one consisting of the remaining
people.
But there was another important distinction in society
viz. that between the aristocracy and commonalty. These
two divisions were certainly overlapping to a great extent.
In other words, the members of the aristocracy most often
belonged to the Brahmana and Ksatriya classes but it almost
certainly comprised other people, who gained this high rank
by virtue of wealth or services rendered to the state.
The external symbols of aristocracy are described in de-
tail in the inscription No. 39. We are told that these privi-
leges "difficult to be attained by others in this world" were
granted to the minister Ajfia Mahasamanta by the king as
reward for faithful services.
The privileges consist of:
(1) Articles of dress and ornaments.
(2 ) Right to use special conveyances, such as palanquins
and elephants, to the accompaniment of music etc.
(3) Claim to be seated near the king.
Among the articles of dress are mentioned : "The honour
of putting a garland on his head, the distinction of being
marked by an excellent tilaka (mark on the forehead), a com-
plete ornament for the ear, best ear-ring, a pair of robes,
decoration by golden girdle-string, an axcelleat dagger with
218 SOCIETY
a golden sheath, a vessel and a cirdnda white as silver. To
these are added "an umbrella made of the ftat.hers of pea-
cock and a multitude of pitchers and vases, a id a palanquin
with silver staff" Similar honours were conferred by the king
a brother of the minister named Sjiia Jayendrapati as a
mark of appreciation of his poetical merits. We are told
that in nine different temples of the realm Ajiia Jayendrapati
composed poetical inscriptions engraved on stones, and as a
reward, obtained from the king various distinctions such as
palanquin, parasol decorated with peacock feathers etc. (Ins,
No. 39, b)
In botli these respects the Indian colonists kept up the
tradition of their motherland. In ancient India people laid a
#reat stress upon the special privileges of wearing particular
dresses and using particular conveyances, and these distinc-
tions were granted by the king upon poets and other great
personages in recognition of their loyal arid faithful services.
Traces of these customs still persist in the Native States of
India, particularly among the Rajput States.
The family to which the two ministers belonged may be
regarded as a typical aristocratic family. Of the three bro-
thers, two, as we have seen above distinguished themselves
in court by administrative ability and poetic talents. The
third brother, Sjiia Narendra Nrpavitra was no lees famous.
He was "versed in all sacrificial ceremonies and in all treatises
dealing with the aiva religion". Besides, he was a linguist,
and by hard exertion mastered the languages of neighbouring
countries. We are told that he "was able to understand
thoroughly the meaning of messages sent by kings from
different countries, after looking over them only for an ins-
tant". Whether he was a Brahmana or Ksatriya by caste
we do not know, but the case of the three brothers certainly
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 219
shows that so far at least as occupation went there was no
very hard and fast line between the Brahmauas and the
Ksatriyas.
In addition to the distinctions mentioned above the king
also granted titles to the members of the aristocracy. We
have got reference to several high officials who were rewar-
ded in this manner. Thus king Jayasimhavarman gave three
titles to his favourite Captain of Guards viz. Tlvarakalpa, 6iva-
kalpa and ^rikalpa (Ins. No. 35). Again PovKlufiPilih Rajadva-
rah "obtained the title of Akaladhipati as a reward for the zeal
with which he served the king" (Ins. No. 43). But Rajadva-
rah obtained something moro substantial for his services, viz.
a grant of lauds. It appears that such grants almost always
accompanied the other distinctions in order to enable the reci-
pients to maintain their dignity, and this laid the foundation
of a hereditary landed aristocracy. Unfortunately there are
not enough details to pursue the subject any further.
A general idea of the manners and customs of the aristo-
cracy may be formed from what has been said above regard-
ing the king (pp. 161 ft'). But history, aa properly under-
stood, should concern itself more with the life of commoa
people than with big events connected with kings and nobles.
Unfortrnately, however, it is difficult and well-nigh impossi-
ble to make this the guiding principle when one has to dis-
cuss the history of any ancle at civilisation. For the written
materials on which we are to base our accounts are mostly
concerned with the higher classes of people, and it is only in
an indirect way that we can glean some informations from
them about common people. It is only when we are fortu-
nate enough in coming across a highly developed national art
that we may entertain some hopes of reconstructing the life
of the people at large. Fjr tra^ art Is a fair index ol com-
mon life, more so when it is rich in phonetic value.
SOCIETY
The art of Champa was fairly developed and its phone-
tic ^alue, although not very high, is not altogether negligible.
It 18 possible therefore to get some valuable information from
a careful study of this art. But one note of warning has to
be sounded before we proceed to this task. As will be de-
monstrated in the next chapter, the art of Champa was deri-
ved from that of India and not of indigenous growth. Its
spirit was also Indian. It is difficult to judge therefore the
extent to which it reflects the national life of Champa as
against merely handing down the traditions of the parent
art. With this reservation, and subject to the risk of being
led astray at times, we may cull a few valuable informations
regarding the dress and ornaments of common people in an-
cient Champa.
First as to the dress. It is indeed very striking
that the sculptures represent the dress of the people
as very scanty. Only the portion below the waist is covered;
the rest of the body, even in cases of females, is nude. The
evidence of art in this respect is in full agreement with the
Chinese accounts (cf. p. 11 above;. It is possible that in
course of time a garment for the upper part of the body was
introduced, but this is not reflected in the artistic representa-
tions, till a very late period.
As to the dress which covered the lower part of the body
it may be broadly divided into two classes, the long and the
short. The long one extends down to the ankle while the
short one never reaches beyond the knee, and sometimes even
stops short much above it There were of course great varie-
ties in both. Sometimes ths cloth was quite plain, but often
it contained rich and varied designs in variegated colours,
and was plaited in fancy patterns. In most cases we find a
loose scarf over the dress hanging between the legs. At a
later period this was replaced by either aprons, or richly
dwriptif
PI. I. Dress, as illus
.iwl from ike, pnblimtions of E colt
monument* CVn. fyy //. P<mnmtwr
ures. (cl p. 220.)
:\rir("nw-()rlf"n,t, \ r olt* XI, X 11
r, C
PI. II. Head-dress
( Reproduced from the, publications (
descriptif des monuments Cams by H. Pann
i Sculptures, (cf. p. 221.)
4f,nl, Voh. XI,
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 221
plaited folds, of cloth. The long dress resembles a modern
petticoat, while the short one looks like drawers. As a rule
women put on the former and the men the latter. Both
were tied to the waisfc by a belt which was sometimes richly
decorated with jewels. 1
The ascetics and the servants are often figured as dres-
sed in an Indian langwti, a narrow strip of cloth passing
round the h p and between the legs.
As to the colour of these dresses the sculptures teach us
nothing. One Chinese authority says that the colours chiefly
used were black, yellow, red and purple, whereas the use of
white was punishable by death.
The Chams paid some attention to hair-dressing. The
sculptures have preserved a number of specimens, showing
the curious ways in which they tied their hair in various
fanciful patterns. They also used head-coverings of various
types. It appears on a careful examination of the sculptures
that during the early period the hair was either tied in
round and high chignon or allowed to fall loosely over the
neck and soulders. Sometimes a diadem was used either by
itself or just to keep the chignon in its place. Later on caps
(nubkutKa) sf various shapes were introduced, most of these
being either conical or cylindrical. Sometimes they showed
rich designs and a high degree of workmanship, 8
As regards foot-wear the Chinese evidence is in full
accord with the evidence of sculptures. According to an
authority quoted by Ma Touan-lin, only the upper classes
used shoes made of skin, while the common people walked
barefooted. Another authority belonging to the 15th century
reports that "only the king wears shoes, the courtiers are
, I. C. PI. PLXXV--CLXXVL
2. Farm. 1. C PI. CLXXV1II, CLXXIX.
222 SOCIETY
barefooted", and the officers of S. S. Galathee have noted the
same state of things. But the last two observations can only
refer to the well-known oriental custom according to which the
courtiers must leave their shoes before appearing in kiag'a
presence. Even to-day nobody can appear before a ruling
prince in the Native States of India with shoes on; but this
does not prove that they are in the habit of walking bare-
footed even outside the court. We can, therefore, accept the
statement of Ma Touan-lin, viz. that the practice of wearing
shoes was limited to upper classes alone. This is corroborated
by the fact that shoes are very rarely represented in the scul-
ptures. The few specimens that we come across are all of the
type of sandals tied to the foot by means of a strap. Some-
times is decorated with jewellery (cf. above p. 161. 1. 18).
The ornaments of the ear are man}'' and varied in chara-
cter. There is first the disc set in the ear-lobe. It 18 either
circular or oval and sometimes of the shape of a flower. Ib
has a knob in the centre which is also variously designed.
Then come the rings, sometimes quite large in number, which
are set round the ear. Lastly the pendants, which are often
fairly heavy.
Next to the ear-ornaments may be mentioned the brace-
lets round the wrist as well as round the upper part of the
arm near the shoulder. Similar ornaments are also put round
the ankles.
Among other ornaments noticeable in the sculptures may
be mentioned necklaces and girdles both of which show a rich
variety of designs.
Lastly, it appears that the sacred thread (upavlta) lost
its religious character in Champa and came to be used as an
ornament among the people.
It is evident from a general study of art in ancient
Champa that the people led a life of ease, if not alwaj's of
opulence and luxury. The few data we possess regarding
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 223
their economic conditions also corroborate the same view.
Agriculture was no doubt the principal occupation of the
people. Although the quantity of fertile lands was rather
small they made good tha defect by a system of irrigation,
traces of which exist even to this day. The chief products
have been already referred to (p. 8) and the cultivation of
these must have afforded maintenance to the great majority
of people. But trade and industry was also fairly developed
and we have many references in Chinese literature to the
manufactures, and arts and crafts of Champa.
A few of these may be noted below :
A. AGRICULTURAL.
1. (a) They cultivated the mulberry-tree for the produc-
tion of silk-worms, as well as the cotton-tree. They made
cloths of silk and cotton of various kinds and hues, and these
formed an important industry of the people. Sometimes
embroidery of gold, silver, pearls and jewels was added to
cloths, and the Chams made great progress in this art.
(b) Manufacture of perfumes from sandalwood and
similar other trees.
2. Manufacture of alcohol from the juice of betel-nut.
3. Straw hats were made from a kind of palms grown in
water.
4. Mats were made from fan-palm.
5. Ropes and fine basket work made out of a variety of
plants and herbs.
B. MINERAL.
1. The different metals gold, silver, copper, iron and tin
were extracted from soil and manufactured in the shape of
utensils and ornaments of various kinds.
2. Large number of precious stones developed the art of
jwellery.
3. There was also a brisk trade in corals of all sorts and
pearls of great value.
224, SOCIETY
4. China vases were also manufactured to a very large
extent.
C. ANIMAL PRODUCT.
1. Ivory work was a very important industry.
2. The horn of rhinoceros was regarded as very valuable
on account of its medical property, and formed an important
article of commerce.
In addition to the above there were also the important
arts of carpentry, stone-cutting, brickmaking and masonry.
Last, but not of the least importance among the indus-
tries was that of ship-building. By their very geographical
position the Chains were dependent for their safety upon a
keen martitime activity, and the Chinese vidence makes it
quite clear that they had a powerful navy. The Chams were
hardy fearless mariners and boldly plied the ocean for
the purposes of trade and war. There were mercantile ves-
sels as well as ships of war. We often hear of Cham fleet
harassing the coasts of Annam and Cambodge and pillaging
the sea-coast towns and ports. They also visited China, Java
and other neighbouring countries.
An infamous activity of the Cham mariners was the
systematic piracy in which they were engaged. Not only did
they pillage defenceless towns and ports 011 the sea coat t by a
sudden raid but they also captured and plundered vessels
which passed along their coast. The vessels going to or
coming from China which had of necessity to sail close to the
shores of Annam, were their special victims, and for some
time the Annamese waters came to be regarded with terror
T)y the trading people ef the east.
An indirect consequence of this nefarious activity of the
Chams was the influx of slaves among them. Regular slave-
trade was carried on by the Cham merchants, and aUves formed
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 225'
a prominent element of the population in addition to aristo-
c racy and commonalty. We get frequent references to slaves
in tlse inscriptions and it became a normal practice for all
who endowed a temple to assign to it both male and female
slaves for carrying on menial work. These inscriptions refer
to slaves of both the sexes belonging to all nationalities such
as Khmer, Cham, Chinese, Siamese etc. The prisoners of
war were also sometimes condemned to slavery, and the same
lot often awaited the rebellions subjects. As we have seen
above (p. 79), when the rebellion of Paudurariga was crushed
by King Parame^varavarmadeva Dharmaraja, half of the
population were distributed as slaves to various establish-
ments.
The only other element of Cham population which deser-
ves special notice is the woman folk. Some scholars are of
opinion that the matriarchal system prevailed in Champa before
it was colonised by the Hindus. This may be regarded aa
probable though little traces of it remained in historical
times. Maspero refers as an example to the practice observed
in matters of succession to the throne, viz that the son of a quean
of the first rank had preference over even elder sons born of a
queen of second rank. This practice was, however, observed even
in India and can be explained without assuming the existence
of matriarchy. Of far greater interest in this connection,
however, are a series of successions through female lines in
historical times. Thus king Prthivlndravarman was succee-
ded by two sons of his sister, Satyavarman and Indravarman,
and the latter was again succeeded by his sister's husband,
and sister's son. Again Indravarman II was succeeded by
his wife's sister's son. These instances might be attributed to
matriarchal principles, but as we do not know whether there,
were any direct male descendants in any of these eases we
are unable to form any definite conclusion. A Chinese
226 SOCIETY
author, of course, remarks : "'Among the Chains it is the fe-
male who counts, the male is of no importance". Several
coustoms of the modern Chams in Annam have also been re-
garded as bearing traces of matriarchal principles, which,
besides, are the general characteristics of Ma!ayo-Polynesian
or Austronesian race to which they belonged. But whatever
that might be the custom, if it prevailed at all, must have
been thoroughly modified by the Hindu colonists. So far at
least as the extant evidence goes, the position of women in
Champa seems to be on all fours with that in India.
Marriage was regarded as a sacred ceremony which laid
the foundations of a family life. As in India, the marriage
was confined to one's own clan corresponding to yotra. We
have reference to two important clans those of narikela
(cocoanut) and Kramuka (betelnut). These names were deri-
ved from a mythical story according to which the founder
of each of these clans was discovered.while infant, in a coco-
anut (or betelnut) tree by the king who reared him up and
ultimately gave him his own daughter together with his
kingdom. There were possibly other clans of this type, and
the clannish sentiments, although based on mythical legends,
superseded all other barriers of society. Thus we are told
that a lady belonging to a noble family would marry even
a man of no substance if he belonged to the same clan, and
that marriage relations were determined by considerations of
clan rather than those of cnste. In other words, a man
would marry a woman belonging to the same clan but to a
different caste. 1
The details of marriage ceremony such as are recorded
in the Chinese texts immediately recall those of India to
which they bear a close resemblance. The inevitable match-
maker, usually a Brahmana, as in India, settles the prelimi-
1. Maspero, Toting Pao, 1910, pp. 184 ff.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 227
naries. He arrives at the bride's house with some presents,
such as a quantity of gold, silver, and jewels, two pitchers of
wine, and fibh. After the proposal is agreed to on both sides
he settles an auspicious day for the ceremony, for, as in India,
the ceremony could take place only on certain tithia. On the
fixed day friends and relation sof both the bride-groom and bride
gather at their respective houses and indulge in joyous festi-
vities amid dance and music. Then the bride-groom goes to
the house of the bride who is attired in a splendid dress suita-
ble to the occasion. A priest after introducing the bride-
groom to the bride joins their hands together and pronounces
the sacred mantras. This finishes the ceremony which ia
again followed by dance, music and other festivities.
Like the marriage ceremony the relation of husband and
wife, too, probably resembled that of India. At least we have
undoubted evidence of some of the most important charac-
teristics of that relation. Thus when the husband died, the
wife at least one belonging to a high family followed him
in the funeral pyre, according to the well-known sail rite in
India. Some inscriptions even record a number of queens
burning themselves on the funeral pyre of a king. The case
of the Annameae queen of Jaya Simhavarman IV shows how
difficult it was even for an unwilling victim to avoid this
tragic fate (see above, p. 124). The traveller Odoric de Por-
denone remarks with reference to Champa:
"When a man dies in this country, his wife is burnt along
with him, because they say that it ia only right and proper
that the wife should live with the husband in the other
world" 1
Those who did not die along with their husbands mostly
lived like Hindu widows the rest of their lives. 2 They led retired
1. Toung Pao, 1011, pp. 600-601.
2. B. E. F. Vol. XIV, No. 9, p. 14.
228 SOCIETY
livos and did not dress their hair. It is possible that in ex-
ceptional cases, the widows were remarried. All these are
exactly analogous to what we find in India. On the sama
analogy we should expect the prevalence of polygamy
and ^jhis is confirmed by the examples of kings (see. p. 162
above) who had numerous wives and concubines.
The sacred ties of marriage, however, sometimes sat
loosely upon the lower classes of people, if we are to believe
in an account preserved hi the Chinese Text called Tao-yi-
tche-lio. We are told that when a vensel stopoed at a coast-
town for some days, the sailors married the women of the
locality. The men and women lived as husband and wife
during the short residence of the former, and when the time
of parting came they took leave of one another amid tears
and lamentations. Next year the women again married the
new batch of sailors, and so on. We are told that if perchance
any one of these sailors returned to the same country after
a long time, he was warmly received by his former wife and
offered food and drink, but the old ties of husband and wife
being once dissolved, could not be automatically revived. 1
Nevertheless there was a high ideal of womanhood, and
feminine virtues are frequently referred to. The good quali-
ties of Pu lyan Rajakula enumerated in Ins No. 36 (vv. 8 ff)
may be regarded as those of an idenl woman. The women
were, as a general rule, very religious, and many inscriptions
record their religions gifts and pious endowments Ths heroic
example of a lady determined to save her honour even at the
cost of her life has been referred to on p. 76. above.
Some of the popular customs arid ceremonies of Champa
have been recorded by Chinese historians. These were held
on fixed dates in accordance with the Hindu calendar which
was in vogue in Champa. The year began with the month of
1. Ibid p. '37. Similar forms of short-term marriage are said lo
be prevalent oven now among the mariners oil Hue.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 229
Caitra, and months ended in Amavasyft or New-moon. Many
of tho Hindu festivals were observed there. A few peculiar
ceremonies are recorded below.
On the New Year's day an elephant was taken out of
the town and let loose; for they believed that they would
thereby get rid of the evil spirits for the year. In the
month of Ssadha they held grand boat-races in which even the
fishing boats took part. At the feast of the winter-solstice,
which took place on the full-moon day of the llth month,
the poople presented the king with samples of their agricul-
tural and industrial produc.s. Lastly, oil the 15th day of the
month of Caitra, a wooden lower was constructed outside the
walls of the capital city;th3 king and people of all ranks
placed there clothes and perfumes which were then burnt aa
sacrific* to (Jod.
MttsjX'i'o has regarded all thes3 customs as of indigenous
origin, but this may be doubted. The practice of letting
loose an elephant, particularly when there is DO heir to a king
occurs in many old stories of India. The annual boat
races are held even to this day on the Dussera festival in
various parts of Bangui. Th? practice of presenting the * ; first
fruits" to kings, landlords or great men is a well-known custom
in this country, and tli3 last festival mentioned above has its
counterpart in th/3 modern Dolayatra festival. Ths festivals in
Champa recorded above may thus bj regarded, like many
others, as ultimately derived from India, although modified by
local ideas.
Th'jre were many popular festivals connected with har-
vest, as we find in India. Even the king took part in them
and was to give the signal for harvest by himsalf cutting a
handtul of ric3.
Some of the customs and ceremonies w<?re horrible and
barbarous. Thus every y.^ar on the 15th day ol the first
280 SOCIETY
month and the 15th day of the 12th month, the people were au-
thorised to procure the galls of living persons and sell them to
officials. These galls were mixed with an intoxicating drink
and taken by the official with hig family. Thay believed
that they would thereby be feared by other persons and be safe
from infectious diseases. 1
The funeral ceremony was analogous to that of India.
The usual practice was to burn the body on a pyre. The
cremation took place the very next day, in the case of the
ordinary people, and three or seven days after death, in the
case, respectively, of nobles and kings. The dead body was
soaked in beer and placed on a hearse. It wau then taken to
the burning place to the accompaniment of music. All the
members of the family, both male and female, with shaved
heads, accompanied the procession uttering loud shouts of
lamentations all the while, until they arrived at the river-bank.
There they burnt the body on a pyre, and having collected the
ashes in an earthen pot and thrown it into the river, returned
to their house in profound silence. If the deceased belonged
to any noble family, or had performed any high functions in
the state, the burning ceremony had to be performed near the
mouth of a river, and the ashes were placed in a coppei pot.
In the case of the king this pot must be of gold and it had to
be thrown into the sea. Thus the distinction of ranks was
carefully preserved even after death.
For a period of two months the members of the family
came to the pyre at the end of each week with incense and
perfume, and uttered wails and lamentations over the remains
of the departed. On the hundredth day, and again in the
third year, some ceremony had to be performed in honour
of the dead.
1. B. E. F. vol. XIV. No. 9, p. 37.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 231
Although cremation was the usual rule, the practice
of exposing the dead body was not unknown. In accordance
with the custom pravalent among the Parsis, and among seve-
ral peoples in ancient India, the dead body was left in an open
field and devoured by the "sacred vultures". After a few
days the family of the deceased collected his bones, burnt them
to ashes and threw them into water. 1
It is difficult to form an idea as to the general tone of
morality prevalent among the people. According to soin
Chinese authorities tin people did not usi any ferment3d drink,
whereas others say that th^y made alcohol by extracting the
juice of b^tolnuts.
Th^ Chains woiv very fond of dance and music. Inscrip-
tions frequently refer to dancers and musicians and the bas-
reliefs depict many dancing and musical parties together with a
variety of Indian musical instruments. There were probably
also some dramatic performances in which men and women
both took part, and some heroic ballads were sung to the
accompaniment of suitable musical instruments.
A few words must b? said in conclusion regarding the
study of Indian literature in Champa. It is evident from
the published inscriptions that at least upto the tenth century
A. D. the Classical Sanskrit Literature, particularly the
Kavya, was thoroughly studied, probably even to the exclusion
of the native literature, if there were any. Sanskrit became
the language of the learned and the indigenous tongue suffered
a cold neglect. Not only were Indian books imported and
studied but even new books were written in Sanskrit, and the
name of at least one such book and an extract from it has
reached us (No. 74).
The kings seem to have taken a leading part in the culti-
1. B. E. F. Vol. XIV. No. 9, p, 10.
232 SOCIETY
vation of Sanskrit" language and literature. Thus, as noted before '
king Bhadravarman (5th century A. D.) is said to have been
versed in the four Vedas(No 4). King Indravarnian III is said to
have been versed in the well-known six systems of Philosophy,
aa well as in the Buddhist Philosophy. In addition, he knew
Panini's Grammar with Ka^ika, and the Akhyana and Uttara-
kalpa of the Saivas(No. 45). King l5rl Jaya Indravarmadeva
VII was versed in Grammar, Astrology, the Mahayana Philo-
sophy and the Dharma^astras, notably the Naradiya and
Bharggavlya (Ins. No. 81). Whether thes3 kings were as
learned as their court-posts woud have us believe may be doub-
ted, but that these different branches of Sanskrit literature
formed familiar subjects of study in Champa may be regarded
as fairly certain.
To the list of subjects thus obtained others may be added
on the strength of epi graphic records.
1. The Epics.
That the two opics, the RAmfiyana and the MahabhHrata,
were quite familiar in Champa is evident from a number of
allusions to the chief characters or episodes described in them.
Thus reference is made to Yudhisthira, Duryodhana and Yuyu-
tsu in No. 41, to ths glories of Rama and Kyvma in No. 74, to
Rama, son of Da'aratha in No. 12, to the irrepressible valour
of Dhanafijaya in No. 23, and to the son of Panda in No. 39
Besides, the story of the destruction of the Tripura-Asuras
as contained in No. 18, bears a very close resemblance to what
we find in the Anuf asanaparva of Mahabharata. The alluHion
to the epithet "Ekaksapingala" of Kuvera, occurring in No.
14, L is also evidently based on the Uttarakftnda of Ramayaua.
All these point to a very intimate knowledge of the epics on
the part of the people of Champa.
2. The religious litorature, particularly tho literature of
the Saiva and Vaisaava s'.;cts, must have bjon thoroughly stu-
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 233
died. The familiarity of the people with the numerous epi-
thets and legends of Siva, Vi snu and other gods, as discussed
in Book II Chaps. II and V above, cannot be explained except
on this assumption. Wo have also som^ specific references to
it in inscriptions. Thus the minister Ajfia Narendra Nrpa-
vitra is said to have been versed in "all treatises dealing with
the Saiva religion" (No. 39). The minister of King Indravar-
man III "was versed in sacred scriptures" (No. 46).
3. The Smrti literature, specially the Manavadharma^as-
tra or Manu Smrti, must, have been rega.-ded as a standard and
authoritative treatise. Specific reference to it is found in No.
65, and the Bharggaviya Dharma?astn , mentioned in No. 81,
may also refer to the same. 1 The latter inscription also refers
to Narada Smrti.
4. The great influence of Classical Sanskrit literature, in-
cluding Kavya and Prose romances, is met with in all the Sans-
krit inscriptions that have reached us. The writers of these
inscriptions show great familiarity with different metres and
styles of poetry and prose- writing. Even tiie extremely arti-
ficial style, consisting mainly of lesas and anuprasas such as
is met with in Kadambarl, Naisadha-Carita and Sisupalava-
dha are not wanting in our Inscriptions. No. 55 may be citf3d
an an instance of alliterations. Artificial Prose style, chiefly
characterised by placing two apparently contradictory state-
ments side by side is illustrated by No. 17.
5. The Chams had evidently a knowledge of the Pur Alias.
We have reference to a book called Artha-Purana*astra in
Ins. No. 72, and PurAnartha in No. 74, both apparently mean-
1. According to Manusarahita, Chap. I, v. CO, the entire text
wag narrated by Bhrgu, who originally learnt it from Manu.
This is corroborated by Chap. V, vv 1-3 and Chap. XII, v. 2.
Thns the text tray also be called Bharggaviya, in the sense
that it was nai rated by Bhrgu.
234 SOCIETY
ing the same thing. From the little knowledge that we have
of it* contents, it appears to have dealt, among other things,
with past and future kings. Now this is exactly in confor-
mity with the treatises called the Pur Anas. The Pur&uartha
or Artha-Puraua^astra thug seems to have been a commentary
to or a Cham edition of an Indian Purana.
On the basis of what has been said above we may draw
up the following list of the branches of Sanskrit Literature
which were studied in Champa.
I. The Four Vedas.
II. The Six systems of Indian Philosophy.
III. The Epics.
IV. Buddhist Philosophy, including the Mahayana
system.
V. The religious literature of the Vaisnava and Saiva
secta
VI. Grammar, notably that of Panini, together with
its commentary, the Ka^ika.
VIL Astrology.
VIII. The Dharma?astras, specially those of Manu and
Narada.
IX. The PurSnas.
X. Classical Sanskrit literature including K&vya and
Prose Romances.
CHAPTER X.
Architecture and Sculpture,
/. Plan and Scope.
The study of the civilisation of Champa would remain
incomplete without a brief reference to the architecture and
sculpture of the country. Although Champa cannot boast
of such splendid edifices as we find at Cambodge and Java,
and her monuments, mainly built of bricks, have mostly dis-
appeared, yet the remains, such as still exist, indicate a fairly
developed artistic sense and manual skill of her people. As
in India, the art in Champa was mostly the handmaid of
religion, and the people lavished their skill and resources
mainly on religious edifices and images of gods and goddesses.
It will be well, therefore, to begin with a description of her
temples. The few existing remains of civil or military struc-
tures of olden times are almost insignificant in character and
will be briefly noticed at the end.
The temples which are in a good state of preservation,
or the ruins of which enable us to form a fairly accurate idea
of their forms and characteristics are quite large in number.
It will be impossible to describe them in detail, nor will thia
erve any useful purpose to a general reader. I shall there-
fore begin with a general description of the Cham temples
and then proceed to give some details of the threa important
groups via:, those of Hyson, Dong Duong and Po Nagar. This
will be followed by a very brief reference to some other impor-
tant groups or detached temples which show important and
characteristic features of a somewhat novel type. Finally, '
an attempt will be made to make a chronological classifica-
tion of the different styles and to trace their origin. Those
who want to study the subject in greater details may consult
236 ABCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE
the monumental work of Parnientier "Inventaire Descriptif
des Monuments Chams De 1 'Annam" 1 from which the follow-
ing account has been summarised.
2. General characteristics of the temples in Champa.
All the temples in Champa belong essentially to one
characteristic type, though varying a great deal in detail. They
generally face the east and are situated on an eminence, in
order, no doubt, to make them visible from a great distance.
The sanctuary or the cella, containing the image of god,
occupies the centre. It is a small room with a square base
and a pyramidal roof. The Chams call it Kalan. It gene-
rally faces the east and has sometimes in front of it another
bunding of pimilar shape running from east to west which
serves as the porch or Ndtamandir.
This building has two rooms with a communicating door.
Only the western room has a door, opening towards the
north : otherwise the rooms are lighted only by the win-
dows. Sometimes we find two subsidiary sanctuaries built
in the same line from north to south as the principal sanc-
tuary. These are often later additions. In rare cases this
central group of shrines is accompanied by subsidiary tem-
ples. Sometimes these are very small and attached to the
wall of enclosure. These structures are all built in brick aad
generally covered by pyramidal arches.
All these buildings are enclosed by a wall and the only
access to this sacred enclosure is through a Gate-Tower to-
wards the east. It has the shape of the principal sanc-
tuary, and its two doorways, opposite each other, are approa-
ched by two flights of stairs on the east and the west. Be-
I. In the footnotes that follow, chapter, page, figure, and
plate, unless otherwise stated, shall be taken to refer to
this book.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 237
yond this is often found a Big Hall wit i tiled roofs, suppor-
ted by thin walls or merely pillars. There are also other
structures close hy, which served as record rooms, storerooms
etc. In most cases, however, no traces of the wall of enclosure
have been found. In theso cases eithsr the wall was not
built at all, or built of very light materials which have
perished.
The interior of the sanctuary is a square chamber. Its
vertical walls are plain but polishad. Above, the roof con-
sists of one conical vault formed by n succession of rings
which rise in gradually diminished proportions as far as the
top. At about mid-height between the floor and tha summit
a stone slab is fixed at each corner with a hole pierced at the
end. It was probably a device to put an awning or a canopy
above the divine image. The cella usually has only one door
towards the east ; on the other sides there are niches in the
walls which probably served the purpose of lamp-stand.
The idol is placed in the centre of the room on a plat-
form ending in a Sndna-droni. It has & long narrow projec-
tion which serves to carry away water used for bathing the
idol. Sometimes there was a Soma-Sutra, either along the
ground, or suspended high up in the air, for removing the
water outside the room. The sanctuary opens into a vaul-
ted passage which leads to an elaborate doorway with thre-
shold, lintel and frames, all made of stone, and above the lintel
is a frame of brick or stone called tympanum. The tym-
panum often contains sculptures which are sometimes of an
elaborate character. This massive doorway opens into an-
other vaulted passage which leads to an antechamber or
vestibule. This antechamber, which looks like the sanc-
tuary in miniature, is riot, however, always present. In such
cases the vaulted passage ia extended upto the Gate-Tower.
The entire building, both sanctuary and the vestibule, IB
288 ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE
placed on a common foundation which follows in the main
the entire outline <of the buildings themselves, Only in front
of the entrance gateway it is intersected by a staircase.
Externally, the sanctuary consists of a square tower
with a Qikhara. There are at least three distinct types of
^ik haras, but those of the normal type consist of a series of
four storeys, one above the other, diminishing as they rise,
and crowned by a curvilinear pyramidal stone slab.
The square tower, which may also be regarded as the
lowest of these stories, is of course formed by the walls of the
sanctuary. Each wall has one elaborate moulding at the base,
and another at the top, which may be designated respecti-
vely as the Base and the Cornice. The body of the wall is
intersected by a number of bold vertical projections
with broad flat surfaces between them. These have been
termed pilasters and Inter- pilasters. Sometimes these were
decorated by carvings of various patterns.
The Pilasters are usually five in number, but the central
one is hidden behind the false doorway which covers the
centre of each of the three walls other than that which con-
tains the real doorway. These false doorways are a charac-
teristic feature of Cham temples and will be described in detail
in connection with individual temples.
The Base and the Cornice are often decorated with
richly carved figures and other ornamental designs, notably,
in the case of Cornice, by the frieze of garlands. A peculiar
characteristic of the Cham tern plea is an attempt to streng-
then the junction of two Cornices by slabs of stone which are
often elegantly carved into beautiful forms of Makaras and
Apaaraa.
At the four angles of the Comics, on the roof of the
central tower, are four small towers. Each of these Corner-
towers is a miniature representation of the sanctuary itself.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 239
In the vacant space between them but leaving a margin,
sometimes broad and sometimes very narrow, rises the first
storey of the ikhara. This storey as well as tha next
higher one are diminutive forms of the sanctuary itself and
possess all its essential parts, only false niches are substitu-
ted for the false doorways, and the number of Pilasters on the
walls is gradually reduced to 4 and 3. The 'Base* is also
wanting in these upper storeys, but they have, in addition,
sculptured stone slabs fixed on the Inter-pilasters. The third
storey has usually two, but sometimes no Pilasters. It differs
from the two Jower stories in one importart respect alone viz.
the absence of Corner-towers. From the roof of it springs
the crowning ornament of the whole building, a slab of stone,
square or potygonal at the base and curvilinear and pyrami-
dal in shape.
In addition to the normal type of Sikhara described
above, two other distinct types may be noted. The first of
these consists of two storeys, the upper one having the shape
of an elongated arched vault with ogival ends at two sides
and a slightly concave curve at the top. This type will be
briefly referred to as 'ridge-shaped with ogival ends/ The
third type of Sikhara consists of a curvilinear pyramidal
dome springing directly from the walls of the sanctuary, and
surmounted by a massive circular member of corrugated
form, resembling what is called the XmaUka in the Sikharaa
of North Indian temples.
The temples in Champfi, are made of brick though stone
slabs are used to add strength or for decorative purposes.
Thus the door- frame, lintel, angular pieces etc. are frequently
made of stone. 1
L Vol. I, pp. 17-25.
240 ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE
| S. Myeon Group}
The Myson group of temples is situated in a valley for-
med by the chains of Deo Le, about 21 milos, as the crow
flies, south-south-east of Touranne. The "/alley is almost
circular and measures about a mile from the top of one ridge
to another. It has only one opening to the north through
which a small river drains its waters to the Song Thu Bon.
The temples at Myson may be divided into several dis-
tinct groups which cover the valley as well as the low peaks
of neighbouring hills. 2 The groups A and A* are on the right
side of the river and face the group.s B-C-D directly on tha
opposite bank. A little lower down the river on its right
bank is the Group G on a low peak. It towers over the
preceding groups as well as on Groups E-F, still further
down on the same bank. At about 440 yards from the last, on
the same bank of the river, is the Gate-Tower K. On
the left bank, lower down the river than th^ groups B-C-D
is the Group H, while a little further up from the former is
a small chamber L about the mid-height of a peak, There
are also remains of other structures which have almost
wholly disappeared.
GROUP A
The most ancient tomphs in the Myson group are A.-1
and it six subsidiary temples A-2 A-7, three on each side. 8
All these temples are built on one terrace, situated
in a large quadrangular courtyard surrounded by brick
walls. A Gate-Tower A-8, with two doorways and double
flight of stairs, standing on the same line as A-l cuts this wall
1. Vol. I, Chap. VIJ, pp. 3:7-438; B. E. P. V o .. IV., pp . 805-
977.
2. Pl.LXVU.
3. PI LXVlir.LXXIL
PI. III. Myson Temple A-l v cf. p. 241)
(RfiproduM'l from tic puUicutions of Ecolc, Franchise
$? Krtw/Hie-Urimt, Vols, XI, XII viz. Inventor?, dwwlp.
tifdvs monuments cams by H.Parmenticr,l*lan<:he LXXI1)
ANCIENT HISTORY OP CHAMPA 241
on the west and forms the main entrance. A Big Hall A 9,
which is almost completely ruined, stands in front of A 8,
just outside the boundary wall. Within the enclosure are
four other subsidiary temples of different styles and of later
date. These are A 10, just to the north of the main group,
and A 11, A 12 and A 13 bordering the southern and eastern
wall.
The temple A- 7 opens both towards the east as well as
towards the west. It belongs to the normal type of temples
described above and is profusely decorated with very elegant
carvings. The inner chamber is square and very lofty. The
walls begin to bend at about 4-5ths of their height and form
an arch. There are six niches in the walls. The idol, a
linga, is now broken, and its Sndnadronl corresponds to the
Soma-Sutra in the false doorway to the north. It is impos-
sible to say whether the linga was turned to the eaat or to
the west.
The two doors of A-l are connected by two arched passages
with two vestibules. The roofs of the vestibules are high
and pyramidal in shape.
The vast basement or the terrace of the temples A-l and
A 2-7 presents a cruciform plan and consists of two main
tages or stories. These are decorated with fine mouldings,
figures of animals and various other fantastic and pleasing
motives. The terrace is about 6J ft. high above the ground
level and is reached on the west by a staircase.
Externally, each wall of the temple is divided by vertical
projections viz. Pilasters and Inter-pilasters, and these are
decorated with luxuriant foliage pattern of various designs.
The frieze is ornamented by garlands and busts of Apsarcw.
The false doorways at the sides are also treated as pro-
jections. That on the southern side conmsts of two parts.
The upper part is a replica of the (ample itaelf with throe
242 ARCHITECTUBE AND SCULPTURE
niches at the base containing images. The lower one, double
in plan, imitates a doorway with aide pilasters sculptured
with foliage pattern.
In the first stage of the pyramidal roof, each side con-
tains three Pilasters, that of the middle being larger than the
other two. The front is ornamented by the head of a mons-
ter and foliage terminating in Makaras. The false door-
ways are represented by niches divided into two parts.
The second and third stages are repetitions of the first
though on a smaller scale. No data are available for forming
an accurate idea of the fourth stage, but it appears that the
terminal stone was a conical and curvilinear octagon in shape.
The vestibules were treated as miniature temples. Of
the doorways only a few fragments remain.
Thl t&mpUs $-7*
Around the central shrine there are, as already remarked,
six small temples on the same platform. All of them have a
separate basement and, with the exception of A 6, resemble
the main temple in form. A 6 has no storied pyramidal
roofs but its eastern and western walls end in a curved gable.
Its faces are ornamented with pilasters.
The other buildings (A 8 A 13) do not call for any par-
ticular notice.
GROUP A'.
To the on th of group A is found the front of four tem-
ples A' 1-4, all opea to tho east It is just possible that there
wa* A fifth tempi* which is now completely gone.
All, tJb^e temples are now in ruini and they all seem to
T W9 rpBp ( > tbe southernmost of all, and is bounded
1; PI, LXXIII
PI. IV. Myson Temple G 1. (c. P. 243)
(Re/produced frmn the pirfJ/icationn of Emir, Fr.i,nr,aifie
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 243
by a wall which is nearly a square. In the centre of the en-
closure is the principal temple B- 1 made mostly of stone bat
baily constructed. A hall with double doors gives access to
the c^rt from the east. Two subsidiary chambers B 5
and 6 occupy respectively the south-eastern and north-eas-
tern angle. There are two other temples within the enclosure,
Ef 3 in the jjQUth-west angle, and B^ 4 in front of it. There
are besides, seven miniature temples B 7-B 13 attached to the
enclosing wall. 1
Lastly, there is * colonnade in front of B 1. The columns
seem to have been removed fio n their original positions, but
they are very elegant. The octagonal shaft is fluted and orna-
mented at both ends. The base and capital are both executed
with rare perfection. The abacus is decorated with the busts
of 4 figures brandishing a sword of a peculiar kind. The top-
most member is a beautiful lotus. 2
The temple B 5 is of peculiar construction. It has only
two storeys and the roof of the upper one is ridge-shaped with
ogival ends. It is very ancient and probably of the same age
as A 1. B 6 resembles B 5 but is of smaller dimensions. 5
GROUP C.
This group is enclosed by a wall parallel to that of B, but
the principal sanctury C 1 has got a different orientation from
B 1. The Gate-Tower C 2 and five other edifices, three temples
C 3, C 4, and C 5 and two subsidiary halls C 6, C 7, have all
the same orientation as B 1.*
The temple C 1 s is not of normal type. Externally, it
resembles B 5 with a vestibule o! the same shape. Besides,
1. LXXVIH LXXIX.
2. Fig 82. p. 377.
3. Fl. LXXX LXXXl.
4. PI. LXXVIU.
5. Fl. LXXXII.
244 ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE
the temple looks like two different buildings, the sanctuary
and the vestibule being separated by an open space. Internal-
ly, the arched vault is not of a regular pyramidal character,
but rises straight to a certain distance.
The Gate-Tower C 2, as well as the buildings C3, C 4 and
C 5 all have the same external forms as B 5 and B-7 1 . C 7,
C 6 and C 5 are placed close together in the same line from
left to right. It appears that C 6 was added at a later period
in the vacant space between C 7 and C 5. Both C 7 and C 6
belong to the normal type of temples. 1
GROUP D.
The two groups B and C contain only the principal parts
of two temples. Their Big Halls, which are necensary comple-
ments to a temple, are placed together in a common court D.
All the three groups are enclosed by a continuous wall which
forms a circuit round the northern, southern and western
walls of B and C.
The two edifices D 1, and D 2, connected respectively with
B 2 and C 2 are both large halls, illumined on each side by
three windows. Each is divided into three parts by the pillars
attached to the walls, and opens at the two ends by two door-
ways with the usual passage and porch.
There are two other subsidiary temples D 3 and D 4, and
two minor buildings D 5 and D 6 within the same enclosure.
Of these D 4 and D 6 appear to belong to the same age as A-7
and the two others are later.*
GROUP E>
E 1, the main temple and the central building of this
group, differs from the normal type of temple? represented by
1. PI. LXXXUI.
2> PL UCXXIV.
.3. Pi. LXXXV-J,XXXVi.
4. PL LXXXVU-XCi.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 245
A 1. It is not covered by a vault of brick, but its compara-
tively thin walls could only carry a tiled roof, the remains of
which now completely cover the building. The inner chamber
is square in plan, and has four wooden columns at the lour
angles. It opens by a doorway to the west, and has in the
centre a richly sculptured pedestal carrying an enormous linga.
There were originally two subsidiary temples E 5 and fi 6
to the south ami south-west, and a third E 4 was added to th'j
north at a later date. There are two other edifices E 7 and
E 8, and a small foundation E 9. no doubt designed for a buil-
ding which was never finished. Besides, there are a number
of pillars in front of E 4 belonging to a building of peculiar
shape, the foundation of which has, however, completely
disappeared.
All th^ne buildings are enclosed by a wall with a Gate-
Tower E 2 in the middle of the southern wall, providing access
to the interior. This is preceded by a Big Hall E 3.
Of these temples, E 5 alone faces the east, while all the
others face towards the west. It may be noted that Ganesa
was the deity of E 5. E 7 has a ridge-shaped roof with ogival
ends. l
GROUP F a
This group consists of a central tempi* F 1, and another,
F 3, built to its south at a later date. The whole is enclosed
by a wall, the access to the interior being provided by the
Gate-Tower F 2. Both F 1 and F 3 seeio to have had a tiled
roof.
GROUP a*
The principal sanctuary G 1, lacing west, occupies the ceu-
tre of the courtyard enclosed by a wall which is opened by a
1. PI. XCH.
2. PI. LXXXVII, XCIil, XC1V.
U. p;, x<.'V~- xCVi.
246 ARCHITECTURE ATSTD SCULPTURE
Gate-Tower G 2. In front of the latter is the usual Big Hall
G 3, and to the north-east of it, outside the enclosure, is a
temple G 5, with four entrances on the four sides. Witnin
the enclosure is a residential chara Der G 4 at the south-eastern
extremity of the court.
The temple G 1, though belonging to the normal tyoe, has
certain peculiarities. Its vestibule has three entrances and its
foundation has got special decorations. Terra-cotta has been
largely used instead of stone, and the false door- ways on the
walls are comparatively narrow.
GROUP H. 1
The principal sanctuary H 1 iaces east. In front of it is
the Big Hail H 2, preceded by a small doorway H 3, the substi-
tute of the Gate-Tower. This door cuts the enclosing wall in
the east and provides access to the interior which contains,
besides, a subsidiary building H 4 at the south-eastern angle.
It is to be noted that the Big Hall, facing the gate, which is
usually situated outside the boundary wall, is here placed
within the enclosure itself bstween the entrance doorway and
the temple.
GROUP K.
The group has got only the Gats Tow^r giving access to a
courtyard enclos3d by brick walls. The temples within the
enclosure have wholly disappeared. 2
THE HALL L.
This building erected at the mid-height of a small peak
overlooking the groups B.-C.-D. on the south, consists merely
of a long chamber without decoration. It has two doorways
at the two ends. These are made of bricks and appear to
have never been closed. 3
1. PI XCV, XCVII.
2. PI. XCVII.
3. PI. XCVII.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 247
GENERAL NATURE AND ANTIQUITY OP
MYSON TEMPLES.
The Myson group of temples belonged to the Saiva cult.
This is evident from the Snanadronl found in Al and other
temples, and enormous tin gas in A 10 and E l.Lihgas have also
been found in A' 1, B 4, F 1, F 3, and A 1 4, B 1 and probably also
C 1 contained images of iva. Among other divinities may be
mentioned Ganesa (B 3, E 5) and Skanda (in front of B 3).
The subsidiary temples contained the images of other
gods. Among the ruins of Group A have been found small
figures of Brahma, Suryya and other gods and goddesses, and
these probably occupied the small temples A 2-A 7. Similarly,
the temples B 7-B 13 contained Brahma, Suryya, Indra and
other deities.
Sculptures on the tympanum and other parts of the buil-
dings represent various Brahmauical gods to which reference
has already been made.
A large number of inscriptions have been discovered
among the ruins of Myson temples. These are arranged
below according to their findspots.
Group A (On the basement) Inscriptions NOB. 4, 7, 13, 21.
(Near A 10) Nos. 14, 18.
(Near Al) No. 78.
Group BB 1-Nos. 20, 51, 68, 69, 73, 79, 87, 90, 94, 95, 128.
B 6-No. 16.
Group D Noa 62, 65, 70, 81, 84.
Group E K6-No. 12, No. 19.
E 10-Nos. 59, 61, 63.
Group FF 3-No. 17.
Group GG 1-No. 72,
G 5-No. 74.
It is difficult to fix the precise date of the various temples
at Myson. But with the help of the data furnished by the
248 ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE
inscriptions and the style of the buildings themselves, they
may be arranged in four distinct chronological periods l
I. Style of ^ambhuvarman (6th-7th century A. D.)
The temples A 1, A 2-7, B 3, B 5, B 7-9, B 11-13, C 1-5,
D 1, D 4, D 6, E 1.
II. Style of PrakftSadharma-Vikrantavarman (7th-10th
century A. D.)
(a) Earlier- A 8-13, A 1 1, B 4, F 1,
(b) Later-C7, A'2, C 6, E 7, F 3.
III. Style of Harivarman (llth century A. D.)
D 2, E 4, E8.
IV. Style of Jaya Harivarman (12th century A. D.) B 1,
B 2, D 5, and G, H, K, L,
4. DONG DUONG GROUP 1
The ruins of Dong Duong cover a rectangular area of
328 yds. by 164 yds. It is enclosed by a low brick wall which
has only one opening to the east. 8
The rectangle is divided lengthwise in three long narrow
blocks of slightly unequal dimensions running east to west.
At the western end of the central block is situated the princi-
pal sanctuary, A. It is surrounded by four sanctuaries A 1-A 4
built on the same terrace. An imposing building B, with
four bays, stands in front of A and there are two other temples
C and D and two residential blocks E and F. The whole is
surrounded by a wall, forming the first courtyard. Along the
sides of tffis wall, within the courtyard, are seven small tem-
ples. A porch in the eastern side of the wall serves as the
only entrance to this courtyard. In front of the porch stand
1. Cf. B. E. F. Vol IV, p. 898. Some mistaken views in this
article have been corrected in the light of Farm. I. C. Vol.
I. pp. 439-505.
2. Vol. I, Chap. VIII, pp. 337-438.
3. PI. XCVIII-P1. CV.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 249
two columns, inord than 11 yds. high, on two sides of ths en-
trance.
To the east of Court I stands the Court II. It contains
a long chamber and is likewise opened at the tast end by a
second porch preceded by two columns.
To the east of Court II stands Court III. It contains an
imposing Hall opening to the east into a ihird porch pr Decided
by two columns. There are also two tide-entrances to tha
Hall, one in the north and and another in the south.
Then follow a number of long narrow courts, at present full
of jungles, till one comes to ,h3 fourth porch, which serves as
the main entrance to the enclosure and is preceded by two
columns.
The first Court is flanked by two others on the north and
south. The northern one contains the ruins of three temples,
and the southern, those of a square chamber. These two side-
courts, together with Court I, are surrounded by a wall, the
vacant space within being probably utilised for gardens or
temporary sheds which have disappeared. Similarly Court II
is also surrounded by a wall of enclosure of nearly the same
dimensions.
The south-eaatorn corner of the rectangular area is covered
by ruins of brick buildings and the north-eastern corner by
a hollow basin.
It may be noted that the walls of Courts II and III are
decorated only on th* inner side, and this shows that the lon<*
o
narrow passage which connects the main gate (porch IV) with
the principal temple in Court I was the only portion really
meant for the public.
The different buildings were possibly constructed in different
ajjeH extending the whole group gradually towards the east. It is
just possible, however, that all theso buildings were part of the
250 ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE
original plan and at first made of wood, being replaced at a
later date by more durable materials.
The temple is completed by a rectangular enclosure 328
yds. by 270 yds. at a distance of about 850 yards from the
main entrance. According to popular tradition it was a reser*
voir and this view may be correct.
The principal temple in Court J belongs to tlv3 normal type
but there are large niches in the interior and big projections in
front of the false doorways on the exterior of the walls The
buildings have thus the appearano of a cross. In addition to
the staircase in front of the main doorway to the east, there
is another b3fore the false doorway on the western side. Both
are nicely carved and decorated with elegant figures. The
false doorways are decorated with richly ornamented pilasters
and beautiful statues. The walls of the Court also are decora-
ted with pilasters and figures. In front of them are a series of
ornamented brick columns, cylindrical in plan and conical in
section. They have a circular base placed on a square block,
and are adorned by a series of rings.
The walls of the oth^r two Courts are also similar in
design.
It appears from Ins. No. 31 that the ruins at Dong Duong
are those of a Buddhist temple and monastery, built by king
Jaya Indravarman in 875 A. D. From Ina No. 36 we further
come to learn that the temple was situated within the town
of Indrapura which was at that time the capital of Champa,
and that the widowed queen of Indravarman, named
Haradevi Rajakula installed many gods and goddesses within
the temple area. The actual discovery of Buddhist images
among the ruins of the temple also demonstrate the Biuidhist
character of the building.
PL VI. Po Nagar Temple A. (side-view), (cf. p. 251)
(Reproduced from the publications of Ecole Francaise
J7 Extreme-Orient, Vols. XI, XII viz. Inventaire descrip-
tif des monuments Cams ly H. Parmcntier, Planche XXII )
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 251
5. PO NAGAR GROUP 1
The temple of Po-Nagar or Yan Po-Nagar, the goddess
>f the city, is situated close to Nha Trang, at the village of
Cu Lao in the district of Khanh Hoa,
The group facing east is situatad on the eastern end of &
small hillock at the entrance of a valley. It commands a good
view of the lagune at the foot of the hillock and of the sea
close by.
The temples are arranged in two lines, running north to
south, on the top of the hillock. In the front line are three
temples, the principal temple A, and two others B and C to
its south. In the line behind were also three temples in the
same order, F, E, D. In front of A stands a rectangular
building of inferior construction, G. All these buildings were
enclosed by a wall trac3S of which still remain to the south
and west.
A steep staircase in front of G leads to a lower terrace
containing an imposing Hall, M, with a colonnade.
Lastly, there seems to have been a Gate-Tower on the
ground level. 8
The Principal temple A-Ib belongs to the normal type, but
being very well preserved in all its parts, serves as a good
specimen of the temples of Champa. 3
In the interior, the only noteworthy point is a curious
system of air-hole. The interior of the roof is a pyramidal
vault ending in a long chimney to which are attached, at
the height of the third stage of the roof, two cross pipes
which extend over the entire summit of the building. The
same nrrangement exists also in the vestibule. A beautiful
figure of Uma is placed in the centre of the sanctuary. There ia
1 Vol. I, pp. 111-132,
2 PI. XX.
3 PI. XXII.
258 ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE
the usual Somasutra throwing out water across tho north-
ern wall.
Externally, the false doorway is of much plainer design
than usual. The superstructure consists of a small member of
ogival shape super-imposed upon a bigger one of the same
shape. Each of these stand* upon two pilasters, between
which, at the bottom, is a human figure decorated with a
mukuia and with hands joined near the breast.
The roof consists of four stages. On each of these stages,
on the two sides of the central niche corresponding to the false
doorway, are figures of birds and animals, such as geese,
deers and elephants.
The vestibule is a copy of the main building in all its
essential features. But the figures of the birds and animals
on the roof and the human figure between the pilasters of the
false doorway are wanting.
The other buildings. The temple B is of somewhat peculiar
design. The false doorway is more complicated, its superstruc-
ture consisting of a series of ogee-shaped members of gradu-
ally diminished proportions super-imposed upon one another.
Bat the most characteristic feature of the temple is the roof
which does not consist of several storeys but of a single cur-
vilinear pyramidal dome of elegant shape. The finials of this
dome consist of two bulb-shaped stones with one of lihya
form at the top. It may be added that internally the sanctuary
shows the same pyramidal arch as in temple A, though a little
more curvilinear than usual. The roof of the vewtibule also
consists of a single arch, the longitudinal section of which
would correspond to the shape of the curvilinear superstruc-
ture of the prolongation of the upper part of the doorway. 1
The temple F has got many peculiar characteristics.
1. PI. XXIII-XX1V.
ANCIENT HISTORY OP CHAMPA 253
There ftre no false doorways,their place being taken by sculp-
tures. The roof is ridge-shaped with ogival ends. 1
Of the building M we can trace at p resent only four rows
of pillars. According to M. Parmentier s hypothetic recons-
truction, its interior was like that of an apsidal Buddhist
Caitya, having a central nave and two aisles. 1
A large number of inscriptions have been discovered in
the ruins of Po Nagar. These are arranged below according
to the findspot.
1. In front of the principal temple A, Nos. 22, 29a, 29b,
29c, 45, 47.
2. Principal Temple A.
Interior of the temple, Nos. 30, 50, 109.
Doorway Nos. 26, 55, 58, 60, 64, 66, 76, 80, 85, 88.
97, 98, 105.
Vestibule 48, 49.
3. Temple F. No. 25.
4. Temple B. Nos ,71, 108.
5. Under the ground within the enclosure containing
temples A, B, C, D, E, F. No. 99.
Some of these inscriptions refer to the erection of various
temples at Po Nagar. The original wooden temple containing
a Afukhalinga must have been built in very early times, so
that in the eighth century A. D. it came to be associated with the
mythical king Vicitrasagara. This temple was burnt by
pirates in 774 A. D. Ten years later, king Satyavarmft built
a new temple and installed therein a new Mukhalinga together
with images of other gods and goddesses. 3 In 817 A. D. Senft-
pati Par erected three tamples with mandapas and gates and
installed gods and goddesses. 4
1 PI. XXV.
2 PI. XXI, and fiig 27, Vol, I, p. 127.
3 Ins. No. 22,
4 Ins. No. 20.
264 ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE
It is difficult to identify the temples mentioned in the
above inscriptions with those existing to-day either intact or
in ruins. The date, terminus ad quern, of some of th<* mod-
era temples, however, may be assertained with a fair degree
of certainty from these inscriptions. Thus the main temple
A must have been completed by 17 A. D., as the Ins. No. 26,
dated in that year, is engraved on its doorway. For nimilar
reapons, the temple F containing the inscription No. 25 must
be placed before 813 A. D., and the temple B, containing No.
71, before 1143 A. D.
6. MINOR GROUPS OF TEMPLES
A. Pho Hai Group 1 This group of temples is situated
on the top of a hillock near the village of Thien Chanh not
far from Phantiet. It consists of three temples in two diffe-
rent levels of the rock. The principal temple, on the higher
level, together with another building in ruins to the north-
east, is enclosed by a plain stone wall. A little lower down to
the north is a third temple, probably contemporary to the
principal one. All the temples face the east.
The principal temple differs from the normal type in cer-
tain details, such as the absence of Corner-Towers and slabs of
stone at the junction of the Cornices, and shows striking affi-
nity to the Cainbodgian type. The doorway, particularly,
shows a great resemblance.
The absence of Corner-Towers brings out very promi-
nently the resemblance of this type of temples with the sto-
ried stupas of India, from which it seems to have baen ulti-
mately derived. 1
1 Vol. I, pp.29ff. PI. Ml I
2Cf. e. g. PI. in With the Dhamek Stupa (Forffusson- His-
tory of Indian and Eastern Architecture, Vol. I, p. 72. fig. 16)-
_
PI. VIT. Pho Hai Temples (cf. p. 254.).
( Reproduced from the publications of Eeolc Francaise
D' Eortrerrw- Orient, Vols. XI. XII viz. Inventaire descrip-
tif des monuments Cams by H. Parmcntier, Planche III.)
fei
PI. VIII. Po Klong Garai Temple (Side-view, showing
the false doorway on the south (cf. p. 255)
(Reproduced from the publications of Ecole Fmnmise
V Extreme-Orient, Vols. XI, XII viz. Inventaire dwrip-
tifdes monuments Cams by H. Parmentier, Planche XIII.)
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 255
B. Po Dam Group* This group of six temples IB situa-
ted on a hill about two miles north of the village of
Phu Dien near the town of Phanri.
The temples are divided into two groups of three each
and face towards the south. The principal temple is richly
decorated. The upper storeys of one of the smaller temples
have curved roofs and show a great resemblance to the small
Javanese temples figured at Borobudur. 2
C. Po Rome Group* This group consisting of the princi-
pal temple and another building to the south, is situated on a
rocky elevation near the village of Hau Sanh in the districo
of Binh Thuan. The temple which is in a good state of pre-
servatiou is of very plain design. The only thing of interest
in the curvilinear pyramidal shape of the Corner Towers.
The southern building preserves decorations in painting, the
only extant specimen of that art in Champa.
The presence of very late inscriptions on the door-pillars
of this temple sem to confirm the tradition that it was built
in the 17th century.
D. Po Klowj Garai Group* This group of six buildings
is hituated on a peak which commands a fine view of the
plain of Phanrang. The principal sanctuary is very well
preserved and enablest us to understand properly the cons-
truction of the different parts of temples, even of those which
are in a state of decay. Among the peculiarities of the tern*
pie may be noted, its high foundation, the prominent cha-
J merely throw out a suggestion here as to the ultimate
origin of temples in India from which those of Champa are
derived (%ee post>. The scope ot the present work, how-
ever, is not compatible with a detailed discussion of the
subject which I reserve for seraimte treatment in future.
1 Vol. I,pp 50ff. PL VI-VII.
2 Vol. I, p. 51, fig 0; PI. VU-fiig 4, 4'.
3 Vol. I, pp. 6Lff. Rh VHI-X; Vol. II, p. 16.
4 Vol. I pp. 81 ff. PI. XI-XIV.
256 ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE
racter of its false doorways which are almost completely
detatched from the wall, and curvilinear pyramidal shape of
the Corner-Towers.
The roof of one of the buildings is ridge-shaped with
ogivul ends.
