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PHILIP MASSINGER

THOMAS WHITFIELD BALDWIN

AN EDITION OF PHILIP MASSINGER'S

DUKE OF MILAN

A DISSERTATION

PRESENTED TO THE

FACULTY OF PRINCETON UNIVERSITY

IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE

OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

BY
THOMAS WHITFIELD BALDWIN

PROFESSOR OF ENGLISH, SOUTH DAKOTA STATE COLLEGE

PRESS OF

THE NEW ERA PRINTING COMPANY
LANCASTER, PA.

ACCEPTED BY THE DEPARTMENT OF ENGLISH,
JUNE 1916

CONTENTS

PAGE

Preface v

I. Life vii

II. Critical Introduction i

A. The Duke of Milan I

a. Early Editions I

b. Date of Composition 3

c. Modern Editions 7

d. Stage History 9

e. Sources

1. Fable

Josephus the Chief Source of the Play. 10
The Herod-Mariamne Story of Josephus. 1 2
Other Authors' Use of the Herod-
Mariamne Story 1 8

Massinger's Use of the Herod-Mariamne

Story 20

2. Massinger's Alterations

Influence of Othello 21

The Historical Setting 22

The Borrowing from The Second

Maiden's Tragedy 25

B. Massinger as Poet-Dramatist 30

The "Stage-Poet " 30

The " Moral " Character Portrayer 36

The Conscious Stylist 40

Massinger's Habit of Repetition 46

Final Estimate of The Duke of Milan 47

Massinger's Conception of Tragedy 48

Massinger's Rank 49

III. Text 51

IV. Notes 414

V. i. Appendix I. Printers and Publishers of the Quartos. 176

2. Appendix II. Massinger's New Year's Letter to

Lady Stanhope 178

VI. Glossary 180

Bibliography 194

PREFACE

In the preparation of this work, I have received much kindly
aid. Professor Felix E. Schelling secured me the loan of the
first quarto of The Duke of Milan owned by the University of
Pennsylvania. Professor Charles W. Kennedy of Princeton
looked up some information for me in England. Mr. R. B. Mc-
Kerrow went to much unavailing trouble to secure for me the
corrections by Massinger in the Foljambe quarto. Mr. Walter
R. Cottrell of the Princeton University Library was always
assiduous and kindly in helping me secure needed materials.
Mr. Lacy Lockert, my fellow student, was a constant source of
suggestion to me. My readers, Professors Parrott and Spaeth,
gave me much valuable criticism. To Professor Parrott espe
cially, under whom this work was done, I owe warmest thanks
for the careful training that made much of the work possible and
for unstinted criticism and suggestion at all stages.

PHILIP MASSINGER

Concerning the life of Philip Massinger, little is known. The
exact date of his birth has not come down to us ; but, according
to Boyle in the Dictionary of National Biography, he was bap
tized Nov. 24, 1583, at St. Thomas's, