Full text of "The Andros tracts: being a collection of pamphlets and official papers issued during the period between the overthrow of the Andros government and the establishment of the second charter of Massachusetts"

GIFT OF
SEELEY W. MUDD

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GEORGE I. COCHRAN MEYER ELSASSER
DR. JOHN R. HAYNES WILLIAM L. HONNOLD
JAMES R. MARTIN MRS. JOSEPH F. SARTORI

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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA
SOUTHERN BRANCH

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EX LIBPvIS

JOHN

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UNIVERSITY Of

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Eftabliftied May 25th, 1858.

THE ANDROS TRACTS.

VOLUME THIRD.

Boston:

PRINTED FOR THE SOCIETY,

BY JOHN WILSON AND SON.

1874.

o : . ' ..
J. ^ 4

Committee of publication:
WILLIAM H. WHITMORE.

lUIIIHlillWilM
' 7 'arufaffienf jrin-rif- .

THE

ANDROS TRACTS

BEING A COLLECTION OF

PAMPHLETS AND OFFICIAL PAPERS,

ISSUED DURING THE PERIOD BETWEEN THE OVERTHROW
OF THE ANDROS GOVERNMENT AND THE ESTAB-
LISHMENT OF THE SECOND CHARTER OF
MASSACHUSETTS.

Beprfntelr from tfje rijjinal dftjitiong anti

WITH NOTES BY IV. H. WHITMORE.

Boston:

PUBLISHED BY THE PRINCE SOCIETY.

1874.

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

[Each pamphlet and part is paged feparately; but at the foot will be
found the continuous pagination.]

PAGE

INTRODUCTION ix-xv

1. CONSIDERATIONS AGAINST THE CHARTER 1-9

2. ABSTRACT OF LAWS OF NEW ENGLAND 11-16

3. REPORT BY ANDROS OF HIS ADMINISTRATION, 1690 .... 17-27

4. ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS.

i. Andres's Charges againft the Government 3 1-33

ii. Anfwer to fame 34-38

iii. Anfwer of Agents to Weems, March, 1690 39~4

iv. Report of Privy Council acquitting Andros, April, 1690 . 41-43

v. Petition of Maffachufetts Colony, February, 1690 ... . 43-45

vi. Letter of fame to Earl of Shrewfbury, March 29, 1690 . 46-48

vii. Letter of fame to Earl of Shrewfbury, July 19, 1690 . . 48-51

viii. Governor and Council to Agents 5 2 ~57

ix. Appointment of Agents, January, 1689-90 58-59

x. Inflations to Agents 59~6o

xi. Payment of Agents 61-63

5. PAPERS RELATING TO ANDROS'S ADMINISTRATION.

i. Lift of Documents already in print 67-69

ii. J. Palmer's Letter, July 4, 1686 69-70

iii. Petition of Eleutherian Immigrants 7-7 J

iv. Andros to Lords of Treafury, Aug. 31, 1687 .... 71-72

v. Andros to Lord Prefident, Aug. 31, 1687 7 2 ~74

vi. Andros to Secretary of the Admiralty, Sept. 5, 1687 . 74-75

PAGE

vii. Andres's Anfwer to the Onondagos, 061. 30, 1687 . 76-78

viii. Pierre Baudouin's Petition 79-80

ix. Pierre Baudouin, Order for Grant to, Oft. 8, 1687 . 80
x. John Scott's Petition, Feb. 13, 1867-68 .... 81-82

xi. Chriftopher Talbot's Petition 82-83

xii. William Hutchins's Petition, July 19, 1688 . . . 83-84
xiii. J. Blackwell, about the Bank, July 16, 1688 . . . 84-86
xiv. Andres's Letter to Major Gold, Aug. 25, 1688 . . 86-87
xv. Andres's Letter to Colonel Tyng, Sept. 20, 1688 . 87-88

xvi. John Stuart's Petition, O61. 19, 1688 89-90

xvii. Maffey's Petition about the Jail, 061. 30, 1688 . . 90-91

xviii. A6t againft Emigration 92-93

xix. Andres's Adherents imprifoned 94 "

xx. J. Weft's Petition, June 13, 1689 94

xxi. Letters about Andros's Capture, August, 1689 . . . 95-102

xxii. J. Weft's Petition, O6t. 10, 1869 103

xxiii. J. Dudley's Petition, 061. 4, 1689 104

xxiv. J. Sherlock's Petition, O61. 5, 1689 105

xxv. Sarah Palmer's Petition 106

xxvi. Rachel Whitmore's Petition 106

xxvii. Order againft Seditious Publications 107

xxviii. J. Dudley's Petition, Dec. 9, 1689 108

xxix. Petitions of Weft and others 109-110

xxx. J. Riggs's Letter to Danforth 1 1 1

xxxi. Extradition of Andros and others 111-113

xxxii. Maflacre at Schene6tady, February, 1689-90 . . . 114-120

6. REPRINT OF A PART OF COTTON MATHER'S MEMOIRS OF

REV. INCREASE MATHER 121-187

Containing as notes the following documents :
i. Addrefs of the Congregations in New England to

James II 131-132

ii. Addrefs of Plymouth Colony to James II 133

iii. Memorial of the Diffenters of New England .... 136

iv. Petition of Increafe Mather 137

v. Petition in favor of Harvard College 138

Vll

PAGE

vi. Memorial of Grievances 139

vii. Petition of Agents to Commiflioners for Trade and

Plantations 143

viii. Samuel Mather's Account of the Plot in New England 145

ix. Increafe Mather's Petition to King William .... 146

x. Order in Council 147

xi. Increafe Mather's Petition to turn out Andros ... 149
xii. Petition and Reafons againft fending a Governor to

New England 151-152

xiii. Order in Council 156

xiv. Order in Council 161

xv. Order in Council 163

7. AN APPEAL TO THE MEN OF NEW ENGLAND, 1689 . . . 189-210

8. PAPERS RELATING TO RANDOLPH.

i. Biographical Sketch 211-212

ii. Lift of Documents already in Print 212-213

iii. Narrative of his Voyages to New England .... 214-217
iv. Letter from Randolph to Governor Leverett, June 23,

1676 218

v. Letter from Randolph to Council, July 6, 1678 . . . 219-221

vi. Letter from Blathwayt to Randolph, 061. 22, 1681 . . 222
vii: Elifha Hutchinfon's Quarrel with Randolph, June 23,

1682 223

viii. Commiffioners of Cuftoms to Randolph, Aug. 7, 1686 224

ix. Randolph to Lords of Trade, May 29, 1689 .... 225-235

x. Randolph to Brockholft, Dec. 28, 1689 236

xi. Randolph to Lords of Trade, May 30, 1698 .... 237-238

9. THE PRINCE SOCIETY 241

Act to incorporate the Society 242

Conftitution . 243

Rules and Regulations of the Council 244

Officers of the Society 247

Members 248

Publications 252

10. INDEX 255

INTRODUCTION.

HE third volume of thefe Tracts is but a con-
tinuation of the difcuffion of the matters
comprifed in the firft two volumes. No op-
portunity arifes for the memoir of a new
character, for the chief actors are ftill Andros,
and Increafe Mather. We may, however, be allowed here
to fay that the criticifms upon the preceding volumes have
not fhaken our belief that the view we have taken in regard
to Andros will be found to be nearer the truth than are the
current ideas as to his acts and character. We regard An-
dros as an able and confcientious agent of the Crown, by
no means rapacious or over-bearing, a good foldier and
adminiflrator, and the firft official who faw the political
advantages to be derived from alliances with the Indians to
counteract French intrigues. It was his misfortune that,
being a Churchman, he was fent to the ftronghold of Con-
gregationalifm ; that, as the agent of the Crown, he was
made governor over a number of disfranchifed colonies ;
that, as a soldier and a courtier, he was placed in a com-
munity in which the Puritan clergy ftill ufurped a com-
manding

manding influence. We may add, that it was the peculiar
misfortune of Andros to encounter in Increafe Mather a
man of equal ability and more fervent convictions. It was
undoubtedly fortunate for us that Mather succeeded ; and
that, inftead of the great fmgle dominion of New England,
New York, and New Jerfey, over which Andros ruled, the
fyftem of fmall, independent, and difcordant colonies was
revived. We cannot doubt that the change which refulted
from the overthrow of the firft charter, and from the long
contefts with the Crown, was beneficial in the end to the
character of the colonifls. Still more evident is it that it is
unworthy in us, after our anceftors won in fo great a con-
teft, to continue to repeat the flanders which were bred in
the midft of the conflict. It feems far better to acknowl-
edge that Andros, at leafl, was neither a fool nor a rafcal ;
but that he acted firmly and wifely to carry out the fcheme
of creating a great northern dominion, without unduly
oppreffing his enemies, and certainly without caufing the
flighteft ftain upon his character. That the subordinate
agents of his government men appointed by the Home
authorities, and beyond his control may have been guilty
of petty extortions and abufes of power, is very probable.
But the fact remains, that Andros in the time when the
Papifts had fuffered from the fury infpired by the pretended
Popifh plots, when the ignorant followers of Monmouth
had afforded the chance for the ferocious brutality of Jef-
freys, when the Covenanters of Scotland were hunted like
wild beafts Andros neither killed nor imprifoned. In a
community which had freely exercifed the power of killing

or banifhing thofe who difputed its rules of political or
theological belief, a community which banifhed thofe who
reviled its charter, and which hung thofe who blafphemed
againft its church, Andros, fo far from affuming the part
of an avenging adminiflrator of its own bad laws, appears
only as the unwelcome tax-collector. Except the one ridic-
ulous ftruggle as to whether an Epifcopal church mail be
allowed here, the whole burden of complaint is in regard to
matters of money. Surely, then, it is well to ceafe com-
plaining about the tyranny of Andros ; and to dwell with
more reafonable fatisfaction upon the fact that, however
able and upright he was, he was overcome and driven away
by greater ability, fincerity, and patriotifm.

In our three volumes are collected all the pamphlets re-
lating to the Andros period, fo far as we have knowledge
of them, with one exception. In our fecond volume, p. 203-
221, is printed the pamphlet entitled " New England's Fac-
tion difcovered .... being an anfwer to a pamphlet
entitled 'News from New England, &c.,' 1690." As the
writer of the " Faction Difcovered " replies in detail to the
" News, &c.," we can form an idea of its contents, and can
fafely fay that this " News " was a different pamphlet from
any in our collection. Thus far, however, all fearches for
this pamphlet have been ufelefs ; and we can only hope
that it may hereafter be found.

In the prefent volume, we may call attention efpecially to
the three very rare pamphlets, Nos. i, 2, and 7. Of thefe,
the " Confiderations againft the Charter " and the " Abftract

Xll

of Laws of New England " were referred to in our fecond
volume, and are reprinted from copies in the Britifh State
Paper Office, poffibly unique. The " Appeal to the Men
of New England " is alfo of confiderable bibliographical
value, as being heretofore unknown, and as being the pre-
curfor of the " Further Quaeries " printed in our firft volume.
A very few papers have been reprinted from the New York
Documents, edited by J. R. Brodhead, Efq. Some fixty
pages are given to a reprint of a part of Cotton Mather's
Life of his father, Increafe Mather. The portion thus
{elected covers the whole period of Mather's political fo-
journ in England; and, though we had before availed our-
felves of many of the facts, our readers will no doubt be glad
to have an exact reprint of the original narrative. As an-
notations to the text of this part, we have freely ufed that
portion of Prince's collection of papers which elucidated
the account ; ufing therefor the copies printed in the col-
lections of the Maffachufetts Historical Society.

The numerous documents in the archives of the State
have been again put under contribution to complete our
volume. Moft of our extracts refer directly to the pam-
phlets reprinted ; a few others have been felected as giving
curious bits of information in regard to the period.

As illuftrations to this volume, we have reproductions, by
the heliotype procefs, of two engravings made from the
fame portrait of Increafe Mather. The one engraved by
Sturt is reproduced from a copy printed by the fame pro-
cefs, fome years ago, at the fuggefKon of J. Hammond

Trumbull,

Xlll

Trumbull, Efq. We are unable to ftate in what form the
original appeared, though pofTibly it was ufed as the fron-
tifpiece to fome book. The fame plate by Sturt was ufed
for the portrait prefixed to Cotton Mather's Life of Increafe
Mather (the " Parentator," which we have copied) ; but in
this impreffion the laft line has been altered to read, " ^tatis
suae 85, 1 724." ' The figures " 85 " and " 1 724 " are new ; and
the little line of dots under them is wanting on the " Paren-
tator " plate, mowing the alteration. We have preferred to
give the earlier form of the plate.

The other engraving, from the fame painting, is by
R. White, and is of value as mowing the name of the
painter, Vanderfpirit. The original engraving is prefixed
to a book entitled " Memoirs of the Life of the late Rev-
erend INCREASE MATHER, D.D., who died Aug. 23, 1723.
With a Preface by the Reverend Edmund Calamy, D.D.
London : printed for John Clark and Richard Hett at the
Bible and Crown in the Poultry, near Cheapfide, M DCC xxv.
Price is"

The painter of this portrait was probably John Vander
Spriett, or Vanderfpirit, of whom SPOONER writes that " he
ftudied under Verkolie, at Amflerdam, and executed a few
indifferent portraits. He went to London, where he died
about 1 700." We may fairly conclude that the portrait was
painted during Mather's official vifit to England, about
1690.

As to the engravers, the fame authority (Spooner) ftates
that JOHN STURT "was born at London in 1658, and died

there

XIV

there in 1730. He was a pupil of Robert White, and his
chief excellence confifled in engraving ornamental letters."
" ROBERT WHITE, an Englifh defigner and engraver, born
at London in 1645, and died in 1704. He was a pupil
of David Loggan, for whom he defigned and engraved
feveral architectural views. He engraved an immenfe num-
ber of portraits of diflinguiflied perfonages, from his own
defigns, and after Kneller, Vandyck, and other eminent
painters. Mofl of his plates are executed with the graver,
in a neat, clear flyle. They are chiefly valued for their f ub-
jecls and their excellent likenefs. He alfo engraved a few
heads in mezzotinto ; but they are far inferior to his other
.prints. ... At his death, a printfeller purchafed his plates,
and realized a fortune from them." His fon, George White,
was alfo an artift and engraver. He flourimed from 1 700
to 1732. It will be noticed that this White engraving is
clearly from a plate different from the Sturt one. Yet,
though figned " R. White," if the date be that of the en-
graving (which it does not purport to be), the artift could
not be the famous Robert White, who died twenty years
before.

The moft plaufible folution which we can offer is this:
i st. That Robert White did engrave a portrait before 1704,
and that this either had no date or one correfponding with
fuch publication. 2nd. That in 1719 a copy was made by
White's pupil, Sturt ; and the plate was fent to this country,
to be ufed either for meet-impreffions or for the illuftration of
fome book. 3rd. That Sturt's plate was corrected as to date
in 1724, and prefixed to the " Parentator;" but this might

have

have been done as well in England, if the plate remained
there inflead of being fent here. 4th. That White's plate
received a dated infcription, which muft have been put on
after 1723, for the purpofe of being ufed in this fecond
Life of Increafe Mather; which, of courfe, would be per-
fectly compatible with the idea that the plate was White's
work.

[Confiderations againft the Charter,

PRESENTED TO PARLIAMENT IN 1689, DURING THE DISCUSSION
ABOUT THE CORPORATION BILL.]

PREFATORY NOTE.

IN prefenting the following two tracts as a part of the Andros and Mather
controverfy, it is proper to flate that the difcovery of thefe rare pamphlets
has modified or corrected the views I expreffed in the preface to the fecond
volume of this collection.

I withdraw the fuppofition there made (Preface, p. xv.), that Mather publifhed
his "New England Vindicated " in 1688, during the reign of James II.

It is clear that the following two tracts appeared before " New England
Vindicated" (Tract No. 8 of vol. ii.), and that this latter was followed by No. 10,
"A Short Difcourfe." Yet it feems very certain that thefe pamphlets were
called forth by the action of Parliament in 1689, when there was a bill for the
general reftoration of charters, commonly known as the Corporation Bill.

I therefore amend my previous conjectures (vol. ii. pp. xv. xviii. xx.), and
place the "Miferies of New England" firft, and "New England Vindicated"
fecond in date among Mather's publications in England. This alfo agrees
exactly with his own words, quoted in our fecond volume, p. 2, that he publifhed
the Narrative of the Miferies of New England, and afterwards wrote a Firft,
Second, and Third Vindication of the people there.

Thefe three Vindications would be : the firft, our Tract No. 8 of vol. ii.,
" New England Vindicated," appearing in 1688 ; the fecond would be our Tract
No. 1 1 in vol. ii., entitled " A Brief Relation of the State of N. E.," publifhed
in 1689; and the third would be "A Vindication of New England," 1690,
which is Tract No. 5 in that volume.

Late in 1690, Mather prepared his "Reafons for the Confirmation of the
Charters," which is No. 15 of our fecond volume.

The following Tract was copied by Mr. Sainfbury from the printed docu-
ment in the State Paper Office ; the reference being to " New England B. T.,
vol. i. p. 247." He adds that on p. 290 he finds what he believes to be the
original draft in the handwriting of Sir George Treby, Attorney-General. In
the notes, all the important alterations will be pointed out, our text following
the printed text

(2)

CONSIDERATIONS

HUMBLY OFFERED TO THE

PARLIAMENT, 1

SHEWING

That thofe Charters relating to the Plantations were taken away upon quite

different reafons from thofe in England, thefe Charters being feized for

the abufe of their Power, in deftroying not only the Woollen and

other Manufaflures but alfo the very Laws and Navigation

of England, and making themfelves as it were

Independent of this Crown. 1

LL his Majefties Plantations in America have
been either difcovered or peopled under the
encouragement of Charters from the Crown of
England, and feveral great powers and privi-
ledges have been granted to Proprietors and
Corporations, with reftriclions neverthelefs that
they mould depend on the Crown, and as they have their
Protections from thence and from Old-England, fo it was
always underftood that thofe Priviledges, and efpecially the
powers of Government, mould be exercifed fo by the par-
ticular Proprietors and Corporations, as not to prejudice the
interest of England ; but upon all occafions procure the bene-
fit and be created by the authority refiding in England ; and
as often as the Proprietors and Corporations have acted con-
trary hereunto, their Powers have been queftioned and fet
afide. So the Great Charter of Virginia in the year 1632 was

voided

1 Inftead of this claufe the original more particularly relating to the Maffa-
draft has, " upon the Al for reftoring chufetts Bay in New England."
the Charters to all the Corporations

(3)

[4]

voided and the Government of that Colony has ever fmce
refted in the Crown. So the Charter and Propriety of the
Earl of Carlifle, which made him abfolute Lord of the Carri-
bee Iflands, was call'd for at the Council Board in the year
1663 and there furrendered. So the Charters for the New-
found-Land in divers Reigns, as they became prejudicial to
the fimery, which is of fo great importance to England, was
fet afide. So were many other Charters annulled in the
reign of King Charles the Firft and King Charles the Sec-
ond, vacated by Quo Warrantos or otherwife, it not being
thought reafonable that while they enjoyed all other advan-
tages equally with their Native Country of England, they
mould abufe the priviledges granted them 2 by exporting
Wool and other materials for manufacture, befides Tobacco
and Sugar &c. to France, Hamburg, Holland, and other
places in Europe, and importing back from thofe places not
only Linnen but Woollen and all other Manufactures, (which
mould be of the Englim growth), Custom free ; and this not
only for their own confumption, but alfo fupplying therewith
mofl parts of the World, particularly the Englim Plantations,
which according to the Act of Navigation ought to be sup-
plyed from Old England, after Cuftoms paid in and out,
whereby they were inabled to bring thofe goods ^50 per
cent Cheaper to their market there, than our Merchants
could : which Trade incouraged their building fome hun-
dreds of mips which were imployed in thofe illegal trades, to
the ruin of the Englim Navigation, and tho their mips built
there, by our Law were as free as thofe built here in Eng-
land yet not above ten of them all do yearly come directly
for England, but were imployed fo indirectly as aforefaid. 2
For thefe 3 and many fuch like weighty confiderations and

other

1 Inftead of this, the draft reads : "by agement thereof, or by exercifing other
the Crown, either by fupplanting the powers inconfiftent with the Govern-
trade of this Kingdome and defeating ment of England."
the A6ls of Parliament for the encour- 3 The draft reads only " reafons."

(4)

[5]

other practices inconfiftent with the intereft and government
of England, 3 in the laft year of the reign of King Charles the
Second the Charter of the Colony of the Maffachufetts Bay
was vacated upon a Scire Facias : Proof having been plainly
made, as it may be again when it fliall be neceffary, of their
afiuming the regal power of coyning many and different spe-
cies of filver, giving a bafer alloy than is practifed in Eng-
land ; Their making Laws and putting them in execution for
impofing Taxes upon the fhipping and Manufacture of Eng-
land coming into their Ports, difcouraging as much as in
them lay the Trade of the Englifh thereby to render the
(hipping of their own Built the more valuable and reffcrain-
ing and difcountenancing the execution of the Acts of Par-
liament by their Printed Laws. Their impofing an Oath cai. i 4
of Fidelity to their Commonwealth as their Law Books &
terms it.

Their incroaching upon the neighbouring Colonies, pof-
f effing themfelves in a hoffcile manner of the Propriety of
others not fubject to their Government, and upon complaints,
petitions and orders at the Council Board, giving no.redrefs,
but even affronting and contemning the authority of the
Commiffioners appointed by King Charles the Second to
determine the Appeals of others againft the invafions of that
Colony.

Their making Laws againft all other opinions in religion
except that of the Congregational Churches, and more efpe-
cially againft that of the Church of England.

Their treating ill the Captains of the King's Ships in time
of War for defiring permiffion to recruit themfelves with
men and victuals, in order to purfue the King's fervice in
the protection of his fubjects in thofe parts, particularly thofe

belonging to the Fifhery. 4

Their

3 See previous page ; the altered many of the Englifh feamen had with-
clause runs from 3 to 3 . drawn themfelves thither to avoid ferv-

4 The MS. adds : " Notwithftanding ing the King in his wars at home."

(5)

[6]

Their entertaining Pirats and encouraging them to come
and victual there.

In the mean time they remain free from all the Taxes and
Impofitions which now or at any other time are laid upon
England, without contributing in any manner to the aid of
the Crown, or even to their own protection or fupport.

The people of New England in general are better fatif-
fied with the prefent Government, there being only fome men
in former authority that defire the reftoring the Charter ;
And if they mail be at liberty again to exercife their unlim-
ited and arbitrary power, they will draw 5 the inhabitants and
efpecially the labouring and manufacturing People of Eng-
land, who will find it more eafie to live there than in their
native Country ; and as the fame Manufactures are now car-
ried on there that are fet up in England, fo by this farther
encouragement as they will not depend in Government, fo
they will carry on a feparate Trade to the palpable impover-
ifhment of England, 6 and highly prejudicial as well as con-
trary to the Laws thereof. 6

The reftoring of this Charter will alfo be of very great
advantage to the French, who border upon New England
and will daily make incurfions upon them, which they will
be the better enabled to do by fuch a dif-union of this and
the many other Colonies of New England and their inde-
pendancy upon the Government of Old England.

Nor was the Charter firft profecuted in the late King's
reign, but in the reign of King Charles the I., tho' no judg-
ment was recorded, the Wars preventing till the reign of
King Charles the II. Neither was it done then upon the
late meafures, but upon other important reafons of State,
fome of which are above mentioned.

Upon the diffolution of this Charter, the illegal trade fo

notoriouily

6 The MS. has "drein," and the word Not in firft draft,
fhould probably be " drain."

(6)

[7]

notorioufly carried on by the people of New England, was
then ftopt ; which when they found, and that they could not
trade but upon even terms with others of His Majefties fub-
jects, 7 fome of the inhabitants of New England 7 brought
over feveral indications of Mines of Copper &c. which they
had difcovered fome years fmce, 8 but were not arrived to
eftate enough to opperate the fame themfelves ; and being
prevented in their former trade were willing to take in part-
ners here in England, with whom they joined in a petition to
the late King James 9 to be incorporated with certain privi-
ledges & immunities the better to enable them to go on
with the Undertaking : which was gracioufly received and
in all probability had been accomplifhed before now, had not
the late Revolution hapned, feveral of His Majefties fubjects
having fubfcribed a fond of near ,100,000 for carrying on
the work, and have already expended confiderable fums of
money upon experiments and to obtain a Charter of Incor-
poration.

But fmce the vote paffed in the Houfe of Commons for
the reftoring of Charters and Corporations to the fame ftate
and condition they were in the Year 1660, the New Eng-
land men hoping thereby to be reftored to their old Gov-
ernment, whereby they might re-affume their former power
and with the fame freedom as heretofore, profecute their
former illegal trade. They have withdrawn themfelves from
any further folicitation for the Charter for working the Cop-
per Mines, pretending that when their old Charter is reftored
the King has no immunities to grant ; But if the Partners
will go on, they muft petition their Government for it ; pro-
pofmg that the Company for the management thereof, (which

was

7 " Several eminent merchants of 9 This mows that this tra<5l was
that place," in MS. printed after the Revolution in Eng-

8 MS. adds : " for the working whereof land,
they publifhed their propofals for a. joint
ftock for fuch perfons as were willing."

(7)

[8]

was intended to refide here and would have brought in a con-
fiderable profit as well to His Majefty in his Revenue as to
the whole Nation) fhould refide in New England ; and that
all the Stock fhould be at their difpofal, which will wholly
overthrow the Undertaking. For that fuch as having Eftates
in England are concerned in their undertaking will never
agree that their Stock fhall be tranfported to parts fo far
remote and under a Government fo independent upon the
Crown as New England will then be. Whereas mould this
Undertaking fucceed, and the Mines prove as good as by the
many experiments the Undertakers have made of them, may
be reafonably expected, that Plantation would more enrich
this Kingdome than all His Majefties Dominions befides.

10 If thefe people be not prevented of their old way of
Trade, they being fo large and fruitful a Countiy muft necef-
farily in a fhort time deftroy the trade of England, by improv-
ing thofe Manufactures which the chief trade of England
depends on, and they do in fome meafure already effect it :
And this cannot be done if they have the Government in
their own hands, but may with eafe be performed by the
King's fuperintendancy, whofe Officers may have fuch in-
ftruclions as mall divert them from all prejudicial trade, and
incourage fuch as may redound as well to theirs as to the
advantage of Old England ; and nothing can be thought of
comparable to their Mines, which will occafion reciprocal
returns and ferve them as a ftaple Commodity, of which they
now have none.

Should the Charters for Plantations be reftored, as they
were in the Year 1660, then all thofe Grants made by any
of the King's Governours fince fuch Charters were feized,
would revert to the old Government, and many families
ruined thereby, they having laid out their fubftances in fub-
duing or clearing fuch tract of grounds as the Governours

granted

10 All this long feftion is omitted in the firft draft.
(8)

[9]

granted them, and built upon them paying only fuch a quit
rent yearly to the Crown. 10

It is defired That the Charter of the
Maffachufetts Bay in New England,
their Law Book, and the A6ls of Trade
and Navigation, of the 14 th and 25"
of King Charles the II. be read.

10 See previous page.

[Abftraft of Laws of New England, contrary
to the Laws of England.

Printed in 1689, during the difcuffion about the Corporation Bill.]

'THHE following pamphlet was copied by Mr. Sainf bury from one in the State
-* Paper Office (reference, New England, B. T., vol. i. p. 249), and is
evidently the one referred to on p. 122 of our fecond volume. The recovery
of this very rare tra<5t will be undoubtedly a gratification to our readers.

(12)

AN ABSTRACT OF SOME OF THE

Printed Laws of New England

Which are either contrary, or not agreeable to the Laws of England, which

Laws will immediately come in force, in cafe the Bill in Parliament for

the reftoring the Charters of the Plantations doth pafs, and

are not controllable, by any authority in England, as

they pretend by their Charters.

O Law to be fubmitted to, but what is made in
their General Court (the Parliament of England
not excepted). Adultery made Capital.

If any man confpire and attempt any invafion,
infurreclion or publique rebellion againfl our
Common Wealth, or mall endeavour to furprize any Town,
Fort or Forts therein or mail treacheroufly and perfidioufly
attempt the alteration and fubverfion of our frame of polity,
or Government fundamentally, he mall be put to death.

If any man have a ftubborn or rebellious Son of fufficient
years of underftanding (viz.) fixteen years of age, which will
not obey the voice of his father, or the voice of his [mjother,
and that when they had chaftened him will not hearken unto
them, then fhall his Father and Mother, being his Natural
Parents, lay hold on him and bring him to the Magiftrates
affembled in Court, and teflifie unto them, that their Son is
ftubborn and rebellious, and will not obey their voice and
chaftifement, but lives in fundry and notorious crimes : Such
a Son lhall be put to death.

Ravifhment
03)

Page i.

P- 'S. 9
12.

14-

[2]

5l5 . Ravifhment left to be punifhed by difcretion of Judges.

P. 34. It is hereby declared, That the General Court confiding of

Magiflrates and Deputies is the chief Civil Power of this
Common-Wealth, which only hath power to raife Money
and Taxes upon the whole Country and difpofe of Lands,
(viz.) to give and confirm Proprieties, appertaining to, and
immediately derived from the Country, and may act in all
affairs of this Common- Wealth according to fuch power, both
in matters of Counfel, making of Laws, and matters of judi-
cature, by impeaching and fentencing any perfon or perfons
according to Law, and by receiving and hearing any com-
plaints, orderly prefented against any perfon or Court.

P- 43, ss, 56. None to be admitted to the freedom of their Common-
wealth unlefs of their Church and in full communion, and
members of their Church.

By which it appears, that that part of the Bill for reftoring Charters fet
forth in the preamble, (viz.) the Encouragement of the Eftablimed Reli-
gion, will not be anfwered, but on the contrary, by reftoring the Charters
of New-England thefe Penal and Prohibitory Laws in Ecclefiaftical mat-
ters will be revived, and the Eftablimed Religion thereby difcourag'd or
wholly fuppreffed, whereas by the vacating and Diflblution of thofe Char-
ters and Laws the Eftablimed Religion was promoted.

p. 45, 15- Penalty of not coming to their Meetings five millings.
P. 4 8, 4. None fuffered to vote in an Affembly, unlefs they come to
their Worfhip.

Whofoever mail be found obferving any fuch day as Chrift-
mafs, or the like ; either by forbearing labour, feafting, or any
other way upon fuch accompt as aforefaid, every fuch perfon
fo offending mall pay for every fuch offence, five (hillings
as a fine to the County.

Doth hereby Order and by the authority of this Court
be it Ordered and Enacted, That no Mafter or Commander
of any Ship, Barque, Pinnance, Ketch or other Veffel fhall
henceforth bring into any Harbour, Creek or Cove within

this

CM)

[3]

this jurifdiction any known Quaker or Quakers, or any
Blafphemous Hereticks as aforefaid, upon the penalty of the
forfeiture of one hundred pounds.

Quakers banifhed on pain of death. P. 61.

Several laws to encourage the Manufacture of Leather in P. 6 3 , P . as,
that Country.

Nor fhall any man be compelled to go out of this jurif- P. 73.
diction upon any offenfive wars, which this Commonwealth
or any of our Friends or Confederates as* fhall voluntary
undertake, but only upon fuch vindictive and defenfive Wars
in our own behalf, or the behalf of our Friends and Confed-
erates as fhall be enterprized by the Council and Confent of
a General Court, or by authority derived from the fame.

It is therefore Ordered by this Court and authority thereof, P . .
That no Perfon whatfoever in this jurifdiction fhall joyn any
perfons together in marriage, but the Magiftrate, or fuch
other as the General Court, or Court of Affiftants fhall author-
ize in fuch place where no Magiftrate is near.

Memorandum. By this Law many thoufands not agreeing to the rea-
fonablenefs of it, live together unmarried, and great numbers of children
unbaptized by reafon of the like Reflraints.

This Court taking into ferious confideration the great p . 10 6.
neceffity of upholding the Staple Commodities of this Coun-
try for the fupply and fupport of the inhabitants thereof,
and rinding by experience, the bringing in of Malt, Wheat,
Barly, Bifket, Beef, Meal and Flower, (which are the princi-
pal Commodities of this Country) from Foreign Parts, to be
exceeding prejudicial to the fubfiftance of this place and peo-
ple here ; Have therefore Ordered, That no Perfon whatfo-
ever either Inhabitant or Stranger, fhall directly or indirectly
after the firft of March next, import into this jurifdiction
from any part of Europe, any of the aforefaid Provifions,

under

* as is clearly fuperfluous.
(15)

[4]

under the penalty of confiscation of the fame, (except it be
for the fhips provifions) that fhall be fo imported, landed, fet
to fale, or otherwife difpofed contrary to the intent of this
order.

P. II7 . A Mint for coines of all values, fet up with all its appur-

tenances. No notice being of the King in the Stamp or
allay.

P. 119. ft is ordered, And by this Court Declared, That no man

fhall be urged to take any Oath, or fubfcribe to any Articles,
Covenants, or Remonftrances of publick and Civil Nature,
but fuch as the General Court hath confidered, allowed and
required. And no others to be taken, but fuch as are
allowed by the General Court. The Oaths of Allegiance
and Supremacy not excepted.

P. 137 -* Whereas, the keeping of fheep tends much to the benefit
vjd^the Laws at o f ^g Country, and may in fhort time make good fupply
towards the Cloathing of the Inhabitants if carefully pre-
ferved. And forafmuch as all places are not fit and con-
venient for that end, &c.

p I4f All fhips prohibited to unload till they have acknowledged

their Government, and greater impofitions upon fhipping of

England than others of New-England.

La^,Ide e to he The Execution of the Acts for Trade and Navigation
NfvSnlnd made ineradicable.

By which Laws and their Power and practice of making
others of like nature : It appears how neceffary it is that by
authority refiding in England thefe Northern Colonies, which
are endeavouring to improve, and have already fet up the
Principal Manufactures and Staple Commodities of Old
England, ought to be reflrained in the point of Government
and remain fubjec~t to, and immediately depending on the
Crown.

(16)

[Report by Sir Edmond Andros

HIS ADMINISTRATION OF NEW ENGLAND.]

(17)

14 r I^HE following interefting report by Andros of his proceedings in New
* England is copied from the documents relating to the colonial hiftory of
the State of New York, vol. iii. pp. 722-726; the original being preferved at
London. As will be noticed, this defence was made after the return of Andros
to England, and his appearance at the Council Board. No notes have been
added to it, fince the reader will find in our previous volumes the reply to
the affertions made in this review of the tranfaction in New England.

(18)

SIR EDMOND ANDROS'

Report of his Adminiftration.

[New England, V. 223.]

To the Right Hon ble the Lords of the Committee for Trade

and Plantations.

The Jlate of New England under the goverment of S r Edmond Andros.

HAT in the yeare 1686 S r Edmond Andros
was by commiflion und r the Create Seale of
England appoynted to fucceed the Prefident
Dudley & Councill in the goverment of the
Maffachufetts Collony, the Provinces of Hamp-
fhire and Maine and the Narraganfett Country, to w ch was
annexed the Collonyes of Rhoad Ifland New Plymouth and
the County of Cornwall.

In the yeare 1687. the Collony of Conneclicott was alfo
annexed and in the yeare 1688. he received a new Commif-
fion for all New England includeing the Province of New
Yorke and Eaft & Weft Jerfey, with particuler order and
directions to affert and protect; the Five warlike Nations
or Cantons of Indians, lying Weft from Albany above the
heads of o r rivers as far or beyond Maryland vizt Maquaes,
Oneydes, Onondages, Caeujes, and Sennekes, as the Kings

mbiects
(19)

fubje<5ts upon whom the French had made feverall incur-
fions, & to demand the fetting at liberty feverall of them
furprized and deteyned by the French, and reparation for
fundry goods taken from feverall Chriftians His Majefties
fubjecls in the lawfull profecution of their trade.

S r Edmond Andros upon receipt of his Commiffion went
to New Yorke and Albany of which the Indians having
notice, altho' they were then mett in Councill 'about goeing
to Canada came thither, and were fetled, and confirmed
und r his goverment.

He forthwith fignifyed to the Gov r of Canada His Ma ties
pleafure relateing to the Indians, and made demand from
him, purfuant to the above orders, and alfoe to quitt a con-
fiderable fort which by incroachment he had built at Oniagra
in the Senneka's Country fouthward of the Lake within
His Ma ties dominion, about one thoufand miles diftant from
Quebeck in Canada (notwithflanding all the endeavours and
oppofition made by the Govern 1 of New Yorke, before the
annexation) upon an advantageous pafs, neare the Indians
hunting places, capable greatly to annoy and awe the Indians
and obftruct and hinder the trade with them ; That there-
upon the Govern r of Canada did accordingly withdraw the
garrifon and forces from the fayd Oniagra and thofe parts,
and did further fignifie that the Indians by him taken were
fent to France, but would write to the King his mafter
about theire releafement.

The feverall Provinces and Collonys in New England
being foe united ; the revenue continued and fetled in thofe
parts, for the fupport of the government, amounted to about
twelve thoufand pounds p r ann m and all places were well and
quietly fetled and in good pofture.

The Church of England being unprovided of a place for
theyr publique wofhip, he did, by advice of the Councill,
borrow the new meeting houfe in Boflon, at fuch times as

the

(20)

[3]

the fame was unufed, untill they could provide otherwife ;
& accordingly on Sundays went in between eleven and
twelve in the morning, and in the afternoone about fower ;
but underftanding it gave offence, haftned the building of
a Church, w ch was effected at the charge of thofe of the
Church of England, where the Chaplaine of the Souldiers
p r formed divine fervice & preaching.

He was alwayes ready to give grants of vacant lands and
confirme defective titles as authorized (the late Corporation
not haveing paffed or conveyed any purfuant to the directions
in their Charter) but not above twenty have paffed the feale
in the time of his government.

Courts of Judicature were fetled in the feverall parts, foe
as might be moft convenient for the eafe and benefitt of the
fubject, and Judges appoynted to hold the Terms and goe
the Circuite throughout the Dominion, to adminifter juftice
in the beft manner and forme, and according to the lawes
Cuftomes and ftatutes of the realme of England, and fome
peculiar locall prudentiall laws of the Country, not repug-
nant therto ; and fees regulated for all officers.

That particuler care was taken for the due obfervance of
y e feverall Acts made for the encouragement of navigation
and regulateing the plantation trade, whereby the lawfull
trade and His Majeftys revenue of Cuftoms was confider-
ably increafed.

The Indians throughout the goverm 1 continued in good
order and fubjection untill towards the latter end of the
yeare 1688. by fome unadvifed proceedings of the Inhabit-
ants in the Eaftern parts of New England, the late rupture
with the Indians there commenced, feverall being taken and
fome killed, when Sir Edmond Andros was at New Yorke
more than three hundred miles diflant from that place ; and
upon his fpeedy returne to Bofton (haveing viewed and fetled
all parts to the Weft ward) great part of the garrifon foldiers

with

(21)

[4]

with flores & other neceffarys were imediately fent Eaft-
ward to reinforce thofe parts, and veffells to fecure the coaft
& fifhery, and further forces rayfed and appoynted to be
under 7 the command of Maj r Gen 11 Winthrop, who falling
fick and declineing the fervice, by advice of the Councill he
went with them in perfon and by the fettlement of feverall
garrifons, frequent partyes, marches & purfuits after the
enemy, fometimes above one hundred miles into the defart
further than any Chriftian fettlement in w ch the officers
and fouldiers of the ftanding forces always imployed) takeing
and deftroying their forts and fettlem ts , corne, provifion, am-
municon & canooes, difperfed and reduced them to the utter-
moft wants and neceffitys, and foe fecured the Countrey, that
from the faid forces goeing out untill the time of the late
revolucon there, and diforderly calling the forces from thofe
parts, not the leaft lofs, damage or fpoyle hapned to the
inhabitants or fifhery, and the Indians were ready to fubmitt
at mercy.

About the latter end of March 1688. S r Edmond Andros
returned for Bofton, leaveing the garrifons and fouldiers in
the Eafterne parts in good condition, and fufficiently fur-
nifhed w th provifions and all flores and imply me nts of warr
and veffells for defence of the coaft and fifhery.

On the i8 th of Aprill 1689. feverall of His Ma ties Councill
in New England haveing combined and confpired togeather
with thofe who were Magiftrates and officers in the late
Charter Goverment annually chofen by the people, and
feverall other p r fons, to fubvert and overthrow the gover-
ment, and in ftead thereof to introduce their former Comon-
wealth ; and haveing by their falfe reports and afperfions
gott to their affiftance the greateft part of the people, whereof
appeared in arms at Bofton und r the comand of thofe who
were Officers in the fayd former popular goverment, to
the number of about two thoufand horfe and foote ; which

ftrange

(22)

[5]

flrange and fudden appearance being wholly a furprize to S r
Edmond Andros, as knowing noe caufe or occafion for the
fame, but underftanding that feverall of the Councill were
at the Councill Chamber where (it being the Ordinary
Councill day) they were to meet, and fome pticularly by
him fent for from diflant parts alfo there, he and thofe with
him went thither. And tho' (as he paffed) the flreets were
full of armed men, yett none offered him or thofe that were
with him the leaft rudenefs or incivillity, but on the contrary
ufuall refpecl: ; but when he came to the Councill Chamber
he found feverall of the fayd former popular Majellrates and
other cheife p r fons then p r fent, with thofe of the Councill,
who had noe fuitable regard to him, nor the peace and quiet
of the Countrey, but inftead of giveing any affiftance to
fupport the Goverment, made him a prifoner and alfo
imprifoned fome members of the Councill and other offi-
cers, who in purfuance of their refpeclive dutyes and ftations
attended on him, and kept them for the fpace of ten months
und r fevere and clofe confinement untill by His Ma ties com-
and they were fent for England to anfwer what might be
objected them, Where, after fummons given to the p r tended
Agents of New England and their twice appearance at the
Councill Board, nothing being objected by them or others,
they were difcharged. In the time of his confinement being
denyed the liberty of difcourfe or converfation with any
p r fon, his own fervants to attend him, or any communication
or correfpondence with any by letters, he hath noe p r ticular
knowledge of their further proceedings, but hath heard &
und r ftands :

That foone after the confinem* of his p r fon, the Confed-
erates [took the] fort and Caftle from the Officers that had
the comand of them, whom they alfo imprifoned and dif-
perfed the few fouldiers belonging to the two ftanding Com-
panyes then there, as they did the reft, when they recalled

the
(23)

[6]

the forces imployed againft the Indians Eaftward (which two
Companys are upon His Ma ties eftablifhment in England,) in
w ch fervice halfe a company of the ftanding forces at New
Yorke being alfo imployed, the officers were furprifed and
brought prifon rs to Bofton, and the fouldiers difperfed, as the
remaining part of them at New Yorke were afterwards upon
the revolucon there. The other company was, and remained,
at Fort Albany and are both upon eftablifhment to be payd
out of His Ma ties revenue there. And the Confederates at
Bofton poffeffed themfelves of all His Ma ties ftores, armes
ammunicon and other implements of warr, and difabled His
Ma ties man of war the Rofe frigatt by fecureing the Comand r
and bringing her fayles on fhoare; and at the fame time
haveing imprifoned the fecretary and fome other officers,
they broke open the Secrys Office and feized and conveyed
away all records papers and wrightings.

Thofe Members of His Ma ties Councill that were in con-
federacy with the before menconed popular Majeftrates and
other cheife actors in this revolucon, tooke upon them the
goverment, by the name of a Councill, who not content
with the inconveniency they had brought on themfelves in
the Maffachufetts Colony, but to the ruine of the poore
neighbours, on the twentieth of Aprill gave orders for the
drawing off the forces from Pemyquid and other garrifons
and places in the Eafterne parts, far without the lymitts of
their Collony and where the feate of warr with the Indians
was, and to feize feverall of the officers, and for calling home
the veffells appoynted to gard the fea coaft and fifhery ; w ch
was done accordingly, and the forces difbanded when moft
of the fouldiers belonging to the ftanding Companys there,
were difperfed ; of which, and their actings at Bofton, the
Indians haveing notice, (and being fupplyed with Amunicon
and provifion out of a veffell fent from Bofton by fome of
the cheife confpirators before the infurreclion to trade with

them)
(24)

[7]

them) they were encouraged and enabled to renew and pur-
fue the warr ; and by the affiftance of fome French who have
been feen amongft them and engageing of feverall other
Indians before unconcerned, increafed their numbers, that in
a very fhort tyme feverall hundreds of Their Ma ties fubjecls
were killed and carryed away captive ; The Fort at Pemy-
quid taken ; the whole Cuntry of Cornwall, the greateft part
of the Province of Maine, and part of the Province of New
Hampfhire deftroyed and deferted ; and the principall trade
of that countrey, w ch confifted in a considerable fifhery, the
getting of marts, yards & c for the fupply of His Mat yes navy
Royall, and boards and other lumber for the fupply of the
other Weft India plantacons, is almoft wholly ruined.

By the encouragem' and p r fwafion of thofe of the Maffa-
chufetts the severall other provinces and collonys in New
England as far as New Yorke have difunited themfelves,
and fet up their former feparate Charter, or popular gover-
ments without Charter, and by that meanes the whole reve-
nue of the Crowne continued and fetled in the feverall parts
for the fupport of the Goverment is loft and deffcroyed.

The ufuall time for election of new Majeftrates at Bofton
comeing on in the begining of May 1689. great controverfie
arofe about the fetling of Civill Goverment; fome being
for a new election, and others that the Majeftrates chofen
and fworne in 1 686 before the alteracon mould reaffume ;
the latter of w ch was concluded on by them and the p r tended
rep r fentatives of the feverall townes of the Maffachufetts, and
affumed by the f d Majeftrates accordingly, and thereupon the
old Charter Goverment, tho' vacated in Weftminfter Hall,
was reaffumed without any regard to the Crowne of England,
and they revived and confirmed their former laws contrary
and repugnant to the laws and ftatutes of England, fetled
their Courts of Judicature, and appoynted new officers, and
have p r fumed to try and judge all cafes civill and criminall,

and

D (25)

[8]

and to pafs fentence of death on feverall of Their Ma ties fub-
jects, fome of whom they have caufed to be executed.

Alltho in the revenue continued on the Crowne for fup-
port of the goverment dureing his time, the country pay'd
but the old eftablifht rate of a penny in the pound p r Ann m
as given and praclifed for about fifty yeares paft ; the prefent
Adminiftrators have of their own authority, for not above fix
months, rayfed and exacted from the people of the Maffa-
chufetts Collony feven rates and a half.

Since this infurrection and alteracon in New England
they doe tollerate an unlimited irregular trade, contrary to
the feverall acts of Plantations, Trade and Navigacon, now as
little regarded as in the time of their former Charter Gover-
ment ; they efteeming noe laws to be binding on them but
what are made by themfelves, nor admitt Englifh laws to be
pleaded there, or appeales to His Ma tie . And many fhipps
and veffells have fince arrived from Scotland Holland, New-
foundland, and other places prohibitted, they haveing imprif-
oned His Ma ties Collector, Surveyo r and fearcher, and difplaced
other Cuftomhouse officers.

That they fent to Albany to treat with the Indians in thofe
parts p r ticularly with the Five Nations Maquaes & c and
invited them to Bofton ; which is of ill and dangeroufe con-
fequence, by makeing the fayd Indians p r ticularly acquainted
with the difunion and feparate goverments, and mewing them
the countrey and diforders therof, as far as Bofton, giveing
thereby the greateft advantage to the French of gaining or
fubdueing the fayd Indians and attempting Fort Albany (the
moft advanced frontier into the country and great mart of
the beaver and peltry trade) and of infefting other parts.

The forces rayfed and fent out by them the lafl fummer
notwithftanding the great encouragem 1 they prom if ed of eight
pounds p r head for every Indian fhould be killed, befides their
pay, proved neither eff ecluall to fuppreffe the enemy or fecure

the
(26)

[9]

the country from further damage and murthers ; and upon
the winters approaching the forces were recalled and the
country left expofed to the enemy, who have already over
runn and deftroyed foe great a part therof. And now by
the affiftance of the French of Canada may probably pro-
ceed further into the heart of the country, being foe devided
and out of ord r unlefs it mall pleafe His Ma tie by his owne
authority to redrefs the fame, and put a flop to the French
and Indians, and thereby p r event the ruine or lofs of that
whole dominion of New England & confequently of Their
Maj ties other American Plantacons ; endangered not only by
the want of provifions, but by the many fhips veffells, feamen
and other neceffarys in New England, capable to fupply and
tranfport any force, may annoy or attempt thofe plantacons ;
but may be by His Ma ties authority and comands effectually
fetled and p r ferved, and of fervice againft the French or any
other Their Ma ties enemys in thofe parts, with no greater land
force then is neceffary to be continued there, and a fufficient
revenue rayfed to defray the charge thereof, by dutyes and
rates as heretofore hath been praclifed amongfl them and is
ufuall in other Their Ma ties plantacons. Humbly fubmitted

E. ANDROS.
(Endorsed)

" S r Edmond Andres's Acco 1
" of the State of New England
" under his goverment.

Rec d 27 May. 1690."

(27)

[ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS,

Chiefly from the Maffachufetts Archives.]

(29)

PREFATORY NOTE.

15 TT 7E give in the firft place a copy of Andros's charges againft the Maffa-
' * chufetts Government in regard to its management of military matters,
from a copy printed in the "Hutchinfon Papers," in the Collections of the
Maflachufetts Hiftorical Society, 3d feries, vol. i. pp. 85-87. Next follows the
Reply made by the Agents of the Colony. Third, papers in reference to Lieut.
James Weems, whofe cafe was brought before the Royal Council. Fourth, we
give the report of the impotent conclufion of the accufations againft Andros
before the fame Council. Fifth, we prefent copies of various Addrefles fent by
the Colonial Government to King William, as being public documents of much
intereft and importance, together with the Inftrudlions given to the Agents of
the Colony.

(30)

Andres's Charges againft the Government.

[Reprinted from Mafs. Hift. Soc. Coll. 3d Ser. vol. i. pp. 85-87.]

An Account of the Forces raifed in New England for
Defence of the Country againft the Indians, &c. in the

year 1 688 difpofed into ten Companies of Jixty Men

each the feveral Forts built, and how the faid Forces

were pofted at the Time of their Ma ts Officers and fub-
verjion of the Government there in April, 1689.

Men.

156

Pemyquid.

SETTLED garrifon commanded by Capt.
Antho. Brockholes and Lieut. James
Weems of the ftanding forces, . . 36
A new company commanded by

Capt. Ting, 60

Another by Capt. George Minot, 60

Upon the infurredlion, the forces being withdrawn, and only
1 8 of the ftanding companies left in garrifon, the fort is fince
taken by the Indians and French, and the country deftroyed.

New Dartmouth, i. e. New Castle, &*c.

A fort commanded by Lieut. John Jordane of the^j

ftanding forces, 24 V 84

A company of Capt. Withington's, .... 60 J

Moft of the men drawn off, and others debauched, they feized
their officer and carried him prifoner to Bofton, and thereupon
the fort was deferted.

(30

[4]

A Redoubt on Damorafcotty River.
Relieved every week from New Dartmouth.
The men drawn off and place deferted.

Sacodehock, Newtown, Fort Anne, Pejepfcot. Men.

Thefe feveral forts in Kennebeck River were

1 80

commanded by Lieut-Col. Macgregory and Major
Thomas Savage, for which they had their own and
Capt. Manning's company,

The major and moft of the officers of the new forces revolted,
feized their lieutenant-colonel, drew off the forces, and thereby
deferted the feveral forts and river.

Falmouth.
A fort in Cafco Bay, commanded by Capt George ) fi

Lockhart with his company, j

The commander feized and forces withdrawn.

Saco River.

A fort commanded by Capt John Lloyd with his^j
company, and a detachment of 28 men from Major > 88
Henchman and Capt Bull, J

Kennebunke.

A fort commanded by Lieut Puddington, but to be
relieved from Saco.

Wells.

A fort relieved likewife from Saco.

The officers and foldiers at Saco all deferted, as did others
afterwards.

Merrymake River.

A company at the Upper Plantations, commanded )

by Major John Henchman, . j 5

As alfo all the militia of that river.

The officers and foldiers debauched and quitted their ftations.

Conneflicatt
(32)

[5]

Conneflicatt River. Men.

A company commanded by Capt. Jonathan Bull
at the Upper Settlement thereof, which, and all the 51
militia, was under the command of Col. Robert Treate,
The officers and foldiers deferted their pofts.

Befides 40 men more of the {landing companies,^
detached at firft and conflantly employed in that fer- > 40
vice in feveral parts, J

709

The feveral veffels employed for the fecurity of the coaft
and fifhery at that time were,

His majefly's floop Mary, John Alden commander;

The brigantine Samuel, John Wife well mafler ;

His majefly's new lloop Speedwell, John Cooke com-
mander, finifhed and ready to take in flores and provifions
for the eafhvard.

There were four flanding companies in New England
two at Boflon and eaflern parts upon eflablimment in Eng-
land two at New York and Albany upon eflablimment
there all difperfed except that at Albany.

There was alfo, at the time of the fubverfion of the
government, provifions in the refpective places or principal
garrifons fufficed to fupply the forces for above three months,
and all flores and implements of war neceffary for that fer-
vice.

Befides, at the flores in Boflon and in the caflle was fifty-
four barrels of powder, and about two hundred fpare fuzees
and fnap h. mufkets, byonets, and great and fmall mot,
hand-granadoes and all other utenfils of war.

E. ANDROS.

(33)

[6]

II.

[Mafs. Archives, Inter Charter, vol. xxxvi. p. 96.]

An Anfwer to S r Edmund Androfs's Account
of the Forces raifed in New England for Defence of the
Countrey againfl the Indians &c. in the Yeare 1688.

Humbly offered by the Agents of the Maffachufetts Colony
to the Right Hon ble the Lords of the Committee for the
Plantations.

| EGGING your Lordfhipps leave to Obferve in the
preamble of Sir Edmund Androfs's Account the
words (fubvertion of the Government) and after-
wards (Infurrection) which with fubmiffion Wee
take to be Expreffions of Difaffeclion to the prefent and a
vindication of the late foe Illegal and Arbitrary Govern-
ment, and doe moft humbly befeech your Lordfhipps that
what was done by the people of New England, with fo much
zeale and good affection, to fecure the Government there
to their prefent Majefties, may be favourably accepted and
vindicated from fuch unworthy and unjuft Reflections.

Upon the whole wee humbly reprefent to your Lordfhipps
that the new forts built by Sir Edmund Androfs were mere
fancies of his owne, ufelefs, (and foe efteemed by the experi-
enced Officers of the Army and others well acquainted with
the Countrey) to any purpofe of Defence as was pretended,
and may be eafily made [to] appeare unto your Lordfhipps
by the Mapp of that Countrey : and confequently the draw-
ing the fouldiers from thence hath been no prejudice to the
Countrey, nor hath any lofs or damage happened thereby,
but our frontier towns ftrengthened which in Sir Edmund's

time

(34)

[7]

time were not onely left naked but alfo feverall perfons
threatned for fortifyeing their houfes.

As to the particulars in the Account we declare as fol-
loweth.

Was a Garrifon fetled by Sir Edmund Andros whilfl p emaqu i d
Governor of New Yorke, and in the Beginning of the pref-
ent Warr put under the command of Capt. Brockholes, a
Papift, and for that reafon was ordered home upon the happy
Revolution ; which order he never obferved, but afterwards
being fufpected to be in a plott for deferting and running
over with the floope Mary to the French, was feized by the
Inhabitants of Dartmouth and brought to Bofton : And his
Leiftenant Weems att the requeft of the Inhabitants left in
his roome with all the ftanding Garrifon, not a man drawn
off. The other fouldiers were defperfed by Coll. Tyng and
the reft of the cheife officers, thofe that were fick to their
owne homes, thofe that were fitt for fervice to pofts that
required their Affiftance ; there being force fufficient left as
they judged to defend the fort. True it is that afterwards
that fort and about twenty houfes were taken and deftroyed
by the Indians, but it was imputed to the carelefs fecurity
of the Garrifon, and not want of men, the Towne being
furprized att noonday and noe fcout abroad.

Was deftroyed all but four or five houfes and New Towne New Dartmouth
all but one by the Indians in the time of Sir Edmund
Androfs's Government, done as was fuppofed in revenge of
Sir Edmund's feizing Monfier Cafteen's houfe and taking
thence all his arms and merchandize and houfehold goods
in time of profound peace : the faid Cafteen having married
an Indian Sachim's daughter, and fo the Indians were
allyed to his Interefts. The Town being deftroyed and
the Inhabitants fent to Bofton, Sir Edmond A.'s fort was
needlefs, there being nothing to preferve.

There being no Inhabitants there after that Dartmouth Redoupton

was
(35)

[8]

was deftroyed and deferted, Coll. Tyng and Major Thomas
Savage, officers in Sir Edmond's army and one of them of
his Counfell, advifed the deferting that place. And the
Fort Ann infiffnificant fort of Fort Ann, Peafipfcott, &c., as ufelefs,

Pegiplcott O . . . M * i /~. 11

there being no plantation in many miles of them. Coll.
Mack Gregory was feized by his owne fouldiers in regard
of his cruelty and feverity towards them, feverall for that
reafon having deferted him before the Revolution.

Being a fort erected at the charge of the fifhermen they
withdrawing their fifhery in- the fall of the yeare, the Gar-
rifon was withdrawne at their owne Inftance.

A fort built formerly by the Maffachufetts Colonye is
Bay ftill continued and better furnifhed and provided then in Sir
Edmond's time. Capt. Lockhart, a reputed Papift was by
order of Counfell for that reafon difmift, and Silvanus Davis,
an Inhabitant of that place and formerly Commander of
that fort, put in his roome. Here it was the Indians career
was ftopt and they defeated by the forces raifed fince the
Revolution by the United Colonyes.

Sao* River fort was deferted in Sir Edmond's time for want of necef-
faryes and provifions for the fouldiers, and Capt. Floyd him-
felfe made a prifoner by Sir Edmond upon his comeing to
afke provifion for the neceffarye fubfiftance of that Garrifon.

We know of no fort there.

is ftill well Inhabited and many houfes there fortifyed and
Capt. Willard with his Company pofted there by order of
Counfell for their fecuritye.

and many other places upon the Revolution changed the
Officers they could not truft, but Major Henchman keeps
both his ftation and command there. All our frontier
Townes have had recruits fent them by order of Counfell
for the fecurity of the Country, which was much neglected
and weakned in Sir Edmond's time by drawing fouldiers
thence to build and fupply the trifling forts before men-

tioned Continues

(30)

[9]

Continues as it was, only Coll. Treate finding no occafion c
for fo great force as was fent thither by Sir Edmond, drew Rwer
them off before the Revolution : After which that Colony
reaffumed their ancient Goverment, chofe the faid Coll.
Treate, Governor, and hath fuffered no damage by the
Indians.

The Sloope and Brigantine with other veffells pretended
to be preft for his Ma ties ufe in the fervice of the Country
were cheifly imployed to carry fouldiers to and fro att Sir
Edmond's pleafure. We know not that they were at all
made ufe of for the fecurity of the coafl or fimery, or that
they were fitt for that purpofe or need be fo imployed att
that feafon of the yeare. True it is there was great com-
plaint that thofe who ferved with them were never payed,
which made Sir Edmond's Government more uneafy.

The Handing forces Sir Edmond was reputed to have
brought with him to New England were about 120 men,
which he ported att Pemaquid, Bofton and the Caftle, fome
of which dyed, fome deferted in Sir Edmond's time : And
when the warr with the Indians brake out, he took part of
them att Bofton and att the Caftle with him for that fervice.
What became of them Sir Edmond can beft tell ; we are
well affured that not a man perimed by the hands of the
Indians, nor any Indian was hurt by them or any of his
forces.

We have not an exact Inventory of the provifions and
ftores found in the Garrifons att the time of the happy
Revolution, but can averr that the principall Garrifons were
fupplyed from Bofton : and the Men that were fent out for
the Reinforcement of the Army were furnifhed with neceffa-
ryes for warr att the charge of particular perfons, and not
one penny from the Treafury.

All which account aforefaid we have either by our owne
Knowledge or the beft Informations which were from time

(37)

[10]

to time tranfmitted to the Government during our aboade
in New England.

The Occafion of our prefent Diftrefs is the warr between
the two Crownes of England and France which prevents all
fupplyes from England, and by the A61 of Navigation we
cannot have them elfewhere. That as our ftores are leffened
fo our neceflityes are increafed, the French being a potent
Enemy and a near Neighbour, we need not labour under
greater Inconveniences : and the mifcheifes of the inter-
ruption of our antient Government not yett recovered.
Wee therefore humbly propofe that for a prefent Releife the
veffell may be difpatched with Convoy and leave given to
merchants to fliipp armes and ammunition as followeth, viz 1
1000 fuzies, 200 barrells piftoll powder, 50 barrells cannon
powder, 20 tunn Lead.

Whereby we mall be able (God bleffmg Endeavors) to
Defend our felves. And if his Ma ty mall think fitt to attempt
the Reduction of Canada (now fo prejudiciall to their Ma ties
Colonyes in America) we mail with all chearfullnefs and
refolution give our utmoft affiftance thereto, not doubting
by his Ma ty will of his inviolable Juftice and Royall Bounty
continue and eftablilh to us our ancient Rights and privi-
lidges.

MAY 3oth, 1690.

(38)

III.

[Mafs. Archives, Inter Charter, vol. xxxvi. p. 436.]

To the right honorable the Lords of their

Maje/lies Mojl honorable Privy Council.

16 The Anfwer of the Agents of the Governour, Council and Reprefenta-
tives of the Colony of the Maffachufetts Bay in New England (as far
forth as they are any waies concerned) to the petition of Lieut James
Weems.

HESE Refpondents with all humility doe lay
before your Lordfhips, that they are only im-
ployed and entrufted by and on the behalfe of
the f d governour, Councill and Reprefentatives,

and

to Difplace the Governor and all the
Gentlemen under his command, I am
refolved to take my fortune with them.
Therefor I advife you to haften and
fend your forces and take pofleffion of
Lieut. Weems, but the matter was of this place, for I cannot promis to fecure

18 The following is the corrected
draft as prefented to the Council ; a
rough draft is alfo in Mafs. Archives,
vol. xxxv. p. 384. There are many
documents in the feries relating to

too little importance to be worth any
long account of it. The Anfwer is
here given fimply becaufe it was made
to fo high a tribunal as His Majefty's
Council. The following letter will be
fufficient to mow the pofition Weems
occupied ; it is copied from Mafs.
Archives Revolution, vol. cvii. p. 139.

PEMAQD June 23<i.'89.
Gen*

Yours I have reed wherein you pro-
pofe very fair in the refpecls of y e time
to come and till further orders, provid-
ing it might ftand with my Advantage
and Honor, I would imbrace : but I
muft tell you, y* my Dependance is
elfwhere where I hope to be more
fervifable to my King and Countrey
y n here, for fmce you have feen caufe

(39)

it, my men being all refolved to leave
me, as fome have dune already ; but
have prevailed with them for a fhort
time waiting your fpeedy releaf, and
fatisfaction for their time. The 2oth of
this inftant arived two Captives which
I thought convenient to haften to you,
being defirous to know the ftate of the
Country and Indians, which they can
beft relate. Having no more to add
only my Humble fervis and remaine
S r Yours JAMES WEEMS.

I have ingaged you will fatisfey thefe
men for their Boate and time, itt pre-
fenting for the King's fervis ; agreed
for 3'i money

Superfcribed

To Mr. Simon Bradftreet, Efqr.,
Governor of Bofton.

[12]

and for no other part of New England, and that the Au-
thority and Truft that they have received is only to be hum-
ble fuitors to their Majefties for the obtayning a Grant and
Restitution of their former franchifes and priviledges, and to
ufe their lawful endeavours to juftify the proceedings of the
faid colony in relation to the late Revolution there.

And thefe refpondents, Sir Henry Afhurft, and Increafe
Mather doe fay that neither of them was in New England
during the tranfaclions in the petition mentioned and know
nothing thereof. And the other refpondents Elifha Cooke
and Tho. Okes doe not know that the fort of Pemmaquid
was fo diftreffed or taken by reafon of fuch defect or in
fuch manner as the petition fets forth ; and doe apprehend,
that the Government of that Colony can make it appear
that the petitioner hath not truly reprefented matters in his
petition. And none of thefe refpondents know that the
^172. 6. 10 in the petition mentioned or any part thereof is
due to the petitioner ; And if any thing be due and unpaid
to him they humbly conceive that had he ftayed upon the
place or mail make application to that Government that he
might or will receive his due. However thefe Refpondents
denye that they were or are anywies entrufted or had or
have any Authority from or effects of the faid Government
in their hands, or power to pay the petitioner his demands
or any part thereof. And humbly hope they cannot be
thought lyable or mail be any waies compelled to pay the
fame.

MARCH i8th, 1690.

Signatures torn off.

(40)

HEN ASH[URST.]
INC[REASE MATHER.]

[13]

IV.

[Mafs. Archives, Inter Charter, vol. xxxvi. p. n.]

Report of the Council advijing Andros s AcquitaL

Ax THE COURT AT WHITEHALL
THE 24 OF APRILL 1690

PRESENT

The King's Moft excellent Majefty

His Royall Highnefs P. George of Denmark. Earle of Torrington

L d Prefident Earle of Scarbor

Duke of Norfolke Earle of Warrington

Duke of Boulton Earle of Montague

L d Steward Vifcount Newport

Earle of Oxford Vifcount Sydney

Earle of Shrewfbury L d Bifhop of London

Earle of Pembrooke Sir Robert Howard

Earle of Bath Sir Henry Capell

Earle of Macklesfield M r Comptroller

Earle of Nottingham Mr Vice Chamberlaine

Earle of Portland Mr Chancellor of the Excheq*

Earle of Faulconbridge L d Cheife Juftice Holt

Earle of Marlborough Mr Bofcawen

Mr Powle

The Right Honorable the Lords of the Committee for Trade and
Plantations having this day prefented a Report to his Majefty in
Councill in the words following, viz :

May it p leaf e your Majefty.

[OUR Majefty having by your Letters dated the
3oth day of July laft, to the prefent Government
of the Maffachufetts Baye in New England,
Signified your pleafure that Sir Edmund Andros,
late Governour of that Territory and others that had been
feized by the people of Bofton upon the late Revolution and
deteined there under confinement, for the fpace of ten
months, mould according to their humble requeft made to
your Majefty in Councill, be fent into England by the firft
Opportunity to anfwer before your Majefty what might

be
F (40

be objected againft them. We have accordingly on the
loth inftant, been attended by Sir Edmund Andros and
others lately imprifoned in New England, As alfo by Sir
Henry Afhurft, Mr. Elifha Cooke, Mr. Increafe Mather,
Mr. Thomas Oakes, who then declared themfelves unto us
to be Agents for the faid Government of the Maffachufetts
Bay.

But by reafon of the late arrivall of fome of them into
England, defired they might be allowed further time to pro-
duce their Credentialls and Charges againft the faid Sir
Edmund Andros and others forefaid : which Charge having
been brought in on the Monday following, We were, ac-
cording to our directions attended on Thurfday laft by Sir
Edmund Andros and fuch as were lately Imprifoned in
New England, and by Counfel learned on both fides.

At which time the Counfel learned for the people of the
Maffachufets Bay, as they termed themfelves, having been
afked by us whether any perfon were ready to figne or owne
the faid charge, no perfon could then be found or named
unto us, upon our Inquiry to figne or owne the fame.

So that as we fee no matter of complaint or charge
againft Sir Edmund Andros and others aforefaid, to proceed
upon, we do therefore most humbly offer our Opinion to
your Majefty that the faid Sir Edmund Andros and other
Perfons lately Imprifoned in New England and now attend-
ing your Majefty, be forthwith difcharged and fet at liberty,
and that the faid Paper or Charge, which has not been
figned or owned, may be difmiffed ; inafmuch as nothing has
been objected againft the faid Sir Edmund Andros and
others, by the prefent Government of the Maffachufets Bay
or their Agents, at the times appointed by us, in purfuance
of your Majefty 's pleafure fignified to them in that behalf.

Which is neverthelefs mofl humbly fubmitted.
COUNCILL CHAMBER, i;th of Aprijl, 1690.

His
(42)

His Majefty in Councill is pleafed to approve of the faid
Report and to order that the paper or charge therein men-
tioned as not being figned or owned by any perfon, be dif-
miffed this board: And that Sir Edmund Andros, late
Governor of New England and others that have been feized
by the people of Bofton upon the late Revolution and now
attending his Majefty, be forthwith difcharged. As they are
hereby difcharged and fett at Liberty according to the faid
Report.

Ex.

CHA. MONTAGUE.

Coppy.

[Mafs. Archives, Inter Charter, vol. xxxvi. p. 125.]

To the Kings mojl Excellent Majefty.

17 The humble Addrefs and Petition of the Governor and
Councille and the Reprefentatives of the Colony of the
Maffachufetts Bay; convened in Generall Court at
Bofton.

May it p leaf e your Majejly.

JE have been honoured with the Receipt of your
Majefty's feverall gracious Letters of the 3Oth
July, the 1 2th & i5th of Auguft laft paft, and
do with all humble and hearty thankfullneffe
acknowledge the Goodneffe of God in the Favour we have

. found

17 Although this Addrefs is not dated, It will be noticed that it fays that the

we prefume that it was prepared early King's orders about Andros "are now

in February, 1690, and was fent in the attended [to] by this firft opportunity

veffel that carried Andros to England, of fhipping." So alfo in the nextdocu-

(43) ment >

found in your Majefty's gracious Acceptance and Anfwer
of our former Addreffes ; and that your Majefty hath been
gracioufly pleafed to Authorize and impower us to continue
the Adminiftration of the Government over this your
Colony ; which we humbly informed your Majefty we were
in the Exercife of according to Charter Rules. Your
Majefty's commands relating to the Rofe frigatt \vere forth-
with Obferved. And your other Commands for the fend-
ing home Sir Edmund Androfs and others alike feized and
under confinement, are now attended by this firft oppor-
tunity of Shipping. We have alfo difpatched fome Gentle-
men from hence to wait upon your Majefty with this our
Addrefs, having impowered them together with fome others
already concerned for us upon the place to manage our
Affaires; on whofe behalfe we humbly fupplicate your
Majefty's favour. We are fenfible that there are thofe who
have been induftrious to inkindle and foment difturbances
among us, that they might have plaufible pretences to mif-
reprefent us ; which carriage of theirs is the leffe furprizing
to us, when we reflect upon many of their words and
Actions manifefting their difaffeclion to the Alteration of
the Government in England. We alfo crave leave humbly
to acquaint your Majefty that feverall ill men combining
together have committed divers felonys and Pyracys and
that we might put fome ftop to their progrefs in fo foul a
defigne, we were neceffitated to grant CommiiTions to fup-
prefs, bring in and fecure them ; in w r hich Enterprife the
Captaine commiffioned for that fervice was flain and four of
the Pirates. Notwithstanding which and during the Im-
prifonment of the remainder, others were fo mfolently

hardy

ment, of 29 March, 1690, it is faid they mentions alfo a letter from the Govern-
fend duplicates "of our Addreffes and ment, directed to the Earl of Notting-
letters [of date of] about fix weeks ham, which we may prefume to be this
fince." Again, the receipt of Capt. Addrefs, as the Earl was Principal
Bant for Andros and the other prifoners Secretary of State.

(44)

hardy as to furprize. and run away with another Veffell and
her Cargo. Thefe daring mifchiefes conftrained us for the
neceffary prefervation of the peace, after Tryal and con-
demnation to order 'the Execution of fome of the Inftiga-
tors and Leaders of thofe Enemys of Mankind, for the
deterring of others from the like intolerable practices :
having Confidence that what hath been done in that regard
will be no wife offenfive to your Majefty.

We humbly fupplicate your Majefties Grace and Favour
for the continuance and confirmation of our Ancient Char-
ter Rights and priviledges both Civil and Sacred ; for the
Obtaining of which the Eftates and lives of our fathers and
predeceffors were expended ; by which means our Libertys
are become the more dear unto us, upon account of their
own innate worth, and what they have coft us with no
charge to the Crowne. From which confideration we per-
fwade ourfelves that your Majefty out of your Clemency
and Juflice will effectually confirme us in the poffeflion of
them ; which as we humbly conceive will be a very honor-
able purfuance of your Majefty 's moft gracious Declaration
in order to your defcent into England.

May God bleffe your Majefty with a long and profperous
Reigne,

So prays
Royal Sir,

Your Majefties very Loyal and dutifull fubjecls
and humble fuppliant, the Governor and Coun-
cill and Reprefentatives of your Colony of the
Maffachufetts

S. BRADSTREET, Governor.

(45)

[Mafs. Archives, Inter Charter Papers, vol. xxxv. p. 374.]

Maffachufetts Government to the Earl of
Shrewfbury.

Right Hon(f !e

May it p leaf e your LordJJiip.

\ E have difpatched this Exprefs with the duplicates
of our Addreffes and letters about fix weeks
fmce, by the hands of our Agents (who we hope
are fafely arrived) and farther to lay before their
Majefties the prefent flate and condition of their Colonys
and plantations in thefe parts, being annoyed and infefted
with both French and Indian Enemys, the firft (tho formerly
more Secret in the animating and fupplying of the Indians
againft their Majefties fubjecls) have of late openly appeared
and joyned to their Affiftance in the a6tual affaulting and
defolating fome more remote Villages and Plantations of
the Englifh, as Scheneclady upon Hudfon's River about
twenty miles above Albany, and Salmon Falls, a Plantation
upon a branch of Pifcataqua River (altho the loffe of both
muft principally be attributed unto their own deadly
fecurity and treachery of the Enemy) the Enemy having
killed and captivated at both places 150 or thereabouts
men, women, and children.

We have not been wanting on our part to doe our utmoft
to intend the fafety and prefervation of the whole of their
Maj ties intereft, and had men in Garrifon at both places
mfficient with their own Inhabitants to have repelled the
force of the Enemy. We are certainly informed by the
Examination of fome French prifoners lately brought in,

that
(46)

that the French from Canada have five or fix hundred out
joyned with the Indians in feverall partys towards this
country eaftward and weftward, which hath neceffitated our
confederation of the moft effectual means to refift and repell
the further attack of that Vigilant and reflleffe Enemy.
And together with the enforcing of our Frontiers, exciting
of the Maquas and other Indians engaged with us to alarme
and moleft the Enemy by Land, have refolved upon an
Expedition againfl them by Sea to Port Royal and other
places adjacent, where they have taken feverall of our fifhing
veffells ; and are fetting forward the fame under the conduct
of Sir William Phips. It being the General opinion of the
whole Countrey that there is no expectation of the putting
an Iffue to the Indian Warr, nor will their Majefties fubjects
here ever live in peace, but by the diflodging and removal
of thofe ill neighbours, the French ; their increafe and
ftrengthening themfelves in thefe parts being judged utterly
inconfiftent with the intereft of the Crown of England.
God fucceeding this prefent attempt, it will greatly encour-
age to an attack upon Canada ; if his Maj ty be pleafed to
countenance the fame, and to afford fome affiftance of Ship-
ping with a fpeedy fupply of ammunition, of which we are
in great want, and can hardly fpare fufficient to furnifh the
prefent Expedition. We have been humbly bold to fuppli-
cate his Majefhy to order a fupply of Arms and ammunition
for us ; and that this fmall veffell cheifly fent on that occa-
fion may be permitted fpeedily to returne, that we may not
be unprovided for our neceffary defence and to refift the
affaults of the Enemy.

Right Hon ble

We humbly pray the Hon r and advantage of your Lord-
fhip's favourable Reprefentation of the- promifes on our
behalf e unto his Majefty, and your Lordfhips affiftance and

furtherance

(47)

[20]

furtherance of our Agents ; whome we have directed to
wait upon his Majefty on occafion of this and other our
Publick affaires.

Praying your Lordfhips Profperity, we fubfcribe R*
Hon ble

Your Lordfhips fmcerely devoted and moft
humble ferv ts-

S. BRADSTREET Gov r in the name
of the Councill.

BOSTON, 29 March,
1690.

[Mafs. Archives, Revolution, vol. cvii. p. 219.]

Letter of the Governor and Council to the
Earl of Shrewfbury.

R* Hon ble

May it pleafe your Lordf*

[CCORDING to our Obligation of Duty and fin-
cere affection to y r Maj ties Service, we have by
fundry occafional Conveyances as well as by one
exprefs, formerly prefented your Lord pp with an
Account of the publick affaires of their Maj ties Colonys in
New England, and efpecially in reference unto a bloody
Warr begun and carrying on againft their Majefties Sub-
jects and Intereft in thefe parts by a Combination of French
and Indian Enemies, who by Reafon of the difperfion of
the Englifh Settlements, the many Rivers and hideous
Woods in the Eaftern parts (which hitherto hath been the
Principal Seat of the Warr) and the bafe treacherys and

fculking
(48)

[21]

fculking of the Enemy, have gained Advantages by furprizal
to perpetuate divers horrid and barbarous Outrages, Spoiles
and Devaftations of the Englifh dwellings.

And it is the Concurrent Opinion of the whole that
notwithftanding the great charge and Trouble we have
been at in raifmg and fending out men, provifions and other
fupplys to their Affiflance and Releif, that we cannot fecure
and defend the Remote Plantations whilft the Enemy forage
and live upon us at our dwellings and anoy us upon all
Quarters by fending forth Partys, in the mean time being
quiet at home ; fo that upon confultation had, it is con-
cluded to Raife an United Force within their Majeflies
feverall Governments as far as Virginia, to attack them in
their owne Country, and that the forces from the Weftern
Colonys joyne with the 5 Nations of the Indians in friend-
fhip with us, to make their defcent upon Canada from
Albany, whilft at the fame time we fend by fea to attack
them at Quebeck ; for which preparations are accordingly
makeing to the utmoft of our Capacity with fuch Shipping
as we have to fet forth, expecting that we mould before this
time have received his Majeftys Commands reflecting that
Affair, and fupplys of Arms and Ammunition as we humbly
fupplicated in our laft : but the Seafon of the Year is fo far
fpent that an Omiffion of a little time longer may loofe the
Opportunity for this Summer, and the Enemy by their
Continual incurfions may utterly wafte our Remote Plan-
tations before another feafon.

We are not unfenfible of the Greatneffe and chargeable-
neffe of the Undertaking and Vr.ft import thereof: nothing
leffe than Neceffity could have forced us thereto without
their Majefties Gracious encouragement and fupply of fliip-
ping. The Voice of Providence in the Generality of the
People, being extraordinarily fpirited and importunate to
engage therein, befpeaking fetting forward the fame, looking

at
G (49)

[22]

at it as the Principal means under God for their fafety and
defence by removing and cutting off fupplys and aids to the
Enemy, and a fpecial Service to their Majefties for the
Prefervation of their Intereft, hoping for their Majefties
favourable Acceptance of our fincere Intentions and En-
deavours to promote their Honor and Intereft and the fafety
of their Subjecls under our care.

We formerly forwarded the Intelligence of the fuccefs of
the Forces fent to Fort Royal who have reduced that place
unto the obedience of the Crowne of England, and awaite
their Majefties fettlement thereof ; it will be our rejoycing if
God pleafe to honor us in improving us as Inftruments of
further fervice by fmiling upon the prefent Expedition.

In a late engagement of two of our Companys with a
confiderable Number of the Enemy, French and Indians
whome they haply difcovered neer a fwamp early in a morn-
ing bufied about making ready their breakfaft, ours had the
Opportunity of falling upon them before they were difcryed,
and entred into a fharp difpute for 3 or 4 houres time
by brifk firings on both fides, in which many of them were
flaine and wounded, fome of principal note, and had
probably been totally defeated, had not a frefh Party come
in to their Affiftance. This is the moft considerable Action
that we are certain to have done upon the Enemy, and tho
our lofs (not fo great in Number as in fome of more efpecial
ufe and fervice) be matter of Lamentation, yet God is
greatly to be acknowledged in giving any Check to the
Enemy's Infolence, and we truft he is beginning to turne
his hand upon his and our Enemy.

Our Coaft is infefted by French Privateers and Pirates
which put us to no fmall Trouble and charge to fecure our
fhipping and fea ports againft their Invafion, and have two
Ships of Warr and another Veffell fent out to cruize in and
about block Ifland for fome who have lately made attack

upon
(so)

[23]

upon that Ifland, and hope to have a Good Account of
them in a fliort time.

R' Hon ble

We fear overmuch to trefpafs upon your Lord pps Pa-
tience, but accounted it our Duty humbly to lay before their
Majefties this generall Account of the prefent publick Af-
faires, humbly fupplicating their Majefties favorable Accept-
ance of our real Endeavours for their fervice, and gracious
Afpect towards their good Subjects of this Colony in a full
Confirmation of our ancient Rights and priviledges, that our
Agents now waiting at the Court for that End may be
fpeedily difmiffed home with Orders for the fame, which
will lay us under the higheft Obligations for ever to acknowl-
edge their Majefties Royal Bounty by the moft Reall demon-
ftrations of our Loyalty and Obedience.

Praying likewife the Continuance of your Lord pps favour
whereof we have experienced the fenfible effects, we take
leave humbly to fubfcribe

R< Hon ble

Their Majefties very Loyall and dutifull
Subjects and your Lord pps moft hum-
ble and fmcerely devoted fervants

SIM. BRADSTREET, Gov r

in the name of the Councill.

BOSTON in New England,
July igth, 1690.

[24]

[Mafs. Archives, Inter Charter, vol. xxxvi. p. 228.]

Governor and Council to the Agents.

BOSTON, November 29, 1690.
Honored and Worthy Sirs

IT is now more than nine months from the time of
our Agents departure, fent from hence with our
humble Addreffes to their Majefties for our fettle-
ment, fmce which we have not been made happy
with the receipt of a line from your felves, that might have
been of direction in the Conduct of our Publick Affayres,
circumftanced with fo many various difficulties. Although
fome not well affected to the prefent Goverment have not
been wanting to infmuate as if they had Intelligences of the
Iffue and ill fuccefs of our Affayres in England, and to
fpread abroad divers falfe Rumours reflecting the fame,
to amufe the People and make them uneafy, and thereby to
render the Adminiftration of the Government more difficult.
We do not herein intend the imputation of any Neglect to
your felves or Omiffion of opportunity's for convayance, being
fenfible that thofe fo acting have not been better furnifhed
with Intelligences ; but to intimate the Spirit that is found
among us and that the delay of a full Settlement, efpecially
confidering the conjuncture of our Affayres, hath been of
no little difadvantage.

We have not knowingly omitted any convayance to im-
part unto you, what from time to time hath occurred with
us in matters of moment, particularly referring to the Warr,
and the Expeditions fet forth againft the French and Indian
Enemy; a narrative of that to Port Royal and of God's
fmiles upon us therein hath been forwarded unto you and
hope is come fafe to hand, with our Letters advifmg of our

preparations
(52)

[25]

preparations to fet forth for Canada, which was accordingly
put in Execution.

The awfull Frowne of God in the difappointment of that
chargable and hazardous Enterprize, you will have a par-
ticular Account of in the Narrative accompanying of thefe ;
wherein whatfoever fome may charge as matter of blame
upon thefe or thofe Inftruments imployed in the conduct of
that Affayre, yet is the providence of God appearing againft
us in the fame, to be fpecially marked and taken notice of :
partly by the long continuance of contrary winds at their
Entring the River, retarding their voyage that they were
neer three times foe long going up as their paffage was to
the River's mouth, and notices thereby given to the Enemy
to prepare and opportunity to draw down their forces to
oppofe them. As alfo the withdrawing of the Land forces,
notwithftanding our preffing neceffity of a Reinforcement
of that expedition to keep the Enemy alarmed and buify
above, endeavouring all we could the profecution thereof.
Although the Indians (as is faid) fell fo greatly fhort of
appearance as they had promifed, Count Frontenac comeing
with his fouldiers to Quebeck but three dayes before our
mips got thither; and then the unfeafonablenefs of the
weather after their arrival there : and fever'al other particu-
lar providences concurring in this difappointment gives us
plainly to fee the finger of God therein ; and mail our
Father fpit in our face and we not be afhamed ! God
grant that we may be deeply humbled and inquire into the
caufe and reforme those fins that have provoked fo great
Anger to fmoke againft the prayers of his people, and to
anfwer us by terrible things in Righteoufnefs.

And no lefs of God's anger hath appeared againft us in
the lofs of fo many of our friends fent out in that Expedition,
and at their return by the contagion of the Small-pox.
Fevers and other killing diftempers, which upon a modeft

computation
(53)

[26]

computation (with thofe flain and dead of their wounds) we
cannot reckon up lefs than two hundred men in the whole
or thereabouts, whereof neer fifty are Indians. God is holy
and righteous in all his waies arid forever to be adored in
his wifdom and Sovereignty.

We are fenfible there will not be wanting thofe who will
endeavour to traduce and mifreprefent us in the defigne and
management of this fo chargable and hazardous an under-
taking, whereto, it being by moft apprehended, we were
enforced through neceffity for our own fafety, we can truly
fay we had no other ends therein but the glory of God, the
prefervation of their Majefties intereft and defending of
their good fubjecls of thefe Colonys againft the incurfions
and depredations of cruel Anti chriftian and heathen Ene-
mies, who were .the firft Affailants, and made their inrodes
upon us both in the Eaft and Weft laft fpring, and are
ufeing all their jefuitical policy utterly to root us out, as you
will fee by the inclofed Narrative of Capt. Davis, accounting
us (as the Englifh nation in general) Rebels for our Loialty
to their prefent Majefties.

We may not expe6t to live in peace, nor can their Majef-
ties Intereft in thefe parts be fecured, but by the fubdueing
and bringing under thefe malicious and bloody Enemies,
who are wickedly defigning and unweariedly induftrious,
fpareing no coft and bearing with the moft infufferable in-
juries offered them by the Indians, to profelyte and bring
them over unto their fide ; fo that they may have the fairer
advantage to infeft and lay wafte the Englifli plantations.
Nor can our Sea Coaft Fifhery or Navigation be defended
againft their Invafions without his Majefty fhall be pleafed
to afford us fome afliftance of fhipping and other fupplies,
which we defire you would humbly lay before his Majefty.
And if his Majefty fhall fee caufe to order the fetting forth
any frigatts for the reduceing of Canada, our Souldiers

(who
(54)

[27]

(who generally want neither fpirit nor refolution) are ready
to offer themfelves again to that Service.

It is not unlikely that you may meet with fome Com-
plaints of our countenancing or connivance at irregular
Trading, and not giveing due Encouragement to a private
Ship of Warr, that feized upon and brought in two Eng-
lifh mips from Newfoundland, that came thither from France.
You may truely anfwer, that we do not apprehend that we
are juftly to be taxed in the one or the other of fuch com-
plaints, and have not been wanting, to our power, to prevent
irregular Trading, by imploying of Officers to infpecl; and
informe as alfo to feize upon any fuch, and upon particular
Occafions granting forth fpecial warrants for the taking
hold of any acting in that kind, and fliall be alike carefull
to proceed againft them according to the direction of the
Law ; one Ship is at prefent under feizure in order to Tryal
on that account. And for the fhips brought from New-
foundland, one was feized being wholly difcharged of any
French goods (if fhe brought any) and reladen with fim ;
the other was feized with French goods on board ; the Cap-
tain laid his Informations and joyned Iffue againft both,
upon breach of His Majefties Declaration of Warr, inhibit-
ing of his fubjecls holding of communication or corre-
fpondence with the French King or his fubjecls ; in which
Declaration there is no penalty fet down nor Rule given how
to proceed againft any Ships or Veffels that come from
France ; and this was an Englifh Ship brought there
as the Merchant alleged to bring off himselfe and other
Englifh Prifoners and not trading from or to France within
the meaning of the King's Declaration. She was acquited
of that Information but afterwards refeized by the Country's
Officer for breach of the Acts of Trade, which being done
as is alleged in Newfoundland, fecurity is taken for the
Anfwering of it in England. The cafe of the other fhip

being
(55)

[28]

being differently circumflanced from this firft is tranfmitted
to the High Court of Admiralty to be there determined, of
which you may have a farther Account.

In the beginning of this month, feven or eight of the
Eaftern Indian Sagamores fent in a writing by the hand of
a Captive, and came themfelves to Wells to make Overtures
for Peace. Some Gentlemen from hence were appointed to
difcourfe them, but ere they came thither, the Indians were
all gone (fave one onely) pretending the time affigned for
their return was neer out, and if they ftayed that their men
would apprehend they were either kild or deteined Captive,
and fo mifchiefes might enfue thereupon. Our Gentlemen
difcourfed him that remained and agreed about the Ex-
change of Captives, and that thofe who came to fetch the
Captives mould be inftructed to receive what further Over-
tures the Sachims (who w r ould then be together) fhould
make concerning a Treaty, and agree of time and place for
the fame. Captain Alden, Captain Convers and fome
Gentlemen of Pifcataqua are Employed in this Affayre, an
Account whereof we may expecl; within a weeke or Ten
dayes at their Return ; the Englifh Captive that came in
faith they are very poor and low, have loft a confiderable
number of their men, and fome of principal note among
them, exprefs themfelves weary of the warr, and have this
feveral months been meditating how to mediate and bring
about a peace with the Englifli. The fuccefs of this; as
all our Affayres is with God, who we hope in all thefe darke
difpenfations of his providence will at length caufe light to
breake forth upon us on whome alone is our dependence and
Expectations.

Thus you may fee the Sea of trouble we are fwimming in,
nor are we altogether unfenfible of the great paines and
difficulties your felves are labouring under on our behalfe,
their Majefties Favourable Afpecl towards us and direction

for
(56)

for the future management of our publick Affayres and
Gracious Settlement of the Government is abfolutely
neceffary to be haftned unto us, which we are humbly
awaiting with longing Expectations and defire you to
follicit.

We are greatly thoughtfull about the difcharge of our
Debts at home and the making of fupplys to yourfelves
abroad ; there wilbe foon other Opportunitys for writing
you which we mall be carefull to improve ; and poffibly
then be able to give a more particular Accompt of the iffue
of the late great Expedition : wherein we doubt not you
will not be wanting to Endeavour their Majefties favourable
Refentment of our fincere Intentions for their fervice.

Giveing our hearty Refpects and Service unto yourfelves
and other Friends with you that wifh our welfare, we com-
mend you to the gracious Protection and guidance of God
both in your perfonal and publick Affayres you are Engaged
in on our behalfe, and begg your prayers for direction to
our felves in a right manageing of the Arduous Concerns
under our hands.

We fubfcribe

Your affured Friends and obliged Servants
SIM: BRADSTREET, Gov r

in the name of the Council.

For the Right Worfhipfull Sir Henry Alhurft, K nt baronet, Elifha Cooke,
Efq., the Rev. Mr. Increafe Mather, and Mr. Thomas Oakes, Agents
for the MafTachufetts Colony.

(57)

[Mafs. Archives, Inter Charter, vol. xxxv. p. 180.]

The Governor and Council and Reprefentatives of
the Colony of the Maffachufetts Bay, convened in Gen-
eral Court in Bofton.

To all to whome thefe prcfents fliall come, Greeting &c.

[NOW YE that by the act of this Court we have
nominated and appointed and by thefe prefents
do fully impower and authorize our honored and
trufly friends, Sir Henry Afhurft K 1 and Baronett,
Elifha Cooke, Efq., Mr Increafe Mather and Mr Thomas
Oaks, to be our Agents in England, or fo many of them as
fliall be refident there, to wayt upon their Majefties for the
negociation and management of the public affaires of this
Colony in the obtaining a full confirmation of our ancient
Charter Rights and Priviledges. And to endeavour the
fame by all due and lawful wayes and manner, and for what
elfe may concern us there, referring to the perfons now to
be fent into England in obfervance of his Majefties com-
mands, and our defence againft any that fliall mifreprefent
us, on account of the late Revolution or in anything tranf-
ated by our fo long fuftaining the Government fince that
time. Hereby ratifying and confirming what our faid Agents
or fo many of them as fliall be there refident fliall lawfully
ac~t and do by virtue of this Power, according to fuch In-
ftruclions as they mail receive from the Governor and Coun-
cil with the Reprefentative body of this people.

In teflimony whereof we have ordered the Common fele
of the Maffachufetts Colony to be hereunto affixed. Dated
the twenty-fourth day of January, Anno Dom 1 one thoufand

fix
(58)

fix hundred and eighty and nine. And in the firft year of
their MajefUes Reigne

SIM N BRADSTREET, Governor
By Order, Is A ADDINGTON, Sec y-

[NOTE. Dec. 21, 1689, the Reprefentatives had voted that Dot Thomas
Oakes be employed as agent, to join with Elifha Cook and others, defiring the
confent of the Magiftrates thereto.] xxxv. p. 142.

Inftructions for the Agents for the Colonie of the

Maffachufetts Bay in New England.

1. You will wait upon their Majefties and humbly prefent
our Addreffes fent with you.

2. You are to lay before his Majefty the intolerable In-
convenience that this Colony was expofed to by meanes of
the Arbitrarinefs and Illegallity of the late Commiffions and
by reafon of ill Inftruments in whofe hands principally the
execution of them lay.

3. The utter Inconfiftence that there is between the very
being of this Plantation and the mifchievous aims and
pra6lifes of the French King.

4. The juft and amazing fears this people were furprized
with upon the notice they had of the late King James's
being in France, left Sir Edmond Andros (whofe Governor
and Confidant he was) mould betray them into the power
of the French King, other circumftances -concurring to
ftrengthen thefe fears.

5. The defpair this people were brought to when inftead
of defending them in their juft Right and Properties thofe
in the late Government fought to turne them out of their

Lands
(59)

[32]

Lands and poffeffions upon which under God they had their
dependence for a neceffary Livelihood.

6. The probability there is that the prefent Warr with the
Natives was caufed by the Injury done to Mons r Caftiene
who is in affinity with them and has a great influence upon
them.

7. That you folicite in Parliament or elfewhere as may
be fit, the Confirmation of our ancient Charter and all its
Rights and Priviledges, Civil and Sacred.

8. You are to take care that what money has been
advanced in London by Mr. Stephen Mafon or others for
the ufe of the Maffachufetts be fpeedily payd them with due
thanks for their real fervice done to this Colonie by their
meanes.

9. You are to folicite that the liberty of coynage may be
allowed us.

Item. To lay before his Majefty the cafe of Pemaquid.

10. That you lay before his Majefty the great inconven-
ience we are under by the ill neighbourhood of the French
in Canada and Acadie and places adjacent, and pray his
fanclion and direction in that matter.

11. If there be opportunity you are to endeavour the
obtaining of fuch Priviledges as may be of further benefit to
this Colony.

SIMON BRADSTREET Governor

in the name of the General Court.

BOSTON the 24th Janu y 1689. [1690]
By order ISAAC ADDINGTON, Sec 7

NOTE. The addrefles referred to are evidently the documents printed on
p. 43. Probably Capt. Bant took all thefe papers, as well as the ftate prifoners.

(60)

[33]

[VoL xxxv. p. 126.]

[OTED by the Reprefentatives that the Treafurer
forthwith take care to provide bills of Exchange
for a thoufand pounds fterling payable to our
Agents in England towards the defraying the
publique charges of this Colony that are and may arife
there.

EBENEZER PROUT, Clerk.
DEC. 1 6th, 1689.

Confented to by the Council

Is A ADDINGTON, Sec 7

[P. 222.]

|RDERED that if the Agents for this Colony in
England lhall have occafion for more money
there than what is now advanced and ordered for
their fupplys, that they take up what mail be
neceffary upon the publick Credit, not exceeding the fum of
one thoufand Pounds, and draw bills upon the Treafurer
for the fame.

pafl in the Affirmative by the Reprefentatives

EBENEZER PROUT, Clerk

FEBY. 7, 1689.

Confented to by the Governor and Council, die predict,
ISA. ADDINGTON, Sec r .

(61)

[34]

Honored Sirs

[P. 371-

CHARLES TOWNE, y e 25 th March, 1690.

|HIS ferves to accompany foure Second Bills of
Exchange, with their letters of credit, viz., one
Bill from Sir William Phips for two hundred
pounds fterling, payable by Mr Hopefull Bendall,
merchant in London ; one bill from Corn 6 Samuel Shrimp-
ton for two hundred pounds fterling payable by Mr. John
Ives, merchant in London ; one bill from Mr Jeremiah
Dummer for fifty pounds fterling payable by Mr Edward
Hull, merchant in London ; and one bill from Capt Richard
Marting for fifty pounds fterling payable by faid Marting at
the fafe arrival of his fhip called the Bloffom, and in cafe
of his mortality to Mr. John Ives, merchant in London.

Alfo I have fhip d on board the fhip America Mr Hugh
Sampfon, comd r one hundred fourty and four barrills of
whale Oyle, and on board the floop Refolution, Mr W m
Welfteed comm dr one hundred fifty and two barrills of
whale Oyle and two thoufand five hundred of Read oak
hogfhead ftaves, all which faid goods goes configned to
Mr Stephen Mafon, merchant in London, on the proper
account and rifque of the Colony of the Maffachufetts Bay
in New England which is the nedf ull at prefent from

Sirs Yours to command

JOHN PHILLIPS, Treas r

[Indexed as Addreffed to the Agents. ]

(62)

[35]

[P. 299.]

JRDERED that the Sloop Refolution be forthwith
fitted up and defpatched away for England at
the publick charge with Advice to their Majef-
ties of the prefent danger their Majefties Colonys
in thefe American parts are in, of Incurfions by the French
in Canada, now in aclual hoftility with the Crown of Eng-
land. And of the want of Armes and Ammunition to
furnifh the Country for their defence. And that fome
Gentlemen or Merchants be defired to take up money on the
publick Account to load her at the beft rates they can
agree. The Treafurer, Mr Edward Bromfield and Mr
Jofeph Parfon are appointed a Committee to purchafe Oyle
or Logwood to load her without delay.

Voted in the affirmative by the Magiftrates

ISA. ADDINGTON Sec r
13 Men. 1689/90.

Confented to by the Deputies

EBENEZER PROUT, Clerk.

(63)

[DOCUMENTS

RELATING TO THE

Period of Andros's Adminiftration,

CHIEFLY FROM THE MASSACHUSETTS ARCHIVES.]

(65)

PREFATORY NOTE.

18 TN this fection it is propofed to give a feleftion of papers illuflrative of
-* Andres's adminiftration in MafTachufetts, taken chiefly from the Archives
at the State Houfe. The volumes of original papers there covering this period
are labelled " Usurpation" (vols. 126, 127, 128, and 129), " Revolution " (vol.
107), " Inter Charter " (vols. 35, 36, and 37), and " Political" (vol. 106), though
fome papers may probably be found under other headings, according to the
deteftable divifion made in the Secretary's office.

Befides the unpublifhed papers, there are many documents in print of the
higheft value. It has feemed bell, therefore, to prepare a chronological lift of
thefe, at leaft for the period embraced within the limits of Andros's connection
with Mafiachufetts. Some of the papers are of fpecial value in regard to other
colonies, but they will be calendared as of fecondary importance, at leaft, in our
own hiftory.

It is to be noticed that papers referring to Edmund Randolph are not
inferted in this lift, being referved for a fpecial calendar, in a fubfequent part of
this volume.

No attempt has been made to give any continuous part of the hiftory of the
times ; but from the Archives - fuch items have been felected as feemed moft
charafleriftic and entertaining.

(66)

Lift of Papers relating to Andros's
Adminiftration,

ALREADY PRINTED.

[The Collections of the Maffachufetts Hiftorical Society are marked " Col.
3d S. or 4th S." The Documents relating to the Colonial Hiftory of New
York, "N. Y. Doc." The Records of the Colony of Rhode Ifland, "R. I."
The Connecticut printed Records, " Conn. Rec."]

1685.
1686.

Oct. 13.

June 3.

Aug. 19.

Sept. 13.

Dec.

19.
8.

22.

1686-7. Jan.

ii.
28.

Feb. 1 8.

25.
28.

Judgment vacating Mafs. Charter
Orders in Council .

Andros's Commiffion

John Gould's Cafe

Inftructions about R. I. Charter . .

Petition about the Eleutherians . .

Pemaquid Subject to Andros . . .

Order to preferve Mafs. Records . .

Andros, Letter to R. I

Andros, Letter to W. Clarke . . .
Andros, Letter to Gov. Treat . . .
Andros, Letter about Conn. Charters
Petition of Richard Smith ....
Firft Council Meeting under A. . .
E. Tyng about Quit Rents in Maine
Petition of John Greene to the King
Specimen of Marriage Licenfe . .

Licenfe of the Prefs

Fees for the Cuftom Houfe . . .

Briftol Petition

Petition of John Maine of Cafco . .
Andros, Letter to Gov. Treat . . .
Andros, Letter to Gov. Treat . . .

(67)

. Col. 4th S. ii. 246.
. Col. 4th S. ii. 295.

( Col. 3d S. vii. 139.
' (R. I- iii. 212.
. Col. 3d S. vii. 150.

(Col. 3d S. vii. 163.
'I R. I. iii. 218.
. Col. 3d S. vii. 159.
. Col. 3d S. vii. 168.
. Col. 3d S. vii. 1 60.
. Col. 3d S. vii. 162.

( Col. 3d S. vii. 164.

( R. I. iii. 119.
. R. I. iii. 219.
. Conn. Rec. iii. 376.
. Col. 3d S. vii. 165.
. Col. 3d S. vii. 166.
. Col. 3d S. vii. 164-7.
. Col. 3d S. vii. 169.
. R. I. iii. 221.
. Col. 3d S. vii. 170.
. Col. 3d S. vii. 171.
. Col. 3d S. vii. 173.
. Col. 3d S. vii. 172.
. Col. 3d S. vii. 176.
. Conn. Rec. iii. 379.
. Conn. Rec. iii. 379.

[4]

1686-7. Mch. 30. Andros, Letter to Gov. Treat .... Conn. Rec. iii. 380.

Andros, Letter to E. of Sunderland. . R. I. iii. 223.

Andros, Letter to E. of Sunderland . . R. I. iii. 224.

June 13. Andros, Letter to Gov. of Conn. . j -c n ' *l c 'jji' ?**'

18. Andros, Letter from Gov. of Conn. . . Conn. Rec. iii. 383.
30. Papers relative to R. Wharton . . . R. I. iii. 225.

J. Ufher, Treafurer's Account . . . Col. 3d S. vii. 178.

27. Order relative to Pemaquid .... Col. 3d S. vii. 177.

July 9. Duke of Courland's Veffel Col. 3d S. vii. 181.

Petition of Eliz. Hammon Col. 3d S. vii. 181.

14. French Proteftants in Narraganfett . . Col. 3d S. vii. 182.
Aug. 6. Andros, Letter to Gov. of Port Royal . Col. 3d S. vii. 183.

8. Papers about Pirates Col. 3d S. vii. 184.

Petition of Jofhua Ratftock, fchool-

mafter Col. 3d S. vii. 186.

Petition of Ifaac Haulfey, trooper . . Col. 3d S. vii. 187.

24. About Wrecks in the W. Indies . . . Col. 3d S. vii. 188.
30. Shadrack Wilbore's Imprifonment . . Col. 3d S. vii. 191.

Oct. 22. Andros, Letter to Gov. of Conn. . . . Conn. Rec. iii. 387.

Nov. 23. Andros to Allyn Conn. Rec. iii. 392.

Dec. 5. Andros from Allyn . Conn. Rec. iii. 397.

Andros from Col. Talcote Conn. Rec. iii. 399.

1687-8. Laws for Conn Conn. Rec. iii. 402.

Jan. 26. Andros to Allyn Conn. Rec. iii. 438.

27. Andros from Allyn Conn. Rec. iii. 438.

Mch. 26. Andros to Allyn Conn. Rec. iii. 441.

1688. April 7. Commiffion to Andros N. Y. Doc. iii. 536.

16. Inftruftions to Andros J ; Y..DocJn. 5 43-

23. Andros, Letter to Allyn Conn. Rec. iii. 443.

May n. Inhabitants at Penobfcot Col. 3d S. i. 83.

23. Andros, Letter from Gov. Treat . . . Conn. Rec. iii. 444.

June 2. Hubbard made Pres. of Harvard . . Col. 3d S. i. 83.

Aug. ii. Andros, Letter to Gov. of Canada . . N. Y. Doc. iii. 555.

20. Acl: for raifmg Revenue Conn. Rec. iii. 447.

25. Andros, Letter to Gold Conn. Rec. iii. 448.

Sept 18. Conference with Five Nations . . . N. Y. Doc. iii. 557.

19. Andros, Letter to Gov. of Canada . . N. Y. Doc. iii. 557.
Oct. i. Andros, Letter to John Allyn . . . . Conn. Rec. iii. 449.

2. Andros, Letter from Dongan .... N. Y. Doc. iii. 566.

4. Andros, Letter to Privy Council . . . N. Y. Doc. iii. 554.

15. Andros, Letter from Allyn Conn. Rec. iii. 450.

16. Andros, Letter to Allyn Conn. Rec. iii. 451.

1688-9. J an - 2 5- Proclamation for a Faft Col. 3d S. i. 83.

Mch. 24. Subfcriptions for Epifcopal Church . . Col. 30! S. i. 84.

1689. April Account of Forts in New England . . Col. 3d S. i. 85.
June 28. Attack on Cocheca Col. 3d S. i. 87.

Relation of the Plantation of N. E. . Col. 3d S. i. 93.
(68)

Ls]

1689. June 28. Declaration of Sylvanus Davis . . . Col. 3d S. i. 101.
July 30. Orders to fend Andros to England . . Col. 3d S. vii. 191.
Aug. 3. Bradftreet to Gov. Treat Conn. Rec. Hi. 468.

14. Affidavits againft A. about N. Y. . . N. Y. Doc. iii. 659.

1690. April 14. Andros, Letter from Livingfton . . . N. Y. Doc. iii. 708.
May 19. Andros, Letter from Van Cortland . . N. Y. Doc. iii. 715.

27. Andros, Report to Com. of Trade . . N. Y. Doc. iii. 722.

Nov. 4. Letter from De Meneval Col. 3d S. i. 1 14.

29. Treaty with the Indians Col. 3d S. i. 112.

Epifcopal Minifters' Petition .... Col. 3d S. vii. 192.

1690-1. Feb. 20. Letter from John Cotton Col. 3d S. i. 117.

Petition to the King Col. 3d S. i. 120.

1691. June 8. Propofals to Capt. Kid Col. 3d S. i. 122.

C. Mather's Fables of the Birds . . . Col. 3d S. i. 126.

[Mafs. Archives, Ufurpation, vol. cxxvi. p. 36.]

J. Palmer's Letter.

PEMAQUID, July 4, 1686.
SIR,

| INCH my departure from Bofton have difcovered
that Cap 1 Phillip Severett, 19 Commander of the
fhip Johanna of Pifcattaway, hath lately failed
from Malligo to Penobfcott River within this
part of his Maj ties Collony of New Yorke, and
there unloading his Cargoe, being about 70
Pipes of Mallagoe Wines, 2 Pipes of Oyle, i of Brandy,
about 1 6 or 17 Barrells of Fruite : which was left on a
Bank of the River fide, covered part with a fayle and part

with

19 The cafe was tried in England by "Johanna" to him on his giving "fe-
the Privy Council, as the following curity to the value thereof to abide by
decree mows : fuch orders as fhall be made by your

PHILIP SIVERET. In Council, 25 Maty O r your Courts of Juftice in New
Jan. 1687-8. Ordered, to return the England." Ufurpation, cxxix. p. 4.

(69)

[6]

with Bowes, and two men left to looke after itt. And that
the empty fhip was gone for Pifcattaway; and have fent
the floop with orders to feize the fame : which they did
notwithftanding the Oppofition made by Cafteene, and
have brought 41 Pipes thereof to this Place, and am now
fending againe for the Reft : a particular account of all
proceedings have wrott to the Prefident, to whom Refer
you, and hope you will give all Affiftance to feize and fecure
the faid fhip that me may be proceeded againffc as Defired.

I am Sir

Your humble Servant

J. PALMER.

[Mafs. Archives, Ufurpation, vol. cxxvi. p. 387.]

Petition of Elutherian Immigrants.

To his Excellency Sir Edmund Andros, Goveror of his
Majefties Territories in New England.

JHE humble petition of Nicholas Davis, Nath.
Sanders, John Alberry and Daniell Sanders in
the behalfe of felves, families and the reft of our
Company that was on the fame accompt with us.
Humbly fheweth your Excellency that whereas we agreed
with fome gentlemen, here, namely Mr Richard Wharton,
Mr Simeon Stoddard, Mr Jeremiah Dummer, and Major
Gidney of Salem, for the fettlement of a plantation about
Cafco Bay to manure and fettle it according to articles
drawne upp betweene us, we have performed our parts and
have planted about fixteene acres of Corne, but in as much

as
(70)

[7]

as thefe gentlemen have not performed their obligation to
us in the which they were bound to fupply us that wee
might carry on the plantation, we were forced to defert the
plantation becaufe wee had not food to fubfift there, to our
great damage and undoing for now we are in a farr worfe
condition than we were before we went thither, not know-
ing what courfe to take to fubfift having worne out our
cloths and wafted the little we had. Our humble petition
to your -Excellency is that we might have relief in this
matter, for if we had forfeited our bonds to thefe gentlemen,
as they have forfeited their bond to us, the law would have
been open for them So that inafmuch as they have for-
feited their bond to us, our humble petition is to your Ex-
cellency that wee may [have] reftauration as your Excellency
mail thinke meet, which will oblige your poore petitioners
ever to pray for your Excellency.

[Mafs. Archives, Ufurpation, vol. cxxvii. p. 61.]

(Andros to Lords of the Treafury.)

May it p leaf e your Lordfhipps,

HAVE by this opportunity of his Ma ties Ship the
King Fifher, tranfmitted the Threafurers account
of all receipts and Difburfements relating to his
Ma ties Revenue here fince my arrivall which does
not more [than] anfwer the charge of the Government, of
all which have endeavoured to Informe myfelfe as much as
poffible in this time, and flated the prefent Revenue by the
neereft conjectures can be made thereof, with the mod
probable and eafiefl way effectually to Raife the fame fuit-

able
(70

[8]

able to the charge (a Computation wherof is likewife layed
before your Lordfhips) as the befl and moft certaine
method for his Ma ties Service in that particuler

The Incidentall Charges att firil will be Large being of
abfolute neceffity to make new Fortifications here and to
repaire thofe already made, much wanting the fame. That
on Caftle Ifland about 3 miles Diftant, fmale and noe wayes
fitted to Lodge a Garrifon. Wherefore have refolved to
make fome beginning and Lodgments on a Convenient
place at the South End of the Towne, called Fort hill,
which commands the Towne and all Avenues to the fame
by Land or Sea. Which is humbly fubmitted by

Your Lordlhipps

Moft obedient humble fervant.

BOSTON IN NEW ENGLAND,
Aug* 3 i" 1687.

Endorsed in fame hand : }

Copy of the Governor's Letter >
to the Lords of the Treafury )

[Mafs. Archives, Ufurpation, vol. cxxvii. p. 62.]

(Endorfed : the Governor to the Lord Pre/ident^)

MY LORD,

HAVE by his Majeftyes Shipp the Kings Fifher
tranfmitted to your Lordfhip the duplicates of
feverall ac~ts formerly fent, and copys of fome fince
paffed; with the Journall of the Councill to the

laft
(72)

[9]

laft of July, and purfuant to his Majeftyes commands received
the laft week, Capt. Francis Nicholfon was the 24 th inftant
fworne of the Councill ; and the 25 th His Majeftyes Gracious
Declaration for Liberty of confcience and Proclamation for
fuppreffing Pyrates &c. were publifhed here and fent to
other principall places A few which there being lately
apprehended for Pyracy, one accufed by a merchant of
Jamaica, the others taken in a Ketch that came into this
port, againft two of them Bills were found by the Grand
Jury, but on their Tryalls were acquitted.

I have lately received Letters from Governour Dongan
advifing of a war and incurfion made by the French of
Canada againft the Indians on this fide the Lake above
Albany and under New Yorke, where they mett fome dif-
appointment and repulfe by faid Indians, which is of import
to his Majeftyes Plantacons, above the heads of whofe
greateft Rivers the faid Indians inhabite.

I Hear that Monfieur Minviell is lately come from France
to be Governour of Nova Scotia or Accadie, (the late Gov-
ernour, Monfieur Perrott going home) and the Triggot that
brought him to attend on faid coaft.

That a Fortification is alfo defigned, faid to be at Port
Royall but not certaine where.

Some Fortification is very much wanted for his Ma ties
fervice in this place. That on Caftle Ifland about three
miles diftant being very fmall and no wayes fitted or
defigned to have lodged a Garrifon, fo that I intend as
abfolutely neceffary to make fome beginning and lodge-
ments in a convenient place at the South end of the towne,
called Fort Hill, very proper to command the Towne and
comeing in both by land and fea.

I have alfo fent the accounts of the Revenue and Dif-
burfements fince my time, with fome obfervations thereof
and beft manner of raifmg it to defray the charge of the

Government,
j (73)

[10]

Government, which humbly prefume may be eafily fo
effected, if his Majefty fliall think fitt to order the fame, or
Impower the Councill fo to do.

In obedience to his Majefty 's Commands I herewith like-
wife fend your Lordfhip the Reports on the claim made by
Richard Wharton, Efq., to certain lands at Pajepfcott and
of the claymes and pretences made to their Narragansett
Country or King's Province and hope his Majeftyes
Determination and Commands for faid places accordingly

and remaine Your Lordfhipps

Moft obedient humble Servant.

BOSTON IN NEW ENGLAND,
the 31 Auguft, 1687.

[Mafs. Archives, Ufurpation, vol. cxxvii. p. 77.]

(The Governor to the Secretary of the
Admiralty.)

SIR,

HIS is by his Ma ties fhip the King Fifher now
ordred home who in her Repairafon being found
more defective then expected has occafioned a
greater Expenfe and taken more time then thought
me would have wanted. But now as am informed by the
Captain and Officers is well fitted for his Ma t!es Service, who
have been very Induftrious and Diligent in Getting the
fame performed accordingly, and the captain demeaned
himfelfe well and kept the mips Company in very good

order.
(74)

order. And beleiving at his Returne he will give an
account to your Satisfaction, prefume to recommend him to
your favour as a good Officer for his Ma ties further Imploy,
which I doubt not but he will deferve and acquitt himfelfe
well any where.

His Ma tles fliip the Rofe having lately been in the Dock,
where Girdled and Repaired to the captains fatisfaclion, .is
now fitted and ready to faile, and Intend her to croufe on
this Coaft Eaftward as farr as Cape Sables, and between
that and Cape Codd, where is the Chiefeft of our fifhery,
for their better Encouragement, and to prevent the Defignes
of any Illegal Traders and Pyrates or Privateers

Monfieur Minviel, a new Governor for Nova Scotia or
Acadie arrived lately in a fmall French Friggat of about 16
guns, ordered to Croufe on the Coaft.

I have made a Battery and am now fortifying a place att
the South end of the towne called Fort Hill very proper
and abfolutely neceffary for his Ma ties Service, under which
is a good Channell clofe to the more, where convenient
Warehoufes may be made, and as am advifed, a Dry Dock
if Occafion. The fame commanding the Avenues to the
Towne by Land or Sea.

I am, Sir

Your moft faithful humble Servant.
Dated 5 Sept. 1687.

(75)

[12]

[Mafs. Archives, Ufurpation, vol. cxxvii. p. 225.]

His. Excellency's Anfwer to the Onnon-

dagos Proportions (which is alfo to the propofed
Treaty 5 nations ) about 30 of Octob : 1687.

AM glad the Brethren are fencible of my friendly
care and good Inclination for there fafety, I
making no Difference between them and any
other of his Majefties Subjects, and therefore am
come here this winter and brought men enough to affifl the
Brethren if need be. I have taken fufficient care for Corn
and Provifion for your wifes and children when they come
here, if the need mould require, and that in fuch places
where they need not fear the French or any of there Indians ;
but I hope there will be no need of it, for the Governor of
Canada feeing that I joyn with the Brethren, and that I
have taken it verry ill that he mould offer to warr with the
King of England's fubjecls without letting me know the
caufe of itt; upon which inftead of an angry letter as he
writt before, he writt a civiler letter pretending the Brethren
were the King of France his Subjects and not the King of
England's Now I am fending him a meffenger to lett
him Know that the Brethren are the King of England's
Subjects and that I will ftand by them to the Laft man, and
alfo to demand all the Indian Prifoners he has, Therefore
lett the Brethren take courage and fear nothing, for I beleive
he will fend one to me to defyre a Peace with this Meffenger

that

20 This report enables us to add to Oct. 22, 1687, in which he propofes to

the memoir prefixed to our firft volume be in Hartford about the end of the

the ftatement that Andros was probably next week. Still I cannot find any

at Albany in October, 1687 (see p. reafon for affigning this paper to Gov.

xxviii). In Trumbull's Conn. Records, Dongan, of New York, rather than to

iii. 387, is a letter from Andros, dated Andros.

(76)

that is now a going. Therefore I would have the Brethren
fend me Two from each nation of the wifeft men with power
from the Reft to give me their Advice in every thing that
is fitt to be done : for I am Refolved to doe nothing without
the Brethren, and the Sachims that come muft ftay here all
winter, and lett each bring a fwift man or two to run to the
Brethren upon all occafions
As for the men I defired, viz.

Sinikes 100

Cayoug 50

Onand. 60

Owye. 50

Maq 40

300 men

It is good for them to be at Skennechtady near att hand
where our men and they may join if need be.

I defyre the Brethren as I have often told them already
that what Prifoners they take neither to Kill nor Torture
them, but Keep them to Exchange for their owne Prifoners,
which I will let the Governor of Canada know.

Brethren the Mohoggs

There are four children lately taken at Chambly by you ;
I defire thofe that took them may bring them here and they
mail be Rewarded,* for they belong to a man and woman
that were gone for the Reft of there things and fo intended
to fteel away from the French and' to come to this govern-
ment: for there is a great many people that are running
away from the Governor of Canada; hearing that I give
more than he does and that he is unjuft with quarelling
with us (Now when I fay us, I mean the Brethren as wel
as me). But they are afraid of the Brethren, therefore would

have

* When you have faid this to the befides the Belt for the general Propo-
Maquas give them a Belt of wampum, fition.

(77)

[14]

have the Brethren not to doe any harm to people comeing
hither, but ty them and fo bring them here, * [and fend me
word that I may write to the Governer of Canada, for there
mail not a Frenchman be fent back till they give all the
Indians for them which they fo treacheroufly took.] provided
the number be not above 25.

I have writt the fame and fent them word by the Bearer,
but if you take any French not comeing here, Keep them
Prifoners in your Caftles and fend me word, which will be
a great means to ftrengthen us and weaken the French ;
for the Bofftoners, the befl men they have are minded to
come

Brethren of Oneyde :

You have done well in fending the Virginia Indian Prif-
oners upon my commands. Now I defyre you to bring me
the French woman that was taken at Cadarachqui. I hear
me is given to a family, which was very ill done. But let

that family bring her here along with , f and I will give

that family a good Reward

Upon this a Belt of wampum muft be given to the
Oneydes, befides the Belt upon the general propofitions.

I have fent 2 Gentlemen to England, one after another to
the King my Mailer to acquaint him of the French proceed-
ing, and alfo that if there be any of our Indians that were
taken Prifoners and fent to France, that they may be fent
home to their friends.

You are to acquaint all the Indians that the meffengers
that are gone now to Canada, have the fame fign as the
meffenger had before, and that they do them no harm.

[Ends near the bottom of third page of the MS., which is a rough
draft full of corrections and additions. I think, however, this is all the
paper.]

* This was in margin. f Word illegible.

(78)

[Mafs. Archives, Ufurpation, vol. cxxix. p. 237.]

Pierre Baudouin's Petition.

21 A son Excellence le goveurneur en chef de la nouvelle

Engleterre.

humblement Pierre Baudouin, difant
qu'il aplen a votre Excellence de luy accorder Cent
acres de terre en la defpance de Falmouth, prov-
ince de Mayne, et mefme ordonner au fieur Rich-
ard Clements, herpanture, en cette partie deputte de en faire
I'harpentement, apres quoy en faire fon raport aux fins,
qu'il foit delivre patentes ou baillettes de la ditte terre. Et
d'autant que par la fuite du f upliant du royaume de France,
pays de fa naiffance, caufee par les rigeurs quy cy exerce
centre eux de fa religion, il a preque tout perdu le bien
qu'il accedoit, et ce quy luy reftoit a efle employe a fon
tranfport et de fa famille en ces territoires, eftante au nom-
bre de fix perfonnes, ayant quatre petits enfance quy ne font
encore en age de gaigner leur vie. Ce confideration, mon-
fieur, il plaite a votre Excellence en continuant vos favours
enverce le fupliant, de luy faire delivrer la ditte baillette
pour dieu, et de 1'exanter pour quelques annees des Taxes
que sel . . nt sur les propriaitaires des terres.

Et le fupliant continura a prier dieu pour la profperite de
votre excellence, ayant desja paye au dit Clements, trante
quatre {hillings et deux penny en argent tant pour 1'her-

pantement

21 Every one will remember the name Society in 1849, p. 4, will be found the

of Pierre Baudouin, the anceftor of the tranflation of a fimilar petition, though

famous Bowdoin family. In Hon. evidently not the prefent one. I refer

Robert C. Winthrop's admirable ad- the reader to that addrefs for a moft

drefs before the Maine Hiftorical interefting account of the Bowdoins.

(79)

pantement de 90 acres de la ditte terre, ayant efte oblige de
vandre quelque effaits quy luy reftoient, a moyteye de jufte
pris, pour avoir argeant pour le dit Clements.

PIERRE BAUDOUIN.

[Mafs. Archives, Ufurpation, vol. cxxvii. p. 200.]

Sir Edmund Andros Knt. Capt. General

and Commander in Chief e of his Majefties Territory
and Dominion of New England, to Mr Richara
Clements Depiity Surveyor.

|HEREAS Pierre Baudouin hath by his petition
Defired a Grant of one hundred acres of vacant
Land in Cafco bay for his prefent fettlement and
Improvement, thefe are therefore to authorize
and Require you to Survey and lay out for the faid Pierre
Baudouin the faid quantity of one hundred acres of vacant
land in Cafco bay aforefaid, in fuch place there as you fhall
be directed to by Edward Ting, Efquire, one of his Majef-
ties Councill, and to make a platt or draft thereof, and
Returne the fame into the Surveyor's Office att Bofton,
that a pattent may be granted to him accordingly. And
for soe doing this fhall be your warrant.

Given under my hand and feal at Boflon, the 8th day of
Oaober, 1687.

(80)

[Mafs. Archives, Ufurpation, vol. cxxviii. p. 46.]

John Scott's Petition.

12 To his Excellency, Sir Edmond Andros, Knt. Captain
Generall and Governor in Chiefe of his Majefties
Territory and Dominion of New England.

| HE petition of John Scott of Rhode Ifland hum-
bly fheweth That your petitioner being fhortly
intended to undertake a Voyage for England to
looke after and order fome fmall Eflate lying
there of his own, being alfo imployed by his uncle James
Scott as his Attourney to difpofe and fettle fome Eflate in
England belonging unto him, and haveing occafion for the
Affidavits of fome perfons liveing at Rhode Ifland who knew
Each of their parents, to prove that they are the Children
and heires of John Scott and Richard Scott It being very
difficult and chargable to obtein the faid perfons to come
down to Bofton perfonally to teflify the fame before your
Excellency, and his Uncle James Scott aforefaid being im-
potent and wholey unable to undertake fuch a Journey.

Your Petitioner is therefore humbly bold to waite upon
your Excellency to know your Excellencys pleafure whether
if the affidavits of fuch perfons referring unto the premifes
being drawn up in due forme, may not be admitted to be

fworne

22 This petition prefents fomedifficul- Sylvanus. If this petition concerns the

ties to the genealogift. The prefump- fame family, it would fhow that Richard

tion would be that John claimed to be had alfo a fon James, and that John had

the child of John, and his uncle James a fon John not therein mentioned. A

to be the child of Richard Scott. It is tradition, unfupported by fufficient evi-

faid in the " N- E. Hist, and Gen. dence, makes this Richard Scott a mem-

Regifter," vol. xxii. p. 15, that Richard ber of the Scott family of Glemsford,

Scott, of Rhode Ifland, had a fon John co. Suffolk,
who outlived him, and who had a fon

K (80

fworne before one or more of the Councill refident upon
the place, and that your Excellency will pleafe caufe a Cer-
tificate to be annexed thereto under your Scale, for the Con-
firming and corroborating the Authority of the faid perfons
before whome the affidavits may be fo fworn : Or what other
Method of your Excellency will pleafe to direct for the
takeing of faid affidavits that fo they may obtein full Cre-
dence in England where they are to be ufed.

And your petitioner as in duty bound fhall ever pray &c.

JOHN SCOTT.
13 FEBRUARY, 1687/8.

[Mafs. Archives, Ufurpation, vol. cxxviii. p. 60.]

Chriftopher Talbot's Petition.

To Sir Edmond Andros, Knight, Captain General and
Governour in Chief over this his Majeftys Territory
of New E :

]HE humble petition of Chriftopher Talbot, Turner
in Bofton humbly fheweth That whereas your
petitioner with great pains and expenfe hath
found out an Engine ufefull for divers trades men
as turners, ropemakers, fmiths, and all forts of mills for
corne, fider, fawmills and almoft any thing that is to be done
by wheels with fails and alfo hath difcouvered to make a
boat fail againft the wind and tide, and fundry other things
with more eafe and expedition than hath been difcovered
hitherto either in Europe or America, and whereas his
Majefty and his royall prediceffors have at all times been
pleafed gracioufly to Encourage all undertakings of this

nature,
(82)

t'9]

nature, that whofoever finds out any new engine or inven-
tion profitable for the common good to grant their letters
patents for the fole ufe thereof.

Therefore your petitioner is humbly bold and beggs that
your Excellency will be pleafed to grant him your letters
patents for the fole ufe and improvement of the faid Engine,
in thefe his Majefties territorities of New E. for 14 yeares (as
is accuftomed) and that no other perfon fhall make ufe of the
fame or any fuch like without your petitioners confent.

Who is in duty bound and ihall for ever pray

CHRISTOPHER TALBOT.

[Mafs. Archives, Usurpation, vol. cxxviii. p. 270.]

William Hutchins's Petition.

To his Excellency Sir Edmund Andrews, Capt. Generall of
all his Majejlies Forces of New England, and Gover-
nour of all the faid Territory es.

1HE Humble Petition of William Hutchins, Inhabi-
tant in the province of New Hampfhire, in New
England, humbly fheweth That the. Lord hath
been pleafed through his Righteoufnefs to vifit
and correct your poore fupplycant about the fpace or terme
of Six yeares with untollerable foors all over his Body, Not-
withftanding he has made ufe the moft Learned and fcilful
phifitians that he could heare off; but found [no Remedy]
as to his cure. And fundry Perfons judgment is that the
Lord hath apointed to falve your much afflicted fupplycant
non but our Gracious Leight the King. Therefore hee and

many
(83)

[20]

many others Humbly conceaves that it is the fors that is
Commonly called the Kings Evell. And though his aflection
bee exceedingly Greifeous by his Ilneffe of Body, hee would
redreffe himfelfe to our Soveraigne Lord the King for
Remedy, not Doubting but God hath appointed him for
much good to all his Subjects and in particular to your poore
aflicled petitioner; but am withoulden from his goeing to
his Majefly by his exceeding povrety, for one afleclion fel-
dome comes without its fecond [ves ?]

Therefore your poore aflecled petitioner humbly Befeeches
your Excellency foe as to Confider of your poore Deplorable
and much aflecled petitioners Condition, And that your Ex-
cellency would bee pleafed to Grant him a Breife, to fee what
Chriflian people wilbe pleafed freely to contrebute towards
your petitioner's tranfportation. And in foe doing it will
oblige him to pray for your Excellencys health and happy-
nefs, and fubfcritts himfelfe

, Your obliged and Dutyful Servant

WILLIAM HUTCHINS.
JUNE 19, 1688.

[Mafs. Archives, Ufurpation, vol. cxxix. p. 63.]

J. Blackwell, about the Bank.

23 GENTLEMEN,

PERCEIVE you have declyned the concerning
yourfelves any further in the Bank affairs, for that I
am informed you have returned the Rolling preffe
to Mr. Carter to be fold (having payd him for it)

and

23 About this bank fcheme very little agers to be appointed, and the ftock
feems known. There were feven man- was to confift of one hundred and twelve

fhares,
(84)

and meet not at any time on that occafion. I have feverall
times alfo been tould by Mr Allen, that he hath wayted on
fome of you defiring fome compenfation for his time and
paynes as well in directing the framing of the Rolling
preffe &c. as afterwards in ufmg it for tryall of the plates
and printing off fome Bills ; and he fayes you have not yet
done it, and fo feemes to mention it as if I had engaged him
therein. If I did fo, It was not only upon your engagement
to carry on that affayre and to difburfe what mould be
neceffary in fuch occafions, but by your approbation and
directions : and therefore think myfelf concerned and quali-
fyed to remember you of it, and to tell you I expect you
bring me off from him, as alfo Mr. Ufher for the Reame of
paper had thence for the fame occafion, which his man fetts
me down for at 27 s , as alfo for ten large fkins of parchment
chofen out and taken thence by Mr Addington and me for
engroffing the Articles of Agreement between the Affeffors
and Managers, which came to 14 s 2 d . I was alfo in dif-
burfe 2O S to a clerke for writing out the Abftracls of the book
intended to be printed, befides what I wrote with my owne
hand, wherein you have had my labour and paynes, as well
as other contrivances without the thanks of a glaffe of wine
at parting or fince. I leave thefe things with you defiring
you will communicate them to the Reft of the Gent n con-
cerned, and that together you will put them into a way of
accommodation : and acquaint them that if they think fitt
to have the articles cancelled, I mall wayt on you when you
mail appoynt a time for meeting for that purpofe. And if

you

ftiares, while, if neceffary, two hundred J. B. Others were S. L., J. R., J. A.,

more were to be made. From a draft E. H., J. , A. W., and P. J. Of them,

of articles ftill on record in Maffachu- certainly J. Dudley, and Wm. Stoughton

fetts Archives, it feems the affeffors can be identified, and the others were

were to be the four principal managers, probably Bofton merchants. The fcheme

or deputies, who are mentioned by feems to have utterly failed,
initials as J. D., W. S., W. W., and

(85)

[22]

you mall then think fitt to beftow on me the Rolling preffe
and plates, which will do no body elfe good, and poffibly
may never do me any, yet they will be fome teftimony of
your refpect, and will be accepted with fuch gratitude as
may turn to your account, by him who once hoped he had
propounded a thing grateful! to you, as you may perhaps fee
caufe to judge of it hereafter, if the times fhall therein
favour me, who am Gent.

Your very affectionate friend and fervant

JOHN BLACKWELL.
BOSTON, July 16 th , 1688.

[Mafs. Archives, Ufurpation, vol. cxxix. p. 137.]

Andros to Major Gold.

NEW YORKE 25th August 1688

HAVING fome time fmce rec'd advice of five
Indians being killed at Spectacle Ponds, and
lately of five Chriftians killed at Northfield, and
Actors not taken or knowne, but fuppofed to be
eleven ftrange Indians, I cannot tell you how much I am
concerned at the faid mifcheife and Actors Efcape. You are
therefore to take care' that due Watch and Ward be kept
in your refpective out places till further Order, and give
Notice to all Indians in your Parts that if any Mifcheife be
done by Strangers and they doe not apprehend the Actors,
or if not ftrong enough prefently give us Notice and joyne
with our Militia, fuch Mifcheifes will be imputed to them.

And

(86)

[23]

And upon notice of any fuch Attempts, you are to rayfe
fuch Forces as fhall be neceffary for the apprehending or
purfuing the Actors to effect, wherefoever they fly. And
to afford our Indians kind reception and protection in any of
our Towns or places if defired, and that you let me heare
from you of the ftate of your Parts, and foe from time to
time as occafion.

I am Sir, Your affectionate freind

E. ANDROS.
MAJ R GOLD.

[Mafs. Archives, Ufurpation, vol. cxxix. p. 195.]

Andros to Col. Tyng.

ALBANY, 2oth *]*** 1688

HAVE by exprefs from Bofton rec'd your Let-
ters of the i st 4 th & 6 th inftants, direded to Capt.
Nicholfon, wherein you mention Letters rec'd
from him (which I fuppofe for your being care-
full and vigilant in your ftation as he fayes intimated to
others) and that by your feizing and difturbing the , Indians
you have Alarmed all your Parts and putt them in a pofture
of Warr, for which as I know noe Caufe for your felfe nor
authority ; but all Officers Civill and Military to be careful
and fteady in doeing their dutyes in their refpeclive ftations
and places as authorized, but not to make Warr. Hope
that the Indians fo feized and as I heare prefently returned
from Bofton gott fafe back and immediately freed . . . :
(None but Criminalls being to be difturbed or deteined on

any
(87)

any pretence whatfoever) and all ours to be received and
protected in all your towns and places if they defire it.
And hope to heare all the people furprifed in Cafco and
Kenebeque are well at home. And as you are not to Hinder
any being vigilant nor to obftrucl; or Difcourage none goeing
about their Lawfull occafions either att Land or Sea, the
late unwarrantable proceedings being the Occafion of all the
troubles and Mifcheifes in your parts.

The mifcheifes and murthers lately committed att North-
field was by eleven ftragling Indians from Canada who I
doubt not bringing to condigne Punifhment. All the Indians
in thefe parts have been with me here, and upon Demand of
all the French Captives the Maquas have already delivered
me a Girle which was att hand, and thank God all well.

I am haflening to Difpatch for New Yorke and return by
the way of Hartford to Bofton, where Expe6l to heare from
you of all things relating to the Quiett of your Parts.

I am Sir

Your very Affectionate Friend
LIEUT. COLL. TING.

(88)

[25]

[Mafs. Archives, Ufurpation, vol. cxxix. p. 245.]

John Stuart's Petition.

To his Excellency Sir Edmund Andros, Knight, Governour
and Captain Generall in Cheife of all his Majefties
Territory es in New England in America.

I HE moft humble petition of John Stuart of Spring-
field in the county of Hampfhiere moft humbly
fheweth ; that whereas your poor petitioner was in
fervice five battles under the moft noble Mar-
quefs of Mount Rofe in Scotland for his Majefty King
Charles the firft, and thereby fuffered and received many
dangerous wounds, whereby having efcaped with his life
through mercy, yet his health hath bene and is like to be
deeply impayred whilft hee lives, being altogether left un-
capable of getting a lyvelyhood in this world for himfelfe
and his family, that although having a Trade which might
afford him a comfortable living, hee through Gods providence
was layd about three yeares laft paft bedrid, and fo continues
uncapable to gaine any releife in his fad condition, and hav-
ing never received one penny towards all his fervice wherein
he was ingaged, was after taken by L d Cromwell in fight
at Dunbarr, and after fent into this land, where I was fold
for eight yeares fervice to purchafe my future freedom. God
having beflowed fome fmall eftate on your poor petitioner
whilft he gave him ability to labour.

May it pleafe your Excellency I had lately a horfe preffed
from mee for fervice of the country in purfuit of Indians,
which dyed in the fervice by the wrong hee received before
hee came home Your poor petitioner was greatly dif-
appointed by this lofs which was all the Teame he had,

and
L (89)

[26]

and having bin conftrayned to buy another which coft him
6 U io s for fupply of his familys prefent want, although hee is
very doubtfull whether this will prove fo ferviceable as the
former did, your humble petitioner would moft humbly crave
that your Excellency would vouchfafe to a juft and due
fatisfaction to him for his fo great a damage, and your peti-
tioner mail daily pray for the befl of bleffings on your
Excellency

and remayne

Your moft unworthy humble fervant

JOHN STUART.
SPRINGFIELD,

i9th, 8^, 1688.

[Mafs. Archives, Ufurpation, vol. cxxix. p. 260.]

Boston Prifon.

To the Honorable the Judges of his Majejlies Territory
and Dominion of New England, &c.

|HE humble Petition of Samuel Maffey, Prifon
Keeper of Bofton. Humbly fheweth unto your
Honors that your petitioner is at daly expenfe in
providing dyet for feverall perfons Lying in his
cuftody, and fum of them not willing to fubmit unto tranf-
portation ; your petitioner haveing made complant to the
juftices at quarter feffons of the peace, by them being an-
fwered that fatisfaclion to your petitioner may be onely had
from the Countory and not from this County of Suffolk.

Your Petitioner therefore Humbly prayeth your Honors
to Order fum way whereby fatisfaclion may be had, and

your
(90)

[27]

your Petitioner relefed in this matter for the mantanence of
the feverall perfons named in the anexed Schedull, that your
petitioner may not be difcoraged to thear further relefe whilft
in Cuftody, nor they perrilh for want of fupply

And your Petitioner for your Honors fhall ever pray

The names of the feverall persons the foregoing petition
hath reference unto

ANTHONY MORE. Committed the i4th Aprill lafl for a

runaway Servant from Virginia.
EDMUND BIRD. Committed yth February laft paft for

fellony and burnt in the hand the following Affizes.
FOUR INDIANS. Committed by Authority and Inlarged

without paying thear charges.
GARRAT BOWMAN, MATHIAS WELINDROF. Committed by

Authority upon Sufpicion of Supplying the Indians with

armes, and Inlarged by order without paying charges.
CATHERINE HARTMAN. Committed loth day July, Mathew

Darby fwearing the peace againft her ; {till in cuftody and

her hufband preft under the command of Capt. Jofeph

Smith.
TWENTY-THREE INDIANS, twice committed and difcharged

by order without paying for attendance or wood ufed to

drefs their provifion.

Dated 3oth Oaob r 1688.

[28]

[Mafs. Archives, Ufurpation, vol. cxxix. p. 376.]

Aft againft Emigration.

Sir Edmund Andros, Knt., Captain General and Governor
in .Chief e of his Majefties Territory and Dominion of
New England to W m Browne, Efq., Greeting:

| HERE AS in and by an A 61 intituled an A61
requiring all Mafters of Ships and Veffells to
give fecurity, amongft other things therein con-
tained, it is enacted and ordained that the
Mailer of every Ship or Veffell or fome other for him in
cafe of Difability fliall waite upon the Governour or Com-
mander in chief e for the time being or other chief e officer
appointed, and bring a Lift of all paffengers and give fecurity
not to Carry out of this Dominion any perfon without a
Tickett from the Governour or fuch other perfon as mall be
appointed, nor Depart himfelfe with his Ship or Veffell
without the like Lycenfe, under the penalty therein con-
tained as in and by the faid Act may more fully and at large
appeare :

Now know yee that out of the good opinion I have con-
ceived of your Integrity fittnefs and Ability for this fervice,
I have Conftituted, Authorized and Appointed, and by thefe
prefents doe Conftitute, Authorize and Appoint you to be

the

24 This document has a fpecial value from Palfrey's note, iii. 551, that he

as containing fo much of the text of the had not feen the aft. The prefent

a<5t againft emigration. In our firft document fully confirms all that was

volume, pp. 80 and 204, we printed the faid by the colonifts about the effect

contemporary notices of this aft, which and extent of the law ; and from many

it was faid was paffed in New York ; bonds ftill on record it feems that the

but at that time of printing no copy penalty was ufually ^1000.
of the law could be found. I judge

(92)

the chiefe Officer in the Port of Salem in New England,
before whom all Mafters of Shipps or other Veffells comeing
into that Port or Dependencies are to come, and to bring a
Lift of all their Paffengers as aforefaid. And you are like-
wife Authorized and Impowered to fign Ticketts for all
Paffengers bound out and give Lycenfes for all Mafters
with their Shipps or Veffells to Depart from the faid Port,
purfuant to the faid Act, and all perfons are to conforme
themfelves thereunto accordingly under the penaltys therein
contained.

Given under my hand and Scale at Bofton this fifteenth
day of Aprill in the fifth year of his Majefties Reign, Anno-
que Dom 1 1689.

[In various bonds given under this aft the condition is in the following
words : "That if the above bounden [Mafter] mall not take or receive on board
his faid Veflell any Paflengers, Servants or Slaves, and Carry them out of this
his Majefties Territory and Dominion of New England without a Tickett from
the Secretarys Office of faid Dominion, nor Depart himfelf with his Shipp or
Veffell without the like Lyfence, then this obligation to be void, or elfe to ftand
and remaine in full force and virtue."

A penalty of ^1000 is inferted in feveral of them.]

(93)

[30]
Andres's Adherents.

Names of thofe imprifoned with Sir Edmund Andros.

1. Jos. Dudley 10. Cap'n. Treffey 19. Mr Kane

2. Judge Palmer u. Mr Juftice Bullivant 20. Mr Broadbent

3. Mr Randolph 12. Mr Juftice Foxcroft 21. Mr James Sherlock

4. Lt. Col. Ledgitt 13. Cap'n White (Sheriff)

5. Lt. Col. Macgregry 14. Cap'n Ravenfcroft 22. Mr Larkin

6. Cap'n. George 15. Enfign Pipin 23. Cap'n Manning

7. Major Brockholes 16. Dr Roberts 24. Lt. Jordaine

8. Mr Graham 17. Mr Farewell 25. Mr. Cuttler

9. Mr West 18. Mr Jemefon

[The above lift is given in R. I. Records, vol. iii. p. 257, copied from J.
Carter Brown's MSS., No. 264, vol. v.]

[Mafs. Archives, Revolution, vol. cvii. p. 109.]

Petition of John Weft.

FROM THE PRISON IN BOSTON, i3th June, 1689.
GENTLEMEN,

HAVE now fuffered fix days- Imprifonment in
this place by your Order, befides above feven
weeks att the Caftle, which you tell me was by
the act of the People. And noe Cryme or Caufe
being mentioned or Affigned in my Mittimus, I confider I
ought not by Law to be longer deteined thereupon ; which
defire you will Inquire into or 1'ett me be heard, that I may
have your Order for my Releafement. The Coppy of the
Order by which I ftand committed have Inclofed and re-
Gentlemen, Your humble fervant

JOHN WEST.

(94)

[Mafs. Archives, Revolution, vol. cvii. pp. 248, 249.]

Andres's Capture.

NEWP T ON RHOAD ISLAND, Aug. 5, 1689.
HONO RED SIR

|UR Gov r not being free to be active in the Af-
faires concerning Sir Edmond's confinement or
to wright to you, eloaging many Reafons why
he cannot be Active, I haveing fpoken with
Cap" Church and read your Letter, and finding you have
no certaine knowledge whether Sir Edmond Androws be
fecured, I takeing it to be my Duty (and as I judge this
weighty manner concernes us all) doe certainely informe you,
that Sir Edmond Androws came into our Towne, y e 3 d day
of Aug* 1689, being Satherday, a litle after noone, and after
much Agitation of y e Authority and People, it was Con-
cluded by y e Majority y 4 it was moft fafe for our felves and
y e whole Country, y l he Ihould be fecured, which was eme-
diately don (before fun fett) and conducted to Lift* Colonell
Peleg Sanfords houfe, the place concluded on for his confine-
ment where now he is, haveing a confiderable gard of foul-
diers about y e houfe both night and day ever fince (which is
noe litle charge) expecting what you and your Hono red Coun-
cell will conclude concerning hime. I fuppofe Capt. Church
will wright more larg in particulars, I cannot enlarg being in
great haft. My humble fervice prefented.

Your real friend and fervant

JOHN COGGESHALL, Dep* Gov*

(95)

[32]

NEWPORT Aug. 5th. 1689
HON D SIR

YOURS of the 4th Ihftant rec d conferning Sir Ed m Andros
who was by feverall Inhabitants of Newport, immediately
after knowledge of his being in towne, put under ftricl: Card,
and after fome conference confined a Prifoner unto my
Houfe, upon the 3 d prefent before funn feting. The people
are full of carefull thought for their owne and Country's
fafety and are fully Refolved to fecure his perfon here until
further confideration ; can fertainly inform their Intentions
and actions are for the generall intereft. They will confider
and advife with the principle Gentlemen of the refpeclive
townes of the Gover n , and in order thereunto notices given
forth and Meeting defired which hope will accomplifh a
Refolve.

I am, Sir, Your Hon re humble feiV

PELEG SANFORD.

[P. 249-]

BOSTON 6, Aug. 1689
HONO ED SIR,

YOURS of the 5 th inft came to hand this morning about 9
a clock, whereby you certainly Informed of the fecuring of
Sir Edmund Andros and confining him a Prifoner under
Guards at your houfe. Your diligence and care in that
matter for the generall good of the whole Country is to be
acknowledged with all thankfulnefs. The Councill have
difpatched away Cap ne Tho: Prentis with his Troop and L"
Swift with a party to be a Guard for the fafe bringing and
conducting Sir Edmund unto Bofton ; they come the common

Road
(96)

[33]

Road to Seaconck, defiring your felf and Gentlemen with
you by the affiftance of your Guards fafely to conduct him
over the Ferry to Briftole. The Councill haveing written to
Major Walley at Briftole to provide a fufficient Guard to
receive and fecure him there, fo to forward him on the Road
this way untell the Guards from hence come up with them ;
not doubting of your readinefs to direct and Order in this
publique concern fo as may be moft fafe for the whole.
With the tenders of Service and Refpecls unto you
Subfcribe,

Sir Your affured Friend and Servant

S. BRADSTREET, Gov r
By advice of the Councill
Is A ADDINGTON Secy-

[Superfcribed. For the Hono rd Peleg Sanford, Efq re at Rhode Ifland
Thefe Haft, Poft Haft, for their Ma ties Service]

[P. 250.]

NEWPORT ON ROAD ISLAND, Aug the 5th 1689
MUCH HON D SIR,

I REC D yours dated the fourth of this inftant, being now
willing as always to Serve their Ma ties and the Country. Sir,
I ariving here the laft night found Sir Edmund Andros
feized and fecured and guarded with fufficient Guard, by
the Gentlemen and Inhabitants of the Ifland. I thought
it convenient fourthwith to give your Honor an account
thereof, the gentlemen concuring with me. Sir, my oppinion
is that it is convenient forthwith to fend a Guard for him,
that may convey him fafe to Bofton from whence he came.
I think it not convenient nor fafe for the Country to have

him
M (97)

[34]

him here, finding them very defirous to have him removed
to bofton. If you pleafe to difpatch an account of your
guards coming up, we may provably meet them on the
road. The Councill of Road Ifland is this day fent for,
and I hope you mall foon have an accompt what they
intend to do as for their advice in that matter which I am
concerned with. Having no farther matter to prefent your
Honor, with my mofl humble Service in haft remain

Sir, Your moft humble Servant whileft,

BENJAMIN CHURCH.

[P. 251.]

BOSTON Aug 1 y e 6, 1689
CAPT CHURCH,

YOURS dated the 5 th inftant we have received and thank you
for your care and readinefs to ferve their Ma ties and your
Country. We have reed alfo a letter from Mr 'Cogfhall, the
Deputy Governor of Rhoad Ifland, giving an account of
their proceedings with Sir Edmund Andros, and for the
conveying him hither referes us to your letter, according to
which we have ordered the Guards to move towards your
toune as poffibly, which will be about one or two this after-
noon (they being ordered yefterday to Rendevous at Dor-
chefter and Roxbury this day at noon then to receive orders
for their march. We have alfo writt Mr Cogfhall and Major
Sanford that they will pleafe convey Sir Edmund to the
ferry at Briftoll and to Major Wally to receive him there
with their forces and bring him forward till our guards meet
them on the road ; who we doubt will be ftrength enough to
fecure him hither being three troops of horfe.

Sir,

(98)

[35]

Sir, as foone as the prefent hurry is over with you, pleafe
to forward our bufinefs with the Councill there. Not elfe at
prefent but due refpecls from

Your loving friend and fervant,

S. B. Gov*

To Capt. BENJ A CHURCH
at Briftoll.

ESTEEMED : After due Refpecls : Wee Refeved yours dated
Bofton Auguft the 4th, 1689, and doe fignifie in Anfwer to
yours that Sur Edmund Andros is heere under Card in
Newport. And that I have fomoned the Generall Counfell
to Confult that affare, of which Anfwer will be fent, is all
from yours to ferve

WALTER CLARKE

NEWPORT, this fift daye of
Auguft, 1689.

[P- 2S4-]

BRISTOL, the 5th Aug. 1689
HONOURED SIR,

HAVEING information on Satterday night that Sir Ed.
Andros was at Newport and people gathering together with
a defign to feize him ; As it was moft proper, foe wee doubted
not but they from thence had given you information ; and
wee the rather believed it becaufe reported that one rid poft
through this Town that evening : but leaft it were a miftake
or they mould neglect wee took care forthwith by credible
hands to fend an account as far as wee had heard with what
fpeed wee could. The people wondred he had been gone
foe long before any notice given in thefe parts. That they

feized
(99)

; [36]

feized him and fecured him you have had an account of be-
fore this, and what they farther intend you will be enformed
of from them by the bearer and your own meffengers. It is
thought the chiefe of the Quakers and fome others are for
his efcape ; it is no place to think he will be kept fafe any
time. Whereas wee lye between Rhoad Ifland and you, if
in order to his being conveighed within the bounds of your
Colony there be any thing proper for us to doe, if it be fig-
nyfyed what you defire or expect therein, there will a ready
complyance and fufficient care if they fee caufe to deliver
him. But if you advife to any other way, if you fee good,
let us be informed. I write in haft, the poft flaying. I mall
not add but my humble fervice which defire God to guide
you in all your difficultys that lye before you. I take leave
and reft

Your much oblidged Servant

JOHN WALLEY

BRISTOL, ye 8th Aug. 1689.

HONOURED SIR,

I REC D yours of the 6th Inftant but the motion of your
Troops being with more fpeed then was expected they were
here before the Iflanders were come to any determination.
Capt Prentice forthwith after his comeing to Briftol and re-
frefhing him felfe went to the Ifland and my felfe and fome
others accompanyed him Perfons there were of many
minds, the refult whereof you have from Capt Prentice.
Sir Edm. is now at my houfe ; his motion will be flow by
reafon of his indifpofition. Sir, wee have been very carefull
to avoid tumults and any incivility that might be offered,
and wee hope the like care will be ufed in the other parts ;

and

(100)

[37]

and Sir, it is the deareft defire of my felfe and feveral Gen-
tlemen of thefe parts that Sir Edmund, though with all care
yet with as much privacy as may be, might be conveighed
by the way of Dorchefter or that wayes, to the Caftle. It
will be extreamly well taken by him and I hope you will
gratyfie him, us, and among your felves herein ; he defires,
at leaft at prefent, that he may not come to Bofton. Sir, I
have not to add but mail be ferviceable to the maine and
that is defigned, fo far as I am capable

With fervice prefented I fubfcribe

Your Honours moffc humble fervant,

JOHN WALLEY.

August 8. 1689.
To THE HON ED GOVERNOR AND COUNSILL,

AND pleafe your Honors having received orders from
you with my Troop to Brifloll to move, in order to receive
Sir Edmond Andros from the Gentlemen at Rhod. Ifland,
from Roxbury about 3 of the clock we moved away to
Mr. Woodcoks, on Wednefday to Briftol juft after noon ;
coming to Rhod Ifland fame day : the counfill being dif-
courfed with much civilitie they delivered Sir Edmond, and
with a paffag boate fent us to Briftoll. And Sir Edmond
complaining of indifpofition of body to ride either fwift or
far together, our return will not be as your Honors may ex-
pect. The gentlemen of Briftoll favoured us with their ad-
vife and company to Rhoad Ifland. Pleafe your Honors it is
requefted by Sir Edmond and requefted by the forenamed
Gentlemen that Sir Edmond may be convoyed by Dor-
chefter to the Caftle, if your Honors pleafe there to fecure
him and open our aproach towards Bofton we will give

you

(ior)

[38]

you an account thereof for fuitable opportunitie for our
guarding him to forefaid place. This being in haft for
opportunitie of fending

I fubfcribe your Honors humble Servant

THOMAS PRENTIS.

Cap.

[P. 257.3

REHOBOTH, the 9th Aug. 1689.
HONOURED SIR,

OURS from Briftol wee hope you have rec d . Sir Edm.
Andros is now at Rehoboth and we expect to be at Wood-
flocks or wadeing River this night, as your orders may be
and as is much defired. Orders at Billings might fave eight
or ten miles rideing. Wee hope that your honour with the
Councill will at leaft at prefent order that Sir Edm. may by
the way of Dorchefter be conveighed to the Caftle, and that
you will take care for boats in a f utable place to be in ready-
neffe ; tomorrow in the afternoon wee hope wee might be
there, but wee mail expect; orders, and if poffible defire wee
may meet it at Billings. Sir Edm. is not willing to com-
plaine, but he rides with paine and difficulty and eight mile
faved might be fome eafe befides otherways acceptable.
Shall not add but fervice prefented and fubfcribe

Your Honors much oblidged

JOHN WALLEY
THOMAS PRENTIS

cap.

SAMUEL WHITE
THOMAS SWIFT.

(102)

[39]

[Mafs. Archives, Revolution, vol. cvii. p. 309.]

Petition of John Weft.

PRISON, loth 7 ber 1689.
GENTLEMEN,

|N the 7 th of June laft I was by vertue of an Order
figned by Thomas Danforth in the name and by
the Order of the Governor and Councill, together
with the Reprefentatives then affembled : Com-
mitted to the Cuftody of the Keeper of the Prifon in Bofton,
who was ordered to receive me and did receive me accord-
ingly. And under his Cuftody I have fuffered above thir-
teen weeks very hard and close Confinement without any
Cryme layd to my Charge worthy of Imprifonment. But
yefterday the keeper of the Prifon in the prefence and
heareing of feverall credible perfons, declared to me pub-
liquely that he was not my keeper and did not keep me in
Prifon, nor would further be concerned in my Confinement ;
but if I would goe into the Goale he would open the doore.
By which I looked upon my felf fully difcharged from that
order and his cuftody, and expected my Liberty accordingly ;
which I was hindred from the enjoyment of, by fome Armed
men who were att the prifon, and laft night without any
command or direction of the Keeper, I was forced into the
Stone Goale againe by a great Company of Armed men,
without any further Order or warrant, and am by their force
only detained, which I prefume is Contrary to all Law and
Juftice ; and to my great Injury and Oppreffion. I doe
therefore humbly defire your Confideration of the premifes
and that I may be Releafed from this forcible and unjuffc
confinement. Expecting your Juftice herein I remain

Your humble Servant

JOHN WEST.
(103)

[40]

[Mafs. Archives, Inter Charter, vol. xxxv. p. 36.]

Petition of J. Dudley.

GENTLEMEN,

HAVE differed near fix months Imprifonment to
the very great hurt of my health, and occafions
neceffary for the fupport of a great family, above
twelve weeks, fmce at the direction of Mr Adding-
ton and as he acquainted me by order of your felves, I gave
a very extraordinary and unufuall bond to obtayn but the
fight of my family, and the benefit of fo much air as was
neceffary to fave me from perifhing ; which lafted me but
three or four Hours, when I received a very urgent letter
from Mr Bradftreet for my return to the Prifon to fave the
Rout of the people at that Inftant. I have fince been often
told that a very few days mould bring me that eafe and reft
which I defired, but the time is lapfed hitherto and now the
winter is approaching, the Inconveniences whereof I am
unable to bear. I entreat you at length to confider and re-
folve what may be agreeable to Reafon and Juftice and not
to fee my deftruclion and ruine ; but to fhow me the Kind-
nefs of a brother as God knoweth I am. I have no intereft
nor hopes but what is in common with my Country whofe
prefent fuffering I take my mare of, and hope that no body
profeffing religion can take pleafure in the ftrange methods
of Late ufed towards mee.

I am Gentlemen

Your Humble Servant

J. DUDLEY
4 OCT. 1689.

(104)

[Mafs. Archives, Inter Charter, vol. xxxv. p. 41 .]

Petition of James Sherlock.

GENTLEMEN,

|S I would not be guilty of ufing any indirect meanes
to obteyne my liberty, fo neither would I be want-
ing to my felfe in foliciting you Gentlemen for
my inlargement. I am not confcious to my felfe
that I have deferved fo hard treatment, and quietly fubmit
to the Providence of God from whome I have deferved
much more ; twenty fower weeks Imprisonment is a punifh-
ment adequate to a great Crime : therefore mail repeate my
Prayers to you Gentlemen for my difcharge from this place
and your directions therein, and mail remain

Gentlemen Your moft humble fervant

JAMES SHERLOCK

From the Prifon
Octo. the 5th, 1689.

[Mafs. Archives, Inter Charter, vol. xxxv. p. 42.]

Petition of Mrs. Sarah Palmer.

To the honorable the Governor, Councill and Reprefentatives

]HE humble petition of Sarah Palmer, Sheweth
That whereas your petitioner's hufband, Mr
John Palmer, now a Prifoner att the Caftle is
very much troubled with the Goute and other
diftempers of body, and is there confined in a roome with
Sir Edmund Andros and Mr Graham where noe fire can be

made
N (105)

[42]

made nor attendance upon as his diflempers require, to the
great danger and hazard of his life.

Your petitioner therefore prays that the faid Mr John
Palmer may be removed from the Caftle to his dwelling
houfe in Bofton, giveing good fecurity to be a true prifoner
there, and to anfwer fuch things as mail be objected againft
him on their Majefties behalfe.

And your petitioner will ever pray, &c.

[Mafs. Archives, Inter Charter, vol. xxxv. p. 34.]

Petition of Rachel Whitmore. 25

To the Hon. Simon Bradftreet, Efq., Governor, and the reft
of the Honored Magiftrates now Jitting in Bofton, The
humble petition of Rachell Whitmore, wife of John
Whitmore.

HEREAS, your Petitioner's hufband was im-
preffed into the Countryes fervice againft the
Indian Enemy, and is now with Major Swayne
at Newechawanick, 26 and your Petitioner and her
two children are very weake and ill, and unable to help our-

felves

24 She was the daughter of Francis were baptized at a village in the fame

Eliot, of Braintree, and niece of the county, and I am affured that the pedi-

Rev. John Eliot. She was born 26th gree of the family for feveral preced-

Oc~t. 1643 ; m - ni "ft John Poulter, and ing generations will be definitely afcer-

fecondly Dea. John Whitmore, of Med- tained.

ford. In the " Heraldic Journal," vol. 28 Newechawanick, now Briftol, Me.

iv. p. 182, will be found the will of Benit A letter in the fame volume, pp. 38-40,

Eliot, father of John and Francis, from Jer. Sweyne, is dated " Neweche-

feveral of whofe children were bap- wonock Salmon falls in Barwick, Oct.

tized at Nazing, co. Effex. Recent 4, 1689," and that may fettle the date

inveftigations have proved that John of this petition,
and one or two more of the children

(106)

[43]

felves and do any thing for our Relief and the reft of the
family, as feverall of the neighbors can and have informed
your Honors.

Doth therefore humbly requeft the favour from your
Honors that her hufband John Whitmore may be difmiffed
the prefent fervice, and that your Honors would pleafe to
pafs your Order for the fame, that he may return to his fick
family, and your Petitioner fhall, as in duty bound, ever pray,
&c.

RACHEL WHITMORE.

[Mafs. Archives, Inter Charter, vol. xxxv. p. 78.]

Order againft feditious publications.

HEREAS many papers have beene lately printed
and difperfed tending to the difturbance of the
peace and fubverfion of the government of this
theire Majeflies Colonie, King William and
Queen Mary. It is therefore ordered that if any perfon or
perfons within this Collony be found guilty of any fuch like
Mifdemeanour of printing, publifhing or concealing any
fuch like papers or difcourfes, or not timely difcover fuch
things to Authority, or doe any act or thing that tends to
the dyfturbance of the peace or the fubverfion of this gov-
ernment, they fhall be accounted enemies to theire Majeflies
prefent Government and be proceeded againft as fuch with
uttermoft feverity

Nov. 8th, 1689. Faffed in the affirmative by the Repre-
fentatives

EBENEZER PROUT, Clerk.

(107)

[44]

[Mafs. Archives, Inter Charter, vol. xxxv. p. 108.]

Petition of J. Dudley.

BOSTON, Dec r 9, 1689
GENTLEMEN,

AM not acquainted from yourf elves what his
Majeflyes Commands are referring to my felf, or
your owne refolves thereupon, but take leave to
advife you that after feven months imprifonment
I am very much indifpofed and ftand in need of better con-
venience and attendance than I can have in this place of
Reftraint. I have many occafions, that a great family and
my difordered Eftate by the loffe of my fervants and other-
wife, ftand in need to be fettled ; and my wife uncapable to
come to mee. I am Willing to give any Security that mail
be demanded of me, to fhew my felf in Obedience to his
Majeftyes Order whatever it bee, and defire that I may have
the benefit of my family and the Opportunity to fettle my
affaires, that I may bee just to all perfons with whome I have
been concerned, and do my duty in providing for and fetling
my family as religion and nature require of mee ; and Defire
that you will allow mee opportunity foe to do, and am

Your fervant

J. DUDLEY.

(108)

[45]

[Mafs. Archives, Inter Charter, vol. xxxv. p. 109.]

Petition of John Weft.

PRISON IN BOSTON, n th Dec. 1689
GENTLEMEN,

|MONGST the many Books, papers and Writeings
which on the i8th Aprill pafl were in the Secre-
tarys Office under my Care and Charge, when
the fame Office was forcibly broake open, and
they taken and Conveyed away, were feverall books, papers
and accounts which perticulerly related to me and my private
Concernes, and are yett kept from me to my Damage. I doe
therefore Defire that I may have the Liberty to looke over
the faid books, papers, and Writeings in the prefence of fuch
perfon or perfons as you mail think fitt, and that fuch as
doe belong to me or relate to my private Concernes may be
Reftored. I have been long a Prifoner but know not yett
for what Reafon or Caufe, which hath been and is greately
to the prejudice of my perfon and Loffe of my Eftate; and
now being Informed that you have Received orders from his
Majeftie relating to all under Confinement your Refolves
upon which judge will be made knowne to us when you
think convenient. I doe further defire my Enlargement
upon Security to be forthcomeing to attend fuch orders as
mall be given purfuant to his Majefties Commands, that I
may be in a Condition to fettle my Affairs and make fome
better Provifion for my felfe and family then my prefent
Confinement will permitt me to doe. Your favour herein
will oblidge me to remaine

Your humble fervant

JOHN WEST.
(109)

[46]

[Mafs. Archives, Inter Charter, vol. xxxv. p. no.]

57 Petition of Dudley and others.

GENTLEMEN,

PRISON IN BOSTON, i3th Dec. 1689.

|APT. FAYERWEATHER yefterday by your
order brought us the Signification of his Majef-
ties Commands to which wee doe with all duty
and Readynefs humbly fubmitt : And defire you to
Lett us know when and upon what fhip you defigne to fend
us. And to order our Enlargement upon fuch Security as
you think fitt to Demand, that wee may fettle our private
Affaires and prepare accordingly.

We are your humble fervants,

J. DUDLEY
ED. RANDOLPH
J. PALMER
JOHN WEST
JAMES SHERLOCK
GEO. FAREWELL.

87 A fimilar paper is figned by E.
Andros and Ja. Graham. In the fame
volume, p. 149, is another letter from
the prifoners, dated Dec. 26th, in which
they "demand that his Majefties faid
Commands may be effectually executed

by our being forthwith put on board
one of the faid mips and the fame pref-
ently difpatched for England without
further delay." Jan. 3d it was voted
by the Reprefentatives to fend the prif-
oners by Capt. Martin.

(no)

[47]

[Mafs. Archives, Inter Charter, vol. xxxv. p. 165.]

Note from J. Riggs to Danforth.

To the Honourable the Deputy Governour.

SIR,

HAVEING fent up to you that I have buifeneffe
to communicate to you and the reft of the Coun-
cill concerning his Majefties fervice, and haveing
refeived your anfwer that you are at prefent
buifey, I waite and defire admittance to be heard before
your adjournment this day.

Yours JOHN RIGGS *

6th JANUARY, '89. [1689-90.]

[Mafs. Archives, Inter Charter, vol. xxxv. p. 231.]

Extradition of Andros.

\_To fuch as for the Time being take Care for preferving the
Peace and Adminiftring the Laws in our Colony of the
Majfachufetts Bay in New England in America^ 2!

JHEREAS Sir Edmond Andros, K', Late Gov-
ernour of our Dominion of New England, has
been feized by fome People in Bofton, and is de-
teined under clofe Confinement there, together
with Edward Randolph, John Trefry, and Divers others,

our

23 This I take to be the fervant of * The heading is omitted ' in this
Andros, mentioned by Palfrey, iii. 585. copy, but is given in other places.

(ill)

[48]

our Subjects, Who have humbly requefted us that they may
be either fett at Liberty, or fent in fafe Cuftody into Eng-
land to anfwer before us what may be objected againft
them; we do hereby will and require that the faid Sir
Edmond Andros, Edward Randolph, John Trefry and
others our Subjects, that have been in like manner feized
by the faid People of Bofton ; and fhall be at the Receipt of
thefe Our Commands deteined there under Confinement, be
forthwith fent on Board the firft fhip bound hither, to anfwer
before us what may be Objected againft them, and that you
take care that they be Civilly ufed in their Paffage from
New England, and fafely Conveyed to our Royall Prefence
Given at Our Court at Whitehall, this Thirtieth Day of
July, 1689, in the Firft year of Our Reign

By his Ma ty>s Command

NOTTINGHAM.
(Copy)
To GILBERT BANT, Commander

of the Ship Mehetabel.

JURSUANT to his Majefties Commands in his
Gracious Letter of the 3Oth of July lafl part,
Copy whereof is above written you are required
in their Majefties Names to receive into your
charge and cuftody on board the Ihip Mehetabel, whereof
you are Commander, now bound for England, Sir Edmund
Andros, Knt, Jofept Dudley, Efq r , Mr Edward Randolph,
Mr John Palmer, Mr John Weft, Mr James Grayham, Mr
James Sherlock and Mr George Farewell ; Every of them
herewith delivered unto you by Cap ne John Fayerweather,
and them fafely to convey according to his Majefties Com-
mands

(112)

[49]

mands in faid Letters, which you are exactly to Obferve in all
Refpects. Hereof faile not as you will anfwer the contrary
at your peril. Dated at Bofton within the Colony of the
Maffachufetts Bay in New England, the fifth day of Feb-
ruary 1689, in the Firft year of the Reign of our Sovereign
Lord and Lady William and Mary, by the Grace of God
King and Queen of England, &c.

SIM: BRADSTREET, Governor

in the name of the Gen'all Court.

JY virtue of the within written Precept, figned by
the Hon ble Simon Bradflreet, Efq re , Governor,
purfuant to his Majefties Commands, I have re-
ceived (together with the faid Precept and Copy
of his Majefties Commands there above written) into my
charge and cuftody on board the fhip Mehetabel, the feverall
perfons named in the faid precept, viz 1 Sir Edmond Andros,
Knt. Jofeph Dudley, Efq re , Mr Edward Randolph, Mr John
Palmer, Mr John Weft, Mr James Grayham, Mr James
Sherlock and Mr George Farewell. As alfo a Letter from
the Government directed to the Right Hon ble the Earle of
Nottingham, One of his Ma ties moft Hon ble Privy Councill,
and Principall Secretary of State for his Ma ties Service.

pr GILBART BANT

BOSTON IN NEW ENGLAND,

9th February, 1689 [1689/90].

("3)

[So]

[Mafs. Archives, Inter Charter, vol. xxxv. p. 240.]

ALBANY, the i5th day of Feb. 1689/90.
HONORED GENTLEMEN,

1O our great greeffe and Sorrow, we muft acquaint
you with our Deplorable Condition, there having
never the like Dreadfull maffacre and murther
been Committed in thefe Parts of America ; as
hath been acted by the French and there Indians at Shin-
nechtady, 20 miles from Albanie betwixt Saturday and
Sunday laft at ii a clok at night. A Companie of Two
hundred french and Indians fell upon faid village and mur-
thered fixty men women and children moft barbaroufly,
burning the Place and carried 27 along with them Prifoners,
among which the leiftenant of Capt Bull, Enos Talmadge,
and 4 more of faid Company were killed and 5 taken prif-
oners, the reft being Inhabitants; and above 25 Perfones
there limbes frozen in the flight.

The Cruelties committed at faid Place no Penn can
write nor Tongue expreffe : the women bigg with Childe
rip'd up and the Children alive throwne into the flames,
and there heads dafh'd in pieces againft the Doors and
windows.

But what mail we fay ; we muft lay our hands upon our
mouth and be filent. It is God's will and pleafure and we
fubmitt ; it is but what our Sinns and Tranfgreffions have
deferved : and fince generally human things are Directed by
outward means, fo we muft afcribe this fad misfortune to the
factions and Divifions which were amongft the People and
there great Diffobedience to there officers ; for they would
Obey no Commands or keep any watch, fo that the Enemy
having difcouvered their negligence and fecurity by there
praying Maquafe Indians, (who were in the faid place 2 or

3 days

[Si]

3 days before the attaque was made), Came in and broak
open their verry doors before any foule knew of it ; the Ene-
my divideing themfelfs in 3 feverall Companies came in at 3
feverall Places, no gates being mutt, and feperated themfelves
6 or 7 to a houfe, and in this manner begunn to Murther,
fpareing no man till they fee all the houfes open and maf-
ter'd : and fo took what Plunder they would, loading 30 or
40 of the bed horfes, and fo went away about 1 1 or 1 2 a
clock at noon on Sabbath day. >

It was as if the heavens combined for the Deftruclion of
that poor Villadge ; that Saturday night a Snow fell above
knee deep and dreadfull cold, and the poor people that
efcaped and brought us the news about break of day, did
fo much increafe the number of the Enemy that we all
concluded there was a confiderable Army comeing to fall
upon our City, as was affirmed were upon there march
hither ; we being told not only then but the day after that
they were 1900 att leaft. We fent out fome few horfe
forth with after we had received the news, but fcarcely could
get through the deep fnow, fome whereof got to that defo-
late Place, and there being fome few Maquafe here in
Towne, we got them to goe thither with our men in Com-
panie, to fend meffengers in all hafte to the Maquafe Caf-
tles, and to fpye where the Enemy went, who were not verry
free to goe, the fnow being fo deep and afraid of being
Difcovered by there tract : but comeing to the village were
in fuch confternation feeing fo many people and cattle kill'd
and burnt, that it was not effected till 2 days after, when we
heard that the Maquafe knew nothing of it, upon which mef-
fengers were fent, and the Maquafe of the firft and 2d. Caflle
came down in 24 houres, whom we fent out with fome of
our young men in Purfute of the Enemy. Afterwards the
Maquafe of the 3d. Caftle came doune who are alfo gone
out, but are afraid will not overtake them, and which is

worfe,

[52]

worfe, if they doe fynde them fear will doe them no great
hurt, the Indians amongft them being all of the kindred of
our Indians : for the Policy of the French is fo great that
they Declare to fome of the Maquafe which they found at
Shinnechtady that they would not doe the Maquafe. harm,
yea if they mould burn and deftroy never fo many houfes
at Canida and kill never fo many French, they would not
touch a hayr of there head ; for there Gouvernor had f uch an
Inclination to that People, he would live in peace with them ;
nay to gain the hearts of the Maquafe whatever they defyred
at Shinnechtady was granted, the women and children that
were left alive upon there defyre were Releafed and faved,
the very houfes where the Maquafe lay at were faved upon
there Requefl : fo that they leave no Stone unturn'd to bring
the Indians to there Devotion

The 40 Maquafe that were out as Skouts at the Lake,
whom we furnifhed with Pouder and Lead to lye there
a purpofe, we muft conclude have knowne nothing of the
Enemies comeing ; for they had pofted themfelves at one of
the Paffages the Enemy was paft by ; which we muft Impute
to there negligence

The faid French had Belts of wampum along with them
which they fhowed to a Maquafe Squae at Shinnechtady,
which they defign'd to have given to our Indians upon Pro-
pofalls of Peace, if they had met with any upon the way ;
foe that we muft conclude they want nothing but a Peace
with our Indians to deftroy all thefe parts.

Our Maquafe have got one of there Indians prifoner,
whom they have Tortur'd and afterwards have Releafed
him, but deliver'd him into our Cuftody; for we fear'd he
would make his Efcape and Runn away to the Enemy : the
faid Indian confeffes that there were 600 men prepareing to
come out upon this place or N. England, and one hundred
men were gone out againft Skach Rook Indians which was

befides

(116)

[53]

befides this 200 men; and that this Company had been 22
days from Canida.

After the French had done the principall mifcheeffe at
Shinnechtady, Capt. Sander a Juflice that lives crofs the
River was fent for by the Captain of the French, who had
put himfelf in a pofture of defence in his fort, with the men
that he could get by him ; when 1 3 came there and told
him they mould not fear, for there orders was not to wrong
a chicken of his, upon which Capt. Sanders ordered them
to lay doune there arms, and fo were let in, where they left
one man for a hoftage, and Capt Sander went to there com-
mander who told him he had commiffion to come and pay a
debt which they owed. Col Dongan, our Governor, had
ftirr'd up our Indians to doe mifcheeff at Canida, and they
had done the fame here ; and pulling his Commiffion out of
his bofom, told he was ftrikly charged not to doe any harm
to him or his, fince he but efpecially his wife had been fo
charitable to the French prifoners : fo that Capt. Sanders
faved fundry houfes from being burnt and women and chil-
dren from being carried away : but the Snow was fo extream
deep that it was impoffible for any woman to march a mile ;
fo that they took none but men and boys that could march.

As foon as the Maquafe of the firft and 2d Caftle came
doune and fee the Ruines of Shinnechtady were verry much
greev'd. The 2 principall Captaine faid to Mr Weffels and
fome other gentlemen that were fent from Albany to Dif-
patch the ChrifUans and Indians away in Purfute of the
French

Now you fee your Blood fpilt and this is the beginning of
your miferies if not fuddenly Prevented ; Therefore write
to all them that are in Covenant with us, viz* New England,
Virginia and all the Englifh Plantations of America to make
all Readineffe to mafter Canida, early in the Spring with
great Shipps, elfe you cannot live in Peace. You fay your

King
("7)

[54]

King is a great king and you are very numerous here in the
Country, far above the French. You are foe, but now is
the time to mow it ; elfe the more you are, the greater fhame
it is to fuffer the French to be mafter : and then we and all
the 5 nations, yea all the farr nations muft acknowledge you
for a great People and mafter of the French if you now fub-
due it ; But hitherto we fee the French are the Soldiers ;
they have been at the northweft and killed the Englifh
there ; they have killed the Indians at the Sinnikes Country,
and now they come here and kill the Dutch, (meaning the
Inhabitants of Shinnechtady who were formerly of the
Dutch nation). They are victorious wherever they goe
Them of New England have told us they would deftroy
Canida: we have much Depended upon there great
Promifes fmce we know they are Potent enough to doe it
and now we know there is open warr. If we were but
affured that the Englifh would minde there Intereft now
and make Ready againft the Spring, we would keep them
in alarm: we muft goe hand in hand and Deftroy the
French : we hope that your Government with men is come,
which you have often told us of. You told us alfo that
your King of England was fo Potent that he had blokt up
the French havens ; yet the French governor is come and
we hear nothing of yours. In the meantime we goe out
now with fixty Maquafe of the firft and 2nd Caftle, 25 River
Indians befides the Chriftians, and above 100 men of the
3rd Caftle are comeing to morrow, we will purfue the Ene-
my and doubt not but to overtake them too and Refcue the
Prifoners.

Now Gentlemen the Indians fpeak well, yet we are fatif-
fyed by all there actions that they will fide with the ftrongeft,
and the Indians that are among the French are all of our
Indians Relations ; fo it cannot be Imagined that they will
deftroy onanother. Therefore if there Majeftyes Subjects

doe

[55]

doe not Rife like one only man againft the French, there
Majeftyes Intereft in this parts will be deftroyed ; and they
once being rooted out, all your Evills which fpring from
them as the fountain will be quafh'd: the longer we ftay
the worfe it will be, for we muft doe it at laft, and then pro-
bably after we have loft many hundreds of our People which
would be fitt to help in fuch an Expedition. We have felt
the fmart of that nation and pray God our neighbours may
not come to the fame Difafter. We are fatisfyed they did
not defign to deftroy Shinnechtady but all our out Planta-
tions, but fyndeing them fo fecure, fett upon them and left
the other untoucht, thinkeing they could never Efcape their
Cruelties.

Dear neighbours and friends, we muft acquaint you that
nevir poor People in the world was in a worfe Condition
than we are at Prefent, no Governour nor Command, no
money to forward any Expedition and fcarce Men enough
to maintain the Citty; and we muft conclude there only
aim is this place, which once being attain'd, the 5 nations
are rent from the Englifli Crowne, and in ftead of being a
Bulwark to thefe Dominions as hitherto they have proov'd,
will help to Ruine and Deftroy the Countrey and lay all
wafte. We have here plainly laid the cafe before you and
doubt not but you will fo much take it to heart and make
all Readineffe in the Spring to invade Canida by water.
We pray God continually for the arrivall of our Governour,
without which we can doe but litle, haveing enough to doe
to keep the Indians to our fide with great Expenfe : for there
Diffractions and Revolutions at New Yorke hath brougt
us into a miferable condition ; that without your affiftance
and the 50 men from N. Yorke we mould not be able to
keep the place if any Enemy came.

We begg an anfwer with all hafte that we may fatisfy the
Indians : we write to N. Yorke and other parts, of our mean

condition
("9)

[56]

condition. We long much to hear from your honors, hav-
ing fent an Indian Expreffe the 1 5th January laft with what
papers related to the Indians at that time ; fmce whene our
meffengers are come from Onnondage and the Indians all
declare to be faithfull to this Government. We have writt
to Col. Pynchon to warn the upper towns to be upon there
guarde, feareing that fome French and Indians might be out
to Deftroy them.

We have no more to add in thefe troublefome times but
that we are

Honorable Gentlemen,

Your moft humble and obed' fervants
the Convention of Albanie 30

P. SCHUYLER, Mayor.
DIRCK WESSELL
K. V. RENSSELAER

30 I have not feen elfewhere fo full added on the original ; but it is illegible,

an account of this maflacre. Befides and is more probably a defignation, as

the names of Schuyler, Weflells, and "fchepens," or fome fuch word.
Van Renflelaer, perhaps another is

(120)

[EXTRACTS

FROM

Cotton Mather's " Parentator," or Memoirs
of Increafe Mather.

WITH NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIVE DOCUMENTS ADDED.]

(121)

PREFATORY NOTE.

30 'T^HE following feftion contains a reprint of certain portions of Cotton
-* Mather's Life of his father, Increafe Mather, together with fuch docu-
ments as illuftrate the text. The title of the original book is as follows :
" Parentator. Memoirs of Remarkables in the Life and the Death of the Ever-
Memorable Dr. Increafe Mather, Who Expired Auguft 23, 1723. (2 Kings ii.
12.) My Father, my Father. Bofton : Printed by B. Green for Nathaniel
Belknap, at the Corner of Scarlet's Wharff. 1724." i2mo. pp. xiv, 329, and
5 added.

I begin with chapter, or article, xxiii. p. 99, of the Remarkables, as being the
commencement of Increafe Mather's important public labors in behalf of his
country. The general fubjecT: is treated in the memoir prefixed to the fecond
volume of thefe Tracts, to which reference is made for the antecedents of Mather
to this date.

(122)

Remarkables of Dr. Increafe Mather.

ARTICLE XXIII.

New Troubles on the Country.

N the Year 1686. New England faw it felf de-
livered into the Hands of Sr. Edmund Andros,
whom K. James II. made the Governour of
the Country, with as Arbitrary, (and one may
fay Treafonable) Commiffion, as ever any part
of the Englifh Nation was abufed withal, a
Commiffion by which the Governour, with three or four
more Unrcafonable Men, whereof none were Chofen by the
People, had power to make what Laws they would, and
Levy Taxes according to their own Humours upon the
People ; and he himfelf had power to fend the beft Men in
the Land more than Ten Thoufand Miles out of it, as he
Pleafed. The Cafe of poor New-England was now, what
Old Wendover tells of the Time, when Strangers domineer'd
over Subjects in England ; Judicia committebantur Jujuftis,
Leges Exlegibus, pax Difcordantibus, Juftitia Jujuriojis ;
and Foxes were made the Adminiftrators of Juftice to the
Poultry. It would make a Long and a Black Story, to tell
a Tenth Part of the Vile Things done, by that Scandalous
Crue which then did what they would in the Adminiflration
of the Government: even Randolph himfelf who was then
their Secretary, Confeffed in a Letter of his, which anon

came

[4]

came to Light ; They were as Arbitrary as the Great Turk.
But the Awakened and Alarmed People in the Englifli Na-
tion, began to take notice in their Public Remonftrances, of
what was doing at New-England, as an Effay of the French
Government, whereunto England was then hurrying with a
Phaetontic Praecipitation. The Adminiftration, was almoft
entirely a Complication of Shamelefs and Matchlefs Vil-
lianies. The Hone/I Gentlemen in the Council were Over-
looked and Browbeaten, and rendred infignificant. Three
or Four FiniJJied Villians did what they Pleas'd : There was
no Controlling of them. Among other Inftances of the Vile
Things in it, there was This Comprehenfive One ; The
Banditi gave out, that the Charters being loft, all the Title
that the People had unto their Lands was loft with them ;
(for which a fmall DefecT; in the Legal and Public Settle-
ments of them, was Pretended :) and therefore they began to
Compel the - People every where to take Patents for their
Lands. Accordingly Writs of Intrujion were Iffued out
againft the Chief Gentlemen in the Territory ; by the Ter-
ror whereof many were driven to Petition for Patents, that
they might Enjoy the Lands, which had been Fifty or Sixty
Years in their Poffeffion : But for thefe Patents there were
fuch Exorbitant Prizes Demanded, that Fifty Pounds could
not Purchafe for its Owner an Eftate not Worth Two Hun-
dred: nor could all the Money and Moveables in the Terri-
tory have Defray'd the Charges of Pattenting the Lands at
the Hands of thefe Crocodiles ; Befides the Confiderable
Quitrents for the King. Indeed, the Bruitifh Things done
by thefe Wild Beafts of the Earth, are too Many to be Re-
lated, and would be too Bruitifh to be Believed. Guefs
what was to be Expected, from a Parcel of Hungry
Wretches, who had caft off all Senfe and all Face of Hon-
ejly, and who Publickly told the Poor People, They muft
not think that the Priviledges of EngliJJimen would follow

them
(124)

[5]

them to the Ends of the Earth ; And, They had no more
Priviledges left but This, that they were not Bought and
Sold for Slaves. In fhort, All was done, that might be
expecled from a Kirk, Except the Bloody Part But That
was coming on. The Lives of the Beft Men began to be
Practifed on. The Learned, Pious, Peaceable Mr. Morton
for That ! And Mr. Mather flood fair, for that from which
he thought he had been Delivered.

In this Time, you may be fure, Mr. Mather had not for-
got his Old Stroke. I find him ftill at Prayer as much as ever :
And ftill under the like Impreffions ! Take a Touch or
two. As 1687. was coming on, I find him Writing, on one
Day, thus. After I came home from the Public Labours of
the Lords Day, as I was alone in my Study Praying for
Good Tidings out of England, / was Exceedingly Melted
before the Lord. On another Day, thus. I fought unto
GOD in Secret with Tears, that He would fend Reviving
News out of England : And / could not but Believe that He
will dofo. He had them Immediately.

ARTICLE XXIV.

Whitehall, after many Ob/lrut~lions Repair d unto.

[HE King in the beginning of that Year, [Juft Three

Years & an Half, after ] Published his,

Declaration of Indulgence ; which the Protejlant
Diffenters had abundance of Reafon to be Thank-
ful for ; inafmuch as it brought them out of their Graves :
And if it affumed an Illegal Power of Difpenfeng with
Laws, yet in Relation to Them, it only Difpenfed with the
Execution of fuch Infamous Laws as were ipfo facto Null
and Void before : Laws contrary to the Laws of GOD,

and
(125)

[6]

and the Rights and Claims of Humane Nature. Be fure,
the New-EngliJJi Proteftants, found the Benefit of the Dec-
laration; for it refcued the Maligned Churches of New-
England o\& of a Devourers Talons, when he was juft on
the point making many Violent Invafions upon them. The
Minifters hereupon at Mr. Mathers motion, made an Addrefs
of Thanks to the King, for the Benefit which they enjoy 'd
by his Declaration ; and it Proved a confiderable Service to
the Country. But then he Moved, that the Churches, as
well as their Paftors, might come into fuch an Action ;
which alfo was readily complied withal. The Adverfary
was enough Enraged at thefe things ; And when the
Minifters of Bofton agreed with their Congregations upon
keeping a Day of Thankfgiving to Heaven, for the Shelter
which their Brethren as well as themfelves found by the
Declaration^ Sr. Edmond Andros with many Menaces for-
bad their Proceedings, and Particularly threatned that he
would fet Guards of Souldiers on their Church-Doors, if they
Attempted what they Pretended to.

The Superiour Gentlemen in the Oppreffed Country,
thought, that a Well-qualified Perfon, going over with the
Addreffes of the Churches to the King, might, by the Help
of fuch Protejlant Diffenters as the King began upon
Political Views to caft a fair Afpecl; upon, Obtain fome
Relief to the Growing Diftreffes of the Country ; And Mr.
Mather was the Perfon that was pitch'd upon. Being in
Diftrefs about this Important Affair, he did as he ufe to do.
In the Day of Prayer which he kept upon it, he put it
upon this Iffue ; That he might know the JDircftion of the
Glorious GOD, by the Inclinations of the Church he
belong'd unto, when the matter of his going for England,
mould be Propofed unto them. The next Day, the matter
was propofed unto the Church ; and he faid unto them, If
you fay to me, Stay, / will Stay : But if you fay to me, Go,

/ will
(126)

[7]

/ will cajl my f elf on the Providence of GOD, and in His
Name I will go. I know not how to difcern the Mind of
GOD, but by yoiir Inclinations. To his Wonderment,
They that at another time would have almoft affoon parted
with their Eyes as have parted with him now were willing
to it; They Unanimoujly Confented. They Feard what
would quickly be done by Bloody and Crafty Men, if he did
not in this Honourable way get unto fome Diftance from
them. And they Hop'd that he might be an Infl rument of
fome Deliverance for a Land like to be Defolate and Over-
thrown by Strangers. What mould be made of the Politi-
cal Views in the Court at this Time, Who can fay ? Upon
the Numbring of the People, it was then Reckoned, there
were about One and Thirty Hundred Thousand which at
Prefent ProfeJJed Adherence to the EJlablifhed Church:
About Eleven Hundred Thoufand, Proteftant Non Con-
formi/ls, of feveral Denominations; And about Ninety
Thousand (if fo many) Roman-Catholicks. Though the
Non-Conformifts might for a while fly to a Tree that gave
them fome Shelter from their Idum&an Unreafonable Per-
fecutors, yet they were Difcrete and Honeft enough to have
kept their Stops ; and it could never enter into the Kings
Mind, that they would go fo far as to Affift the Roman-
Catholicks in gaining the Power, with Forreign Aids, to
Devour them all. Nor could it enter into Their Mind, that
a King, whofe Sword was Steel, his GOD was but a Wafer,
and who could not keep in any Terms with the Church
whereof he was but a Vaffal, if he did not ajjbon as he
could, Order all that would not Worfhip his Idol to be
thrown into the Fiery Furnace, could be their Hearty
Friend, or could long forbear to Harafs them with Perfidi-
ous, and Barbarous, and Inhumane Cruelties. Indeed, I
know to whom it was, that King James in a Private Confer-
ence, Expreffed an Horror of the French Kings Horrid

Cruelties,
(127)

[8]

Cruelties, and faid, / Wonder wJtat Almighty GOD will do
to him ! Neverthelefs, was not King James too a Roman
Catholic ? He was a Son of the Church, and he muft Obey !
Or, What better was the State of the Proteftants in Ireland,
under Him than that of the Hugonots in France, under his
Brother ?

But yet, Mr. Mather might hope at leaf! for fome Tempo-
rary Advantages for his Country, and fuch as might be
worth feeking for, from the Prefent Pojlure of Affairs.

Let it not be cavilled, That he was now going, Extra
Theologies Sphczram. A Public Diftrefs, a Common Dan-
ger, is enough to Legitimate his Lifting for the Service.
Yea, The Life of Churches was now at Stake. Churches
were to be Served. New-England knows how to take its
Minifters upon occafion, & ufe them as Inftruments of doing
what none elfe could have done., to ferve its Interefts. Yea,
an Eminent Writer Propounds it, That the Reformed
Churches ought always to have fome or other of their Min-
ifters, refident in the Courts of Princes, that fo their Inter-
efts may not Suffer, but be Preferved and Promoted there.

A fort of Panic Terror fell now upon the Adverfary. Some-
thing muft be done to flop the Intended Voyage. Randolph
muft be the Tool. A Copy of his Forged Letter? 1 being
fent over hither, Mr. Mather in a Letter to the Perfon that
received it, Intimated fome Reafons he had for a Sufpicion
that Randolph (with a Brother of his) might be one Author
of the Forgery. Tho' the Villian knew himfelf to be fo,
and his Good Fame was not worth half a Farthing ; yet he

now

81 The matter of the forged letter be no neceflity to repeat the details,

purporting to be written by Mather, Briefly, Mather attributed the forgery

and by him attributed to Randolph, is to Randolph, and was fued by the lat-

fully difcufled in the Mather Papers, ter. The papers relating to the fuit

Mafs. Hift. Soc. Coll. 4th Ser. viii. are printed in the volume laft cited,

108-109. As it does not efpecially pp. 702-704.
concern the main ftory, there feems to

(128)

[9]

now Arrefted Mr. Mather in an AElion of Defamation^ and
Five Hundred Pounds Damage. And it was a thing little
fhort of Miraculous, that confidering the Tricks and Frauds,
wherewith every thing was then Managed, the Point was
not gained. But the Good Old way was taken ; much
Prayer was made unto the Glorious Lord from whom every
Man has his Judgment: and the Day whereon the Court
fat, was a Day of Prayer with fome Societies of Chriftians,
for a Good Iffue of the Perplexing matter. Behold, The
whole Jury cleared Mr. Mather, and ordered the Plaintiff
to Pay Co/Is of Court.

Mr. Mather went on with his Preparations for his Voyage;
and had his Mind more and more Irradiated with a Strong
Perfwafion, That GOD would give him to find Things in
England, infuch a State, as that hefhould have an Oppor-
tunity to do Special Service for His People here. Yea, he
went fo far in it, as to Write thefe Marvellous Words upon
it ; / know, it will be fo ; For Thou, O Lord GOD, haft
told me, that it will befo ! And the Truth is, If he had not
had fome fuch Faith as this, to have Infpired him with an
uncommon Courage, a Perfon of his Prudence would never
have Expofed himfelf, as he did on a Thoufand Accounts in
his prefent Undertaking.

He waited on Sr. Edmond Androfs, the Governour and
Oppreffor of New-England ; and acquainted him, That he
defigned a Voyage for London. He alfo gave the Country
notice of his Voyage, in a Sermon at the Great Lecture ; on
Exod. XXXIII. 15. If thy Prefence go not with us, carry
us not up from hence. Hereupon Randolph again, Affifted
by one 'Pothecary Bullivant, a Memorable Juftice [and
fomething elfe /] Privately fent an Officer to Arrefl him once
more (fuch the Equity of thofe Times /) upon the former
Aflion of Defamation. But it fell out, that he was juflthen
under the Operation of a more wholefome Phyjic, than what

that

Q (129)

[10]

that ''Pothecary had fent him ; and fo the Officer was Igno
rantly denied Admittance. The 'Pothecary as Ignorantly
reported, That Mr. Mather was Arrefted ; and the Report
flying like Lightening about the Solicitous Town, it foon
reached Mr. Mathers Ears ; who then kept upon his
Guard.

Of Randolph, I faid a good while ago, That I Jhoidd
have a farther Occajlon to mention Mm. I have now done
it ; And that I may never mention him any more, I will
here take my Eternal Farewell of him, with Relating, That
he proved a Blafted Wretch, followed with a fenfible C2irfe
of GOD wherever he came ; Defpifed, Abhorred, Unprof-
perous ; Anon he Died in Virginia, and in fuch Miferable
Circumftances, that (as it is faid) he had only Two or Three
Negro s to carry him unto his Grave.

Mr. Mather withdrew Privately from his Houfe, in a
Changed Habit, unto the Houfe of Colonel Philips in
Chart/lawn; In which withdraw, it is Remarkable, That
a Wicked Fellow, whofe Name was Thurton, and who was
placed as an under-Sheriff, to Watch him, and Seize him, if
he ftir'd abroad now faw him and knew him, and yet found
himfelf ftruck with fuch an Enfeebling Terror, that he had
no power to meddle with him. From thence, he was by
certain well-difpofed Young Men of his Flock, tranfported
unto Winnejimmet ; And from thence, he went aboard a
Ketch, which lay ready to affift his Voyage : From which
he was on Apr. 7. 1688. gladly received aboard the Ship
(called, The Prcejident^) on which he had at find Shipped
himfelf, and fo bore away for England.

After the Ship had made the Land, in a Foggy Day, they
narrowly efcaped Perifhing among the Rocks of Silly. And
fome very Wicked Fifhermen of St. Ives alfo after 7/fo/gave
them falfe Advice, on purpofe to have Shipwreck'd 'em ;

which
(130)

[II]

which they again Efcaped by Mr. Mathers taking one of
the Sharks afide, and hiring him with Four Half Crowns to
tell the Truth. But on May 6. a Weymouth Boat coming by
the Ship, he (with his Youngeft Son whom he carried over
with him) went afhore, at Weymouth, which was the laft
Town he had Lodged in, when he left England, Seven and
Twenty Years before ; And he had the Satisfaction, which
he had Exceedingly defired, of feeing his old Friends yet
Surviving in Dorfet-Jhire, who now received him with the
Greateft Joy Imaginable, and even as an Angel of GOD.

ARTICLE XXV.
An Admijfion into the Clofet of K. James //.

UT Mr. Mather, willing to lofe no Time, haftened
up to London, where he arrived, May. 25. 1688.
And he found Things infuch aftate, as that he
had Opportunity to do Special Service for his
People ; Even beyond what he could have Imagined. An
Eminent Perfon often at Court, Informed King James, of
his coming with Addreffes to His Majefty from New-Eng-
land: And upon May 30 which was the Time the King had
ordered for it, he attended on his Majefly, in the long Gal-
lery at Whitehall. Offering to kneel, the King forbad that
Pofture to him: whereupon Prefenting the Addrefs, 32 he

faid,

32 Thefe addrefles were probably To the Kings Moft Excellent Majejly.
the following, which we reprint from

Mafs. Hift. Soc. Coll. 4th Sen viii. pp. The Humble Addrefs of many Congre-
697-698 : gations m New [England.]

SIR, That princely Goodnefs and

ADDRESS OF THE CONGREGATIONS bounty which did adorn one of your
IN NEW ENGLAND TO KING JAMES Roya[l Anjceftors, caufed his fubjefts
1 1. to honour him with the Glorious Title

of
(130

[12]

faid, Syr, Your Majefties moft Loyal Subjects in New-
England, with all PoJJible Veneration, Prefent this Addrefs

of the poor m[an's] King. And it is
mentioned as the Chief Glory of a
Great King in Ifrael (in t[hat] refem-
bling the King of Kings) that Hee
mould deliver the needy, fpare the
poor, and redeem them from violence.
This hath your Majefty done by your
Late Gracious declaration for Liberty
of Confcience, which is Come down on
your fubjeclis like rain on the mowen
Grass. Therein you aflure them that
they mall bee maintained in all their
properties and pofleffions ; and Confirm
unto them the free exercife of their Re-
ligion. Wee know your Majeftyes
pleafure is, that your Indulgence mould
extend to thefe utmoft Ends of the
Earth, fince you have Commanded it
to bee proclaimed in this part of Your
Dominions. As men, our Civil prop-
erties and pofleffions are dear unto us,
butt much more our Religion, as wee
are Chriftians. Your Majefty having
declared that no difturbance of any
kind fhall bee given to us therein, Wee
mould render ourfelves moft unworthy,
if wee do not accept fuch Royal Grace
fo Generoufly Exprefled, with all hum-
ble thankfulnefs to God and the King.
And Your Majefty having promifed that
this Liberty mail Continue during your
Reign over us ; as the Scripture has
made it our duty, fo your Majefty has
made it our Intereft to pray that your
Reign may bee long, and profperous.
Lett the King live forever. Thus do
wee, with all poffible Teftimonies of the
Higheft Gratitude, Subfcribe ourfelves

Dread Soveraign,

Your moft Loyal and Obedient Subjects.

In the Name of many Congregations
in Your Majeftyes Territory and Do-
minion of New England.

ADDRESS OF THE CONGREGATIONS
IN N. E. TO JAMES II. 1687.

To the King's Mojl Excellent Majejly.

The humble addrefs of the Congrega-
tions in N. E.

MAY IT PLEASE YOUR MAJESTY,
Since the beams of your Royall
Clemency have bin fo vaftly influen-
tiall, as to communicate their light and
warmth to this remote corner of the
earth, and your Goodnefs (no l[efs
fp]lendid than your Greatnefs) hath
amplified itfelf fo farre as to compre-
hend your poor and defpicable fubjecls,
at fo great a diftance as N. E. within
the compafs of your gracious declara-
tion, in which we have aflured fecurity
of the continuance of our Liberty of
Confcience in the worfhip of God, and
peaceable enjoyment of our properties
and pofleffions, than which nothing can
be dearer to us in this world, and not
only fo, but you have alfo (by giving
particular order for the proclaiming of
this your Kingly Indulgence among vs)
made us fenfible, as of the well inten-
tions to grafp us within it, fo of a fpe-
ciall care you have entertained for vs :
It would argue us far more degenerate
and brutifh than the Barbarous Na-
tives wee converfe among, mould wee
not with greateft thankfulnefs, exprefle
our deep refentment of fuch an immu-
nity, which (next under God) wee are
properly beholden to your Majefty for.
Deign then, Great Sir, to fill vp your
already fuperlative goodnefs, to caft a
benign ey upon thefe our beft expref-
fions of reall gratitude, who, (having
nothing elfe to fignalize it by) refolve,
by our earneft wifhes and hearty pray-
ers, to do our utmoft to obtein that

your

[13]

of Thanks to Your Majefty, for Your mojl Gracious Decla-
ration of Indulgence unto them and their Brethren. The
King replied, Read it, Syr ; which he did, and added the
Number of the Minifters who had Subfcribed it, in the
Name of their feveral Congregations. The King then
received it out of his Hand, and faid, / am glad my Sub-
jects in New-England are fenjible of any Eafe and Benefit
by my Declaration : And it JJiall Continue. I hope, by
a Parliament to Obtain a Magna Charta for Liberty of
Confcience. He then Prefented an Addrefs to the King
from Plymouth; to which His Majefty replied, / kindly

your reign may bee long, peaceable and
fuccesfull, joyning hereto our utmoft
endeauors fo to demean ourfelves in all
things, as to make it manifeftly appeare
that wee are, as wee profefs ourfelves

Sir,
Your Majeflie's moft Loyall and

moft obedient fubjefts.*

[Suppofe in Oftober or November, 1687.
PRINCE.]

33 The Plymouth Addrefs is prob-
ably the one, of which we have the fol-
lowing fragment in Mafs. Archives,
Political, vol. cvi. p. 371 :

" Renew our humble prayers and fup-
plication to our Lord the King that
you may gracioufly be pleafed to give
your order for a bill to be prepared for
your Royall Signett to pane the great
Scale for the granting etc. as hath been
formerly petitioned for. As foon as
your Majefty more weightly concernes
may give admittance thereto, and with
as much eafe as to your charge thereof
as may be, confidering our great pov-
erty partly be the barrennes of moft of
our Lands, late blaftings and mildewes

* This addrefs is in the handwriting of the Rev.
Samuel Willard.

on our principal grains and the great
desolations made upon many of our
howfes by the barbarous Indians ; this
Colony being the firft feat of that cruell
warr and as it was our defign notwith-
ftanding the propofalls annexed to our
former petition and addrefs containing
the heads of what wee cheifly defired
to be granted, yet humbly fubmitt
ourfelves and propofalls to your Maj-
eftys good pleafure. So wee defire ftill
to fubmitt thofe propofalls of our defires
to your Majeftys Regulation as you
mail fee fitt for us : hoping to find grace
in your fight efpecially as to our relig-
ious libertyes, that under your Royall
favour and protection as we have, fo
wee may, with peaceable and loyall
minds have the liberty of our Con-
fciences in the publick worfhipe of God
according to Scripture, patern and gof-
pell order ; which according to our beft
light and the generall profeffion here is
the Congregationall way : and therein
onely differing from our orthodox breth-
ren of the Church of England, agree-
ing with them and other the reformed .
Churches in their profeflion of the Doc-
trinall points of Religion : to enjoy
which liberty without ofFenfe to thofe
worthy perfons who were otherwife

minded.

(133)

accept of this Addrefs alfo, and I fay again, as I faid
before ; You Jhall have a Magna Charta for Liberty of
Confcience.

Two Days after this, Mr. Mather was Admitted into the
Kings Clofet ; and there faid unto him : Syr, Your Majef-
ties moft Loyal Subjects in New-England, think, they can
never be Sufficiently Thankful to GOD, and to Your Majejly,
for the Benefit they have received by Your mcjl Gracious
Declaration of Indulgence. The King Replied; I am fur e,
they that are truly Confcientious, are P leafed with my Dec-
laration ; As for thofe that are not fatisfied with it, they
are Men that have little Dejigns of their
own . an( tkeir Tricks are well known to

, 7 Trr ,, T / T - u , r ^

t*f World. I was for Liberty of Con-
fcience before I was King : And I Thank
GOD s that ftnce I was King I have been
able in that matter to give fome eafe unto my

Subjects.

[LIBERTY OF

CONSCIENCE!

Can the Ethiopian
ChangehisSkin,or

minded. And that under the protection
of their Majefties fervice Mr Jofiah
Winflow then Governour fent over by
the hand of the noble Lord Culpep-
per in the year 1680 and intrufted with
the Honourable Wm. Blathwayt, Efq.,
whom wee intrufted to give himfelf the
trouble to manage this weighty concern,
yet that wee might not be thought to
negle6l your Majefty wee did the year
following imploy one of our Magif-
trates, Mr James Cudworth to wait
upon your Majefty according to fuch
directions and affiftance as hee might
receive from Mr Blathwayt. But it
pleafed God to take him away to death,
foon after his arrivall at London, before
he could have that happines of that
opportunity for us. And tho. wee
doubt not of Mr Blathwayt's faithfull-
nes and care according to the truft we

repofed in him, and the affiftance there-
of which hee was pleafed lovingly to
give us in his ftation and that good
character was hence received of him,
yet partly by your Majeftys more
weighty concernes and his own, and
partly by miflaying the copy of our
former patent fent over by Governor
Winflow, fo it is that we have received
no further anfwere of our humble peti-
tion and defire than that fome hopefull
progrefte hath been made in the bufi-
nefs of our patent, and that your Gra-
cious Majefty and your Honourable
Councill have a good opinion of our
Loyalty, for which wee defire to be
thankfull to you and your Majeftys
Council, and truft thro' divine affiftance
that wee mall never forfeit. And now
having fent over another true copy
of our former patent and contemplating

not

(134)

Subjects. He then faid unto the King ; Syr, Your Subjects
in New-England are a People that were Perfecuted thither
on the meer Account of Religion. Inasmuch as Your Maj-
efty has Delivered them from the Fear of a future Perfecu-
tion, they are Transported with Joy ; and there are great
Numbers, Dejirous that IJJwuld report their Dutiful Affec-
tion unto your Majefty. The King thereupon afked him,
whether Sr. Edmond Andros gave good Satisfaction to his
Subjects there.

The Dialogue went on in thefe Terms.

JHat^Ct* Syr, If he would but duely attend to Your
Majejlies Declaration, the People there would be better
Satisfied.

KING. Does he not do That?

There have been fome of Your Subjefls Fined and
Imprifoned, becaufe from a Tendernefs of Confcience they
Scrupled, Swearing by the Book. I brought an Address of
Thanks to Your Majejly, from a Number of our Congrega-
tions. I believe all the Congregations in the Country would
have Concurred in the Addrefs, had not the Mini/lers been
Difcouraged by Sr. Edmond Andros, who in a menacing
way, bid them, have a Care what they did ; And One of the
Council with him there told us, wejhould make no Addreffes
to the King without their Leave. The Mini/lers of Bofton
propofed unto their Congregations, that they might keep
a Day of Thankfgiving, to Blefs GOD for what they have

enjoy d

not only the gracious affurance given your moft gracious and unparalleled

under your Royall hand of your con- condifcention above mentioned wee

tinuance and enlargement of our lib- have found in our hearts to "

ertys both civil and religious, but alfo [Here the MS. breaks off.]

(135)

enjoy 1 d by Your Majefties Declaration. But he fent for
them, and bid them keep the Day at their Peril, and ajjiired
them, that if they did, he would clap a Guard on their Per-
fons and their Churches too ; fo that the intended Thanf-
giving was Diverted.

KING. I wonder at it; For in other Plantations, the
Governours themfelves have fent me Thanks for my Decla-
ration.

All the Hope under GOD, that yoiir Svbjefts in
New-England have, is in Your Majejly. They cannot but
hope, that the Great GOD in whofe Hand is the Heart of
Kings, will incline Your Royal Heart to relieve them, when
once you Jhall truly and fully be Informed how it is with
them.

KING, \_who feem'd Pleas d,~\ No Man mail be more
ready to relieve them then I will be. Do you therefore
bring to me in Writing, the things which Trouble you.

Upon this, Mr. Mather kneeled, and the King Offering
his hand unto him, he Kiffed it ; and for this Time took his
Leave.

Mr. Mather Immediately got ready, not only a Memorial
of the Grievances which filled his Country with the Cry of
the Opprejfed, but alfo a Petition 34 for a Redrefs of them, in

feveral

34 As to this Memorial and Petition Condition of the Dijfenters of Neiv-
we find two fets of papers anfwering England.
to the defcription in Mafs. Hift. Soc.

Coll. 4th Ser. vol. viii. pp. 699-702, and That your Majeftys Subjects there

pp. 113-115. They are as follows : diffenting from the Church of England

are by much the greateft and wealthieft

MEMORIAL OF THE DISSENTERS OF Part, and were the Firft of any of your

NEW ENGLAND. Majefty's Plantations, that Proclaimed

re, ,.n>T,,, T*QC T>T>T. r.~i y ur Majefty their True and Lawfull
Ibuppoie June i. looo. FRINGE.] t -ru .. * -.i .n. j- ^

J Soveraign. That notwithftandmg they

An Humble Memoriall of the prefent happily flourifhed under their former

Goverment,
(136)

feveral Propofed In/lances. Indeed, he could not now pro-
pofe the Reftoration of the Condemned & Vacated Charter ;

But

Government, yet upon your Majefty's
Commands, they cherefully Submitted
to the prefent Form of a Generall Gov-
ernor.

Yet fuch has bin and ftill is the
Artifice of fome who belong to the
Church of Englands Party to traduce
the moft peaceable and Confciencious
Men as Seditious and difaffected to
Royall Goverment.

And fuch is the prefent Cafe of your
Majefty's DifTenting Subjects in this
your Plantation.

For that they are not fuifered to fett
apart Days of Prayer and Thankfgiv-
ing: no, not even for the Bleffing of
your Gracious Declaration for Liberty
of Confcience, Nor were the People
there Encouraged to make humble Ad-
drefles pf Thanks, but the Contrary.

That the Service of the Church of
England has bin forced into their Meete-
ing Houfes.

That there have bin threatnings to
punifh any Man that mould give to the
value of Two pence to maintaine a Non-
conformift Minifter.

That they have bin fined and Im-
prifoned becaufe they were Scrupelous
of Swearing, otherwife then according
to the Ancient Cuftome of this your
Majefty's Plantation, by Lifting up
their Hands to heaven and not by the
Booke.

That the Diflenters Lands there are
Meafur'd out, and given to fuch as are
for the Church of England, and others
denyed Liberty to improve their Prop-
erty.

That whole Towns, to the Ruine of
many hundreds of Familyes, are now
vnder expectation of having their Lands
feized, vnlefie they give money to Re-
purchafe them.

That they are under great Fears
and Difcouragements, being told by
fom in Goverment that they are no
better then Slaves, that they have no
Title to Property or Englim Privi-
lidges, and they are treated accord-
ingly.

Some being Imprifoned without
Afligning any Cause, and others forc'd
to pay fuch Fines as inferior Officers
pleafe to extort from them.

[A paragraph erafed.~\

That it is commonly difcourfed that
the College built by Non-Conformifts
in New England mail be taken from
them, and put into the hands of fuch
as are of the Church of England.*

PETITION OF INCREASE MATHER AND
OTHERS TO KING JAMES II.

To the Kings Mojl Excellent Majesty.

The humble Petition of Increafe Ma-
ther, Samuel Nowell, and Elifha
Hutchinfon, on behalfe of them-
felues and many of your Majeftys
Loiall Subjects in New England,

Humbly Sheweth

That fince the diffolution of the late
Government there, many inconven-
iences have and will attend your Peti-
tioners, unlefle relieved therein by your
Majefty, in order whereunto they hum-
bly propofe to your Majeftys Confider-
alion the heads in the Paper annexed,
which if your Majefty mail vouchfafe to
Grant and confirme to them, will (as
your Petitioners humbly conceive) be
for your Majeftys Intereft, and an effec-

tuall

* The laft paragraph is in the handwriting of
Increafe Mather.

(137)

But he did Propofe (what the King himfelf had Inftru6led
him to call, a MAGNA CHARTA, for an Everlafling Lib-
erty

tuall meanes for the fettlement of that
your Colony.

And therefore they humbly pray and
hope that your Majefty will, out of your
great Grace, give fuch fpeedy Orders
therein as will be for your Petitioners
reliefe.

And your petitioners, etc :

[April 6, 1688. Mr. Increafe Mather goes
for England.

May 30. Has his ift audience of King
James II, in private ; and June I. his
ad audience. And I fuppofe on July
2, 1688, prefents this Petition to King
James 2d, as it feems by Dr. C. Ma-
ther's Life of his Father. PRINCE.]

[The following paper is placed in the col-
lection of manufcripts immediately
after this petition, and is probably
"the Paper annexed," referred to
therein.]

That his Majefties fubje&s in New
England may be quieted in the poflef-
fion of all property, both in houfes and
lands, as they enjoyed them before the
gouuerment was changed, on the 24th
May, 1686, and that the antient records
there fetled for title of lands may be
confirmed.

That there be liberty of confcience
in matters of Religion, and that theire
former methods of fwearing in giueing
of Evidence may be allowed ; and all
their meeting houfes left free to them,
according to the Intentions of the build-
ers thereof.

That no lawes may be made nor
mony raifed there, without the Confent
of a generall Assembly, as it is in the
other plantations.

That all Townfhips may haue liberty

to aiTemble and mannadge the buiffinefs
of theire feuerallprecindis, asunder the
former Gouuernment, and haue power
to receiue and difpofe of all Voluntary
contributions.

That the Colledge at Cambridge in
New England, with the Revenues
thereunto belonging, be confirmed in
the hands of a Prefident and fellows as
formerly.

Wee humbly Petition, that thefe
things may be confirmed under the
great feale.

PETITION IN BEHALF OF HARVARD
COLLEGE.

[This paper is in the handwriting of In-
creafe Mather.]

Suppose for June i. 1688. PRINCE.

Some who are diflenters from the
Church of England did ere<5l a Col-
ledge at Cambridge in New England
for the benefit of themfelves and pof-
terity.

Several donations were beftowed on
this Colledge by fundry perfons ; alfo a
revenue fetled by the former Govern-
ment for the incouragement of a Prefi-
dent and Fellows to govern that
Society.

It has bin governed by a Prefident,
five Fellows, and a Treafurer, who had
power to make laws for the government
of their own Society, and to difpofe of
all moneys given, or that mould be
given, as mould be moft advantagious
to the ufe of the Colledge ; alfo in cafe
of death or removal to chufe another
Prefident, Fellow, or Treafurer.

At the time when the Civil Govern-
ment was changed, the Colledge was

(nor

[19]

erty of Confcience to the Churches, to the Religion whereof
no lefs than an utter Extinction was intended and eagerly

purfued

(nor is it that wee know of, as yet put
into other hands) under the Infpeclion
of Increafe Mather as Prefident, John
Sherman, Nehemiah Hubbard,* John
Cotton, John Leverett, William Brattle,
as Fellows, and John Richards as
Treafurer.

Wee now petition that the faid Col-
ledge may be confirmed in the hands it
has bin in, and that they may have the
fame power which formerly they had,
as is above exprefled.

MEMORIAL OF GRIEVANCES PRE-
SENTED BY INCREASE MATHER
TO JAMES II.

Mr Increafe Mather's 2d audience of
King James II was private on lune 2,
i688.f Who failed a Bofton the Beg. of
April, 1688. PRINCE.

For June i, 1688.

I. As to matters of Religion, they
are inhibited the free exercife thereof,
for they are not allowed to fet dayes
for prayer or Thankfgiving when the
minifters in B. had agreed with their

* The perfon intended was undoubtedly William
Hubbard.

t Cotton Mather, who derived his information
from a diary kept by his father, fays, in the " Paren-
tator," that the fidt audience took place May 30, in
the long gallery at Whitehall ; on which occafion he
prefented addrefles of thanks from the minifters and
churches of Maflachufetts and Plymouth, for the
King's Declaration of Indulgence. The fecond
audience was in the King's Clofet, " two days after,"
i. e-i June i. At that time no petition was prefented,
but only a converfation held, in which the King bade
him to prepare a written ftatement of what he wifhed
to be done for the Colony. He immediately drew up
a Memorial of grievances, and alfp a Petition for
their redrefs, and waited on his Majefty, July 2, and
prefented them. We infer, from the language of the
"Parentator," that a petition in behalf of the Col-
lege perhaps in fubftance that which is printed
above was prefented at the fame time.

congregations folemnly to praife God
becaufe of the King's Declaration of
Indulgences. Sir Edmund Andros en-
terteyned them with threatening words,
faying it was faction in them, and bad
them meet at their perill, and told them
that hee mould then fend fouldiers to
guard them and their meeting-houfes
too. And the worfhip of the Church
of England has been forced into feveral
of their meeting-houfes. Some have
been fined and imprifoned, because they
were afraid to a<5l againft the fcruples
of their confciences in fwearing by the
Booke, yet willing to fwear (when called
thereto) according to the cuftom of the
country, by lifting up their hands. 2.
The property of His Majefty's loyal
fubjedls there has been invaded by their
prefent Rulers. The Governor has
taken away the Lands belonging to
fome particular perfons, and given
them to his owne creatures. As alfo
the Lands belonging to fundry Towns.
And there are divers whole Towns
threatned to have their common Lands
difpofed of to fuch of the loweft there
as have petitioned for them, which will
prove the ruin of hundreds of families
who have for fcores of years had a
peaceable poffeffion of their rights.
The prefent Rulers there, fome of
them, declare, that the King's fubjefls
in N. E. have no property belonging to
them, but that all is gone with their
charter, and they promife Patents to
fuch as will give a fumm of money to
purchafe their owne lands. They dif-
courage His Majeflies fubjefts by
afferting that they are no better than
flaves, and that the priviledges of Eng-
lifh men do not belong to them. And
in many particulars they ac"l contrary

(139)

[20]

purfued by the Sons of Strangers who now Lorded it over
them. He did therewithal Propofe, a Confirmation of the
Peoples Title to their Lands, which had been brought under
fuch an Abominable Conteftation. He did alfo Propofe, a
Liberty for an AJ/embly. But he had nothing more at
Heart than the Intereft of the College ; whereof he was now
the Rector: (and his appearing in that Quality was no
little Advantage to him in his Prefent Agency :) but the
Ruin whereof was evidently in the View of the Perfe-
cutors. Having prepared the way for it, by Private Appli-
cations, to the Lords of the Kings Privy Council, and the
Chief Miniflers, he again Waited on' His Majefty, (July 2.)
and was Admitted into his Clofet ; where he Prefented
kneeling his Memorial and Petition. The King put forth
his Hand to take him up, and faid, YouJJtall not kneel, Syr :
and therewithal received the Papers out of his Hand ; fay-
ing, I fuppofe thefe Papers concern New-England, and are
about the fame things, which you had fome Difcourfe with
me, not long Jince upon: And then putting them into his
Pocket he faid, He would take care about it. Mr. Mather
was accompanied with Two Gentlemen whom the King
treated, (not to fay, Cheated] as his Favourites : Both of
whom Declared unto his Majefty, That if he fliewed Favour
to New-England it would have a Good Influence on the
whole Body of DijJTenters in England; Whereto the King

Replied,

to the Laws of England. They might drefs of thanks to the King, hee bad

fell where they will without affigning them have a care what they did, and

anycaufe. Inferior officers extort what was greatly difpleafed.
Fees they pleafe. If His Majefty mall fee caufe to

3. Disregard has bin mewed to his empower any as Commiflioners, requir-

excellent Majefties declaration. When ing them to adminifter oaths to fundry

a Bookefeller defired that hee might in N. E., as they mall receive direc-

have licenfe to print it in N. E., that tion ; the truth of thefe complaints will

could not be granted. And when the be made to appear. New England is

minifters in Bofton informed the Gov- now *
ernor that they were ingaging their
Congregations to make an humble Ad- The manufcript abruptly terminates here.

(HO)

[21]

Replied, / believe fo, and itJJiall be done! And Mr. Mather
then added, That his poor Subjects in New-England, very
much Defired, he fhould be Acquainted with their Condi-
tion : But he said, The Obligation will be beyond Exprejfion
great, if Your Majefty, will Pleafe to grant them a Charter
for their College. Certainly, Syr, they may think it hard
that the College built by Non-Conformifts,
JJiould be taken from them, & put into the ^^Jj at? *r in
Hands of Conformi/ls. The King Replied, declare fo ! j
It is Unreafonable, & itfhall not be !

On Sept. 26. Mr. Mather again waited on the King in his
Clofet ; and there faid unto him ; Syr, I count it my Duty,
mojl Humbly to Thank your Majefty, in that you were
P leafed fome time fence to give Affurance, that you would
Confirm to your Subjects in New-England, their Liberties
and Properties, and the Benefit of your Gracious Declara-
tion. The King Replied, / will take the fame Care of
New-England, as of England ; And you may be fure, they
JJiall have what I have Promifed. Mr. Mather went on, /
Humbly Pray, Syr, that the matter may be Expedited.
Your Majesties Affairs here may feel fome Advantage from
it. The Kings Anfwer was ; Trouble yourfelf no farther;
I will take Care, that the thing fJiall be done with Ex-
pedition.

But, Quid Verba audiam quum fafla non Videam ?

There was nothing Effectually Performed of all that

had been Promifed.

Mr. Mather made as many Friends as he could : And it
was Remarkable to him, That not only the Lord-Proprietor
of Penfylvania, (then a Great Man at Court) treated him
with much Civility, but even the Goggle-E^d Monfter^ too

who

35 By the Goggle-Eyed Monfter of Macaulay will remember not only that
courfe Jeffrys is meant. Readers of the glare and frown of the cruel judge

were

(140

[22]

who ufed no other Man fo, treated him with fome Humanity,
and the Roman-Catholicks themfelves ufed him very Courte-
oufly. It often made him think on that Word, They JJiall
take up Serpents, and itJJiall not hurt them : The Serpents
were fo far from Hurting him, that they Extremely Careffed
and Flattered him. He' had fomething better than a Staff
of Laurel for his Prefervative ! When he was in the midfl
of thefe Dangerous People. Among thefe, Nevil Pain
told him, That Father Peters \vould gladly Speak with him,
and was willing, \_Pray, Majler Apella, can even you Believe
a Word of this ?~\ to do Good Offices for New-England.
But Mr. Mather did not fee caufe to truft him ; nor did
he ever Exchange Ten Words with him ; though Reports
were fpred by fome Spiteful Perfons of his maintaining an
Intimacy with him ; and he was once in Eminent hazard of
lofmg his Life, by a Mob, which from fome Refemblance
of Stature and Habit miftook him for the moft contrary
Thing in the world. Some that were Friends to New- Eng-
land flrongly advifed him to feek an Acquaintance with that
Gentleman, and ufe his Intereft with the King; but he
always declined it and faid, It was next to going to the Devil
for Help, and he could never find in his Heart to do it.
Some others, he did more freely Apply to ; and efpecially,
the Lord-Prasfident, and the Earl of Melfort ; who both ftill
Promifed Fair. He alfo hoped, That the Diftrefs and the Ter-
ror of the Impending Revolution, would compel the Doing of
fomething : And for this purpofe, he attended on the King,
once again in his Clofet, on Oct. 16. who then 36 Pofitively told
him, That Liberties and Properties, and the College, and all
that he had Promifed, mould be Immediately Confirmed :

And

were moft noticeable, but that fome M We infert the following petition
notable peculiarity of his eyes led to from Mafs. Hift. Soc. Coll. 4th Ser. viii.
his difcovery whilft endeavoring to es- p. n6,atthis place, fmce Prince afcribes
cape in difguife. it to July, 1688, and efpecially becaufe

Palfrey
(142)

[23]

And it feem'd indeed on the point of being Executed. But
upon the falfe Rumour of a Diverfion given to the Prince
of Oranges Expedition, there was a Demur put upon it ;
Whereupon Mr. Mather faid, in his own Mind / will fee
thy Face again no more. He thought he had heard Good
Words enough ; and faw, They were All he was like to be
put off withal. And indeed, what were the Dark Piirpofes
of the Court about poor New-England at that Critical time
of Ifaac on the Altar ; whether not fomething little fhort of
a Total Extirpation for Colonies that were fo Diftin-
guifhed for the Reformed Religion in the greateft Purity of

it ! Unriddle me, thofe Two Things. The one ; That

in the Account of the State of the Proteftants in Ireland,

which

Palfrey places it alfo to this period in
his third volume, p. 565. Hutchinfon
(Hift. i. 369) gives it the fame date.

PETITION OF INCREASE MATHER AND
OTHERS TO THE COMMITTEE FOR
TRADE AND FOREIGN PLANTA-
TIONS.*

To the Right HonoTirable the Lords'
Committee for Trade and Forreign
Plantations.

The humble Petition of Increafe Ma-
ther, Sa: Nowell and Elifha Hutch-
infon Sheweth

That fince your Lordfhips feem to
bee of the opinion that His Majefty
will not at prefent grant an Aflfembly
to be held within his Dominion of New
England, for the making of Laws or
raifing of mony, The Petitioners hum-
bly conceive, That it will be as much
for His Majeftys fervice as the peacea-
ble goverment of his fubjefts there;

that untill His Majefty mail be gra-
cioufly pleafed to grant an Affembly, the
Council mould confift of fuch perfons
as mail be conliderable Proprietors of
Lands within His Majefty's dominions ;
and that the Countys being continued
as at prefent, each County may have
one, at leaft, of fuch of the Inhabitants
of the fame to be a member thereof.
And that no A<5ls may pafs for Law but
fuch as have or mall be voted by the
manifeft confent of the major part of
the Council. And that all Laws fo
made may by printing be publifhed for
the Generall Inftruction of all the In-
habitants.

Your Petitioners therefore moft hum-
bly pray that your Lordfhips would be
pleafed favourably to report the fame to
His Majefty for his gracious direction
and order therein.

And your Petitioners mail pray, etc.
[Suppofe in 1688, fometime in July.

PRINCE.t]

an ao n . . . .

where the reference is to Hutch. Hift. i. 229-230.

t Dr. Palfrey, who probably obtained his infor-
nation from the Colonial Papers, in the Britilh
State Paper Office, dates this petition as in October.
(Note in Mafs. Hift. Soc. Coll.)

(H3)

which no Proteftants make any Queftion of, One Article of
the Suggeftions made by the IriJJi Catholicks to King James,
was, That if any of the Irilh cannot have their Lands in
Specie, but Money in Lieu, fome of them may tranfport
themfelves into America, particularly near New-England, to
check the growing Independents of that Country. The
other ; That in a letter fent from King James to his Holy
Father at Rome, the Publifhed Copy of which every Body
looks upon as Genuine, that Intoxicated Prince, declares his
fidlpurpofe to fet up the Roman-Catholic Religion in the
EngliJJi Plantations of America. However, Bleffed be the
Lord, who has not given us as a Prey to their Teeth ; Our
Soul is Efcaped as a Bird out of the Snare of the Fowlers ;
the Snare is broken, we are Efcaped.

ARTICLE XXVI.
The Hi/lory of the NEW CHARTER.

JET my Reader, I befeech him, now be armed with
abundance of Patience. I am entring into a
Story, which I wifh I could manage with the Dif-
patch of the He-Goat in the Vifions of Daniel.
But it is a Story that mould and muft be told : and I fore-
fee, it will prove a long Chapter, let me do what I can. Of
the Poets, whereof tis Remark'd, the one knew what to fay,
the other knew what Not to fay, I am Confident, even the
latter, (and he who has made his Eneids, as we now have
them, twenty times as fliort as they were in the firfl Com-
pofing of them) could not give it much more Concifely than
what mail be now endeavoured.

But, Reader, if thou art not in a Time or a Frame for

the
(144)

[25]

the Reading of Civil matters, Turn over a few Leaves, and
Skip the Chapter.

Perhaps, the Partitioning of the Story into Sections may
give the Reader fome neceffary Breathing-Spaces.

i. England mate and faw an Happy REVOLUTION.
And New-England upon, (and almoft before] the Advice of
it, made as Jujl and Fair an One, 37 in Conformity to it ; and

not

37 PALFREY writes (iii. 579) : " It
would be very interefting to know when
and how the riling in Bofton was pro-
jected." He cites HUTCHINSON (Hift.
i. 381), who fays, " It fully appears . . .
that none of the magiftrates were privy
to the rifing of the people ; " and who
alfo thinks that the Declaration was
written, after the event, by Cotton Ma-
ther. Both hiftorians ignore the very
clear ftatement made by Samuel Ma-
ther in the Life of his father Cotton
Mather, p. 42. It is as follows :

" It was in the Month of April
[1689] when we had News by the
Edges concerning a Defcent made
upon England by the Prince of Orange
for the Refcue of the Nation fro'm
Slavery and Popery ; Then a Strange
Difpofition entred in the Body of our
People to aflert our Liberties againft
the Arbetrary Rulers that were fleecing
them. But it was much feared by the
more fenfible Gentlemen at Bofton, that
an unruly Company of Soldiers who had
newly deferted the Service in which
they had bin employed for the Eaftern
War, by the gathering of their Friends
to them to protect them from the Gov-
ernor, who, they tho't, intended nothing
but Ruine to them ; would make a
great Stir and produce a bloody Revo-
lution.

" And therefore the principal Gentle-
men in Bofton met with Mr MATHER

(145)

to confult what was beft to be done ;
and they all agreed, if poffible, that they
would extinguifh all EfTays in our Peo-
ple to an Infurredtion ; but that if the
Country People to the Northward by
any violent Motions push'd on the
Matter fo far as to make a Revolution
unavoidable, Then to prevent the Shed-
ding of Blood by an ungoverned Multi-
tude, fome of the Gentlemen prefent
would appear in the Head of what
Action fhould be done ; and a Declara-
tion was prepared accordingly.

" On April 18, the People were fo
driving and furious, that unheadedthey
began to feize our public Oppreflbrs,
upon which the Gentlemen aforefaid
found it neceflary to appear, that by
their Authority among the People the
unhappy Tumults might be a little reg-
ulated." Further on he writes : " Twas
then Mr Mather appeared," and "he
fet himfelf both publickly and privately
to hinder the Peoples proceeding any
further than to referve the Criminals
for the Juftice of the Englijh Parlia-
ment." ... "On that very Day that
he was to be committed to half a Years
Imprifonment thofe that would have
wronged him were juftly taken into
Cuftody."

Surely this is very ftrong evidence
to the point, that the gentlemen had
confulted in advance ; and we can
hardly doubt that the multitude were

aware,

[26]

not Rejlfting an Ordinance of GOD, but Re/training a
Curfed Violation of His Ordinance, Imprifoned Sr. Edmond
Andros, and his Accomplices.

In the mean time, the Prince of Orange Arriving to
London, and he with the Princefs, being foon after, Chofen
and Crowned, KING and QUEEN, of the Britilh Empire,
Mr. Mather had a New Field, and a Large one, for fpecial
Service offered him.

The Prince of Orange, having declared, the Rejloration
of Charters to be one Intention of his Expedition into Eng-
land, Mr. Mather immediately ufed his moft Vigorous
Endeavours, That the Charters of New-England might be
Reftored as well as thofe of England. The good Old Lord
Wharton, whofe Memory ought forever to be Precious unto
New-England, went with Mr. Mather, to Wait on the Prince
of Orange, at St. James s ; and on Jan. g. 38 then Prefented

the

aware, by indirect means, that leaders
would be forthcoming whenever action
was taken.

35 Jan. 9, 1689-90. The Petition
prefented by Mather is undoubtedly
the following one, which is preferved in
Mafs. Archives, Ufurpation, vol. cxxix.
p. 345. It is addrefled to the Prince
of Orange, who was crowned King on
the 1 3th February :

[Mafe. Archives, Ufurpation, vol. cxxix. p. 345.]

To His Highnefs the Prince of Orange.

The Humble Petition of Increafe Ma-
ther, Reftor of the Colledge at Cam-
bridge in New England in the behalf
of himfelf and the Proteflant Inhab-
itants in that Territorie

Humbly fheweth

That in the reigne of King James
the firft, their Anceftors of Blefled
memory for the fake of God and their

confcience left their native Country,
and found a wildernefs now called New
England, and Planted and built there,
and had many grants in fee for the in-
heritance of what they foe dearly pur-
chafed. But fince the year 1683 their
Charters have been ravifhed from them
by Judgement in the high Court of Chan-
cery in England without allowing them
time to make the leaft defence, and a
Governour is impofed upon them (vizt.)
Sir Edmund Androfs, who hath ac-
cepted of an illegall and Arbitrary Com-
miffion Impowering him to make Laws
and to raife money without any confent
of the People, in foe much that their
ancient eftablimed Government is to-
tally fubverted ; And they are expofed
to the Cruelty and rapine of the In-
dians, animated by the French, and
their Religion perfons and properties
to the utmoft hazard of an abfolute dif-
truction except fpeedily relieved by
your highnefs.

Wherefore

(146)

[27]

the Petition for it unto His Highnefs. That noble Perfon,
with a great Zeal told his Highnefs, That if he werefure to
Dy the next Day, he would as he now did this Day, appear

Wherefore your petitioner humbly
implores your highnefs that you wilbe
gratioufly pleafed to declare under your
hand and figne manuall, that it is your
pleafure that New England mould be
Reftored to its ancient Rights and
priviledges and that their old Charters
mould take place as formerly.

And your petitioner as in duty bound
mall ever pray

We alfo add the following Letter to
Afhurft, and the report in Council, from
the Mafs. Hift. Soc. Coll. 4th Ser. viii.
p. 117-118 :

INCREASE MATHER TO SIR HENRY
ASHHURST.

Thefe for the Worjhipfull Sir Henry
AJhiirJl, Baronett.

SIR, I have a Great Requeft to
make to you. And I am perfwaded you
will not deny me.

The laft night I was at Whitehall ;
and my Lord Shrewfburyes (the Secre-
tary of State) Clerk informed me that
this day about 5 a clock in the after-
noon, our New England affair will be
before the Comittee of forreign Plan-
tations. Hee advifed me not only to
attend there myfelfe ; but, to ingage
fome other Gentlemen to be with me ;
and of his owne accord mentioned your
felfe.

I therefore humbly pray that you
will favor (not me but) New England
fo farr as to condefcend to this propofal
and defire of, Sir, Your Servant,

INCREASE MATHER.
February. 18. i688[-g.]

(H7)

REPORT AND ORDER IN COUNCIL,
FROM A PAPER IN THE HAND-
WRITING OF INCREASE MATHER.

A report from the Honorable the Lords
of the \Coni\mittee for Trade and
Forreign plantations.

Wee have in obedience to your Maj-
eftys Command of I3th inftant confid-
ered the Petition] of Sir W. A[fhhurft]
and Mr I[ncreafe] M[ather] praying
that the Colonies of Maffachufetts, New
York, Connecticut, Rhode Ifland, in
New England, may have their refpe<5tive
Charters reftored to them, and choofe
Magiftrates permitted to take upon
them the Government of faid Colonies,
wee have alfo heard what the petitioners
could allege by their Council learned in
the Law, and bin informed by Sir R.
S. of the proceedings relating to thofe
charters.

Whereupon wee moft humbly offer
that as well in reference to your Reve-
nue which is very much concerned
therein, as in confideration of the
neighbourhood of the French, who
have lately invaded your Majefties do-
minions in thofe parts, your Majefty
would be pleafed to fend forthwith
another Governor to New England in
the place of Sir Edmond Andros, with
a provifional commiffion and impowered
to proclaime your Majefty in thofe Col-
lonies, and to take the prefent care of
the Adminiftration of Government of
thofe parts till further ordered. In
which Commiffion and inftruc~lions it
may be expreffed that no money mail
be raifed by the Governor and Councill
onely, which they were lately empow-
ered

[28]

on behalf of New-England, and Sollicit His Favour to that
Religious Country. He faid, That they were a Godly Con-
fcientious People, and there were Proportionably more Good
Men in New-England, than in any part of the World. He
faid, They did not Petition for Money, nor for Souldiers, nor
any other Succours under their heavy Difficulties ; but for
their Ancient Privileges. His Highnefs replied, That His
Purpofe was, to take the Beft care he could about it ; and He
would give order to His Secretary Mr. Jephfon ! concerning
it. My Lord then carrying Mr. Mather to Mr. Jephfon, faid,
Coujin, (for f uch he was) Obferve this Gentleman ; and when-
ever he comes to you, Receive him as if I came my f elf.

And Mr. Mather foon had fomething to do with Mr.
Jephfon ! For by the Procurement of fome old Courtiers
and Jacobites, a Circular Letter was drawn up unto all the
Plantations, and unto New-England among the reft, Con-
firming all their Old Governours until further Order. Mr.

Mathers

ered to do. And wee likewife moft
humbly advife that your Majefty do
thereupon give order for preparing, as
foon as may be, fuch further eftablifh-
ment as may be lafting, and preferve
the Rights and priviledges of the people
in New England, and yet referve fuch a
dependence on the crown of England
as mail be thought requifite.
Council Chamber, 22 Febr.

His Majefty taking the fame into
confideration, was pleafed to command
that it be referred back to the Com-
mittee to confider of and prepare a
draft of a new charter to be granted to
the Inhabitants of New England, with
fuch parts and claufes as may fuit with
and be agreeable to the Laws and Gov-
ernment of this Kingdom, and may
preferve the Rights and properties of
the Colony and referve fuch a depend-
ance on this Cro[wn] as is advife[d]

and that inftead of [a] Governor to be
fent in the room of Sir Edmond Andros,
there be appointed 2 Commiffioners [to
take] upon them the Adminiftration
of Government there, with directions
immediately to proclaime King W.[il-
liam] and Queen M.[ary]. And his
Majefty is gracioufly pleafed further
to order that fuch of the Merchants
and planters as are at prefent here in
England do forthwith attend the faid
Committee in order to their recom-
mending to their Lordfhips of faid
Commiffioners for his Majefty.

At a Court at Whitehall, Feb. 26,
i688[-o.], by the Kings moft excellent
Majefty and the Lords of his moft hon-
ourable privy council.*

* This order of the King in Council is printed
in a flightly different form in Palfrey's " Hiftory,"
vol. iii/ pp. 592, 593, note, who alfo gives the objec-
tions urged by Sir Robert Sawyer on the 22d Feb-
ruary to the Lords of the Committee, as referred to
in the firft fedlion of this report

(14*)

[29]

Mathers Vigilance, got the Knowledge of this Letter, from
the Secretary : But what a concern did it give him ! Had
this Letter come to New-England, and the Pounded Rulers
taken the Advantage of it, as they would have done, to have
reiumed the Government, Bq/lon would have been a Sham-
bles. Mr. Mather Effectually Remonftrated it unto the
Secretary, who carried his Remonflrance unto the Prince ;
and he then gave Order that the Letter to New-England
mould be ftop'd ; but the reft proceed. This one Special
Service was well worth his Voyage to England for it !

39 I think the following document
from Mafs. Archives, Ufurpation, vol.
cxxix. p. 317, is the identical one which
did fuch fervice. It muft date after
February 13, when William and Mary
were crowned. The paper is in a
clerk's hand, but has been altered by
the fubftitution of the words printed in
Italics. This is a fign poffibly of fome
great urgency which would not allow
of a frefh copy being made, or elfe
fhows that the corrections were made
after the coronation, if we prefume a
fair copy was made. Palfrey (iii. 591)
fays that the letter continuing Andros
was dated January 12; and yet, as veffels
for New England failed infrequently, it
might well happen that a month had
elapfed without an opportunity to fend
it. At all events, we know by the docu-
ments which follow it that the paper
belongs juft at this juncture. A copy
in Mather's handwriting, and without
the additions above noted, is in Mafs.
Hift. Soc. Coll. 4th Ser. viii. p. 705.

[Mafs. Archives, Ufurpation, vol. cxxix. p. 317.]

To the [Kings] King William and
Queen Mary, Moft Excellent Maj-
eftyj.

The humble Petition of Sir William
Phips, Knt. and Increafe Mather,
Rector of the Colledge att Cam-
bridge in New England

Humbly flieweth :

That Four Colonies in New England
have had their Charters, which did em-
power them to choofe their own Rulers,
by extraordinary wayes taken from
them, And Sir Edmund Andros has
been fent to Governe them by an il-
legall Commiffion. And of late we hear
that the Indians animated by the French
are making Warr upon them And if
that Territory mould be loft, it would
prove very prejudiciall to the Englifh
Nation and to the Proteftant Intereft
in Generall.

Wherefore as an effectual Remedy
againft thefe Evills, Wee humbly pray
that Sir Edmond Andros may be re-
moved from his Government in New
England, and that your Majefty will
pleafe by a letter under your Majeflies
hand andjign manual, to Declare that
all their Charters being reftored to
them they proceede in Adminiftrations
of Government as before any Quo War-
rantos were iffued againft them, there
being now a fliip ready to fayle for
Bofton. Alfo that Order may be given
to the former governments in the fev-
erall Colonies in New England to pro-
claime your Majeftyj King and Queen
in that part of your Dominions

And your petitioners (hall ever pray.

049)

[30]

.2. It is Commemorated among the Memorable Things
in the Prudentia Veteris Ecclejice ; That the People at
Antioch having by fome ram doings, exceedingly Incenfed
the Emperour Theodojius, and Fearing his Vengeance upon
them, Compofed very Mournful Hymns, which they fang in
their Publick Devotions. Upon which they alfo fent their
Paftor, even the moft Eminent Minifter in the City, as an
Agent for them, to the Imperial Court ; who Prevailed with
the Young Men that were Singers at the Emperours Table,
to Sing thofe Mournful Songs : At the hearing whereof, the
Emperour, when he underftood the Original & Intention
of them, was Diffolved into Relenting Tears, and mewed
Mercy to the City.

New-England had 'not fo far Incurred the Royal Dif-
pleaiure ; though fome Difpleafmg Things had been Un-
wifely done in the Country. Mr Mather being in an
Agency for them, like his Predeceffor Flavian, thought it
no Imprudence to let the King hear fomething of what
paffed in the public Devotions of the People for which he
was concerned.

On March 14. 1689. The Lord Wharlon introduced him
to King WILLIAM ; and Mr. Mather knowing that the
King defired none but veryy%0r/ Speeches, only faid, / Con-
gratulate your Majejlies happy AcceJJion to the Crown, and
I Humbly Implore Your Favour to New-England.

KING. You may reft Affured that I will mew them all
the Favour, which it is in my Power to do.

/ may Humbly and Freely Speak it ; The very
Prayers of that People, will be of fome Service to Your
Majejly. They are a Good and a Praying People.

KING.

(150)

KING. I Believe they are a Good People ; But I doubt,
there have been Irregularities in their Government.

/ durjl Engage, that they Jhall at thejirjl Word Re-
form any Irregularities they Jhall be Advifed of.

Ld. Wharton. And /'/ be their Guarantee, and here is
Mr. Mather the ReRor of the College there, Jhall be the other.
We Two willjland bound for New-England, that theyJJiall
al Regularly for the Future.

KING. I will forthwith give Order, that Sr. Edmond
Andros fhall be removed from the Government of New-
England, and be called unto an Account for his Male-
Adminiftration. And I will direct, that the Prefent King
and Queen mail be Proclaimed by their former Magiflrates.

* Syr, They will do it with the Joyfullejl Hearts in
the World*

40 To this period belong the follow- p. 120-122, and there wrongly affigned
ing documents : Firft, an Order in to a later date :
Council, printed in Mafs. Hid. Soc.

Coll. 4th Ser. vol. ii. p. 298, dated iSth To t j ie Kings Mo ft Excellent Majefty.
April, 1689, and reading as follows :

The humble petition of feveral perfons

" The Earle of Shrewfbury is di- having confiderable intereft in New
refled upon inquiry from thofe who England and the Jerfies
haue the moft confiderable intereft in

New England, New York, and the Jer- Moft Humbly Sheweth
zeys, to prefent to the King the names That your majefty having directed
of fuch as maybe thought fitt at this the right honourable the Earl of Shrewf-
time to be Governor and Lieut. Cover- bury, upon inquiry, with thofe perfons
nor of thofe Parts." who have the moft confiderable inter-

efts in New England, New York and

Second, the following petition the Jerfies, to prefent to your majefty
printed in the Hutchinfon Papers in the names of fuch perfons as may be
the fame Collections, 3d Ser. vol. i. thought fit at this time to be governour

and

OsO

[32]

. 3- This true New-England-Mzn confidering how Won-
derfully New-England had Prospered under the Old Charter,
and how Defirous the People for whom he was now con-
cerned, were to have it Reftored ; he Advifed with the
Wifeft Friends he could find, about this Momentous Affair.
Their Concurrent Judgment was, That the beft courfe would
be to Endeavour for a Reverjion of the Judgment againft the
Maffachufet-Charter by an A El of Parliament ; and after-
wards Petition to the King for the Additional Privileges,

without

and lieutenant governour of thofe parts ;
whereof we receiving notice crave leave
moft humbly to reprefent to your maj-
efty, that the inhabitants and proprie-
tors of the colonies of New England
and the Jerfies have always had, by
virtue of their charters and grants, a
power to choofe their refpeclive gover-
nours ; and the honourable Houfe of
Commons having voted the profecution
againft, and taking away fuch charters
and franchifes, to be illegal, and a
grievance, and that they be reftored
and confirmed it is humbly con-
ceived, that the appointing of a gover-
nour by your majefty over the colonies
of New England and the Jerfies, is in-
confiftent with the faid charters and
grants, (againft one of which only judg-
ment hath paft,) and with the votes
aforefaid, and will be a great difap-
pointment to the hopes of your fubjefts
there and here, grounded upon your
majefty's moft gracious declarations.

Your petitioners therefore moft hum-
bly pray, that your majefty would be
gracioufly pleafed, that the refpeclive
charters, grants, rights and liberties of
the faid colonies of New England and
the Jerfies may be reftored and con-
firmed accordingly.

And your petitioners fhall ever pray.

Reafons again/} fending a Governour
to New England.

1. The people there have by their
charters power to choofe their own
governours, and all other officers ; and
all their charters are in force ftill, ex-
cepting one, there having been no
judgments pafTed againft them, nor any
furrenders ; and as for that one, againft
which judgment has been entered, it
proceeded by a fcire facias, &c. illegally
managed. .

2. They that are concerned for New
England do confidently affirm, that
there is not one in a hundred, nay, not
one in a thoufand, of the inhabitants
there, who does not defire that their
government by charter might be con-
tinued to them. If the king fhall pleafe
to gratify their defires therein, they will
cheerfully expofe themfelves, and all
that is dear to them in this world, to
ferve his majefty. But if their former
rights and privileges be withheld from
them, it will caufe an univerfal diffatif-
fadlion and difcouragement amongft
the inhabitants. Nor can any thing be
thought of that will more endanger their
being ruined by the French or other
enemies near them, except taking from
them their charter rights, as is manifeft
in that when they enjoyed their charter,
they eafily fubdued their enemies, but
fince that it has been otherwife.

(152)

[33]

without which the Old Charter would not anfwer the Occa-
fions, and Neceffities of the People. Mr. Mather hereupon
made moft Indefatigable Applications unto the Principal
Men in that Convention Parliament ; The Effect of which
was, That in the Houfe of Commons the Charters of New-
England were exprefly put into the Charter-Bill: It was
Voted, 41 That the taking of them away, w r as a Grievance,
and that they fhould be Reftored. And a great Intereft was
alfo made in the Houfe of Lords, that when the Bill fhould
come up to them, for their Concurrence, New-England
might be there alfo Favoured. At the fame time, \_July 4.
1689.] Mr. Mather was again Introduced by the Lord
Wharton unto the King at Hampton Court: and faid,

I Prefume Your Majcfty has been Informed, of the
Great Service, which Your Subjects in New-England, have
done for Your Majejly, and for this Nation, and for the
Protejlant Interejl, in Securing that Territory for King
WILLIAM.

KING. I have feen fome Letters that Speak of it, and I
Kindly accept of what they have done.

If Your Majejly would Pleafe to Command that
Your kind Acceptance of what they have donejhall be Signi-
fied unto them, it will be a great Encouragement.

KING. I will give order to the Secretary of State, that
a Letter be Written to them, to let them understand, that
what they have done is Acceptable to me.

41 A report of the Committee on ances "the profecution ofguo ivarrantos

Grievances, dated 5th March, 1688-89, againft the cities, two univerfities, the

is quoted by HUTCH INSON (Hift. i. towns corporate, boroughs, and cinq

389-390, note). It mentions as griev- ports, and the plantations."

T (153)

[34]

Your Majefty may, by the Ajfijlance of New-Eng-
land, whenever You Pleafe, become the Emperour of America.
/ durft engage, that Your Subjects there, will readily Venture
their Lives and Eftates in Your Service. All that is Hum-
bly Defered on their behalf, is only that they may Enjoy their
Ancient Rights and Priviledges.

KING. I do affure you, I will do all that it is in my
Power to do, that it may be fo.

Mr. Mead being with him, told the King, that he could
not poffibly do any thing more grateful to his Diffenting
Subjects in England, than in being kind unto New-England
in the Reftoring of their former Privileges. The King bad
them reft Satisfied, That itJJiould be done.

42 But behold, while the Charter Bill was Depending, the
Convention-Parliament was Unexpectedly Prorogued, and
then Dijfolved ; and Mr. Mather found the Sifyph&an La-
bour of a whole Year come to nothing. 43

. 4. The Difpofition of the next Parliament foon appeared
fuch, that nothing in the Favour of New-England was to be
Expected there. Mr. Mather then made fome Effays, to fee
if by a Writ of Error in Judgment, the cafe relating to the
MaJJTachufet-Colony might be brought out of Chancery into
the Kings Bench ; but this Attempt alfo was Defeated by
fo Surprifing a Providence, that Mr. Mather Declared upon

it;

42 A letter of the King to the Colony, orderly fettlement of the faid govern-

dated I2th Aug. 1689, is in HUTCHIN- ment, as fhall mofl conduce to our fer-

SON (Hift. i. 390-391, note). It orders vice, and the fecurity and fatisfadtion

thofe in power " to continue in our our fubjecls within that Colony."

name your care in the adminiftration 43 Parliament was prorogued 27 Jan.

thereof and prefervation of the peace, 1689-90, and formally diflblved a few

until we have taken fuch refolutions days later,
and given fuch directions for the more

(154)

[35]

it ; Never did I fee a more Signal Hand of Heaven in any
matter, than in Dif appointing all Hopes, for the Obtaining
the fo much Defered full Rejlitution of all our Charter
Privileges, by a Reverjion of the Judgment Entred again/I
them."

All Hopes of Obtaining the Reftoration of the Old Char-
ter being at an End, there was no way left, but a Flight unto
the Royal Favour ; For though it was not in the Kings
Power to Reverfe the Judgment againft the Old Charter, yet
His Majefty had power to Re-incorporate his good Subjects
there, and grant them a NEW CHARTER, that fhould
contain all the Old, with New and more Ample Privileges ;
Without which, the Old would not have been Sufficient.

Mr. Mather, with Two other Agents, 45 which the Maffa-
chufet Colony had then joined with him, now Signed a
Petition to the KING, for fuch a NEW CHARTER:
which Petition the Right Honourable Earl of Monmouth
Condefcended fo far, as to deliver with his own truly
Noble Hand. Whereupon Mr. Mather Obtained the Inter-
ceffion of a great Perfonage, which Prevailed with the King
to refer the Affair of New-England unto the Confideration
of the Two Lord Chief Juftices, with His Majefties Attor-
ney and Solicitor-General : All of whom had by Mr. Mathers
Powerful and Affiduous Applications been brought into the
New EngliJJi Interefls. They met Three or Four Times,
and kindly gave him leave to be Prefent with them at all

their

44 We are Hill without any clew to The Earl of Monmouth, Charles Mor-

this furprifmg Providence. It may daunt, fo created 9 April, 1689 ; he was

have been fome occurrence in the nephew of Henry Carey, 2d Earl, who

Court of King's Bench, but probably, died in 1661. In the mean time the

if traced out, it would hardly feem as Dukedom of Monmouth had been

marvellous to us as it did to Mather. created and loft, as is well known.

45 The two agents thus added were Mordaunt is better known as the Earl

Oakes and Cooke ; see ante, p. 59 ; and of Peterborough, a title he inherited in

on p. 43 will be found the Petition. 1697.

[36]

their Confultations. The Heads of the Maffachufet OLD
CHARTER, and Sr. Ferdinando Gorges, were Prefented
in Writing, together with fuch Additional Privileges, as
were then Pray'd for : And they all judged, there was
nothing Unreafonable, or Prejudicial to the Kings Interefl
in what was Propofed. They were Prefented unto the King,
by the Lord Chief Juflice Holt; and the King Ordered
him to Prefent them unto the Council ; who did accordingly ;
and from thence they were transferred unto the Lords of the
Committee for Trade and Plantations.^

. 5. Immediately upon this, the King took his Voyage
for Holland: 47 and before his Return, there was no more to be
done. But flill Mr. Mather would be doing offomething for

the

48 It muft be remembered that Ma-
ther thus has fummed up two years'
labor at court, viz., all of 1689 and
1690. The application laft mentioned
refulted in the following Order in Coun-
cil, which is printed in Mafs. Hift. Soc.
Coll. 4th Ser. ii. 301 :

At Kenfinton, the firft of January
1690 [91]. Prefent the King's moft
excellent Majefty.

.Whereas it is humbly defired by the
perfons imployed on behalf of the Maf-
fachufetts Colony in New England ;
that in regard they were Incorporated
by the Letters Patent of King Charles
the firft, the heads whereof are here-
unto annexed, And for that the faid
Corporation did afterwards purchafe
from the Heir of Sir Ferdinando
Gorges, the Province of Maine,
granted to the faid Sir Ferdinando
Gorges by Letters Patent of the faid
King Charles the firft, an abftract of
which is alfo hereunto annexed, and
enjoyed the fame till the late judgement

againft them. That their Majefties
would be pleafed to re-eftablifh, their
Corporation, and grant them their
Lawes and former Priviledges, as in
the feverall Papers annexed is at large
fet forth. His Majefty in Councill is
pleafed to referr this matter to the
Right Honourable the Lords of the
Committee for Trade and Plantations,
who are to examine the fame, and to
report their Opinion thereupon to this
Board. [William and Mary, vol. ii.
95-]

It may be here pointed out that in
Auguft, 1689, Mather thought his work
was done, and actually took fhip for
home. His fon being taken fick, he
was delayed, and, returning to London,
the change in affairs kept him at his
poft two years longer. I had over-
looked this paflage when I prepared the
Memoir prefixed to the fecond volume
of thefe Tracls.

47 William failed for Holland i8th
Jan. 1690-91.

(156)

[37]

the good of his Country. He Publifhed, Reafons for the
Confirmation of Charter-Privileges, granted to the Maffa-
chufet-Colony, which he Difperfed among the Lords of His
Majefties moft Honourable Privy-Council ; and Perfonally
Addreffed himfelf unto the moft of them ; humbly Praying
their Lordmips Favour to New-England, in a matter that
appeared fo Equal. His Maxim was, That in all Affairs, a
Few did All ; and his Method was, To find out the moft
Potent Leaders in all Affairs, and make fure of them. If he
knew any N. C. Minifter, who had an Intereft in any Perfon
of Quality, he would engage that Minifter to Employ his
Intereft on the behalf of New-England ; One way of engag-
ing him, was by Preaching for him : And, This alfo Intro-
duced him into the fame Acquaintance. There were feveral
Noblemen, who likewife, brought him into the Knowledge
and Favour of others. But none did more for him that way,
than that Cordial and Conftant Lover of all good Men, the
Aged Lord Wharton, who was the laft furviving Member of
that Famous Ajfembly of Divines at Wejlminfter. Among
thofe Eminent Perfons, who Admitted him to be Familiar
with them, I will particularly mention Two that were of an
Ecclefeajlical Character, for the fake of the Good that was
done to New-England by his Acquaintance with them.
The one was Dr. Tillotfon, the Arch-Bifliop of Canterbury :
who did at his Defire, often concern himfelf to do kind
Offices for the Country, and Pray, both the King and
Queen to put Marks of their Favour on their Faithful Sub-
jects there ; and once he went fo far as to tell the King, It
would by no means do well for him to take away any of thofe
Privileges from the People of New-England, which K.
Charles I. had granted them. And indeed Mr. Mather
often fpoke of the Catholic Spirit, with which the Arch-
Bifhop of Canterbury blamed the Conduct of his Predeceffor
Land, in his Difcourfes with him. The other was Dr. Bur-
net,
(15?)

[38]

net, the Bifhop of Salijbury : who befides many Real and
Weighty Expreffions of his kindnefs for the Country, told
him, That he would on the firft Opportunity declare Openly
in the Houfe of Lords, That there was a greater Sacrednefs
in the Charter of New-England, than in thofe of the Corpo-
rations in England ; Becaufe thofe were only Ac~ts of Grace,
whereas the Charter of New-England was a Contract between
the King & the firft Patentees : They Promifed the King to
Enlarge his Dominions, on their own Charges, Provided,
that they and their P ofterity might enjoy fuch and fuck Priv-
ileges : They had Performed their part ; Now for the King
to Deprive their Pofterity of the Privileges therein Granted
unto them, would carry a Face of Inj^iftice in it. A Lord
great in the Court, then told Mr. Mather, That his having
Engaged the Bifhop of Salifbury to appear .for New-Eng-
land was the beft Jobb he had done thefe Seven Years.

. 6. But a Greater than any of thefe, muft not be left
Unfolicited. Mr. Mather was by Madam Lockart^ Intro-
duced unto the QUEEN, on Apr. 9. 1691. and me left him
alone with her Majefty, that he might the more freely repre-
fent the cafe of New-England unto her.

The Difcourfe was, as followeth,

fiftft. I do moft Humbly pray Your Majefties Favour to
your Good Subjects in New-England. There are none in
the World more in Your Intereft than they ; nor any that do
with greater Devotion Pray for Your Long and Happy
Reign. They have indeed been Expofed imto great Troubles
on the account of their Loyalty unto your Majefty. For the

French

48 Madam Lockart was undoubt- of the fix Women of the Bed Chamber "
edly the " Mrs. Martha Lockhart one in the official lifts of 1693.

[39]

French at Canada, who have invaded them, and have De-
Jlroyed feveral of their Plantations, gave that as the Reafon
of what they did; Becaufe the People there have Declared for
King William and Queen Mary. They now only Pray, that
they may be Refettled in the Enjoyment of thofe Privileges,
which they were P oJJTeffed of, until the lajl Year of King
Charles II.

Q UEEN. That matter has been a Long Time before the
Council. I would have that which is Juft done for them ;
and not only fo, but that fomething of Favour mould be
mown to them.

/ moft Humbly Thank Your Majefty, for the Kind
Words which Your Majefty was Pleafed to Speak to my
Lady Southerland about New-England.

Q UEEN. Mr. Mather, I have had a great Character of
you, from my Lady Southerland. I have fpoken to the King
on the behalf of New-England. He told me, the matter was
before the Council.

It has been referred unto the Two Lord Chief Juf-
tices, with the Attorney and Sollicitor-General ; we only
Pray, that the Articles Approved by them, may be Allowed
and Confirmed to us.

Q UEEN. That feems Reafonable ; and I doubt not, but
it will be done for you.

/ Humbly beg, That your Majefty will Pleafe to
Speak fo Kind a Word unto the King upon his Return.
You will thereby bring the Bleffing of the Prayers of a
Good People on Your Royal Per/on and Government.

QUEEN.

(159)

[40]

QUEEN. I fhall be willing to do all I can for them.

U / have Reafon to Believe, that Your Good Subjects
there have been Mlfreprefented unto Your Majefty. Some
that bear them III Will, have Printed many Reflections on
them.

QUEEN. I have not feen all the Pamphlets.

. Sr. William Phips has with many of Your Majefties
Subjects, endeavoured to enlarge Your Majefties Dominions ;
and they are willing again to expofe themf elves in Your Maj-
efties Service.

QUEEN. Are they Able to do it ? I hear they are but
in a Bad Condition.

[. They are in a Bad Condition; But One great
Reafon of tt is, becaufe their Government yet remains Un-
fettled.

QUEEN. That I Believe ; It muft needs be fo !

U If by your Majefties Favour, they ftiall be Reftored
unto their former Privileges, they will Revive, & become able
to Serve Your Majefties Intereft.

QUEEN. I doubt, there have been Differences There, as
well as Here, about Church Government.

U In New-England they are generally thofe that are
Called Non-Conformifts : But they carry it with all due
Refyeft unto others : We Judge fome of them to be better
Men than ourf elves. This Nation has caufe to Blefs GOD,

for

(160)

for the KING, and for Your Majefty, in regard of that
Act of Indulgence, and the Liberty of Confcience, which
through Your Majefties Favour we now enjoy.

QUEEN. Tis what I am for. It is not in the Power of
Men to Believe what they Pleafe ; and therefore I think,
they fhould not be forced in matters of Religion, contrary
to their Perfwafions and their Cpnfciences. I WISH ALL
GOOD MEN WERE OF ONE MIND; HOWEVER
IN THE MEAN TIME, I WOULD HAVE THEM
LIVE PEACEABLY, AND LOVE ONE ANOTHER.

O mentis Aurece Verba bratteata ! My ink, Too Vile a
Liquor art thou, to Write fo Divine a Sentence !

. 7. Before the Month was out, the King returned from
Holland ' ; And though he ftaid but a Fortnight in England,
Mr. Mather twice had the Honour of waiting on Him. The
firft time he only Prefented an Addrefs from the General
Court at Bofton, with a Petition from a confiderable Num-
ber of Merchants in London?* Praying that Charter-Privi-
leges

49 The Order in Council, printed in mittee for Trade and Plantations, And

Mafs. Hift. Soc. Coll. 4th Ser. ii. 301- that a Copy of the faid Addrefs be fent

302, is as follows : to the Agents of New England, who are

to give their Lordfhips an account in

At Whitehall the gth of Aprill, 1691. writing of the prefent State of the Mafla-

chufetts Colony, on Thurfday next at

An addrefs to his Majefty from Five in the afternoon, when their Lord-
divers of the Gentry, Merchants and mips are to meet, And all perfons con-
others inhabiting in Bofton, Charles cerned in New England are to haue
Town, and Places adjacent in New notice to attend, and particularly Sir
England, having been this day humbly William Phipps, who is then to bring
prefented by Sir Purbeck Temple and to the Committee a relation of the late
read at the Board. It is thereupon proceedings and Expedition of the Peo-
ordered in Councill, That the confidera- pie of New England againft Canada,
tion thereof be referred to the Right under his command. [William and
Honourable The Lords of the Com- Mary, vol. ii. 149.]

u (161)

[42]

leges might be Reftored unto New-England. But Mr.
Mather was defirous once more to Plead with him for Fa-
vour to his Country : and therefore by the Mediation of the
Duke of Devon/hire, he was, on Apr. 28. Admitted a fecond
time, and it was now into the Kings Bed-Chamber : Where
what then Faffed was, as followeth.

/ mq/l Humbly Thank Your Majejly, in that you
were Gracioufly Pleafed tofegnify unto my Lord Devonfhire,
that I might have leave to wait on your Majefty on the be-
half of New-England. None of Your Subjects, are or can
be more in Yoitr Interefts than They ; None Pray more
Heartily for Your Long Life, and your Happy Reign, and
the Succefs of Your Arms.

KING. Syr, What do you Defire, that I mould do for
them !

May it Pleafe Your Majejly, That they may be
Rejlored unto their Ancient Privileges ; and that their Set-
tlement may be Expedited. They have an Humble Confi-
dence, that through Your Majejly s Goodnefs, they Jhall be
made Happy, in having their Ancient Privileges Rejlored
unto them ; which will Oblige Your Subjects there to be Yoztr
Servants forever. Your Majejly has been Gracioufly Pleafed
to refer the Confederation of this Affair to the Two Lord-
Chief -Juftices, with the Attorney and So Hid for General.
We only Pray Humbly, that what they have thought Reaf on-
able for us to Dejire, may be Granted by Your Majejly.

KING. I Expect within two or three Days, to have
a Report from the Lords of the Committee for Trade and
Plantations ; and then mall fee what may be done.

JUa.

(162)

[43]

Your Majefties Subjects have been willing to Venture
their Lives that they may enlarge Your Dominions : And are
willing to do the like again, if Your Majefty Encourage
them. Will Your Majefty Pleafe, in Your Great Wifdom,
to conjider the Circumftances of that People ; as in Your
Wifdom you have conjider ed the Circumftances of England
and of Scotland. In New England they differ from other
Plantations ; They are fuch as are called Congregational
and Pref byterian. 6V? that fuch a Governour will not fuit
with the People of New England, as may be very Proper for
the other Englifti Plantations.

Having fo fpoken, he bowed unto the King ; who then
retired into his Clofet

Two Days after this, the Lords of the Committee Pro-
pofed 50 unto the KING, whether he would have the People

60 The Order in Council, printed in
Mafs. Hift. Soc. Coll. 4th Ser. ii. 302,
is as follows :

At Whitehall, the 3oth of Aprill, 1691.
Prefent, The King's moft excellent
Majefty. His Royall Highnefs Prince
George of Denmark, Prefident of the
Council.

His Majefty hauing upon the applica-
tion of the Agents of the MafTachufetts
Bay in New England, thought fit to
referr the draught of a new Charter for
that Colony, unto the Right Honour-
able the Lords of the Committee of
Trade and Plantations, And their Lord-
fhips having, upon consideration thereof,
this day reported to His Majefty that
they humbly conceived it neceiTary that
before there be any further proceedings
relating to that Charter, His Majefty
would declare whether it be His royall
pleafure to haue a Governor or fingle
reprefentative of his own appointment,
from time to time, to give his confent
to all Laws and Acts of Government,

as in Barbados and the other Planta-
tions, or whether his Majefty would
leave the power of making laws to the
People, or Officers appointed by them.
And his Majefty upon debate of this
matter having been acquainted that the
former Charter of the Maflachufetts
Bay flood legally vacated, And that the
Agents of that Colony had defired a
new Charter from his Majefty, with
divers variations from the former Char-
ter ; His Majefty was thereupon pleafed
to declare in Councill, That he did re-
folve to fend a Governor of his own
nomination and appointment for the
adminiftration of the Government of
the Maflachufetts Colony, as in Barba-
dos and other Plantations. And did
further order, as it is hereby ordered,
That the Right Honorable the Lords
of the Committee of Trade and Planta-
tions do forthwith prepare the draught
of a new Charter upon that foundation,
for the fpeedy fettlement of the faid
Colony. [William and Mary, vol. ii.

[44]

of New-England, make what Laws, and Appoint what
Officers They Pleafed ? Or, Whether He would not appoint
a Governour of His own, that fhould have a Negative Voice
on all Acts of Government? The King was very In-
quifitive to know, whether he might without any Breach of
Law, fet a Governour over that Colony ? Diverfe Lords of
the Council, and fome of the Judges, anfwered, That what-
ever might be the Merit of the Caufe, inafmuch as the
Charter of the Maffachufet-Colony ftood Vacated by a Judg-
ment againft it, it was in his Power to put them under what
Form of Government he mould think beft for them. The
King then faid, That he was Defirous to Promote the Wel-
fare of New-England as well as of England ; and that he
Believed it would be for the Advantage of the Subjects in
that Colony to be under a Governour appointed by himfelf :
but that he would have the Agents of New-England Nomi-
nate a Perfon that mould be Agreable to the Inclinations
of the People there : And that notwithftanding This, he
would have Charter-Privileges Rejlored and Confirmed unto
them.

. 8. The next Day, the King began his Voyage to Hol-
land : but an Order of Council was drawn up, [ Who can tell,
How, or Why ?~\ for a Charter to be Prepared, with fome-
thing in it, very Difagreable to Mr. Mather; who immedi-
ately waited upon Four or Five Lords of His Majefties molt
Honourable Privy-Council with his Remonftrances ; Every
one of which Declared, that in their Opinion, it was not
worded according to His Majefties Intentions. He alfo
caufed a Copy of the Order to be tranfmitted unto One of
his Majefties Principal Secretaries of State then with Him
in Flanders ; Praying, That if that Order were not according
to the Kings Mind, His Majefty would Gracioufly Pleafe to
Signify His Difapprobation thereof : But no fuch Significa-
tion
(164)

[45]

tion ever came. In the mean time, the Attorney General,
Prepared a Draught of a Charter according to what he took
to be the Kings Mind, as Expreffed when His Majefty was
laft in Council. In this Draught, the Freemen (and not all
Free-holders) had Power to choofe the Deputy-Governour,
and the other General Officers ; And the Kings Governour
had not a Negative Voice in any cafe allow'd unto him.
The Draught being prefented at the Council-Board, it was
by fome Objected, That by fuch a Charter as this, the Kings
Governour would be made a Governour of Clouts : And Order
was given for other Minutes to be Inferted, which Deprived
the Maffachufet-Colony of fome very Confiderable Privileges
in their former Charter. The Secretary gave Mr. Mather a
Copy of them, with an Order from their Lordfhips, That if
the Agents for the MaJJachufet-Colony were not Satisfied,
they mould bring in their Objections to Mr. Attorney Gen-
eral. Mr. Mather on this occafion Expreffed his Diffatif-
faclion to the Attorney-General, with a Pathos, that upon
Reflection he thought might be too Extraordinary : Earn-
eftly Protefting, That he would fooner part with his Life
than Confent unto fuch Minutes, or unto any thing that
might Infringe any Liberty or Privilege that juftly belong'd
unto his Country. The like Declaration he made unto
feveral of the Chief Minifters ; who all replied. That no
body Expected or Defired his Confent : for they did not
look on the Agents from New-England, as Plenipotentiaries
from another Sovereign State ; But that if they Declared,
they would not Submit unto the Kings Pleafure, His Maj-
efty would fettle the Country as He Pleafed, and They were
to take what would follow. However, Mr. Mather drew up
Reafons againft the Minutes Propofed ; and particularly
urged, That Charter-Privileges might with as much (if not
more) of Juftice, be withheld from the Corporations in Eng-
land which were never legally Reftored, as from New-Eng-
land:
. (165)

[46]

land: with feveral other Arguments. Thefe Reafons he
Delivered in Writing to the Kings Attorney-General, who
Prefented them unto the Lords at the Council-Board ; and
he alfo caufed a Copy of them to be fent unto the King in
Flanders ; Procuring fome Great Perfons at the fame time,
to follicit by Letters, the Miniflers of State with the King,
that they would ufe their Intereft with His Majefty, to pre-
vent any thing that might be grievous to His Good Subjects
in New-England. Some thought, that if the King were in
England, there might be more likelihood of Stopping the
Difagreable and Undefireable Minutes ; and the Queen was
therefore Prevailed withal, to Write unto the King, requeft-
ing him, That He would Gracioufly Command, that the
Charter mould pafs as the Attorney-General had prepared
it, or elfe that it mould be deferr'd until His Majefties com-
ing over. Mr. Mather taking it for granted, That he might
get fome Leifure to recover his Health, which had been
greatly Impaired, by his Neglect both of Re/I and Food in
his clofe Attendance to the Service of his Country, made a
fhort Recefs unto the Wafers. But he was quickly furprized,
with Notice, that the King had fignified His Approbation
of the Minutes, and His Royal Pleafure, that the Charter
fhould be accordingly forthwith proceeded in. His Maj-
efties Principal Secretary of State fhewed Mr. Mather the
Letter, wherein the King alfo Declared, That he did by no
means Approve of the Objections, which had been offered.
When there could no more Good be done, what remain'd
was to ftave off Harm as far as might be ; and in Purfu-
ance of This, he Prefented a Petition, That no Property
belonging to the Colony, or to any therein, might by the
New Charter be taken from them, nor any Privileges which
they had a Right to ; That the Province of Main might be
confirmed, and Nova Scotia added unto the Maj[/achufetts :
(Both of which were obtain'd againft much Oppofition :)

And,

(166)

[47]

And, That HampJJtire might be under that Government :
(But This was refufed, becaufe it was declared, That the
People there had expreffed a great Averfion for it.) Juft at
this Time, he received Letters from the General Court
of Plymouth-Colony, which Thanked him for his Preventing
their being annexed unto New York, which had been above
a Year before if he had been out of the way ; and Pray'd,
That if they might not be confirmed as a Diftinc~l Govern-
ment among themfelves, he would, for the Lords fake,
endeavour to get them annexed unto Bofton; And This was
accomplifhed. When the New Charter was finifhed, and
had been Read before the Lords, he pray'd, that he might
fee it ; becaufe there might be fome Claufes in it, which
their Lordfhips might upon a Suggeftion of Reafons for it,
think proper to alter ; and perhaps there might be fomething
Added for the Good of the People, which their Lordfhips
might alfo be Pleafed withal ; which Requeft was granted,
with a Limitation of Three Days for the Return of the
Copy. Upon his motion, the Phrafe of Corporal Oath was
altered, that fo no Snare might be laid for any who might
Scruple Swearing on the Book. A claufe was added, Con-
firming all Grants made by the General Court notwithftand-
ing any Defec~l that might attend the Form of Conveyance ;
that fo mens Titles to their Lands might not be Invalidated,
only for that the Laws which gave them their Right, had
not paffed under the Public Seal in the Time of the former
Government. Some other Alterations he pray'd for ; but
could not Obtain them. Thus was the New Charter
Finifhed! 51

51 This defence of Mather's aftion 296. The account in Hutchinfon's

in accepting the charter is fet forth in Hiftory, vol. i., ftiould alfo be confulted

a publication made after his return, and by the reader,
printed in our fecond volume, pp. 271-

(167)

[48]

.9- NOW came on a Strange Queftion : Whether the
Agents for the Country Jhould Submit unto this NEW
CHAR TER ? Or, in hopes of Obtaining at fome time or
other a Reverjion of the Judgment againjl the OLD
CHARTER, Signify to the Mini/lers of State, that they
had rather have NO -CHARTER at all, than fuch an one
as was now Propofed !

On this occafion, Mr. Mather advifed with as many Un-
prejudiced and Judicious Perfons as he could ; with Noble-
men, Gentlemen, Divines, and Lawyers ; and with the Beft
Friends New-England had in the World. They ALL
agreed, That it was a Duty, to accept of the Offered
CHARTER ; And fome greatly wondred at them that
mould make any Queftion of it : and were almoft ready to
fay of them, as Plato in his Philebus does of fome who
made a Queftion of another matter ; Let them be Committed
unto the Care of fome Learned Phyjician, who by wholefome
Phyjic may rejlore their Heads unto a better Temper.

A Peremptory Refufal, would have brought a Fatal Ruin
on the Country ; and the Blame would have been laid
on thofe, who when they could not Obtain all they would
have, would Refufe what they might have had.

The Lawyers declared, That a paffive SubmiJJion here,
had nothing of a Surrender in it ; for here was nothing of
Hand and Seal in the Cafe. Befides, Judgment was already
Entred and Recorded againft the Old Charter. And a
taking up with the New Charter, did not render the Colony
uncapable of recovering their Old Privileges if there fhould
be a favourable Opportunity to Sollicit for it.

At prefent, there was no Poffibility of getting a Reverjion
of the Judgment againft the Old Charter.

Yea, and it was confidered, That the Old Charter was on
more Accounts than One, fo very Defective, that without a

Grant

(168)

[49]

Grant of Additional Privileges, it would have left the
Colony under Infupportable Infelicities.

By it, the MaJJachufet-Government had no more power
than the Ordinary Corporations have in England ; But
thofe Corporations have no power in Capital Cafes. Though
Corporations have Power given them in Criminal, yet they
have not in Capital Cafes, except it be Exprejjly Declared ;
which it was not here.

The Old Charter directed not an Houfe of Deputies, or
AJJembly of Reprefentatives.

Nor did it give Power unto the Governour and Company
to Impofe Taxes on any but the Free-men.

And it knew not Courts of Admiralty ; So that if the
New Charter have them not, it is not the Lofs of the Old
One that has Loft them. Yea, The Deficiencies were fo
many, That the Kings Attorney General declared, the Two
Lord-Chief-Juftices and Sollicitor-General Concurring with
him ; That Suppofing the Judgment againft the MaJ/acku-
fet-Charter to be Reverfed, yet, if the Government fhould
exert fuch Powers as before the Quo Warranto againft the
Charter they tho't it neceffary to do, there would now be a
Writ of Scire facias iffued out againft them in Wejlminjler
Hall, and their Charter-Privileges would undoubtedly be
taken from them.

It was moreover Confidered, That if the Judgment againft
the Old Charter had been fully Reverfed by Al of Parlia-
ment, (which Mr. Mather had fo much Laboured for,) the
Maffachufet-Colony would, for all that, have been reduced
into Miferable Circumftances.

The Province of Main, as to the Government, would
have been taken from them. Hampjhire and Plymouth
would have been put under a Governour fent from England.
This Governour would have had the Power of the Militia,

v (169)

[So]

as well as the Courts of Admiralty, in the Maffachufet-
Colony.

How much of its Trade had Bofton Loft ? What an
Infignificant Atom had the Colony been Squeez'd into !
If they had Exerted Powers, without which they could not
have Comfortably or Tolerably Subfifted, Perpetual Com-
plaints would have been made againft them. It's probable
They would have been at more Charge every Year, to
anfwer Complaints, than they would have been to Support
their Governotir. And how long muft they have lain under
their Impotency, Saying, Syr, I have no Man to help me !

Befides all this ; If the Agents of the Colony, had figni-
fied unto the Minifters of State, that they had rather have
No Charter at all, than, This which the King had now
granted, Who would have been Immediately made the Gov-
ernour? Who the Lieutenant-Governour? Whofae moft
of the Counfellers ? And the Governour would have had
Power, as in the other Plantations, to Appoint General
Officers. What the Confequence of This at that Angry
Time ? Dicat Neo-Eboracum !

There were alfo Perfons, who were feeking Patents for all
the Mines, and Gums, and fome other Valuables, in the
Country; whofe Expectations, nothing but the New Char-
ter gave a Defeat unto.

But, Let us come to the NEW CHARTER, THIS
grants Great Privileges to the People of New-England ;
and fome Greater than what they formerly Enjoy'd.

They have all Engli/h Liberties Reftored unto them.
They can have no Laws Impofed, nor Taxes Levied on
them, without their own Confent, by Reprefentatives chofen
by themfelves.

Religion is forever Secured ; A Righteous and Generous
Liberty of Confcience Eftablifhed. And the General Affem-

bly
(170)

bly may by their Ac~ls, give a Dijlinguifhing Encouragement
unto that Religion, which is the General ProfeJJion of the
Inhabitants.

They may flill have their Judges as at the firft, and their
Counfellours as at the Beginning, if the Fault be not their
own. As long as their Principal Majeftrates, and Juftices,
favour and exprefs Piety, and abhor and punifh Wickednefs,
tis to be hoped, Religion will be kept in Heart. And if
they have not fuch, the Fault will not be in the New-Char-
ter, but in Themfetves. Behold, A wall of Defence about
the Vineyard!

Now the Maffachufet-Colony is made a Province, the
General Ajffembly hath, with the Kings Approbation, a
Power in New-England, like what .the King and Parliament
have in England ; and may do abundance of Important
Things, which could not be done by vertue of the Former
Charter: And the Country may alfo look for more Protec-
tion and Affiftance from England, than under That.

Suppofe a Stork mould get a Commiffion for the Gov-
ernment ; What can fuch a Governour do ? He cannot,
without the Confent of the Council chofen by the Reprefent-
atives of the People, appoint Sheriffs to pack Juries for him,
or Judges that will Difpleafe GOD rather than him. He
can't give any Man any Difturbance for his Religion, with-
out Violating the Magna Charta of New-England. He
can't exert any of the Violences, under which there were
heard, The Groans of the Plantations in the Days of K.
James, II. When, the People of New-England would have
given, who can fay, how many Thoufands of Pounds, for
fuch a Charter as they now have before them ?

The Kings Governour has indeed a Negative in all Acts
of Government ; (And indeed all Government forever implies
a Negative :) which renders the Government of New-Eng-
land lefs Democratical than once it was. Neverthelefs, the

People
(170

[52]

People have a Negative upon him : In which refpecl:, New-
England is by the NEW CHARTER more Privileged,
than Ireland, or than any other Englifh Plantation, or than
even England itfelf.

Appeals to England are allow'd in the New-Charter, but
only in Perfonal, (not at all in Real or Mixed} Actions,
where the matter of Difference, is of above Three Hundred
Pound Sterling in Value : So that as to Titles of Land,
there cannot be any Appeals to England: They have a
Final Determination in Courts of Judicature among them-
felves.

The Laws Ena6led by the General Court, are, tis true, to
be tranfmitted unto the King for His Royal Approbation :
But thofe Laws, when made, are in Force, affoon as they
are made ; and until fuch Time as they are Difallow'd by
the King : And if within the fpace of Three Years the
Kings Difapprobation be not Signified, the Laws are Per-
petual until the General Court mall Repeal them. Now by
the Old Charter, the Governour and Company might not
make any Laws Repugnant unto the Laws of England ; and
the Laws which have Reafon and Juftice in them, under the
New Charter, need not fear lofing the Royal Allowance, if
the People be not Egregioufly wanting to themfelves.

Upon the whole, The Perfons of the moft Confummate
Wifdom that Mr. Mather could confult withal, agreed
in This ; Take your NEW-CHARTER and be Thankful
for it! The moft fenfible Men added, That as Poor a
Charter as wanton and froward Minds might think it, if any
People of Sway in the Country mould be fo under the Sting
of an Hornet as to do thofe Ram and Mad Things, which
may procure the Lofs of the Privileges which it brings unto
them, the reft of the People will certainly have little Honour
for the Memory of the Unhappy Men, who have been the
Inftruments of bringing fuch Mifcheifs upon them. Among

the
(172)

[S3]

the reft, that Sagacious and Ingenious Perfon, Praefident
Bond of Barbadoes (then at London} faid unto him : What
ivould not we in our IJlands give for fuch a Charter as
yours ! And the famous Mr. Matthew Mead then wrote
unto the Perfon who is now Writing about the Faithful
Agent, If Men Reward not his Great Work, and Labour of
Love, I am fure, GOD will. What he has done has not
been without the Counfel and Advice of the Beft Friends
New-England has: Parliament-men, Lawyers and Min-
ifters.

. 10. Wherefore, not only on Ol. 23. upon the Kings
Return to England, the Earl of Nottingham introduced
him, only to kifs the Kings Hand, & bid him, Welcome to
England again : when the King at the firft fight of him,
fmiled on him, & fteping afide unto him, faid, / am very
glad to fee you, Syr ! But alfo on Nov. 4. the fame Noble
Perfon Introduced him again to His Majefty, the Earls of
Devon and Portland, being alfo Prefent. He then faid, /
do on the behalf of New-England moft humbly thank your
Majejly, in that you have been P leafed by a CHARTER to
Rejlore Englifh Liberties unto them; To Confirm them in
their Properties ; and, To grant them fome fengular Privi-
leges. I doubt not, but that your Subjects there will demean
themf elves with fuch a Dutiful Affection and Loyalty tow-
ards your Majejly, as that You will fee caufe to enlarge
Yoiir Royal Favours towards them. And I do mojl humbly
Thank your Majejly in that You have been Pleafed to give
leave unto thofe that are concerned for New-England, to
Nominate their Governour. Sr. William Phips has been
accordingly Nominated by us at the Council-Board: Who
has done a Good Service for the Crown by enlarging Your
Dominions, and reducing of Nova Scotia to Your Obedience.
I know, that he will Faithfully Serve Your Majejly to the

utmq/l
(173)

[54]

utmoft of his Capacity; And if Your Maje/ly JJiall think
fit to confirm him, in that Place, it will be a further Obliga-
tion on Your SubjeEls there. The KING replied, IJhall
take that Colony under my Protection, and IJJiall do what is
in me for their Encouragement, and I Jhall take what con-
cerns the Government there into my Confederation.

. ii. And now, Mr. Mathers Agency for his Country in
the Court of England is drawing towards its Period, it will
be time to enquire, whether his being fo Plunged into
a Converfation with Great Men, and with all Sorts of Men,
and his Overwhelming Sollicitude about Civil Interefts [In
Ordine ad Spiritualia ; For, The Care of the Churches, was
what lay at the Bottom of all!] did not Interrupt thofe
Interviews with Heaven, which he had formerly been ufed
unto ; and Incommode that courfe of Real, Vital, Watchful
PIETY, which he had formerly Maintained? Far from
it! But above all, that Breath of PIETY, his Old ftrokes
of Inceffant PRAYER, was kept in its Unintermitted Ref-
pirations with him.

It is a little Obfervable That though Homer, by firft In-
troducing the Gods as having the fame Vicious Characters,
and Actions with miferable Mortals, Proved one of the
Greater! Apoflles the Devil ever had in the World ; yet the
Teftimonies born to many Points of Morality in his Famous
and Wondrous Epic Poem, are numberlefs. But there is
nothing more worthy of Obfervation in the Iliad, than This ;
That he will Recommend Prayer to Heaven as a mofl necef-
fary Preface unto all Important Enterprizes : and he never
Speaks of any Prayer, but he brings in a Gracious Anfwer
to it. I have feen the Quill of an High-flyer Scoffing at
Homer for this, as making his Heros to be of the fame
Religion with the DiJJ'enters in our Nation. And yet, what
has Homer done, but Juftified the Wifdom in the Maxims of

our
(174)

[55]

our Holy REDEEMER, with a Confeffion from that Nat-
ural Confcience, which fuch Scoffers of the La/I Days have
Silenced ? Let them Scoff on, if they Pleafe ; while I go on
to relate, That I find Mr. Mather ftill in his Good old way,
of Setting apart whole Days for Secret Supplications to the
Glorious GOD ; Efpecially, when Critical Hours for our
Affairs were coming on. In thefe Days, I find him fome-
times, under thofe Afflations from Heaven, which affured
him, That he flwuld Return to New-England, with Good
Tidings for the People there. When he faw his Defigns
Croft, and his Labours Loft, in his purfuit of the Old Char-
ter, it greatly Perplexed him to fee what look'd unto him, as
if his Prayer and Faith were Baffled. But GOD was Gra-
cioufly doing better than he Imagined, for him, and for his
People, whom the Old Charter, (as it was) would not have
near fo well Accommodated (as things go) as what is now
Obtained for them. Nor was he without his whole Days for
Secret Thankfgivings, when GOD had Remarkably fmiled
upon him. And he would fometimes (after a well-known
Pattern in the Bible,) prevail with his Friends to meet, and
Fajl and Pray, when he was to go in unto the King: Or
when our Affairs had any dark Obftruclions upon them.
Yea, fuch was the Sanctity and Purity of his Good Conver-
fation in CHRIST, that wherever he Lodged, the Families
felt Piety Practically and Powerfully Commended unto them.
Among other Inftances of this ; The Young Gentlewoman
that waited on him, at Mr. Whitings in Copt-hall Court,
was by what fhe faw in him, and heard from him fo brought
home to GOD, that afterwards, when fhe was Married, me
gave the World a lafting Teftimony of her Gratitude, in the
Remembrance of the Good which her Converted Soul had
received from him. He likewife rarely Omitted Preaching
on the Lords-Days : for which, in Honour to his Country
he would accept of no Gratuities ; but Obliged the Minifters

to
(175)

[56]

to do Good Offices for his Country. Once a Month, he
Preached with Dr. Bates, at Hackney: who though he were
a Perfon of fo Catholic ja Spirit, had one of the Smalleft and
Pureft Churches about the City ; with which he chofe to
have his more Conftant Communion at the Holy Table :
And the Doctor told his People, That if Mr. Mather might
be detained in England, he had rather have him joined with
him in the Pajloral Charge, than any man in the World.

. 1 2. But, mall we go on to enquire, whether the People
of New-England, were the only People, that were ferved by
him ? No, There was a Special Service, of a greater extent,
wherein His Glorious Lord Employed and Honoured him.
There was an Happy UNION accomplifhed between thofe
Two Religious Parties, which go under the Names of
Prejbyterian, and Congregational ; and which had through
Devices of the Great Adverfary, kept at more of a Needlefs
Diftance from each other, than they fliould have done. Dr.
Annejley and Mr. Vincent and others, often Declared, That
this Union would never have been Effected, if Mr. Mather
had not been among them ; and they often therefore Bleffed
GOD, for bringing him to England, and keeping him there.
He had Thanks from the Country, as well as the City on
that Account : And among the reft, a General Affembly of
Minifters in Devon, fent up to London this Inftrument.

' Junij 22. 1691. Agreed, That the Reverend Mr. John
' Flavel, Moderator of this Affembly fend unto the Reverend

* Mr. Matthew Mead, Mr. John How, and Mr. Increafe Ma-

* ther, and give Them, and fuch Others as have been Emi-
' nently Inftrumental in Promoting the Union, the Thanks
'of this Affembly, for the great Pains they have taken
' therein.

And fince it is Proper to be mention'd fomewhere, why
may I not bring in the mention of it Here? While Mr.

Mather
(176)

[57]

Mather was in London, he Cultivated a fmgular Friendfhip
and Freedom, with that very Great Man, Mr. Baxter, who
treated him with a Deference, which he paid unto few other
Men. In this Acquaintance, Mr. Baxter not only made
this Generous Requeft unto Mr. Mather, Syr, If you find
any Errors in any of my Writings, I requeft you to ConfzUe
them, after I am Dead ; But alfo made unto him a very
Refpeclful Dedication of a Book, which he Publifhed a
little before he Died. I find in Dr. Bates s Funeral Sermon
for Mr. Baxter, a mention of the Viftt which he with Mr.
Mather made unto Mr. Baxter the Day before his Expira-
tion, (which was, Dec. 8. 1691,) when the lafl Words of Mr.
Baxter to Mr. Mather were, / blefs GOD that you have
AccomplifJtt your Biijinefs ; The LORD Prolong your
Life !

. 13. The Bujinefs being fo Accomplished, there yet
remains One Enquiry more ; How was he Subfifted for the
Expenfes of his Agency.

In the Year, 1691. while he was yet in London, he wrote
thefe Words, in a brief Account of his Negotiation, which
he fent over to the Government.

' Befides what was fent to me out of New-England, I Ex-
' pended upwards of Two Hundred Pounds of my own Per-
' fonal Eflate, out of Love to that People. And I did for
' their fakes, borrow of a Merchant in London, above Three
''Hundred Pounds more, which it was Two Years before
' Care was taken for the Repayment of it. The lafl Year,
' fome who were hearty Well-wifhers to New-England, wrote
' thither, That they muft confider, how much depended on a
' fuitable Supply ; yet for more than a Twelve-month, not
' one Penny was returned ; fo that I was neceffitated, either
' to fuffer a Ruin to come upon the Country, or elfe muft
' borrow Money again to Serve them ; which I did, and

' engaged
w (177)

[58]

' engaged all the Eftate I have in the World, for the Repay-
' ment thereof.'

Some time after this, there was Publifhed a Venemous
and Malicious Libel, by a mean Hand, inftigated in part
from the Invifeble World, and well worthy to be Recom-
mended unto the Rebuke of the Lord, which was Entituled,
More Wonders of the Invt/ible World. The Confcience of
Duty to the Ninth Commandment of my GOD, as well as the
Fifth, obliges me to Declare, (which I hope, I may do with-
out any Railing Accufation^) That the Book is full of
Grofs, Bafe, Notorious LYES ; and has been Unanfwerably
Convicted of being fo ; and they who take their Accounts
of New-England from it, follow but an Ignis fatuus. On
the occafion of the Slanders uttered in that fooliJJi Book,
Mr. Mather gave under his Hand unto fome Honeft Men,
who Publifhed a Victorious Anfwer to them, an Inftrument,
which had thefe among other Paffages.

' I am alfo told, that his great Friends Complain, That I
'fpent the Country a great deal of Money, during my
' Agency in their behalf. Thefe little Men know not what
'it is, to attend in the Courts of Kings for Four Years
' together : if they did, they would not make that Objection.
' And fure I am, that when I did, at the defire of many Prin-
' cipal Perfons in the Country, undertake a Voyage for Eng-
' land, in April. 1688. People in this Province would have
' given Ten times more than what I Expended in their Ser-
' vice, on condition they might have Reftored and Confirmed
' unto them, what they now Enjoy : yea, if it had been but
' in One Article of it. But befides this, I may truly affirm,
' that in Effect I ferved the Country on Free cq/l. For
' I never demanded the leaft Farthing as a Recompenfe for
' the Time I fpent in attending on their Affairs ; but inftead
' thereof, I procured in Donations for the public (befides the

* Privileges
(178)

[59]

* Privileges of the Charter itfelf, which, though not fo great
' as I would have had, and as I would gladly have parted

* with all I have in this World for to have purchafed, are
'greater than what any other Plantations befides New-
11 England enjoys : I fay, Befides thefe Things I procured
' in Donations to the Province and the College) at leaft
' Nine Hundred Pounds more than all the Expences of my
' Agency came to. This being plain Matter of Fact, which
' the whole General Affembly once had before them, I fup-
' pofe, all Reafonable men will own, That Reproaches call on
' me, for my Expenjivenefs in the Public Service are moft
' Ungrateful and Unworthy.

But here, this Long Chapter fhall have a Period; and, I
hope, a Pardon. Only it feems I muffc again afk a Pardon
alfo for the Agent, whofe Actions I have been telling of.
Some who have been vexed at good Things done by Min-
ijlers of the Gofyel, have made mighty Clamours againft
Mini/ters having any thing to do in Secular Affairs. But
the Scripture which forbids Minijlers to Entangle themfelves
with the Affairs of this Life, or be f o taken up with them,
as to neglect the Duties of their Minijlry, does belong
to other Vocations as well as to that of Minijlers. A Phy-
Jician, an Hufbandman, a Merchant, may not fo meddle
with State-Affairs, as to neglect the Perfonal Bujinefs which
GOD has call'd them to. We may as well forbid Minijlers,
to Write any Books, but thofe of Pure Divinity, as forbid
them all Cognifance of Secular Affairs on fome Great and
Juft Occafions. A Speech of an Eminent Perfon once in
the Houfe of Lords obferved, That no Reformed Church in
the World, held that Minijlers may not Intermeddle in Sec-
ular Affairs. He particularly mention'd Calvin and Beza,
whofe Influences very much governed the Council of State
at Geneva : Brentius and Scultet, and Du moulin, and
Rivet ; and others who were Privy-Counfellors to Princes.

Tis
(179)

[6o]

Tis true, Minifters ufually have enough to do, in attending to
their Paftoral Charge ; and the Ordaining of them to That,
is a Filling of their Hand. They muft Watch for Souls as
thofe that muft give an Account. But when without Injury
to That, they do upon Public and Preffing Emergencies,
apply their Superior Talents to fome things of a Secular
Importance, they do but what Hone/I Men ought to do.
Opportunities to do good, not only Legitimate the Applica-
tion of their Capacities to do it, but alfo Oblige them and
Require them to do it.

Hence it is among the fayings of the great Selden : Tis a
fooli/Ji Thing to fay, A Minifler mujl not meddle with Sec-
ular matters, becaufe his own Profeffion will take up his
whole man : May he not Eat, or Drink, or Walk, or Learn
to Sing ? The meaning is only, That he muft Serioujly at-
tend his Calling. This Mr. Mather did, even in the midft
of his greater! Avocations.

ARTICLE XXVII.
The Returning Dove.

|T is now high Time to be Looking Homewards.

As far backwards as the Year, 1689. Things
were in fuch an hopeful tendency towards an
Happy Settlement of the Country, that Mr. Ma-
ther, in his Chamber at London, (in Copthall Court, Throg-
morton Street] fet apart feveral whole Days, to Acknowledge
the Favours of GOD Hitherto Affifting and Succeeding of
him. So, having obtained a Letter from the KING [Dated,
Aug. 12. 1689.] unto thofe who were now in the Govern-
ment here, Signifying His Approbation of what had been
done by them in Re-aJJuming of the Government, and en-
couraging
(180)

couraging them to go on until an Orderly Settlement for
His Service and their Satisfaction, fhould be Accomplished ;
And the Bill for the Reftoring of Charters, and particularly
thofe of New-England, having paffed in the Houfe of Com-
mons ; and there not being then any apparent Hazard, but
that it would be carried on unto Perfection ; he thought he
might Return to New England with Comfortable Tidings.
He took his leave of his Friends at London; and on Aug.
20. went as far as Graves-End ; and the next Day to Deal,
where the Ship lay on Board of which he took his Paffage.
Here he lay Wind-bound, until Sept. 3. when his Youngeft
Son, 52 then with him, was taken fo Dangeroufly Sick of the
Small Pox, that it was Impoffible to leave him in that Con-
dition. The Ship went away without him ; and he (with his
Reftored Son) returned unto London, in the Beginning of
October ; where it was not long before he found fuch a Turn
of Affairs, as fulfill'd what his Friends told him, when they
welcomed him upon his Return, That the Gracious GOD
had s~lofid his Voyage in great Mercy to his Country. We
have now feen the Great Mercy intended in it : And all
things being finifhed, which concerned the Settlement of
the Country, the Earl of Nottingham introduced him once
more to the KING at Whitehall, Jan. 3. 1691, 2. in the
Evening. After he had Kiffed the KINGS hand, His Maj-
efty faid to him, Are you going to New-England? He
anfwered, With Your Majejlies Leave, I am fo. If in any
thing I may Serve Your Majejlies Interejl there, IJkall count
myfelf Happy, that Your Majejly will Pleafe to lay Your
Commands iipon me. The KING replied, Syr, I Thank
you ; I WiJJi you a Good Voyage. He then faid, There is
one thing, which I would humbly put Your Majejly in

mind

52 This fon was Samuel, b. 28 Aug. Eng. He patted the greater part of
1674, H. C. 1690, who was the min- his life in a retired manner, but was the
ifter afterwards at Witney, co. Oxford, author of feveral books.

(181)

[62]

mind of . We have in New-England a COLLEGE, where
many an Excellent Protejlant Divine has had his Education.
The KING faid, I know it! He thereupon added, If Your
Majejly will cajl a favourable Afyec~l on that Society, it will
yet FlouriJJi more than ever. The KING returned, I JJiall
willingly do it, - And fo Ended the Final Conference.

Mr. Mather, upon a Review of his Agency, was now able
to ufe thofe Words, ' As Day and Night have feen it ; fo I
'can and do Appeal to Heaven and Earth, that I have
' Served the People of my Country, with all Fidelity, and
' unto the Very utmoft of my Capacity. And fo, with an
eafy mind in himfelf, but great Expreffions of Affection in
his Friends at his taking his ultimum Vale of them, he left
London, on Mar. 7. 1692. and Sr. William Phips, then
having received the Royal Commiffion for the Government
of New-England f etch'd him in a Yacht from Southampton,
to Cowes in the Ifle of Wight, where the Ship lay in which
he was to take his Paffage. There he Preached both parts
of the Day ; which he afterwards had Opportunity to do in
Dartmoiith, and in Plymouth.

On Mar. 29. 1692. he with the Companions of his Voyage,
left Plymouth ; and had a Comfortable Paffage for New-Eng-
land, under the Convoy of the None-fuch Frigat. Inftead
of their falling into the Hands of their Foes, which was
much feared by their Friends, a French prize fell into their
Hands. And they had alfo a notable Deliverance from
what they commonly call, A Tartar: For fpying fome
Ships which they took for French Merchant-men, their Con-
voy made away for them ; until contrary Winds compelled
them to leave the chafe. But on the Day following, a
French VeJJel which they took, informed them, That they
were Four French Men of War, which were bound home
for France, from the Ifland of Martinico.

On May 14. he arrived fafe to his HoufQ and Flock, at

Bojlon.
(182)

[63]

Bofton. And foon after the firft Great, and General AJJem-
bly of the Province was Convened ; unto whom he repaired,
and Reading over the InftruElions he had received from the
Government, he upon each of them Demonftrated unto
the Satisfaction of the whole Affembly, that he had unto
the utmoft of his Power Punctually obferved them. After
fome Days, and upon the moft mature Examination and
Deliberation, the Speaker in the Name of the whole Houfe
of Reprefentatives, returned him Thanks for his Faithful,
Painful, Indefatigable Endeavours to ferve the Country ;
and added, That they were willing to Reward his Meritori-
ous Endeavours ; but by reafon of the Expenfive War under
which they were Labouring, they were at prefent unable to
do any thing Proportionable to his Merits : To which Mr.
Mather anfwered, That he Sought not Theirs but Them, in
all that he had Endeavoured, and for his Recompence, he was
willing to expect it in Another World. However, he had
in This World, fo much as This comes to ; That the Great
and General Affembly, appointed a Day of Solemn
THANKSGIVING to Almighty GOD, through the Pro-
vince, for Granting a Safe Return to His Excellency our
Governour, and the Reverend Mr. Increafe Mather, who (as
the order expreffed it) have induftrioujly endeavoured the
Service of this People, and brought over with them a Settle-
ment of Government, in which their Majefties have Gra-
cioujly given us DiJlinguiJJting Marks of their Royal Favour
and Goodnefs.

He was fortified with diverfe Letters from Eminent Per-
fons, Teftifying and Celebrating his Indefatigable endea-
vours for the Good of the Country, and adding, While fome
with you may perhaps Wonder, that he has Obtained no
more, we here, who have the Advantage of a better ProJ])ec~l,
wonder that he has done fo much. But I fhall Superfede
all Citations from them, with only Producing a Copy of a

Letter,
(183)

[6 4 ]

Letter, Prepar'd by the Venerable Dr. Bates, and Signed
by Twelve more ; all of them Eminent Minifters in London ;
and fuch as the Doctor chofe for that purpofe. This was a
Thing, which Mr. Mather, had never Defir'd or Propos'd,
but that Great Man did it, and had the Names of Ten Min-
ifters to it, before ever Mr. Mather fpoke one Word unto
any of them about it : nor could any Two of them ever be
Prevailed withal to fufpecl; any overdoing in any one expref-
fion of it.

The Letter is worth Preferring, if it were only for the
Excellent Hand that Compofed it ; For, Ccelum eft Quicquid
tarn Dofla Manus condidit. This it is. 53

' To the Much Honoured General Court Affembled at
' Bofton in New-England.

''Much Honoured Gentlemen.

' " I ^HE Refloring of your Charter, upon which the Security
* ' and Public Good of Your Colony Depends, We Con-
' gratulate with as Joy fid Affettions, as with Tender Refent-
' ments, We Condoled the Deprivation of it. When Your
'and Our State was in Appearance Defolate beyond Hu-
' mane Power and Counfel to redrefs, Then Deliverance
' came from above: And in our Deep Darknefs, the Day
' Spring from on High vifited us. We muft humbly Ad-
'mire and Adore the Glorious Author of that Bleffed
' Work : And we cannot but Pay our Grateful Refpecls, and
' Dutiful Subjection to His chofen Servant, our Sovereign,
' the Happy Inftrument of it. All the Colours of Language

' are

53 A portion of this letter is given of the letter on p. 312 of that volume,

in Mather's Account of the Agents, But it feemed proper to give the com-

and is printed in our fecond volume, plete text in this place, as it Hands in

pp. 297-298. We alfo printed the reft the original publication.

(184)

[65]

' are not Lively and Grateful enough to exprefs His Benefits
' to us. He has the Honour of Eftablifhing our Religion at
' Home, and gives us Hopes of Reftoring it abroad, in places
'from whence it has been Unrighteoufly and Cruelly Ex-
' pelled.

' Some among You may Wonder, there has been fo long
' Delay before Your Charter was fmimt, but if you confider
' the Torrent of Affairs in Court after the Late Revolution,
' it will Leffen the Wonder.

' The Truth is, Your Affairs were fo Difficult, & Thorny,
' that the Rare Union of the Wifdom of the Serpent, & the
' Innocence of the Dove, was requifite in the Commiffioners
1 manageing of it. A Peremptory Refufal of any Charter,
'but of an Uniform Tenor with the firft, had been like too
' Strong a Medicine, that Exafperates the Difeafe inflead of
' Curing it. In Affairs of great Importance, tis Wifdom
' Maturely to Deliberate, and confider Conditional Events,
' and by the forefight of Inconveniences that will otherwife
' follow, to accept of fuch things as are Bejl with refpecl: to
'their Circumftances. We muft therefore give this True
' Teftimony of our much Efteemed and Beloved Brother,
' Mr. Increafe Mather, That with Inviolate Integrity, excel-
' lent Prudence, and Unfainting Diligence, he hath Managed
' the great Bufmefs Committed to His Truft. As he is In-
' ftrucled in the School of Heaven, to Minifter in the Affairs
* of the Soul, fo he is furnimed with a Talent to Tranfact
'Affairs of State. His Proceedings have been with that
'Caution and Circumfpeclion, as is Correfpondent to the
' Weight of his Commiffion ; He with Courage and Con-
*"Jlancy has Purfued the Noble Scope of his Employment,
' and underftanding the True Moment of Things, has pre-
'ferred the Public Good to the Vain Conceits of fome, that
' more might have been Obtained if Peremptorily Injifted on.
' Confidering open Oppofition and Secret Arts, that have

' been

x (185)

[66]

'been ufed to fruflrate the beft endeavours for the Intereffc

* of New-England, the Happy IJfue of thefe things is Supe-
' rior to our Expectations. Your Prefent Charter fecures
''Liberty and Property the faireft Flowers of the Civil State:
' And which is Incomparably more valuable, it fecures the
' Enjoyment of the Blejfed Gofyel in its Purity and Freedom.
' Altho' there is a Rejtraint of your Power in fome things
'that were granted in the Former Charter, yet there are
' more Ample Privileges in other things, that may be of Per-
' petual Advantage to the Colony.

' We doubt not but Your Faithful Agent will receive
' a Gracious Reward above : And we hope his Succefeful
' Service will be welcomed with your entire Approbation,
' and Grateful Acceptance. We now with ardent Affections
' recommend our Dear Brother to the Divine Mercy, that
' thro' fuch Dangerous Seas he may fafely arrive at his de-
' fired Place. And We earneftly Pray, that the Bleffings of
' Heaven may be always upon Your Colony ; that by the
' Light and Power of the Gofpel, the Prince of Darknefs
'may be Expelled from his ancient Dominions; and the

* Kingdom of our Saviour may be Eftablifhed and Enlarged,
'by the Acceffionof fat American Heathen to be His Inheri-
tance. Much Honoured Gentlemen,

We are,

Your very Humble,

LONDON, and Faithful Servants,

Oft. 17. 1691.

William Bates. Thomas Woodcock.
Matthew Mead. John James.
Matthew Barker. Samuel Anne/ly.
Richard Stretton. George Griffith.
Vincent A If op. Richard Mayo.
John How. Ifaac Chancy.

John Quick.

There

(186)

[67]

There needs no more.

Except I mould now add, That I have at this Mo-
ment before me, a Letter from Dr. Bates to this his Friend,
which has thefe Expreffions in it ; ' I am truly fenfible of the
' Ungrateful Returns of Some in your Country for all your
' Prudent ConduEl, your Unwearied Patience, and Happy
' Succefs, in the Management of their Affairs. But as your
"Aims were above their Poor Acknowledgments, fo your
' Reward will be in the Acceptance of Him who Judges
' Righteoujly.

An Appeal to the Men of New
England,

WITH A SHORT ACCOUNT OF MR. RANDOLPH'S PAPERS.

[1689.]

(189)

PREFATORY NOTE.

54 'THHE following pamphlet, which is reprinted, by permiflion, from a copy in
* the famous library of George Brinley, Efq., prefents feveral interefting
bibliographical facts : In the firft place, being printed in 1689, it muft have been
iflued after Auguft 2d, as it mentions Andros's attempt to efcape, which took
place at that date. It muft alfo be before February, 1690, the date of Andros's re-
turn to England, as it calls him ftill a prifoner. Next, it is the tract referred to on
p. 195 of our firft volume, as a " former paper of Ouaries written and publifhed
by one who had not been half feven years in this country." That pamphlet of
" Further Queries " refers to the difafter at Schenectady which occurred Feb.
8, 1690, and fpeaks of "the fummer which is now advancing." We may pre-
fume that the tract was published late in 1689, or in January, 1690, though it
copies (vol. i. p. 203-204) affidavits ufed by Rawfon and Sewall in their " Revo-
lution in New England Juftified," 1691. As thefe affidavits were on file, collected
by a committee of feven of the General Court (fee vol. i. p. 149), the writer of
" Further Queries " might have had accefs to them eafily.

The " Vindication " (vol. ii. p. 78) has at the end an Advertifement " for this
compofure the reader is beholden to one, who altho' he never fpent 7 years of

his Life in any part of America, has been able thus to write." This

"Vindication" was printed in 1690, after Palmer's fecond edition, which bears
date in 1690, and before the "Revolution Juftified" in 1691. It was clearly
publifhed in England firft, and reprinted here. It is a problem, therefore,
whether this " Advertifement " was on the Englifh edition. If not, we muft
fuppofe that there was fome fpecial reafon for both pamphlets, the " Further
Queries" and the "Vindication," printed in 1690, bearing the allufion to " feven
years." May not this expreffion be one ufed in " News from New England,"
the tract mentioned in our fecond volume, p. 205, and the only pamphlet ftill
untraced ?

As to the authorfhip of the prefent tract nothing is known. If we accept
literally the ftatement that he had not been in this country half feven years, we
might fufpect it to be the work of Rev. Charles Morton, of Charleftown. He
came here in 1686, was efpecially oppofed to Andros's government, by whom he
was profecuted, and was of courfe able to prepare and publifh fuch a book.
He was a friend of the Mathers, and, as will be mown, Cotton Mather muft have
been privy to the preparation of this tract. *

(190)

WITH A SHORT ACCOUNT OF MR. RANDOLPH'S

PAPERS.

T is the Unhappinefs of this prefent Jun6ture,
that too many Men relinquifh their Stations of
Privacy and Subjection, and take upon them
too freely to defcant upon affairs of the Pub-
lick; and thofe generally fuch as have mani-
feftly no Love for, nor Interejl in the welfare of
this Country, who yet affume a ftrange liberty to themfelves
of justifying the Conduct of the late Ufurping Government,
and cenfuring the Juftice and Order of the late Revolution ;
and by clandestine Libells and open Coffee-houfe talks, en-
deavour to fow Factions and Divifeons among us. It has
been therefore thought fit (in order to the unity of the Peo-
ple, and healing the prefent difcompofures) to propofe the
infuing Queries and Cafes, upon which 'tis defired every man
would exercife his faculty of judging, that hereby he may
know how to encounter the Sophi/lries and flop the mouthes
of thefe peflilent Gain-fayers.

i. Of the Injury done to our Charter.

Whether the Charters of New England were not invaded
and vacated in purfuance of the very fame ends that caufed
the General Attempt lately made upon the Charters through-
out all the EngliJJi Dominions ?

Whether
(190

[4]

Whether the Definition of the EngliJJi Charters were
not one of the moft confiderable Branches of the late
PopiJJi Plot, for the fubverfion and utter extinction of the
Proteflant Religion ?

Whether it be rational to fuppofe that our late Superiours
at Whitehall did receive or could propofe any advantage by
the overthrow of our Charter Government, but only to bring
us within the reach of PopiJJi Counfels, when it fhould be
time for them to work upon us ?

Whether (fuppofmg our Charters forfeitable) we had for-
feited them by breaking any one Article or Condition in
them ?

Whether therefore the late Confpirators in the Court at
White-Hall did not rob us in the Maffachufetts Colony of
our Charter, by firft letting fall their Quo Warranto, when
we had fent Agents to ftand a Trial at Law; and then by
iffuing out a Writ of Scire Facias againft us, requiring us to
appear fuddenly after at Wejlminfter and fo entring Judg-
ment againft us for our non-appearance, whilft in the mean
time it was perfectly impoffible we mould have any timely
notice of it?

Whether it be not a great Article in the Declaration pub-
lifht by his Highnefs the Prince of Orange, concerning the
Reafons of his Difcent into England, That all Magi/lrates
who have been unjuftly turned oiit,JJiall forthwith Reaffume
their former Imployments, and the EngliJJi Corporations re-
turn to their ancient Prefcriptions & Charters ?

Whether Conneclicut died not as a Fool Dieth, and were
not baubled out of their Charter, and whether they are not
more knaves than fools, who would go about to make them
twice dead, when not only their Charter was actually reflored
by the Proclamation of King James, but alfo his prefent
Majefty has declared (as we have undoubted information)
That their Charter is as Good as ever ?

Whether
(192)

[5]

Whether we have not Received an Attefted Copy of a
Bill pad in the House of Commons, which expreffly De-
clares, That the Proceedings againjl our Charter were Illegal,
and a Grievance ?

Whether notwithstanding the fence of all England affem-
bled in a full and free Parliament to the contrary, we fhould
not rather lick up the Spittle of fome of our Learned Jayl-
birds, who ever now and then fpawn a Pamphlet to tell us,
That we have been fairly dealt with ?

Whether when 'tis confidered that for the meer hope fake
of a lafting Peace and Settlement under the protections and
priviledges of our Charters, we have with an incredible ex-
penfe and labour fubdued a difmal Wildernefs into a famous
& flourifhing Teritory, of no fmall advantage to the Crown
of England; we may expect that it will be thought juft and
fair for us to be deprived of thofe Priviledges and Injoy-
ments by which we were hereunto decoy'd and ruined by
the miferies of an Arbitrary Government ?

Whether upon the little glimmering profpect which we
now have of our being freed from the wretched circum-
ftances under which we laboured by the lofs of our Charter-
Priviledges, we may not be allowed to wear a little joy in
our faces, and return thanks to our God, the Soveraign
Beftower of all the good we have in Poffeflion or Expec-
tation ?

Whether if our late Prejident^ 1 fhould make it appear,
either that he did not contribute to the lofs of our Charter,
or that he has a juft and due regret for doing it, this might
not reconcile him to the affections of the people, of which
among fo many that have defired to fee him humbled, fo few
defire to fee him ruined?

2. Of

55 The late Prefident was Jofeph Dudley.

Y (193)

[6]

2. Of the Commiffion by which we were lately Governed.

Whether the late Commiffion by which the late Govern-
ment was impofed upon us, did not deny us the Common
Rights, which all Engli/Jimen juftly count themf elves born
unto, and entirely fubjecl: all that was dear to us unto the
Arbitrary DiJ])ofal of five or fix men, that mewed their
manifeft hatred to whatfoever N.-England loved ?

Whether if indeed by our being here, we became Slaves,
and are to be utterly excluded from all intereft in making
of Laws and railing of Taxes, but what is in the fubmitting
and fmarting part of them, we had not better agree to
break up the Plantation, and march home for England
again ?

Whether thofe people who now declare for the continu-
ance of that CommiJJion, do not therein (fome ignorantly,
fome malicioufly) abet a Treafon, and the worfl of Treafons
againft the Liberties of the EngliJJi Nation, and make them-
felves parties to the worft Enemies of their Countrey ?

Whether they were perfons inconfiderable for Note or
Number which did call our late Government by the name of
a French Government, and counted it an Effay or Specimen
of what was intended for the whole Engli/h Nation ?

Whether any good man has done any other than buy
Repentance at a dear rate by efpoufing the Interefts or
gratifying the humours of the men that fo lately Lorded
over us !

Whether common Curfmg and Swearing and Sabbath-
breaking be not admirable qualities in a Governour, and
fuch as may make any New-Englanders dote upon him, or
endeavour his re-eftablimment, when we have all the affur-
ance in the world that we mall be commended by the
Authority of England for our depofing him ?

Whether when a Governour has made his allowed Knot

of
(194)

[7]

of Counsellors competently drunk at his Bouts with them
after midnight, they be not in a fine pickle to manage the
Government of this large Territory, which no doubt now
perifhes for the want of fuch Super-fober Counsellors?

Whether thofe people who now afflict themfelves with a
Bodily fear that a mean perfon may now and then get into
the place of a Magi/Irate amongft us, have not forgotten
what fort of Gentlemen were amongft our late Counfellors?
And whether they know the Original of our late boyfterous
Deputy Governour^ who in very good time informed us, That
the Scabbard of a Red-coat JJwuld quickly Jignifie as much as
the Commiffion of a Jujlice of the Peace ?

What were the Qualifications which were counted enough
to make a man capable of a Place in the late Adminiftra-
tion ?

3. Of the OppreJJion which was ufed every day upon us in
our Civil Concerns.

Whether fome of the principal Gentlemen concerned in
the late Government have not once and again ingenioufly
confeft, That the Government was become Intollerable.

Whether thofe that Rob on the Road, or in the night
under the fear of Hanging are not honefl Robbers in com-
parifon of them that Rob in the capacity of Lawyers, by
making the Law it felf but a Tool to manage the defigns of
Robbery ?

Whether any man alive can tell what Law our late Maf-
ters were pleafed to Govern by.

Whether amongft many other injuries which the Fermen-
tations

66 I fuppofe by this is meant Capt. fpecially for this colony. Randolph
Francis Nicholfon, who was commif- was fecretary, with Weft under him ;
fioned Lieutenant Governor, April 20, Dudley and Palmer were judges ; Sher-
1688, and who lived in New York. I lock was fheriff ; Graham, attorney-gen-
do not find any deputy-governor named eral, &c.

(195)

[8]

tations of the laft April did unto feveral honeft people, this
be not one, that certain pickt, fettled and Standing Officers
(but no Free-holders) called Jury-men were thereby difmift
from their places, which we thought they mufl have held
Durante Vita, by a Leafe for their Lives ?

Whether in one and the fame Crime, fometimes the Old
Law of New-England was not that which did convict the
fault, and the new Law of Old-England, that which did
adjuft the Fine?

Whether we did not with a very fingular Edification and
Satisfaction hear our late courteous Rulers very gravely
hold forth unto us, that, It was not for His Majefties Intere/l
that weJJwuld thrive ?

Whether the ufage of the Ipfotnck^Jito. & the Plymouth
Men were not fo juft and kind that they ought never to for-
get it ? or whether a peaceable defiring, that we might have
liberty for an AJJembly before we Rais'd Taxes ; or whether
Begging Mony to carry on a Tryal at Law for Town-lands
injurioufly invaded, were an inexpiable Treafon ?

What was Major Appleton put, and kept in Prifon, and
denyed an Habeas Corpus for ?

And for what were Major Saltonjlall and Mr Bradftreet,
and others Imprifoned and put to a ftrange Coft and
Charge

How many times have the Excife-men gone unto honeft
and courteous Houfes in the Country, pretending themfelves
ill, and fo procuring the Civilities that good people ufe to
treat Strangers with, but thereupon dropt a three-pence or
fix-pence in a by-place of the Houfe, and then fworn that
they bought drink there; and how many times has this
Trick been play'd upon perfons that never fold a drop of
drink in their lives ? Who clapt thefe Knaves on the Back
and held them by the Chin in thefe Rogueries ? Who went
Snips with them ?

Whether
(196)

[9]

Whether Mr Morton, the very Reverend and no lefs
peafeable Minifter of Charles-Town, were not by Governour
Androfss furious Command (contrary to the declared Senfe
of two of the Judges upon the Bench) drag'd out of his own
County, to be Try'd for Seditious Preaching, on purpofe
becaufe he thought no place but Bojlon could afford a Jury
wicked enough to ruine him, on the Teftimony of one fingle
Debaucht Perfon, contradicted by the whole Affembly that
heard the Sermon ? 57

What was the true Reafon why no Town might meet to
Tranfact any Parim-bufmefs, above once a Year ?

Whether it was not both verbally and really deny'd by the
late Ufurpers here, that any man in the Colony own'd fo
much as one Foot of Land/ And fo after all the vaft
Treafure and Labour which we had fpent to provide for our
felves a Livelihood in a Wildernefs, had we not brought
our Hogs (and all our other Cattle too) to a fair market?

Whether it were poffible for all the mony and Movables
in New-England to have paid the prizes that mufl have
been exacted for the Patents, which we are now obliged to
take for our Own Lands, even as they are ftated in the Fees
of the Secretaries Office ?

Whether a certain perfon divers ways endear'd to our late
Gang of Mony-c ate hers, having of his own a Spot of Land,
worth not above Two Hundred Pounds, was not at laft
forced to offer Fifty Pounds for a Patent for it, and yet
after all could not get it fo, becaufe (forfooth) a Neighbour
offered to give more for a good Title to it ?

How many Hundred Acres of other mens Lands have
been begged by Counfellors, out of their fingular and
fatherly Affection to the Country? and who muft have

maintained

57 Nothing in this paffage is incompatible with the fuppofition that Morton
wrote the trad.

(197)

[10]

maintained the fcores of Widows and Orphans, that muft
have been brought to beg their bread, whilft others beg'd
their Lands?

Whether when fome certain Widows that had their Lands
taken from them, pleaded with thefe publick Thieves, and
urg'd on them, That God would one day plead the caufe of
the Widows, they were not fcoffingly bid tojlay till that day
come ?

4. Of the Perfecution which our Sacred Concerns were
affaulted with.

Whether Jefferies the late Lord Chancellor of England, or
fome body elfe, advifed no body, To Ruine thefe Churches as
fa/I as he could, yet not to do it by force, but to Sap them by
Jlarving the Mini/lers everywhere from their Imployments,
upon which their Churches will by confequence fall of them-
felves ; and whither fine fteps were not taken in the practice
of this Advice ?

Whether in the ordinary Difpenfations of Juftice among
us, if a perfon accufed of any Crime, were a vicious, profli-
gate, blafphemous Fellow, he were not likely to have all
poffible favour fhown him, but if he were a ferious, holy,
Good Man, he might not Expect the utmofl rigour, that the
extent of their fence of the Law could inflict on him ?

Whether the pious Chriftians in New-England had not
fome caufe at leaft why their Confciences might fcruple the
mode of Swearing on the Book, when the Common Law
which is the only Law pretended for it in this Cafe, does in
all old Prefidents interpret a Swearing ON to be a Swearing
BY the Gofpels, and we have long thought it finful to fwear
by any Creatures ?

Whether fome of the Juftices themfelves in their giving
of Oaths did not awaken our thoughts by making the poor

people
(198)

people Swear By the Holy Evangelifts, concluding the Ooath
with fo help you God and his holy Evangelifts ? And
whether when a man was profecuted for Perjury, the form of
his Indictment did not run, That he did perjurioujly on the
Holy Evangelifts of the Almighty God, Depofe, &c. ? And
whether even yet the Homilies of the Church of England
do not teach us, That to fay, So help me God ancl Saint
John, is Idolatry?

Whether many of the befl People in the Country were
not Fined and Imprifoned meerly for fcrupling to fwear on
the Book, though they readily offered to Swear with an Up-
lifted Hand?

Whether the leaft affront offered unto them that were fo
fcrupulous were not to put them from Serving on a Jury, or
as a Witnefs ? And whether the bottom of this intreague
were not chiefly to render the Largeft, the moft fober, and
valuable part of the Country uncapable of any Inter eft in
the paffage of Juftice between man and man ? And whether
fome folks would not have had then a brave time on't ?

Whether thofe very Judges, who punifht holy and worthy
men, for only fcrupling a mode of Swearing, ever did or
durft punifh a Quaker for not Swearing at all ?

Whether none of our late Superiors had caufe to know
that in the Ifland of Guernfey and Jerfey^ which are under
the Crown of England, it be not according to Common
Law (becaufe Ancient Cuftom) to Swear with Lifting up
the Hand?

Whether although it feem a fmall Truth for which the
good people have fuffered this malicious and unreafonable
Perfecution, yet the fmallnefs of the Caufe do not rather
augment and commend the Fidelity of the Sufferers ?

Whether the late wife Juftices did not affirm all the

Ecclefiaflical

18 A reference, of courfe, to Andros.
099)

[12]

Ecclefiaftical Penal-Laws againft Nonconformifts to be in
force againft us, when they fo vigoroufly profecuted that
worthy Minifter Mr Mather the Younger for publifhing
(before Sir Edmond Andros arrived here) a modeft and
placid Difcourfe giving the-Reafons of our Diffent from the
Ceremonies of the Church of England? And of what
value with them was the late King's Declaration for Liberty
of Confcience. And whether, when they had the power
of binding and loofmg the l^reSS, it had not been more
fatisfaclory for them to have anfwered it by Scripture and
reafon, or any way rather than by a ruinous Romi/h Perfe-
cution.

Whether when 't was argu'd, that it would be a very un-
fair thing to punim the Noncoris in this Countrey, for not
ufmg the Service of the Church of England, while the
Countrey had fcarce any but Noncoris in it ; and fo every
man almoft in the Land muft pay at leaft 1 2d a day (befides
other far greater penalties) which with Sundayes and Holy
dayes would amount to four pounds a man by the year, for
not being prefent at the Common Prayer Worfhip, that
Juftice had not more of the Wo/fiha.n the Fox in him, who
reply 'd, We are in a way to bring it to that extremity ?

Whether when the late Kings Declaration for Liberty of
Confcience gave us hopes of deliverance from an approach-
ing Perfecution, the 'Minifters of Bofton having agreed with
their Congregations to keep a day of Thankfgiving to God
for that Mercy, Governour Androfs did not fend for them

the

69 Increafe Mather was fo defcribed. authority for ftating that the "Brief

The tract was undoubtedly the one Difcourfe " was iffued in 1689. This

whofe title is given in our firft volume, was true of the fecond or London edi-

p. 1 80. In the text it is faid that the tion, but, as will be feen, both in our

fermon was publifhed before Andres's citation (i. 180) and in Sibley's, no

arrival, i.e., before 1686. By Mr. Sib- date is on the firfl edition. We may

ley's admirable bibliographical notes it therefore fairly accept the ftatement in

feems that Cotton Mather was the the text as correct.

(200)

the night before the day intended, and with many menaces
bid them keep the day at their peril, and tell them he would
fend Souldiers to guard their Churches and them too? And
yet having thus put by the day, to the great fcandal and
offence of the whole Town, had he not the face to deny
afterwards that ever he had forbidden it ?

5. Of the Indian War.

Whether no Indian Lands, nor Indian Rights have been
Patented away by our late Patent-mongers.

Whether to advance this principle, that the Indians, be-
caufe Pagans, have no Title to any Lands at all in this
Coimtrey, be not the way to continue the friendfhip of the
Indians to us ? and whether after all the hard cenfures we
have undergone, the World will not judge us the jufler and
more righteous of the two, who own they have though
Pagans, ajitft Right to all their Lands but thofe which they
have by fair Contract or jujl Conqueft parted with ?

Whether it were no bodies Expectation, that on pretence
to pay off a great Army for a long Service, a vajl Tax muft
have been Levy'd, which would on purpofe have been made
intollerable to the people ? that hereupon a diflreft and dif-
trac~ted part in the Country would have mutiny d? and an
advantage would thence be taken by fome fort of men to
have taken away the Lives and Eftates of whom they
pleas'd for being concerned in the Rebellion, though they
had been never fo peaceable and innocent? Would not
this have been a notable way for fome folks to thrive in the
world ?

Whether no Captives of late efcap't from the Indians
have affirmed, That the Indians fay, Some p erf ons in Bofton
have incouraged them to go on with the War ?

6. Of

z (201)

6. Of the Revolution.

Whether it were not purely in Oppofition to the enemies
of the Prince of Orange, that we feized upon Governour
Androfs and his Accomplices ? and not a defign hatcht by
Jefuits to carry on a Popilh Interefl among us, as a Pam-
phlet late difperft, very gravely and politickly informs us ?

Whether our late Rulers did not ufe all imaginable care
to keep us ignorant of the Succeffes of the Prince of Orange,
which themfelves had fufficient information of ?

How many Healths has that Riotous and Abject Crew
drank to the Confufion of the Prince of Orange fmce eighty
nine ; and whether that fport is likely to laft always unre-
markt or unpunifht ?

Whether the news of the Princes coming into England
did not fill them with as much vifible Confternation as us
with fatisfaclion, and whether the Reafon of it be not mani-
feft to all of us ?

Whether the man that brought the Princes Declaration
with him into the Country were not Imprifoned for bringing
treafonable ?cc\di feditious Papers with him?

Whether fome Riots that have been committed fince the
Revolution were not fecretly produced, or at leaft fomented
by men of the fame Party with them that moft fuffered by
them?

Whether Governour Androfs m by dealing out of the
Caftle where he was a Prifoner, after he had abufed the
Captain with fuch affurances of his proving himfelf a trite
Prifoner did not give an evidence of fome peculiar Guilt or
Fear upon him, as well as Falfenefs in him ; and whether
the Captain ought to truft him again, or in Civility fo far to

remember

60 This charge againft Andros is not found elfewhere, and may well be
doubted.

(202)

remember him as a Gentleman, as to forget that he is a
flippery Prifoner.

What would thofe fellows be at, who are fo lavifh of their
Difcourfe as to condemn us for Pirates only for taking
Pirates? what party did Pound's^ ferve that it muft be fo
criminal to Apprehend him ? and who were his Correfpond-
ents ? and whether it be not very reafonable not only that
thofe men who ventured their Lives fo nobly for the Coun-
trey mould be commended, but rewarded ?

Whether it be not the fpecial Priviledge of Charlejlown 62
Church and Town to be furnifht with Deacons and Cap-
tains which publifh Remonftrances againft the prefent Gov-
ernment, and Berogue the deferving Gentlemen in whofe
hands it is ? and whether thofe Fellows (to retort the phrafe
upon them they fo faucily ufe to the Gentlemen in Author-
ity) could propofe any thing by their late Mutinies & Fac-
tions, than the putting the Countrey into a Flame?

Whether thofe Men who defire to fee the late Power in
play again, be not weary of their own Lands or Livings (if
they have any?) or do not want to be Owners of Other
Mens ?

Whether thofe men who now fhow themfelves violent
againft our return in any fort to our Charters, are not therein
declared Enemies to the glorious defigns of the greateft
Prince in the World ?

Whether it would not be a fine fpot of work, when we
have given to Sr. Edmond Androfs and his Creatures the
affront of difmiffing them from the Government, and we
every hour look for a Confirmation and approbation from
England of what we have done, yet to reftore them to their
former places ?

Whether

81 As to Pounds, fee vol. ii. p. 54- 82 See Charleftown's petition in vol.
55. ii. p. 79.

(203)

[16]

Whether a flricl eye ought not to be kept on thofe ridic-
ulous Blades at Charleftown, and thofe Mifchievoiis ones in
Prifon 63 who are fcattering about the Countrey their fcan-
dalous Pamphlets, to perfwade a thing fo pernicious ?

Whether fuch empty trifling Pamphlets can Profelyte any
but the fillieft Buzzards in the World, and whether we have
reafon to fear we have many fuch among us ?

And fince 't is in a late Pamphlet^ boldly affirmed that
none of the L etters (in our hands] of thofe lately in Office or
Government, manifejl any defign of ruining the Countrey, or
procuring any violence to the Inhabitants ; we mail annex
fome few Notes (among many much worfe) out of the Letters
of but One of them, viz. Mr RANDOLPH and by this lit-
tle, let all dif-interefted perfons judge, whether thofe who
guided the People to this alteration had not fome caufe.

Randolph to the Earl of June 14. 1682

/ humbly befeech your L ordJJiip that I may have confedera-
tion for all my Loffes, that the heads of this Faction here
may be ftriclly profecuted and Fined for their Treafons and
Mifdemeanours, and my Mony paid out of their Fines. I
will engage with Five Hundred of His Majefties Guard to
drive them out of their Country As for the perfons joynd

and

63 Palmer's "Impartial Account" full in Hutchinfon's Collection of Pa-
was undoubtedly prepared whilft he was pers, vol. ii. pp. 275-277, in the edition
a prifoner here. printed by the Prince Society. As

64 I have not been able to find the here printed, it confifts of extracts only
original of this quotation. from the long original, ingenioufly ar-

65 This letter was addreffed to the ranged to make a ftrong effect.
Earl of Clarendon, and will be found in

(204)

and concerned in the Faction here, I know but one man who
was not himfelf a Servant or a Servants Son.

R. to my Lord December 3. 1684

If that great body of People by mif-underftanding be once
broken and difperfl into the Southern Plantations, the
French will certainly by degrees /wallow up that great
Country planted and poffejl by His Majejlies Subjefls now
above thefejixty Years, and fo at length become Majlers of
all His Majejlies Weft- India Plantations, which by the bene-
fit and advantage of thofe many Harbours in that Country
may be obtained.

67 R. to the B. of June 14. 1682

If His Majejlies Laws (which none but Phanaticks quef-
tioii) be of force with us, we could raife afufficient mainten-
ance for divers Minijlers out of the Eftates of thofe whofe
Treafons have forfeited them to His Majejly.

R. to the B. of - May 29. 1682

In my Attendance on your Lordfhip, loftenpreft thatfome
able Minijlers might be appointed to perform the Offices of
the Church with us. The main objlacle was, how theyjliould

88 This extra6l is from a letter to the Lord Bifhop of London will be found in

Lords, by which I prefume is meant the Hutchinfon's Collection above cited,

Lords of the Board of Trade, which will ii. 279-281.

be found in the Mather Papers (Mafs. ** This letter, alfo to the Bifhop of

Hift. Soc. Coll., 4th Ser. viii. 530). London, will be found in full in Hutch-

87 The original of this letter to the infon's Collection, ii. 271-274.

(205)

be maintained? I did formerly and do now prop of e that a
part of the Money fent over hither and pretended to be ex-
pended among the Indians, may be ordered to go towards that

charge. As for 69 he is one of the Faction, a man of

mean Extraction, coming over a poor Servant ; as moji of
the Faction were at their firft Planting here, but by extraor-
dinary zeal and coufenage, have got them great Ejlates in
Land ; fo that if His Majefty Fine them fufficiently (and
well if they f cape fo) they can go to work to get more.

70 R. to the A. B. of Oclob. 27. 1686

/ have fome time Jince humbly reprefented to your Grace,
a necejfity of having a Church built in Bofton, to receive
thofe of the Church of England ; we have at prefent near
four hundred perfons who are daily frequenters of our
Church, and as many more would come over to us. But
fome being Tradef-men, others of Mechanick Profejfions,
are threatned by the Congregational Men to be Arrejled by
their Creditors, or to be turned out of their work, if they

come to our Church. / have taken care to inform my

felf how the Mony fent over hither for the Company of
Evangelizing Indians in New England is difyofed of; Here
are feven perons called Commiffioners or Truftees, who have
thefole manage of it. The chief of which are Mr. Dudley
our Prejident a man of a bafefervile and Antimonarchical
Principle ; Mr. Stoughton of the old Leven ; Mr. Richards,
a man not to be trufled in publick bujinefs ; Mr. Hinkly, a
Rigid Independent, and others like to thefe.

I humbly prefume to Remind your Grace of your promife

w In the original in Hutchinfon, 70 For this letter to the Archbifhop
this is Capt. Richards. The ftory was of Canterbury, fee Hutchinfon's Col-
probably falfe, as fhown in the note le&ion, ii. 294.

(159).

(206)

[19]

to me when in England ; that a Commijfion JJwuld be
dir'ected to fome perfons here unconcerned to Audit and

report their Accounts of that Mony. We want good

Schoolmajlers, none here being allowed or but of ill Prin-
ciples ; The mony now converted unto private or worfe Ufes,
willfet up good and pub lick Schools, and provide a mainten-
ance for our Minijler who now lives upon a f mall Contri-
bution.

71 R. to Mr. Blathwait. May 21. 1687.

His Excellency has to do with a perverfe people. Noth-
ing has been wanting in his Excellency to bring all things to
a good pojlure, both private and publick ; He dif charges the
duty of an Excellent Governour,but thefe people are Riveted
in their way, and I fear nothing but neceffity or force will
otherwife dij]>ofe them.

R. to Povey. May 21. 1687

72 His Excellency tries all ways to bring the people to Quit-
Rents.

73 R. to Mr. Pen, November 9. 1688.

This barbarous people were never civilly treated by the late
Government, who made it their btfjinefs to encroach upon

their

71 This extract is given in the Ma- printed in Hutchinfon's Collection, ii.
ther Papers above cited (Mafs. Hift. 296-298.

Soc. Coll. 4th Ser. viii. 531). A part 73 This is given in the Mather Pa-
of it is alfo given in Hutchinfon's Hif- pers already cited ; but the qualifying
tory, i. 354. claufes even in the copy there printed

were omitted in the preparation of this

72 This line occurs in a long letter inflammatory pamphlet.

(207)

[20]

their Lands, and by degrees to drive them out of all ; That
was the Groitnd and Beginning of the lajl War. His Ex-
cellency has all along taken other Meafures with them.

I hear Mr. Mather and fuch like Men of Antimonarchical
principles at home are complaining againft^ me : I confefs,
if being the Occafion of Subverting their Old Arbitrary
Government be a Crime, / mujl Submit. 74

Printed in the year 1689.

74 We have already faid that Cotton
Mather was intimately connected with
the preparation of this tra<5t. The
proof is as follows. In the fixth vol-
ume of Mather manufcripts, now pre-
ferved in the Prince Library, will be
found (pp. 56-57) abftracts of certain
letters from Randolph and Dudley,
made by Cotton Mather, and in his
handwriting. Undoubtedly he had ob-
tained the originals, and thefe paffed
finally to Hutchinfon, who printed them
in full, as we have mentioned in our foot
notes, ante. But the interefting fa<5t is
that thefe abftracts by Mather are
exactly the ones printed in this tract,
except that his copy contains fections
herein omitted. And on this Mather
copy lines are drawn under fuch por-
tions as are printed, fo as to direct a
copyift what to take, or the printer
what to ufe. The inference is inevita-
ble that Cotton Mather furniftied di-
rectly all thefe extracts, though he or

fome coadjutor felected a part only for
publication in the foregoing pamphlet.

As the omiflions are very fignificant,
we will edit Cotton Mather's abftracts.

I. R. to the Earl of Clarendon June
14. 1682.

" His Majefties Quo Warranto
againft the Charter and fending for
Thorn. Danforth, Sam. Nowell, a late
factious preacher and now a Magif-
trate, Daniel Fifher and Elima Cook,
Deputies, to attend and anfwer the
articles of high mifdemeanour I have
now exhibited againft them in my
papers fent Mr. Blathwait, will make
that whole Faction tremble." [Then
follows the printed fection, " I humbly
befeech .... paid out of their Fines."]
" If the party were fo confiderable as to
Revolt, upon his Majefties Refolution
to fettle this plantation, their firft Work
would bee to call mee to account for
Endeavouring
(208)

[21]

Endeavouring openly the Alteration of
their Constitution, which by their Law
is Death." [Then the reft of the letter
as printed.] "As for all the perfons
joined and concerned in the Faction
here, I know but one man who was not
himfelf a fervant or a fervant's fon."

2. R. to the Lords Dec 3. 1684.

" There are dangerous principles
among them, which Mr. Mather main-
tains and propagates." [Then the reft
as printed in the pamphlet.]

3. R to the B. of [London] June 14,

1682.

[Juft what is printed.]

4. R to the B. of [London], May 29,

1682.

[Begins as printed fix lines through
"towards that charge."] Then Ma-
ther fays [" Story of reconciliation
between O. and N. Ch.] " Major Dud-
ley is a great oppofer of the Faction
againft which I have now articled to his
Majefty, who if he finds things refo-
lutely managed, will cringe and bow to
any thing. Hee hath his fortunes to
make in the World. I give him 2 or
3 lines to recommend him to your
Lordfhip's favour fo far as hee may bee
ferviceable to your Defign." [Then as
printed, from " As for Capt. Richards,
hee is one of the faction." . . . through
" work to gett more."] " As for Rich-
ards hee ought to be kept very fafe till
all things tending to the Quiet and
Regulation of this Government be per-
fectly fettled." " Wee have in Bofton
one Mr. Willard, Brother to Major
Dudley." " Hee is a moderate man and
baptizes thofe who are refufed by other
churches, for which hee is hated." " I
preft for able and fober minifters, and
wee will contribute largely to their
maintenance ; but one thing will mainly

help, when no marriages hereafter (hall
be allowed Lawful, but fuch as are made
by the members of the Church of Eng-
land."

5. R. to the A. B. of [Canterbury.]
Oct. 27, 1686.

[Begins as in print, through " Mr-
Hinkley, a Rigid Independent, and
others like to thefe."] "The poor In-
dians (thofe who are called Minifters)
come and complain to Mr. Ratcliff, our
Minifter, that they have nothing allowed
them. Wee have fpoken to the Com-
miffioners to have fome allowance for
them. All wee can get is the promife
of a coarfe coat againft Winter, and
they would not fuffer Aaron, an Indian
preacher who can read Englifh very
well, to have a Bible with the Common
Prayer in it, but took it away from
him." [Then the reft as printed,
through "a fmall contribution."], and
are yett forced to meet in the Town
Houfe." "Story of the Old Ch.
Bell."

6. R. to Blathwait, May 21. 1687.

[Juft as printed.]
7. R to Povey, May 21. 1687.

[The line as printed.] "A little
time will try what our new Judges,
Dudley and Stoughton will fay when
either Indian purchafes or grants from
the General Court are queftioned be-
fore them." " Mr. Mafon is very
acceptable to his Excellency and to
many of us. Moodey is out of hu-
mour ; I believe hee will bee obliged
to Leave this Town."

8. R. to Mr. Pen. Nov. 9. 1688.

[As printed four lines, through " othei

meafures with them."] " I hope the

proclamation

(209)

[22]

proclamation and the Indians' confi-
dence in the Governor's favour to fuch
as mall fubmit, may putt a flop to their
prefent Rage." [Then as printed, ex-
cept the laft claufe is " fubverting their
arbitrary government (and thereby pitt-
ting a flop to the perfecuting fpirit rag-
ing every where in this country) bee a
crime, I muft fubmitt." The claufe in
italics was omitted in the pamphlet.]

9 and 10. Copies are given of two
letters from Dudley to Randolph.
Thefe were not printed in the pam-
phlet, and are as follows :

9. D. to R. Dec. I, 1684.

I wrote you my willingnefs to fuftain
fome place in the Regulation.

You will bee very eafily capable to
recommend your befl Friends, who will
bee fuch alfo as may bee acceptable to
the Body of this people.

Lett not particular perfons be mutt
up from Redrefs of 111 IfTues here.

I would bee glad that the Placita
coronas might bee fliut up, except the
Treafonable Libel, which I can gett no
copy of.

Here is a ftrange Spirit in fome of
the people, towards Mr. St.[oughton]
and Bu.[llivant] but beyond all account
againft my felf, of which, if the New-
Settlement mould take no notice, how-
ever they may bee difappointed, they
will fling up their caps for joy, that wee
are neglected.

If his Majefty mould at firft betruft
the Government -wholly to perfons
among us, I am fure the charge would
be the lefs, and I beleeve the fervice

performed to good fatisfaction, both to
His Majefty and people.

10. D. to R. June 7, 1684.

I fuppofe, notwithftanding all the
Delayes you complain of, if Mr. At-
turney General pleafe, Trinity Term
may end His Majefties fuit, and make
Way for his perfect Satisfaction. When
I may expect to fatisfy myfelf.

I have fince fometimes Drank your
Health at my Dame Taylor's.

Wee well know that your Influence
and Induftry may prevail much. Sir,
Wee drink your Health, and are
Your mofl humble Servants
J. D.
THADDEUS MACKARTY.

II. R. to the Lord Treafurer. Aug.
23, 1686.

[Not printed in the pamphlet. The
extract is as follows : " Liberty of Con-
fcience will much obftruct the Settle-
ment of this Place."

"The Commifliion fent hither" was.
but Temporary and ferved only to un-
hinge the Commonwealth, which for
many years was ufurped and managed
by a Faction."

We may conclude, then, that the
author of the tract, taking Cotton Ma-
ther's abftract as his bafis, carefully
ftruck out such of Randolph's charges
as were too true, or that gave ground
for reflections upon the leaders of the
popular party. Efpecially is this the
cafe in regard to Dudley ; and herein
may yet be found a clue to the author-
ftiip of the pamphlet.

(210)

Edward Randolph.

75 TN regard to the family and antecedents of Edward Randolph, little is known.

*- I am indebted to Charles W. Tuttle, Efq., for the information that
Edward was the fon of Edmund Randolph,* of Canterbury, co. Kent, Doctor of
Phyfic, by Deborah, daughter of Giles Matter, of Canterbury. Edward married
Jane Gibbon, of Weftcliff, co. Kent, whofe brother, Richard Gibbon, M.D.,
married Anne Tufton, fitter to Robert Mafon (Tufton) and granddaughter of
Capt. John Mafon, of Colonial fame. From letters dated in 1684, from Ran-
dolph, at Whitehall, to Shrimpton, at Bofton (Mafs. Hift. Soc. Coll. 4th Ser.
viii. 524-526), it feems that Randolph had daughters, Betty, Mary, and Jane, then
living at Bofton, and that probably his wife was dead or certainly not refiding
here. He alfo mentions a brother " fent over to fucceed my brother Gyls," i. e.,
Giles. He alfo mentions "brother Allen." So, in the fame volume (p. 102),
Mather fays, " belike the Jew's name that carried the letter, was either Edward
or Bernard 15 Randolph." Alfo, "that one of the Randolphs, being detected of
fuch villany " (forgery), " is lately fled to fave his ears."

According to Randolph's own ftory, he firft landed here June loth, 1676, and
arrived back September loth of the fame year. December 7th, 1679, ne ma de
a fecond voyage hither, arriving at New York, and went back to England in
January, 1680. December I7th, 1681, he arrived at Bofton, after a third voyage,
and May 28th, 1683, he arrived in England. July 2oth, 1683, after a fourth
voyage, he landed at Bofton, returning December I4th following. January 2oth,
1685-86, he embarked on a fifth voyage, and remained here till Andres's over-
throw.

" It feems by Notes and Queries, 4th Ser. vi. * In Allibone, we find that a Bernard Randolph

74, that in 1571, Thomas Randolph, of Badlefmere, was the author of two pamphlets, printed in 1686 and
co. Kent, foil of Avery and Anne (Gainsford) 1687, about the Iflands in the Grecian Archipelago
Randolph, had confirmed to him the arms of Sir and the Morea.
John Randolph, viz., "Gules, on a crofs argent, five
mullets fable," quartering the arms of Eyniham and
Stokes. Poffibly this is the fame family.

(211)

[2]

It feems, however, from a note to Hutchinfon (Hift. i. 329), that " Randolph in
a reprefentation of his fervices to the committee of Council, fays that he had made
eight voyages to New England in nine years." The date is not given. But in his
report to the Lords of the Committee for Trade (printed herein), date May 29,
1689, he mentions thofe who are his enemies " for my faithfull fervices to the
Crowne for fourteen yeares in this country." This would make his firft vifit
hither as early as 1675. The queftion is one of fome importance, fince our hif-
torians generally undervalue Randolph's firft report on the ground that he had
only been four months in the country. If he had been here before 1676, his
opinions are entitled to more weight

The part taken by Randolph in Andros's adminiflration is generally mown by
the papers already printed. After the Revolution, Randolph was fent back to
England with Andros, and, like him, efcaped all punimment.

From Letters in the fourth volume of the New York documents, it feems that,
in 1697-98, Randolph was at New York, aling under inftruclions from the Com-
miffioners of Cuftoms ; that he liad been to Maryland and Pennfylvania, and was
to go to Carolina, Bermuda, and the Bahamas. His office was apparently that
of Surveyor- General of the Cuftoms on the Continent of America. It alfo
feems (R. I. Rec. iii. 339) that he came to Bofton from New York.

Of Randolph's later career, I find nothing, except Cotton Mather's fpiteful
note, written in 1724 (ante, p. 130), to the eflfecl; that he died in Virginia, with only
two or three negroes to carry him to his grave.

It is to be noted that there was a famous family of Randolphs then in Vir-
ginia (Meade's Old Families of Virginia, i. 138), the head of which was Wil-
liam Randolph, of Turkey Ifland. He was a nephew of Thomas Randolph, the
poet, who was born in 1605, at Badby, County Northampton, and died in 1634.

The following lift of papers, already in print, relating to Randolph, may prove
of fervice :

1676. Sept. 20. ? Randolph > s Report on the Colonies . Hutch. Coll. ii. 210.

v-/Ct I2 \

1678. July 9. Randolph's inftruc~lions from Com-

miffioners Coll. 3d S. vii. 129.

1680. Randolph's inftruftions againft the

Boftoneers Hutch. Coll. ii. 264.

1680-1. Feb. 15. Randolph againft Gen. Ct. of Mafs. . Hutch. Coll. ii. 266.
1682. May 29. Randolph's Letter to Bp. of London . Hutch. Coll. ii. 271.

1682.
(212)

[3]

1682. June 14. Randolph's Letter to E. of Clarendon Hutch. Coll. ii. 275.
July 14. Randolph's Letter to Bp. of London . Hutch. Coll. ii. 279.

1683. Dec. 13. Randolph's Letter to I. Mather . . Coll. 4th S. viii. 524.

1684. July 18. Randolph's Letter to S. Shrimpton . Coll. 4th S. viii. 524.

21. Randolph's Letter to S. Shrimpton . Coll. 4th S. viii. 525.

Sept. 4. Randolph's Letter to S. Bradftreet . Coll. 4th S. viii. 527.
Dec. 3. Randolph's Letter to Lords of Treaf-

ury Coll. 4th S. viii. 530.

8. Randolph's Letter from Bradftreet . Coll. 4th S. viii. 527.

1684-5. Feb. 9. Randolph's Letter to Dudley . . . Hutch. Coll. ii. 283.

1685. July 7. Randolph's Report and Privy Coun-

cil's Report N. Y. Doc. iii. 362.

Randolph's Letter to Archbimop of

Canterbury Hutch. Coll. ii. 291.

Aug. 3. Randolph's Propofals about Quo

Warranto R. I. Rec. iii. 177.

18. Randolph's Propofals about Quo

Warranto R. I. Rec. iii. 178.

Randolph's Articles againft R. I. . R. I. Rec. iii. 175.

Sept. 21. Randolph's Commiffion Coll. 3d S. vii. 161.

1686. May 27. Randolph's Letter to Gov. Treat . . Conn. Rec. iii. 352.
July 28. Randolph's Letter to Commiflioners . Hutch. Coll. ii. 285.

Randolph's Letter to W. Blathwayt . Hutch. Coll. ii. 288.

Aug. 23. Randolph's Letter to Lord Treafurer Coll. 3d S. vii. 154.

Randolph's Letter to Board of Trade R. I. Rec. iii. 205.
Oct. 27. Randolph's Letter to Archbifliop of

Canterbury Hutch. Coll. ii. 294.

Dec. 23. Randolph's Letter to Gov. Treat . . Conn. Rec. iii. 375.

1687. May 21. Randolph's Letter to Povey . . . Hutch. Coll. ii. 297.

Randolph's Letter to Blathwayt . . Coll. 4th S. viii. 531.

1687-8. Jan. 24. Randolph's Letter to Povey . . . Hutch. Coll. ii. 299.

Mch. 10. Randolph's Letter from Blathwayt . Hutch. Coll. ii. 301.

18. Randolph's Letter from Povey . . Hutch. Coll. ii. 303.

1688. June 21. Randolph's Letter to Povey . . . Hutch. Coll. ii. 304.
Oct. 8. Randolph's Letter to Lords of Trade N. Y. Doc. iii. 567.
Nov. 9. Randolph's Letter to Pen .... Coll. 4th S. viii. 531.

1689. May 16. Randolph's Letter to Gov. of Barba-

dos Hutch. Coll. ii. 314.

29. Randolph's Letter to Lords of Trade N. Y. Doc. iii. 578.
Nov. 25. Randolph's Letter to Elifha Cooke . Hutch. Coll. ii. 318.
Dec. 28. Randolph's Letter to Brockholft . . N. Y. Doc. iii. 664.

1698. April 26. Randolph's Letter to Lords of Trade N. Y. Doc. iv. 300.

May 16. Randolph's Letter to Lords of Trade N. Y. Doc. iv. 311.

30. Randolph's Letter to Lords of Trade R. I. Rec. iii. 339.

(213)

[Mafs. Archives, Ufurpation, vol. cxxvii. p. 220.]

A fhort Narrative of my proceedings and

feveral Voyages to and from N. England to Whitehall
during the time of mannageing his Majefties affaires in
N. England, humbly prefented by Edward Randolph.

.675. ^muim^tM\ RECEIVED his Majefties Letters to the
HCXf sSOm Governor and Company of the Maffachufets

Bay in New England to attend at Whitehall
and anfwer the Complaints brought againft
them by Mr Mafon and Mr Gorges

l67 6. I arrived in N. England and delivered his

June 10. Majefties Letters to the Governour and Council then fitting
at Bofton.

juiy 30. I Imbarked myfelf for England.

sept lo. I Landed at Dover and prefented the Right Honorable
the Lords of the Committee for Trade, with a Narration of
the Eftate of their Country and Government ; and Exhibited
Articles of high Mifdemeanour againft the Governour and
Company.

i6 7 8. Two Agents arrived in England from Bofton to make

their defence. I attended two years and made good my
Charge againft the Governour and Company at the Council
Chamber. The Agents confefs the fact, pray his Majefties
pardon, and acknowledge his Majefties Right to the Govern-
ment of the Province of N. Hampfhire.

The

(214)

[s]

The Bofton Agents have leave to returne and New .6 79 .
Agents to be fent with full power.

I was commanded to go for N. England by way of N. oa. 23 .
York to Carry over his Majefties Commiffion of Government
directed to a Prefident and Council in New Hampfhire.

I fhipp'd all my goods and Houfehold ftuffe of a confid- 29.
erable value upon a veffell belonging to N. England, and
are all loft at fea together with his late Majefties picture and
Royal Amies fent to N. Hampfhire.

I arrived at N. York and traveled by land from thence to Dec. 7 .
New Hampfhire in the winter, nigh four hundred miles.

I arrived at N. Hampfhire and after great Oppofition > 7 .
made by the Boftoneers, fettled the Government in that
Province.

His Majefties Government declared and owned in the jan.i S .
Province of New Hampfhire.

I returned from N. Hampfhire to Bofton, Impowered by 28.
the Commiffioners of his Majefties Cuftoms to prevent the
Irregular Trade. I feized feveral of their Veffels with their
Loading.

His Majefties Authority and the Acts of Trade difowned i6&>.
openly in their Courts, and I was caft in all thofe Caufes and
damages given' againft his Majefty.

Having complained hereof I returned to England and MW. x S .
obtained his Majefties Letters Pattents to be Collector of his
Majefties Cuftoms in New England.

The Right Honorable the Lords of the Committee for IMI.
Trade report to his Majefty that in confideration of my
good Service, I ought to have a hundred pounds annually
added to my former fallary of one hundred pounds, but his
Majefties fervice requireing my fpeedy Returne to N. Eng-
land, I was difpatched away and that Addition not fetled.

I arrived again at Bofton in N. England with his Majefties Dec. i 7 .
Commiffion appointing me Collector &c, but that Commif-
fion
(215)

[6]

fion is oppofed being looked upon as an Encroachment on

their Charter.
Mar. jo. A Law revived by the Affembly to try me for my life and

for acting by his Majefties Commiffion before it was allowed

by them.
1682. His Majefties Commiffion not allowed to be read openly

in Courts. My Deputies and under officers Imprifoned for

acting by virtue of his Majefties Commiffion.
Aug. 20. Other Agents from Bofton arrived in England.
sept. 20. Bofton Agents appearing are directed to procure larger

Powers.
Dec. 20. I received Orders from the Lords of the Committee to

Returne to England to profecute a Quo Warranto againft

the Bofton Charter

iS'28. I arrived in England.

June 13. I was ordered to attend Mr Attorney General with proofs
of the Charge againft the Bofton Government.

juiy 20. I arrived in N. England, ferved the Quo Warranto, pub-

limed and difperfed two hundred of his Majefties declara-
tions.

Dec. 14. I Imbarked myfelf for England, had a dangerous Voyage.

The veffell wrecked at fea, both her fides carried away in a
ftorme, and all my goods loft.

Feb. i 4 . I arrived at Plymouth and was commanded to attend and

profecute the Bofton Charter

oa 4 ' 23 . Judgment was entred up for his Majeftie againft the

Bofton Charter.
Dec. 20. i was ordered to prepare Articles againft the two Colonies

of Rhode liland and Connetticott.

jdyxs. The Attorney Generall ordered to Iffue out Writs of

Quo Warranto againft the Colony of Rhode Ifland, Connet-
ticott
(216)

[7]

ticott &c and againft the feveral Proprietors of Maryland,
Penfilvania and Eaft and Weft Jerfey

I was directed to ferve the Quo Warranto upon my Lord A U ^. 15.
Baltimore, Proprietor of Maryland, and the Proprietors of
Eaft and Weft Jerfey, and to ferve two writs upon the
Colonies of R. Ifland and Connetticott, all which I duly
performed.

I and my family Imbarked upon the Rofe friggot for N. Jan. 20 .
England.

1686

I arrived at Bofton with his Majefties Commiffion of May M.
Government to a Prefident and Council.

Then the Colony of Maffachufets Bay, the Province of
New Hampfhire and Maine are brought under his Majefties
Government.

I ferved the writ of Quo Warranto upon the Governour May 30 .
and Company of Rhode Ifland.

I made a fecond journey to Rhode Ifland to receive the June 12.
General Court's anfwer.

I ferved the writ of Quo Warranto upon the Governour juiy I2 .
and Company of Connetticott, above one hundred and fifty
miles diftant from Bofton.

The Governour and Company of Rhode Ifland humbly
fubmit to his Majeftie, and are by his Majefties Special Order
to his Excellency Sir Edmund Andros, Knt., united to this
Government

I received a fecond writ of Quo Warranto againft Con- Dec. 2 s.
netticott and was ordered to ferve it.

A fecond writt upon the government of Connetticott is Dec. 3 <>.
ferved upon the Government. They make their humble
fubmiffion of themfelves and government to his Majeftie.

His Excellency goes to Hartford, the cheife Town in oft.**
Connetticott and erects his Majefties Government there, So
that now the feveral Colonies are united under his Majefties
Immediate Government and authority, viz*. The Maffachu-
fets,
BB (217)

[8]

fets, New Plymouth, Conneticott, Rhode Ifland, and the
Provinces of N. Hampfhire, Maine and Pemaquid and the
Kings Province, lying above feven hundred miles in length
and above feven hundred miles upon the weftern Sea.

[Mafs. Archives, Political, vol. cvi. p. 212.]

BOSTON, June y e 23^ 1676
76 HON D SIR,

|HE diredions of his Ma ties letter of March y e 2O th
1675-6 to Our Trudy and well beloved the
Govern 1 " and Magiftrates of our towne of Bofton
in New England, prefuppofeth a powre in them to
give a fufficient anfweare to the contents thereof ; and the
better to prevent frustrating or evading the true intent of
this his Ma ties meffage to you, hee hath been Gracioufly
pleafed to allott a month's tyme for the due and punctual
perfecting your anfweare (for which I am ordered foe long
and not further to attend.) And if a Generall Court bee
more proper for difpatching matters of foe weighty concerne
be pleafed to affemble that. In the meane tyme according to
my inftructions I continue to require an anfweare to his
Ma ties letter to bee delivered to me at or before the expira-
tion of the tyme limited, befeeching you to refer your pre-
liminary difcourfing my inftruclions and my mefiage thereof

78 Randolph has given a full and This letter is referred to (p. 244) as a

interefting account of his reception by " memorial given in to the Gover-

the authorities here, in a letter printed nour."
in Hutchinfon's Collection, ii. 240-251.

(218)

to his Ma tle and Councill to whom onely I (land accountable,
and am Sir,

Your humble ferv 1

ED. RANDOLPH.

Be pleafed to give me your
Anfvveare in writing p. firft opportunity

E. R.

Endorfed to Hon John Leverett, Gov r
rec d June 23, 4 o'clock

GEN 1

[Mafs. Archives, Political, vol. cvi. p. 213.]

BOSTON July y e 6, 1676.

[OURS of the 26 th of June lafl is received directed
to E. R. etc. in which you are pleafed to acquaint
me that fuch was your cafe, not to be juftly accufed
of neglect in any kind that you took the firft
opportunity to fend your anfweare to his Ma ties letter, which
is (as I fuppofe) difpatched for England by a M r of a fhipp.
That is VGTSQOV nQon-Qov and denotes fome deviation from his
Ma ties methods of tranfacting this affair with you, who was
gracioufly pleafed to committ both His original letters to
you directed and duplicate (to bee managed by the M r of the
fhip in cafe of my failer at fea) to my charge and care. But
you fend your original (which is not expected till my returne)
by the mafter of a fhip (bufmefs preventing my foe fpeedy
returne and offer a duplicate to me his Ma ties expreffe.

I have

77 " Hufteron Proteron," the laft the firft.
(219)

[10]

I have other matters under my charge alfo for his Ma ties
efpeciall fervice which I am not to communicate nor can be
difpatched in lefs than a month. Tho by me limited for my
demanding and attending for your anfweare, it was not
expected upon his Ma ties Gracious condifcention of 6 months
tyme for your Agents appearance at White Hall that I
mould be ported away for England after the tedioufnefs of a
ten weekes paffage, and foe by fuch a rapid motion be necef-
fitated to leave my other weightier affaires uneffecled, or elfe
to have that his Ma tie recommended to my care, tranfmitted
by another hand.

Some things in your letter feem to have a particular re-
flection on my carriage and behaviour \vhich charity dic-
tates tafitely to pretermitt I did believe my obedience to a
Supream Authority would not render me obnoxious to its
inf[erior] and deriviative party, and make me liable to the
cenfure of mifdemeanour or be guilty of flighting or irreg-
ularly impofing any Authority eftablifhed [by his] Ma 17 . If
fo I beg your pardon and defire your infpeclion of this mat-
ter may be referred to his Majefty, whofe fubjecls we all are,
though in a different relation.

However in my vindication give me leave to fay, that
when I firft attended this Counfel after Mr Rawfon had
read his Majefties Letter (and not the Governor as is hinted
in your Letter as .... petitions. I then acquainted the
Councell that they had a months tyme to returne their
anfwer, and that I was ordered to reconvey it; the i5th fol-
lowing I expreffed myfelfe in Councell to the fame purpofe.
And the day following, 4 dayes before the fhip fayled for
England I waited on the Governor for the Councell's
Anfwer. But hee told me it was to accompany an anfwer
of his to a letter from Sir Jofeph Williamfon brought by
the matter of the fame fhip I failed on. Soe that by this it
appeares that my acquiefcence (if any) is only paffive. My

remifnes

(220)

[II]

remifnes as well as exceffe in performance of any of his
Majefties commands renders me equally difobedient, there-
fore I ftriclly keep to his Majefties orders without any wilful
abereation.

And now fince there is fuch a Cogency, I once more beg
your pardon. And againe in obedience to his Majefties

Letter which exprefily faith (that Ed. Randolph

the Councell to hear the fame read there ; hee being by us
appointed to bring back the anfwer, and the words of the
Generall inftruclions likewife enjoine you, fhall then call
for an anfwer unto thefe Our Letter, from the faid Governor
and Magiftrates, and demand the fame within a month after
the delivery of Our Letters, which anfwear when you have
received it you fhall bring back to Us with what convenient
fpeed you can) I doe demand your anfwer to his Majefties
faid letter, and foe humbly take my leave.

Gentlemen, I am not confcious to my felfe of any difre-
fpeclfull or unfutable expreffion dropped verbally or by my
pen. Yet fmce you are pleas'd to connive at what you feem
to apprehend extravigant, I return you my hearty thanks ;
as alfo for your friendly advife without which I mould have
been and ftill fhall be carefull to demeane myfelf according
to the importance of my charge, and that refpect due to you
as his Majefties minifters.

I am your moft humble and obedient fervant

ED. RANDOLPH

I am returning for England
upon Mr. Walley.

(221)

[12]

[Mafs. Archives, Political, vol. cvi. p. 246.]

WHITEHALL, the 22 Odober 1681.

HAVE received your two Letters with the en-
clofed to my Lord Culpepperand am glad you are
fafely gott on fliip board, which I reckon halfe the
way to Bofton : as I ceafe not to perfue you at all
times with bufmefs you will more eafily take upon you the
trouble of this letter to the Maffatufetts, fince it is chiefly
intended to recommend you to that people, with what fuc-
cefs I cannot tell. It is exceeding foft and gentle and
meddles with nothing but the fending Agents, but I have
reafon to hope that things will goe never the lefs well, for
this mild way of proceeding, there being but one thing
wanting to fett all right.

I heartily wifh you and your family may have a profper-
ous Voyage and a kind welcome at Bofton where you have
but one rock to avoid which you ought to be aware of, I
mean your letting them come within you after which they
will eafily give you the Cornifh Hugg.

Pray fpare me not with your letters fince I am really Sir
your moft faithful fervant.

WILLIAM BLATHWAYTES

Pray deliver the enclofed

78 Indexed as B. to Randolph ; probably fo endorfed on the paper which is
now parted in a volume.

(222)

[13]

[Mafs. Archives, Political, vol. cvi. p. 263.]

BOSTON, June 23, 1682

BEING upon the Change in Bofton heard Lef"
Dan. Turel fpeaking to Mr Edw. Randolph f d
hee Cap" Hutchinfon why doe you not fpeke to
him ? f d Randolph Replyed, I had as leav fpeke
to him as to any man eliv, if it fall in my way. I looking
about f d w tts y e matter. Mr Randolph anfwered you Rated
me 1 3/4 w ch I p d to yo r Deputy. I afked w" Deputy ? Lef"
Turel f d y e Conftables Deputy, Tho. Smiths deputy was an-
fwered. I Replyed you did well. Mr Randolph f d , I intende
to rec. it back again, for you ought not to Rate me. I an-
fwered we had as much Refon, or might as well demand it
as you pay it He faid again I intend to have it returned.
I replyed you will be wifer when you have it (or muft be
wifer nrfl). He faid though you are Longer you may find
them y* are wifer. I f d like enuf. S d Randolph faid, 7 men
may cut a mans puree on y e high way. I replyed fuch a
knave as you may cheat 20 men. He faid who are you,
I faid, a man. he faid, when you have your buf cote on. I
replyed as good as you with your forde on. He faid You
are no Commiffioner here. I faid, I have as good a Com-
miffion as you, my ftaf is as good a Commiffion as your
fworde. He faid wold I had you in place where I wold try
it. I replyed, Try now

On which he went a way and left me, we having no more
words all Change time and I faw no more of him. This is
the whole difcourfe y* paffed betwixt us as neer as I can
remember and I think word for word, as witnes my hand,
Fryday about one a Clock, June 23, 1682.

ELISHA HUTCHINSON.
r (223)

[Mafs. Archives, Ufurpation, vol. cxxvi. p. 53.]

EE have yours of the 3oth of June laft advifmg us
of your feizure of two fmall Veffells, viz, the
Swallow, Jofhua-Weft, mafter, and the Succefs,
Jofhua Glover, mafter, the latter of which Belongs
to Scotland and hath been an old Tranfgreffor : foe that wee
hope there will be noe failure in your Part in the Effectual
Profecution thereof, which wee fhall Owne as very good Ser-
vice. And becaufe you Informe us that the Pinke Succefs
was Loaden moftly with Scotch goods for which he produced
his Cocquetts, wee defire you to fend the fame to us by the
firft Veffell bound hither, whereby wee may probably detect
fome of our Officers, whome wee have fufpecled to be guilty
of giving out Counterfeit Cocquetts and other Difpatches
to the Prejudice of his Ma ts Duties. We mall expect to
heare from you by all convenient Opportunitys, and be
ready to give you all Countenance and affiftance in the dif-
charge of your Duty. We reft

Cuftom H. London
7 Aug. 1686.
Duplicate

Your Loving friends

SAM. CLARKE
Jo. WERDEN.
J. BUTLER.

CH. CHEYNE
BUCKWORTH

Mr. Randolph, New England.

(224)

[is]

[N. Y. Hiftorical Documents, edited by J. R. Brodhead, Efq., vol. iii. p. 578.]

Mr. Randolph to the Lords of Trade.

To the Right Hon ble the Lords of the Committee for Trade
& Foreign Plantacbns.

A fhort narrative of the prefent unfe tried flate of His
territory and dominion of New England, and of the im-
minent danger of its being overrun by the French Forces
in Cannada, if not timely prevented : humbly prefented
by Edward Randolph.

MAY IT PLEASE YO R LORDSHIPS.

| PON the eigh tenth day of A prill laft the people of
this country being prepoffeffed with ftrange feares
and jealoufyes againfl S r Edmund Andros Gov r
and fome of the members of the Council, took
armes, and in a Ihort time made themfelves maflers of the
fort caftle and Rofe frigott. They feized upon the Gov r and
committed him to flricT; guard in the Fort, fome they fent
to the Caffcle, and imprifoned me and others in the common
goale in Bofton. The reafons of their fuddain proceedings
are publifhed in their printed papers herewith humbly tranf-
mitted N i. 2.

Since which much time hath bin fpent in confulting with
the mobile what modell of government to erecl:, as by their
papers N 3. 4. But your Lord ps will finde by their paper
N 5. that they intend to reaffume and act according to the
rules of their former Charter

My
cc (225)

My Lords. There were fome perfons inhabitants of Bof-
ton attending laft yeare at Whitehall 79 who under pretence
of grievances and hardfhips put upon them by the Govern 1 ",
laboured by all meanes to fett afide the government as it was
then eftablimed, and to obtaine confirmacon of their former
Charter from the late King James, and had fo farr infmuated
themfelves into the good opinion of Father Peters and S r
Thomas Powis late Atturney Gen", that by the affiftance of
M r Brent of the Temple, their folicitor, they obtained a
report from Sir Thomas Powys to the then Lords of the
Committee for Trade, in their favour, that their former
Charter was illegally vacated ; a duplicate whereof they
tranfmitted to their party in Bofton, with affurance of obtain-
ing a Charter with larger power ; and they, in confidence of
their Agents good fucceffe and impatient of further delays,
revolted, and thereby anticipated by force that favour they
would not tarry to receive from England.

About the yeare One Thoufand Six Hundred Seventy
Eight it was made apparent to the Right Hon ble the Lords
of the Committee for Trade by the opinion of S r Will" 1
Jones and S r Francis Winington then Atturney and Solic-
itor Gen u , that the feverall articles of high mifdemeanour
objected againft the Govern 1 " & Company of the Maffachu-
fetts Bay in New England for their maleadminiftracon, were
a fufficient ground (if proved) for his Matye to proceed
againft their Charter by law ; fome of which are as follows,
viz 1 Coining money without His Ma ty ' s permiffion ; Trade-
ing contrary to y e A6ls of Navigacon, whereby His Ma tys
revenue was greatly impaired (as was made appeare by the

peticon

79 Reverend Increafe Mather was Samuel Nowel, Elifha Hutchinfon,

fent to England in April, 1688, as agent and Richard Wharton united with him

for the province of Maffachufetts. He in London (Hutchinfon's Hiftory of

embarked at night and in difguife, to Maflachufetts, i. 366, 367 ; Chalmers's

avoid the fervice of a writ which Ran- Political Aimais, 467). J. R. B.
dolph had taken out againft him.

(226)

[17]

peticon of feverall eminent Merchants of London prefented
to His Mat y in Council,) Not allowing thofe or any other
Acts of Parliament to be in force with them imlefs foe
declared in their Gen 11 Affembly ; Denying appeales from
their Courts to England ; laying Cuftomes upon the goods
of His Ma tyes fubjecls (not freemen of the colony) tho' im-
ported directly from England ; And for profecuting by
fines, imprifonment, whipping, banimment & putting to
death, His Ma tyes fubjecls for matters in religion. All which
were confeffed by their Agents in their petition to His Ma ty
during their attendance at Court to anfwer the complaints
of M r Mafon and M r Gorge for invadeing their Provinces of
New Hampfhire and Maine in New England. Whereupon
S r Robert Sawyer then Atturney Gen 11 was ordered by the
Lords of the Committee for Trade to bring a Writt of Quo
Warranto againft their Charter, which for thofe feverall
offences and alfoe for refufing to fubmitt to fuch a regulacon
in the management of their government so as all His Ma tys
fubje6ls might finde equall juftice amongft them ; and upon
their refufing alfoe to plead (tho' they had all favour and
time allowed them to make their defence) was vacated, and
a commiffion granted to feverall gentlemen, members of their
late Council, to exercife government in that colony ; of w ch
number was M r Bradftreet (prefent pretended Govern 1 "), who
refufed, and the others with great difficulty accepted thereof,
as appeares by the printed paper N 6.

About the yeare one thoufand fix hundred eighty five the
French of Canada encroached upon the lands of the fubjecls
of the Crowne of England, building forts upon the heads
of their great Rivers, & extending their bounds, difturbed
the inhabitants, and layd a clayme to thofe lands which for
many yeares had belonged to the Englifh ; and under pre-
tence of a right to the fole fifhery between the degrees of
forty three and forty fix North latitude, they feized eight

New
(227)

New England ketches loaden with fifh off the coaft of Nova
Scotia, took away all their fifh, treated the matters moft
barbaroufly and afterwards carryed them and moft of the
ketches to Rochell, where they were a long time imprifoned.
The mafters came afterwards from thence to New England.
I then affifted them in their applicacon to the Earle of Sun-
derland and to the Lord Prefton, then Embaffadorin France ;
but his Lordfhip, though he preffed the matter, could obtaine
noe redreffe. Whereupon it was advifed and ordered in
Council that the three fmall Colonyes of Connecticott New
Plymouth and Rhode Ifland, not able to make any defence
againft the French, together with the Provinces of New
Hampfhire and Maine, fhould t>e united and made one
entire government, the better to defend themfelves againft
invafion. And accordingly a commiffion was directed to S r
Edmund Andros with inftruccons to take them all under
his care, which he accordingly accepted and they in a fhort
time fubmitted thereunto.

The French about Canada intending to engroffe the whole
beaver trade to themfelves, did in the time of peace furprize
about twenty feven of the chiefe Captains belonging to the
Five Nations of the Indians (traders with the towne of
Albany in the government of New Yorke) who had fub-
jected themfelves to the Crowne of England many yeares
agoe & have bin accounted fubjecls and p r tec~ted both by
the Dutch and Englifli Government att New Yorke. And
accordingly Coll. Dongan received orders from England to
affift and fupport thefe Five Nations of Indians againft the
French ; and certainly they had deftroyed and outed the
French out of Canada, had not Coll. Dongan, upon the in-
finuation of a French Jefuite, kept the Indians (much againft
their inclinacons) in Albany, maintained at the Kings charge
for feverall weeks ; in which time the French Govern 1 " fup-
plyed his forts with all forts of ftores and p r vifions for one

yeare

(228)

yeare in four hundred birch canoes, which would have other-
wife fallen into the hands of our Indians, and the forts alfoe
not longer able for want of fupplyes to hold out. Coll.
Dongan raifed men in New Yorke, which he kept for fome
time at Albany, and has charged for that expedition about
fix thoufand four hundred pounds, as by his originall account
appeares, of which I have fomething (when in England) to
lay before your Lordfhips. The French by their artifices
obtain'd at our Court a treaty of trade and commerce,
betweene the fubjecls of the two Crowns, in the yeare 1688.
which tho' very difadvantagious to the Englifh in thofe parts
of America, yet fmce the Provinces of New Yorke and the
Jerfeys have bin united to New England under the governm*
of S r Edmund Andros, that treaty has bin duly obferved, both
by our Indians and Englifh, but not generally by the French.
They very much court the Five Nations of Indians to fub-
mitt to the government of Canada, and by their Jefuites
ftrangely allure them with their beades crucifixes and litle
painted Images, gaining many new converts. One Monfieur
Town-to 80 a French officer from Canada has enlarged their

pretenfions

80 Henry de Tonti was the fon of months, and then exchanged. He next

Governor Tonti, of Gayette, Naples, returned to Sicily, and made a campaign

who, after the revolution in that king- as volunteer in the galleys ; and when

dom, removed with his family to France, the troops were difcharged at the peace,

We learn from his petition publifhed in he repaired to court, where he was for-

Sparks's American Biography, xi. 203, tunate in gaining the protection of the

that he entered the army as a cadet, in Prince de Conti, who recommended

which capacity he was employed in the him to La Salle, with whom he went to

years 1668 and 1669; he afterwards Canada in 1678. He accompanied this

ferved as a midmipman four years, and celebrated adventurer to the Illinois

made feven campaigns, four on board country, where he erected Fort Creve-

fhips of war and three in galleys, cour, and thence proceeded with- him,

While at Meffina, he was made cap- in 1682, in his famous exploration of the

tain-lieutenant. When the enemy at- Miffiffippi River. At the termination of

tacked the poft of Libiffo, his right thefe discoveries, he remained, in 1683,

hand was fhot away by a grenade, and commandant of Fort St. Louis (Peoria,

he was taken prifoner and conducted Illinois), where, in 1684, he repulfed an

to Metaffe, where he was detained fix attack made by a party of two hundred

Iroquois.
(229)

[20]

pretenfions and fettled a Fort and garrifon upon the Lakes
on the back fide of Carolina. During this ceffation upon
the treaty of peace and commerce, they are not idle, but
attempting upon the Englifh intereft in thefe parts of the
world.

About Auguft laft, the time S r Edmund Andros went to
take poffeffion of the government at New Yorke, eleven
French Indians, killed five of our Indians neere the towne
of Springfield and foon after five Englifh at the towne of
Northfield upon Connecticut River ; they fled to Canada,

and

Iroquois. He vifited Quebec, in the
courfe of the fame year, by orders of
Governor De la Barre ; and, having re-
turned to Illinois as captain of foot and
Governor of Fort St. Louis, he fet out
again in the beginning of 1686 (Charle-
voix, ii. 259, fays, 1685) for the mouth
of the Miffiflippi, in fearch of his chief,
La Salle, who was expected to reach
that quarter by fea. His fearch prov-
ing unfuccefsful, he returned, and in
1687 brought down a party of Illinois
to the aid of Denonville in his attack
on the Senecas, where he commanded
a company of Canadians, and forced
the enemy's ambufcade. In 1689 he
departed for Texas, in fearch of the re-
mains of La Salle's people ; but, having
been deferted by his men, he was ob-
liged to relinquifh his defign when
within feven days' march of the Span-
iards. He again vifited the mouth of
the Mifliffippi in 1700, and aided Iber-
ville in creeling a fort in that quarter,
where he was employed feveral years
afterwards. Of the date of his death,
we have not been able to find any
record. He was a man of great nerve
and bravery, and exercifed a powerful
influence in the weftern country, where
he was known by the foubriquet of
" Bras de fer? or the " Iron Hand,"

from a knob of that metal which he
carried, covered with leather, as a
fubftitute for the hand he had loft.
With this weapon he would dam into
the centre of an Indian melee, and at a
blow break the head that came in con-
tact with it. Next to La Salle, he con-
tributed the moft to the exploration
and knowledge of the Miffiflippi valley.
A I2mo volume has been publifhed,
entitled " Dernieres Decouvertes dans
1'Amerique Septentionale deM.de La
Sale ; mifes au jour par M. le Chevalier
Tonti, Governeur du Fort Saint Louis
aux Illinois, Paris, 1697 ; " it was re-
printed in Amfterdam in 1720, and in
the 5th volume of the "Recueil deVoy-
age^au Nord," under the title of " Rela-
tion de la Louifianne et du Mifliffipi, par
le Chevalier de Tonti, Governeur du
Fort Saint Louis aux Illinois ; " and in
Englifh as, "An Account of M. De La
Salle's Laft Expedition and Difcoveries
in North America ; prefented to the
French King, and publifhed by Cheva-
lier Tonti, Governour of Fort Saint
Louis, in the Province of Illinois.
Made Englifh from the Paris original.
London, 1698." Charlevoix, however,
fays that M. De Tonti difavowed the
publication. J. R. B.

(230)

[21]

and tho 1 knowne by name and demanded by S r Edmund
Andros, yet Marque d'Nonville the French Governour
refufed to furrander them. Soon after the Indians to the
Eaftward upon a mifunderftanding betwixt them and the
Englim, fell upon the Englifh townes in the Province of
Maine, deftroying their corne and cattle, burnt their houfes,
killed fome and took others of the inhabitants prifoners ;
having with them a French prieft in their councills.

Upon the Governo rs returne from Albany to Boflon
(where the Five Nations of Indians exprefs'd great duty
and obedience,) finding the Indians continuing to make
fpoil upon the Englim plantacons, it was ordered in Coun-
cill that a confiderable force mould be raifed, and the con-
duct of that expedicon was offered upon very good terms
to Major Generall Winthrop one of the Councill ; but he,
unwilling to ferve His native countrey, and others alfo re-
fufmg that command, the Governo r undertook that difficult
fategue in the depth of winter ; and tho' by unufuall mild-
nefs of the winter the rivers and lakes were not frozen, fo
as his men could march after the Indians when and where
he intended, yett they were wholly reftrained from doing
any dammage to the Englim townes, by feverall forts built
by him fo advantageouily, upon the rivers and paffes. Upon
the firft froft he was out a week in the head of one hundred
and twenty good men, marching a foot thro' difmall and
almoft impaffable fwamps, at which time were taken and
defhroyed about thirty Indian canoes. Some time after a
party of one hundred and fixty men marched above one
hundred and twenty miles right up into the countrey, in a
deep fnow, and burnt two Indian forts from whence they
carried corne beaver ammunition and goods taken from
Englim, and deftroyed and brought away twenty eight
Indian canoes, and reduced them to the ufe of their bows
and arrows that they could not much longer hold out, but

beg
(231)

beg their lives upon any termes, had not fome merchants
in Boflon (Fofler & Waterhoufe) chiefe in this rebellion
(during the Governo rs abfence from thence) fent a veffell of
forty tunns with fupplyes of powder, mott, bread, Indian
Corne and Englilh linnen and woollen manufacture to
trade with thofe Indians and the French, betweene Port
Royall and Penobfcott, who were alfoe in great want.

The Governo 1 " left the forces to the Eaflward on the fix-
tenth of March and arrived in Boflon about a week after,
and affoon as thofe fouldiers had notice of the difturbance
in Boflon, fome forfooke, others revolted, feized upon their
officers, and fent them bound prifoners neither ; fo that all
that countrey, extending above fourty leagues upon the fea
more, that was fecured in their fiihery and fawmills is now
deferted and left to the ravage of the barbarous heathens,
who are already come down, have deftroyed and burnt fome
forts and feverall dwelling houfes and kill'd fome of the peo-
ple the miferable inhabitants, in no way capable to preferve
themfelves and cattle but by flight.

The French have above four thoufand good men about
Canada, ready for any defigne. I expect that upon the
newes of the Bofloners reaffuming their old government
(no care being taken for the out townes and Provinces) they
will joyne with the Indians, and in a fhort time fwallow and
be mafters of that part of the Countrey (not long fmce
granted to the French Weft India Company by patent from
their King,) and then being poffeffed of our befl ports &
harbours, be maflers of all the great mafls in New England
and will infefl the trade of other the Englifh forraine plan-
tacons : the prevention whereof was one chiefe ground of
putting all thofe petty governments under one generall Gov-
ernour.

My Lords. Notwithstanding, all the pretenfions of griev-
ances menconed in their papers, and cryes of oppreffion in

the
(232)

[23]

the Govern rs proceedings, it's not the perfon of S r Edmund
Andros, but the government itfelf, they defigne to have re-
moved, that they may freely trade ; and therefore urge a
neceffity of His Ma tys grant for a new or confirming their
old charter.

I take leave humbly to reprefent to yo r Lordfhipps that
the bottom and plain truth of the whole matter of complaint
againft His Majeftyes immediate government from England
arifes upon the following reafons.

I st Becaufe fmce the vacating their charter they have bin
kept from the breach of the Ac~ts for Trade and Navigacon,
encouraged by their former government to trade to France
Holland Spaine Scotland and Ireland, bringing the commo-
dityes of thofe Kingdomes directly to Bofton, paying only a
fmall cuftome for the fupport of their own government, and
alfoe carrying the plantacon commodityes directly to thofe
kingdomes, without ever touching at or paying the cuftomes
in England as the law requires. They are reftrained from
fetting out privateers who for many yeares together robbed
the Spanim Weft Indies and brought great bootyes to
Bofton ; and alfo they durft not during the Governour's
time, harbour pyratts. This place was the common recep-
tacle of pyratts of all nations.

2 nd . About fifteene yeares agoe Captain 1'Moin a French-
man brought in, two or three very rich Dutch prizes worth
above one hundred thoufand pounds. M r Richard Wharton
one of the Agents foliciting for the Charter (if in England)
was L'Moins Atturney. He was a great undertaker for
pyratts and promoter of irregular trade. I forbear to trouble
yo r Lordfhips with the inftances of any more pyratts who
have bin received and p r tec~ted by fome now in the prefent
government.

3 d They have bin reftrained from tradeing with the
French at Newfoundland by exprefs order from the Com-

miconers,
DD (233)

[24]

miconers of His Matyes Cuftomes, which very much enraged
thofe merchants who traded in great quantityes for brandy and
other French goods, brought thither directly from France.

4 Their liberty of coining money is taken away which
encouraged pyratts to bring their plate hither, becaufe it
could be coined and conveyed in great parcells undifcovered
to be fuch. M r Sewell another of the Agents attending in
England was Mafter of the Mint, and a loofer by putting
that down.

5 th The Minifters, who in their Government were chiefe
in advifing and directing matters of publique import, as well
in electing Magiftrates as in makeing laws and what elfe did
relate to the government, and now chiefe in contriving &
fetting on foot this generall revolt and fubverfion of the gov-
ernment ; were not confulted with.

Their prefent practice fince their revolt is a fufficient
demonftracon of what they intend to doe when they receive
a Charter. They have already fett at liberty feverall pyratts
imprifoned in -the common gaole, who robb'd a Spaniih fhip
loaden with about four thoufand Spanifh hydes, money,
plate, and rich commodityes, which they brought into this
countrey, murthered eight of the men, & brought with them
two Spaniih captives, who, with the confeffion of fome in
their company at fea, have made undenyable proofe of it ;
and they have liberty to fell their hydes and go about their
bufmefs ; fince which the pyratts have fold the two Spanifh
witneffes in this towne.

Three privateers are now fitting out for the Spanifli Weft
Indies.

Five Minifters of Bofton, viz 1 Moode, 81 Allen, 82 Young,

Mather,

81 Reverend Jofhua Moody, a Con- graduated at Harvard in 1653, and died
gregational minifter, originally of Portf- July 4, 1697, aged 64. J. R. B.
mouth, New Hampfhire, and afterwards ** Reverend James Allen, a graduate
affiftant of the firft church in Bofton, of Oxford, England, came to America

(234)

[25]

Mather, 83 Willard, 84 and Milburn an Anabaptift Minifter,
were in the Councill Chamber on the eighteenth of Aprill
when the Govern 1 " and myfelfe were brought out of the Fort
before them, writeing orders, and were authors of fome of
their printed papers.

My Lords. I am kept very inhumanely and the Gov-
ernour worfe, whofe packett fent by expreffe order from
Whitehall and letters of both publick and private concernes
of his and mine, are ftop'd and open'd by S r William Phips,
who fays the Govern r is a rogue and mail not have his
packetts nor letters, and pretends an order for fo doing and
keeps them from us. I humbly intreat the favour off your
Lordmips that I be not expofed here to the malice of thofe
who, for my faithfull fervice to the Crowne for fourteen
yeares in this countrey, are become my enemyes ; but rather,
if yo r Lordmips pleafe, that they may be commanded to fend
over me and my accufers to England, to anfwer what they
have to charge me with.

I have many things (relateing to the well being of this
countrey) of great import to His Ma tyes fervice, which, being
now a cloffe prifoner and all my papers and materiall write-
ings kept from me, I am in no condition to tranfmitt to yo r
Lordfhips, but expect, with patience by your Lordmips
direccons for a fpeedy opportunity for fo doing.
All which is humbly fubmitted by

EDW. RANDOLPH.

From the Common Gaole in
Bofton the 29. of May 1689.

Indorfed " Rec d from M r Randolph
"3 July. 1689."

in 1662. He died, while minifter of the 84 Reverend Samuel Willard, of the

firft Congregational church in Bofton, Old South Church, Bofton, and Prefi-

September 22, 1710, aged 78 years. dent of Harvard College, where he grad-

J. R. B. uated in 1659. Died Sept. 12, 1707, aged

143 Reverend Cotton Mather. 68. J. R. B.
Hutch. }. R. B.

(235)

[26]

[New York Hiftorical Documents, vol. iii. p. 664.]

Edward Randolph to Major Brockholes.

Letter intercepted by Leifler from M r Randolph to Major

Brockholls.

COMMON GOAL Dec. 28. 1689.

RECEIVED this morning your letter of y e i8 th
inftant by w ch I find that your rebbells are no
changlings, & Leifler and his partners make true
the proverb, fett beggars on horfeback and they
will ride to y e Divell. I am well affured y 4 y e letters fent by
Riggs ought to be putt in y e hands of y e Members of y e
Councill and y e Juftices of y e peace ; but its fallen out very
unhappy for thofe who muft live under y e fury of a conceited
rabble. Our people are much concerned to know what to
do with us ; they know if they fend us home & have nothing
to charge upon us, 'twill not found well on their fide. They
meet in 2 or 3 dayes, they adjourn, and do nothing as they
ought. The Governo r and wee have wrote to them twife. I
have wrot 2 letters in my own bufines, & their- wife wor-
fhipps give us no anfwere ; they are at their old trade of
wheedling at home, and delaying us here in hopes to gett
their Charter ; expecting y l all gent" even the Lords of y e
Councill who have formerly been for vacating their Charter,
fhall be putt out of their places. The Gov r is of opinion
wee fhall be all fent fpeedily, but 2 or 3 fhipps are now
ready; they have embarg'd them for their pleafure. Capt
George received orders to go for England and convoy home
y e 2 mafts fliips, arrived at Pifcataqua ; he has laid his fliip
by y e wharfe, taken out her gunns and powder (a very fcarc

comodity
(236)

comodity here) I feare he will meet with trouble from his
men, when he cannot keep them aboard, and y e fame men
who made them mutiny before, are as ready (as ever) to y e
like or worfe damage to him and his fhip upon y e firft occa-
fion. Sir, God fend us well to England ; I will not omitt y e
commands relating to y e pay of your Companyes, nor any
thing which falls in my power to be Serviceable to your con-
cerne at home or in New York. My humble fervice to
y r Lady 85 and to Col: Bayard. I mail be glad to receive a
letter from you directed to me at y e Plantation Office.
Wifhing health and a happy fettlement to your Province
and to all your affaires,

I am S r your affured friend & feiV EDW. RANDOLPH.

My fervice to Coll: Dongan &
Coll. Smith when you fee him

To Major Brockholes at
New York. Prefent.

[R. I. Records, iii. 339.]

36 Extra6l from a letter to the Board of

Trade.

" BOSTON May the 3oth, 1698.
MAY IT PLEASE YOUR LORDSHIPS I

WROTE to the Board very largely from New
York, to which I humbly refer your Lordfhips.
I left that place the 21 ft inftant and came to
Rhode Ifland the 24th following; when Walter
Clarke (a Quaker) being feverall years Governor, quitted the

place

85 Juffrou Sufanna Shriek (2 New fhowing, perhaps, the lateft connection

York Hiftorical Society's Collections, of Randolph with Bofton. His figna-

i. 395). J. R. B. ture fhows his office as Surveyor-Gen-

80 We print this extract mainly as eral.

(237)

[28]

place becaufe he would not take the oath enjoyned him by
the Acls of Trade ; and Samuel Cranfton (Clarke's nephew)
is Governor there to the fame end as Mr Markham is Gov-
ernor in Pennfylvania, only to take the Oaths enjoyned by
the Act for preventing frauds."

" All which is humbly fubmitted to your Lordfhips by
your Honors mofl humble fervant

E. RANDOLPH, S. G.

(238)

CONCLUSION.

87 TN clofing the third volume of Andres's Trafts, we have to fay that a great
amount of curious and interefting material ftill remains unpublifhed. Our
aim has been to prefent chiefly the tracts and pamphlets which were iffued dur-
ing the Inter-Charter Period, with fuch documents as illuftrated thofedifcuffions.
The Archives of the State contain many other documents of prime importance ;
but a proper publication of them would be a tafk too great for any aflbciation
like the Prince Society to undertake. It is certainly to be hoped that the State
will foon appreciate the value of its documents, and will publifh at leaft a fynopfis
of its volumes.

(239)

THE PRINCE SOCIETY.

IN THE YEAR ONE THOUSAND EIGHT HUNDRED AND
SEVENTY-FOUR.

AN ACT TO INCORPORATE THE PRINCE SOCIETY.

Be it enabled by the Senate and Houfe of Reprefentatives, in General Court
ajfembled, and by the authority of the fame, as follows :

SECTION I. John Ward Dean, J. Wingate Thornton, Edmund F. Slafter,
and Charles W. Tuttle, their aflbciates and fucceflbrs, are made a corporation
by the name of the PRINCE SOCIETY, for the purpofe of preferving and extending
the knowledge of American Hiftory, by editing and printing fuch manufcripts,
rare tracts, and volumes as are moftly confined in their ufe to hiftorical ftudents
and public libraries.

SECTION .2. Said corporation may hold real and perfonal eftate to an
amount not exceeding thirty thoufand dollars.

SECTION 3. This a6l mall take effect upon its paflage.

Approved March 18, 1874.

NOTE. The Prince Society was organized on the 25th of May, 1858.
What was undertaken as an experiment has proved fuccefsful. This ACT OF
INCORPORATION has been obtained to enable the Society better to fulfil its
object, in its expanding growth.

(242)

THE PRINCE SOCIETY.

CONSTITUTION.

ARTICLE I. This Society fhall be called THE PRINCE SOCIETY ;
and it lhall have for its object the publication of rare works, in
print or manufcript, relating to America.

ARTICLE II. The officers of the Society mall be a Prefident,
four Vice-Prefidents, a Correfponding Secretary, a Recording
Secretary, and a Treasurer ; who together fhall form the Council
of the Society.

ARTICLE III. Members maybe added to the Society on the
recommendation of any member and a confirmatory vote of a
majority of the Council.

Libraries and other Inftitutions may hold membermip, and be
reprefented by an authorized agent.

All members mail be entitled to and lhall accept the volumes
printed by the Society, as they are iffued from time to time, at the
prices fixed by the Council ; and memberfhip mail be forfeited by
a refufal or neglect fo to accept the faid volumes.

Any perfon may terminate his membermip by refignation ad-
dreff ed in writing to the Prefident ; provided, however, that he fhall
have previoufly paid for all volumes iffued by the Society, after the
date of his election as a member.

ARTICLE IV. The management of the Society's affairs fhall
be vefted in the Council, which fhall keep a faithful record of its

proceedings,
(243)

The Prince Society.

proceedings, and report the fame to the Society annually, at its
General Meeting in May.

ARTICLE V. On the anniverfary of the birth of the Rev.
Thomas Prince, namely, on the twenty-fifth day of May, in every
year (but if this day mall fall on Sunday or a legal holiday, on
the following day), a General Meeting mail be held at Bofton, in
Maffachufetts, for the purpofe of electing officers, hearing the
report of the Council, auditing the Treafurer's account, and tran-
facling other bufinefs.

ARTICLE VI. The officers mall be chofen by the Society an-
nually, at the General Meeting ; but vacancies occurring between
the General Meetings may be filled by the Council.

ARTICLE VII. By-Laws for the more particular government
of the Society may be made or amended at any General Meeting.

ARTICLE VIII. Amendments to the Conftitution may be made
at the General Meeting in May, by a three-fourths vote, provided
that a copy of the fame be tranfmitted to every member of the
Society, at leaft two weeks previous to the time of voting thereon.

COUNCIL.

RULES AND REGULATIONS.

1. THE Society mail be adminiftered on the mutual principle,
and folely in the intereft of American hiftory.

2. A volume mail be iffued as often as practicable, but not more
frequently than once a year.

3. An editor of each work to be iffued mail be appointed, who
mail be a member of the Society, whofe duty it mail be to pre-
pare, arrange, and conduct the fame through the prefs ; and, as he
will neceffarily be placed under obligations to fcholars and others

for
(244)

The Prince Society.

for afliftance, and particularly for the loan of rare books, he fhall
be entitled to receive ten copies, to enable him to acknowledge and
return any courtefies which he may have received.

4. All editorial work and official fervice fhall be performed
gratuitoufly.

5. All contracts connected with the publication of any work
mall be laid before the Council in diftinct fpecifications in writ-
ing, and be adopted by a vote of the Council, and entered in a
book kept for that purpofe ; and, when the publication of a volume
is completed, its whole expense mall be entered, with the items
of its coft in full, in the fame book. No member of the Council
mall be a contractor for doing any part of the mechanical work
of the publications.

6. The price of each volume mail be a hundredth part of the
coft of the edition, or as near to that as conveniently may be ; and
there shall be no other affeffments levied upon the members of
the Society.

7. A fum, not exceeding fix hundred dollars, may be held by
the Council as a working capital ; and, when the balance in the
treafury fhall exceed that fum, the excefs fhall be divided, from
time to time, among the members of the Society, by remitting
either a part or the whole coft of a volume, as may be deemed
expedient.

8. All moneys belonging to the Society fhall be depofited in the
New England Truft Company in Bofton, unlefs fome other banking
inftitution fhall be defignated by a vote of the Council ; and faid
moneys fhall be entered in the name of the Society, fubject to the
order of the Treafurer.

9. It shall be the duty of the Prefident to call the Council to-
gether, whenever it may be neceffary for the tranfaction of bufmefs,
and to prefide at its meetings.

10. It shall be the duty of the Vice-Prefidents to authorize all
bills before their payment, to make an inventory of the property

(245)

The Prince Society.

of the Society during the month preceding the annual meeting,
and to report the fame to the Council, and to audit the accounts
of the Treafurer.

11. It mail be the duty of the Correfponding Secretary to iffue
all general notices to the members, and to conduct the general
correfpondence of the Society.

12. It mall be the duty of the Recording Secretary to keep a
complete record of the proceedings both of the Society and of
the Council, in a book provided for that purpofe.

13. It mail be the duty of the Treafurer to forward to the
members bills for the volumes, as they are iffued ; to fuperintend
the fending of the books ; to pay all bills authorized and indorfed
by at leaft two Vice-Prefidents of the Society; and to keep an
accurate account of all moneys received and difburfed.

14. No books mail be forwarded by the Treafurer to any mem-
ber until the amount of the price fixed for the fame mall have
been received ; and any member neglecting to forward the faid
amount for one month after his notification, mall forfeit his mem-
berfhip.

(246)

OFFICERS

THE PRINCE SOCIETY.

Prefident.
JOHN WARD DEAN, A.M. . BOSTON, MASS.

Vice-Prefidents.

JOHN WINGATE THORNTON, A.M BOSTON, MASS.

THE REV. EDMUND F. SLAFTER, A.M. . . . BOSTON, MASS.

WILLIAM B. TRASK, ESQ BOSTON, MASS.

THE HON. CHARLES H. BELL, A.M EXETER, N.H.

Correfponding Secretary.
CHARLES W. TUTTLE, A.M. BOSTON, MASS.

Recording Secretary.
WILLIAM H. WHITMORE, A.M BOSTON, MASS.

Treafurer.

ELBRIDGE H. GOSS, ESQ BOSTON, MASS.

(247)

THE

PRINCE SOCIETY.

1874.

The Hon. Charles Francis Adams, LL.D. . . . Boflon, Mafs.

Samuel Agnew, Efq Philadelphia, Pa.

Salomon Alofsen, Efq Jerfey City, NJ.

Thomas Coffin Amory, A.M . Bofton, Mafs.

William Sumner Appleton, A.M Bofton, Mafs.

George L. Balcom, Efq Claremont, N.H.

S. L. M. Barlow, Efq New York, N.Y.

Nathaniel J. Bartlett, A.B Bofton, Mafs.

The Hon. Charles H. Bell, A.M Exeter, N.H.

John J. Bell, A.M Exeter, N.H.

Samuel L. Boardman, Efq Augufta, Me.

The Hon. James Ware Bradbury, LL.D. . . . Augufta, Me.

John M. Bradbury, Efq Ipfwich, Mafs.

J. Carfon Brevoort, Esq Brooklyn, N.Y.

George Brinley, A.M Hartford, Ct.

J. Bernard Brinton, M.D Philadelphia, Pa.

John Carter Brown, A.M Providence, R.I.

John Marftiall Brown, A.M Portland, Me.

Hubbard W. Bryant, Efq Portland, Me.

The Hon. Edmund Burke Claremont, N.H.

Thomas O. H. P. Burnham, Efq Bofton, Mafs.

Charles I. Buftinell, Efq . New York, N.Y.

George Bigelow Chafe, A.M Bofton, Mafs.

The Hon. Mellen Chamberlain, A.M Chelfea, Mafs.

Lucius E. Chittenden, A.M New York, N.Y.

Ethan N. Coburn, Efq. . Charleftown, Mafs.

Jeremiah Colburn, A.M Bofton, Mafs.

Deloraine P. Corey, Efq Bofton, Mafs.

Eraftus Corning, Efq Albany, N.Y.

(248)

The Prince Society.

Abram E. Cutter, Efq Charleftown, Mafs.

William M. Darlington, Efq Pittf burg, Pa.

Henry B. Dawfon, Efq Morrifania, N.Y.

Charles Deane, LL.D Cambridge, Mafs.

John Ward Dean, A.M Bofton, Mafs.

The Rev. Henry Martyn Dexter, D.D Bofton, Mafs.

Samuel Gardner Drake, A.M Bofton, Mafs.

Harry H. Edes, Efq Charleftown, Mafs.

Jonathan Edwards, Jr., A.B., M.D New Haven, Ct.

Samuel Eliot, LL.D Bofton, Mafs.

The Rev. George E. Ellis, D.D Bofton, Mafs.

A. L. Elwyn, M.D Philadelphia, Pa.

John Elwyn, Efq -. . Portfmouth, N.H.

James Emott, Efq New York, N.Y.

The Hon. William M. Evarts, LL.D New York, N.Y.

Charles S. Fellows, Efq Chicago, 111.

John S. H. Fogg, M.D Bofton, Mafs.

William F. Fowle, Efq Bofton, Mafs.

Samuel P. Fowler, Efq Danvers, Mafs.

The Hon. Richard Frothingham, LL.D. . '. . Charleftown, Mafs.

James E. Gale, Efq Haverhill, Mafs.

Marcus D. Gilman, Efq Montpelier, Vt.

The Hon John E. Godfrey Bangor, Me.

Abner C. Goodell, Jr., A.M Salem, Mafs.

Elbridge H. Gofs, Efq Bofton, Mafs.

The Hon. Horace Gray, LL.D Bofton, Mafs.

William W. Greenough, A.B Bofton, Mafs.

Ifaac J. Greenwood, A.M New York, N.Y.

Charles H. Guild, Efq Bofton, Mafs.

The Hon. Robert S. Hale, LL.D Elizabethtown, N.Y.

C. Fifke Harris, A.M Providence, R.I.

The Hon. Francis B. Hayes, A.M Bofton, Mafs.

Francis S. Hoffman, Efq Philadelphia, Pa.

James F. Hunnewell. Efq Charleftown, Mafs.

Theodore Irwin, Efq Ofwego, N.Y.

William Porter Jarvis, A.M Bofton, Mafs.

FF (249)

The Prince Society.

John S. Jennefs, A.B New York, N.Y.

Edward F. de Lancey, Efq New York, N.Y.

John J. Latting, A.M New York, N.Y.

Thomas J. Lee, Efq Bofton, Mafs.

Jofeph Leonard, Efq Bofton, Mafs.

John A. Lewis, Efq Bofton, Mafs.

Winflow Lewis, A.M., M.D Bofton, Mafs.

William T. R. Marvin, A.M Bofton, Mafs.

William F. Matchett, Efq Bofton, Mafs

Frederic W. G. May, Efq Bofton, Mass.

The Rev. James H. Means, A.M Bofton, Mafs.

George H. Moore, LL.D New York, N.Y.

The Hon. James W. North Augufta, Me.

George T. Paine, Efq Providence, R.I.

Daniel Parifh, Jr., Efq New York, N.Y.

Francis Parkman, LL.B Bofton, Mafs.

Auguftus T. Perkins, A.M Bofton, Mafs.

The Rev. William Stevens Perry, D.D. . . . Geneva, N.Y.

William C. Peters, A.M Bofton, Mafs.

John V. L. Pruyn, A.M Albany, N.Y.

Samuel S. Purple, M.D New York, N.Y.

The Rev. Alonzo H. Quint, D.D New Bedford, Mafs.

Edward S. Rand, A.M Bofton, Mafs.

Edward S. Rand, Jr., A.M Bofton, Mafs.

The Rev. Edmund F. Slafter, A.M Bofton, Mafs.

Charles C. Smith, Efq Bofton, Mafs.

Samuel T. Snow, Efq Bofton, Mafs.

The Hon. Thomas Spooner Reading, Ohio.

George Stevens, Efq Lowell, Mafs.

Edwin W. Stoughton, Efq New York, N.Y.

The Hon. Benjamin F. Thomas, LL.D. . . . Bofton, Mafs.

John Wingate Thornton, A.M. ...... Bofton, Mafs.

William B. Towne, A.M Milford, N.H.

William B. Trafk, Efq Bofton, Mafs.

The Hon. William H. Tuthill Tipton, Iowa.

Charles W. Tuttle, A.M Bofton, Mafs.

(250)

The Prince Society.

George W. Wales, Efq Bofton, Mafs.

Joseph B. Walker, A.M Concord, N.H.

Thomas Waterman, Efq Bofton, Mafs.

Miss Rachel Wetherill Philadelphia, Pa.

Henry Wheatland, A.M., M.D Salem, Mafs.

William H. Whitmore, A.M Bofton, Mafs.

Henry Auftin Whitney, A.M Bofton, Mafs.

The Hon. Marfhall P. Wilder Bofton, Mafs.

Henry Winfor, Efq Philadelphia, Pa.

The Hon. Robert C. Winthrop, LL.D Bofton, Mafs.

Charles Levi Woodbury, Efq Bofton, Mafs.

Aflibel Woodward, M.D Franklin, Ct.

The Hon. Thomas H. Wynne Richmond, Va.

LIBRARIES.

American Antiquarian Society Worcefter, Mafs.

Amherft College Library Amherft, Mafs.

Bofton Athenaeum Bofton, Mafs.

Bofton Library Society Bofton, Mafs.

Britifh Mufeum London, Eng.

Concord Public Library Concord, Mafs.

Free Public Library Worcefter, Mafs.

Grofvenor Library Buffalo, N.Y.

Hiftorical Society of Pennfylvania Philadelphia, Pa.

Long Ifland Hiftorical Society Brooklyn, N.Y.

Maffachufetts Hiftorical Society Bofton, Mafs.

Mercantile Library New York, N.Y.

New England Hiftoric Genealogical Society . . Bofton, Mafs.

Newbcryport Public Library, Peabody Fund . . Newburyport, Mafs.

Public Library of the City of Bofton .... Bofton, Mafs.

Redwood Library Newport, R.I.

State Library of Maffachufetts Bofton, Mafs.

State Library of New York Albany, N.Y.

State Library of Rhode Ifland Providence, R.I.

State Library of Vermont Montpelier, Vt.

Williams College Library Williamftown, Mafs.

(250

PUBLICATIONS OF THE SOCIETY.

NEW ENGLAND'S PROSPECT.

A true, lively and experimentall defcription of that part of America, commonly called
New England : difcovering the State of that Countrie, both as it ftands to our new-
come Englijh Planters; and to the old Natiue Inhabitants. BY WILLIAM WOOD.
London, 1634. Preface by Charles Deane, LL.D.

THE HUTCHINSON PAPERS.

A Collection of Original Papers relatiue to the Hiftory of the Colony of Maffachu-
fetts-Bay. Reprinted from the edition of 1769. Edited by William H. Whitmore,
A.M., and William S. Appleton, A.M. 2 vols.

JOHN DUNTON'S LETTERS FROM NEW ENGLAND.

Letters written from New England A.D. 1686. By John Dunton in which are
defcribed his voyages by Sea, his travels on land, and the characters of his friends
and acquaintances. Now firft publifhed from the Original Manufcript in the Bodleian
Library. Oxford. Edited by William H. Whitmore, A.M.

THE ANDROS TRACTS.

Being a Collection of Pamphlets and Official Papers iffued during the period be-
tween the overthrow of the Andros Government and the eftablifhment of the fecond
Charter of Maffachufetts. Reprinted from the original editions and manufcripts.
With a Memoir of Sir Edmund Andros, by the editor, William H. Whitmore, A.M.
3 vols.

SIR WILLIAM ALEXANDER AND AMERICAN COLONIZATION.

Including three Royal Charters, iffued in 1621, 1625, 1628 ; a Tract entitled an
Encouragement to Colonies, by Sir William Alexander, 1624 ; a Patent, from the
Great Council for New England, of Long Ifland, and a part of the prefent State of
Maine ; a Roll of the Knights Baronets of New Scotland ; with a Memoir of Sir
William Alexander, by the editor, the Rev. Edmund F. Slafter, A M.

NOTE. Communications for officers of the Prince Society may be directed to
18 SOMERSET STREET, BOSTON.

(252)

INDEX.

ALPHABETICAL INDEX,

Addington, 60, 61, 63, 85.

Albany, 114.

Alberry, 70.

Alden, 33.

Allen, 85, 234.

Andros, 17, 31, 42, 43, 59, 72, 74, 86,

88, 95, no, 123, 129, 135, 199, 202,

225, 235.
Appleton, 196.

Bant, 112.
Bates, 177, 184.
Baxter, 177.
Bayard, 237.
Bendall, 62.
Billings, 102.
Bird, 91.
Blackwell, 84.

Blathwayt, 134, 207, 208, 222.
Bowdoin, 79, 80.
Bowman, 91.
Bradftreet, 45, 48, 51, 57, 59, 60, 97,

113, 196.
Brent, 226.

Brockholft, 31, 236, 237.
Bromfield, 63.
Brown, 92.
Bull, 32, 33.
Bullivant, 129.

Carter, 84.
Cafco, 70.

Caftine, 35, 36.
Church, 95, 98.
Church of England, 20.
Clarke, 99.
Clements, 79.
Coggemall, 95, 98.
Cooke, 33, 42, 58.
Cudworth, 134.

Darby, 91.

Davis, 36, 70.

Dudley, 104, 108, no, 193.

Dummer, 62, 70.

Eleutherian immigrants, 70.
Eliot, 106.
Emigration A<51, 92.

Farwell, 110.
Fayerweather, 112.
Five Nations, 19, 28, 228.
Floyd, 36.
Forts, 72, 73.
Fofter, 232.

Gedney, 70.
Glover, 224.
Gold, 86.
Gorges, 156.
Graham, 110.

(255)

Alphabetical Index.

Hartman, 91.

Harvard College. 138, 146.

Henchman, 32, 223.

Holt, 156.

How, 176.

Hull, 62.

Hutchins, 83.

Illegal trade, 55.
Ives, 62.

James II. (King), 131, 134, 141.
Jeffreys, 141, 198.
Jephfon, 148.
Jordan, 31.

Lemoin, 233.
Leverett, 219.
Lloyd, 32.
Lockhart, 32, 36, 158.

MacGregory, 32, 36.

Marriages, 15.

Marting, 62.

Mary (Queen), 158.

Mafon, 62.

Mafley, 89.

Mather, 40, 57, 58, 123, 176, 181, 200,

234.

Mead. 154, 176.
Melfort, 142.
Menevel, 73.
Milburn, 235.
Mines, 7.
Minot, 31.
Monmouth, 155.

Montague, 43.
Moody, 234.
More, 91.
Morton, 190.

Newechawanick, 106.
Nicholfon, 195.

Oakes, 42, 58.

Onondagos, 76.

Orange (Prince of) . See William.

Palmer, 69, 105, no, 204.
Parfons, 63.
Petre, 142, 226.
Phillips, 62, 130.
Phips, 47, 62, 182, 235.
Pirates, 6, 44.
Plymouth, 133.
Port Royal, 52.
Poulter, 106.
Powys, 226.
Prentifs, 96, 100, 102.
Prout, 6 1, 107.
Puddington, 32.

Quakers, 14, 100.
Quebec, 49.

Randolph, in, 128, 204,211-222,235-

238.
Riggs, in, 236.

(256)

Alphabetical Index.

Saltonftall, 196.
Sampfon, 62.
Sanders, 70, 117.
Sanford, 96.
Savage, 32.
Scheneclady, 46, 1 14.
Schuyler, 120.
Scott, 81.
Sewall, 234.
Sherlock, 105, no.
Shrimpton, 62.
Siveret, 69.
Smith, 223.
Stoddard, 70.
Stuart, 89.
Sutherland, 159.
Svveyne, 106.
Swift, 96, 102.

Talbot, 82.
Temple, 161.
Thurfton, 130.
Tonti, 229.
Treby, 2.
Trefry, in.
Turell, 223.
Tuttle, 211.
Tyng, 31, 80, 88.

Uflier, 85.

Van Renflelaer, 120.

Walley, 98, 100, 221.

Waterhoufe, 232.

Weems, 31, 36, 39.

Welindrop, 91.

Welfteed, 62.

Weflels, 117, 120.

Weft, 94, 103, 109, no, 224.

Wharton, 74, 146, 157, 233.

White, 102.

Whiting, 175.

Whitmore, 106.

Willard, 36.

William (King), 146, 148, 149, I53>

156, 162.

Winnington, 226.
Winthrop, 22.
Wifwall, 33.
Withington, 31.
Woodcock, 101.

(257)

Cambridge : Press of John Wilson & Son.

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