It appears from Ina. Nos. 111-115 that the principal san-
ctuary has to be referred to the reign of Jayasiiiha Varman
IV (c. 1287-1307 A D. )
E. Ho La-i &roup l This group of three temples is situa-
ted in the village of Nhon Son, at the end of the lo^g plain
which stretches to the north of Phanrang. The temples show
high architectural skill. The vestibule, although a mere pro-
longation of the arched doorway, contains false doorways.
The upper part of the false doorways of the temples is of
peculiarly elegant design. The walls of the temples are not
vertical but inclined outwardly from the base, so that the
decorations on the base, although projecting out of it, are on
the same vertical level as the top of the wall. The temples
are mostly in ruina
F. Hung Thanh Qroup* This group is situated at the
foot of a hill, close to the road which goes from Binh Dinh
to Qui Nhon, and about two miles from this last town. There
were originally four or five buildings within an enclosure, but
at present the ruins of only two buildings can be discerned.
The chief characteristic of these temples ia the peculiar
shape of the roof, a curvilinear pyramid divided into a large
number of parallel stages, very slightly diminishing as they
rise.
G. Dwmg Long 9 .This group of three temples is part of
a larger group of which only a few trace* nre visible. It in
1 Vol I, P p.98ff. PL XV-XIX.
2 Vol. I t pp. 146 ff. PL XXX-XXXI.
3 Vol. I. pj>, 183 fL H. XLll-XLVII.
PI. IX. Hung Than Temple, (cf. p. 256)
(Reproduced from, the publications of Ecole Francaise
jy Extreme-Orient, Vols. XI, XII viz. Inventaire dvscrip-
tif des monuments Cams by H. Parmentier, Planch* XX XL)
PL X. Temple of Duong Long (cf. p. 256)
<R, '.
c.ed from the
a of
/fl Fraibcaise
.
I) bstrwth-umt, Voh, XT, XII vh. Invent*!,-,;, d<Mrij>-
tij dc.-s monuments Lums by H. Parincntier, Plan<-///>, XLV.)
/ ? ;;:
,Cir,.-: '\
wMS^m
HlRlPfhw ^'
jffy^m-f-j'^
PI. XI. Bang An Temple (showing in right upper
corner a subsidiary temple in S. W. ) (cf. p. 257)
from the, jtuUicfitions of Ec<>U
If Extre-nw-Orient, Vols, XI, XII viz. Inventaire
tifdes monuments Cams by H. Pariiwntier, Planchc, LXV.)
11
ANCIENT HJ3TOBY OF 3HAMPA 2J&
situated on a low eminence in the "illage.of Van Tu'oiig.
These three large iempba liave some peculiar characteristics.
The upper part of the false doorways Js elaborately carved.
The roofs of stories have no Corrxer 3 owers and the upper-
most stage is designed li e an in* erte 1 lotos. The crown-
ing member thus looks 1 ke the peri Jftrp of a lotus. It ift
just possible that its geneial forms, as noticed in other tem-
ples, may also have been derived from tlds original idea.
H. Other Temples.
Among other peculiar characterisf ics of Cham temples
calling for special notice ma,y be mentio led :
(1) The richly decorated false doorways of the temple of
Binh Lam. 1
(2) The peculiar T shaped inner cell of the southern temple
of Khuong My. 1
(3) The octagonal temple of Bang An with a curvilinear,
pyramidal roof, belonging probably to the tenth century. 8
The roof of Yah Proa temple which has no stages but
consists of a single mass of the shape of a curvilinear pyramid,
with horizontal circular ribs, ending in an inverted lotua 4
7. CHRONOLOGICAL CLASSIFICATION OF THE
TEMPLES.
M, Parmentier who ha made a special study of Cham
architecture has tentatively adopted the following chro-
nological classification of the different styles in ChampA, on
the basis of temples whose dates can be fi&ed wifch v>
tolerable degree of certainty. 6
1. Vol. I, p. 169-Fig. 31, PI. XXXIX.
2. Vol. I, p, 248, Fig. 46., PI. LVI.
3. Vol. I, p. 311 Fig. 68, PI, LXV. ; Vol. II, p. 13.
4. Vol. I, p. 557, PI. CVII.
5. Vol. II, pp. 19 ff,
258
ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE
L The primitive art (7th-10th century,), which shows *
real inspiration aud freshness of artistic idea * is represented
by the Myson temple A-l (beginning of 7th century A. D.)
and the Po Nagar temples F and A (813 and S17 A. D.).
II. The cubic Art (7th-9th century), so milled from the
low mavssive roof of the shape of a cube such as that, of Hoa
Lai Temple, is represented by Myson temple F, (beginning of
the 8th century), Po Nagar E (third quarter of the 9th
century) and the most ancient part of Do3g Duong (875
A. D.).
III. The Mixed Art (10th century), which shows the
proportions of Primitive Art together with decoration pro-
per to the Cubic Art, is represented by Dong Duong A.
IV. The Classic Art (llth Century), so called from its
strict adherence to architectural formula, is represented only
by Myson E 4 (middle of llth century A D.).
V. The Pyramidal form (10th-14th Cen:ury), so called
from the pyramidal termination, is represented by the Bang
An Temple (c. 900 A. D. ), Po. Nagar temple B (1145 A.
D.), aud Yau Proh temple (beginning of 14th century).
VI. The derived A rt (12th- 17th century), so called from its
departure from recognised canons, is represented by Myson B-l
(1114 A. D.), Myson G (1157), Po Klaun Garai (be*innin of
14th century) and Po Kome (second quarter of the 17th
century ).
M. Parmentier styles the first three as Primary, and
the last three, Secondary. His ideas of the relation between
these classes may be illustrated in the following tabular form.
Primary
Art
(First Period)
I. Primitive Art
I
II Cubic Art
III. Mixed Art
IV. Classic Art V. Pyramidal Art
Secondary J
Art i
(SecondPeriod,) j VI. Derived Art.
I
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA,-
8. THE CAVES.
The cave -wohiUcture did not make very great progress in
Champft. About five>o them are known, all of very simple
design, though one or two have ooftaaive proportions.
1. Phu Duoc (near Bong Son).
This cave is nearly oval in plan. The inner chamber has
a vaalted roof, and two cells radiate from it. One of these
is circular and the other rectangular. The cave is entered by
a narrow passage opening in the east A little to the south
of this passage on the outer side of the rock is a sttiall cell.
The cave is about 4 yds by 2 yds, and the height, a
little over 1 yard. It is popularly supposed to be the resi-
dence of a hermit. 1
2. The Marble mountain* near Hoa Que contain several
caves round a central Hall which is however open to the sky.
One of these caves has its entrance guarded by a sculptured
balustrade. 1
3. The eaves of Phong Nha (near Bo Trach) are of
massive proportions. An opening in the rack about 20 yards
long gives access to a circular chamber of the same diameter.
Its arched roof is decorated by bunches of stalactites. A low
narrow passage about 20 yards long leads to a second vaulted
chamber. From this aain issues out a very long arched
passage, about 20 yards broad and 15 to 18 yards high, whose
walls still retain in many places traces of high polish. At the
end of this passage, which is more than 1300 yards from the
entrance, is found a narrow tunnell more than 325 yards
long. The whole of this underground passage, nearly a mile
in length, is covered upto a certain height by a clear sheet of
water and can be traversed by small boats. The cave contains
some sculptures, and the discovery of an image of Buddha
1. Vol. I, p. 2 IS. Fig. 41.
2. Vol. I, p. 317, tig. oy.
260 ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE
and of the word 'Sftriputra' among the almost illegible ins-
criptions, indicates that it was a Buddhist sanctuary in the
origin. 1 Altogether 97 inscriptions have been traced in this
cave, but they are mostly illegible. 3
4. A very small cave named Chua Harg, containing a
Bmall statue of Buddha, is situated in the village of Bo Khe
near Bo Trach. 8
5. Some caves, close to the village of Lac Son, were trans-
formed into Buddhist sanctuaries by the Chams. On the
side of a mountain washed by a river, an o^ival opening, 8
yards by 10 yards, leads to an inner chamber. The side
rocks of this chamber have been divided into a number of
pillars by the corroding action of water, and the whole thing
therefore looks like a peristyle. This peristyle opens into a
passage ahout 90 yards long. Its roof is o^ival and about
15 yards from the ground. From the apsidal end of this
passage issues another very narrow passage, through which
one could crawl into a circular chamber with a diameter of
about 4 yards.
From the two opposite sides of this chamber, again, issue
two other passages. That on the left or the east is about 12
yards long and has a funnel shaped end. The opposite pas-
sage bends round and runs parallel to the long passage in the
direction of north to south, till it ends in two very narrow
paasages.
About thirty. six inscriptions havo been discovered in these
caves bet they have not yet been deciphered.*
1. Cf. Supra p 212 of the test.
2. Vol. I t pp. 542 ff.
3. Vol. I, p. 546.
4. Vol. I, p 
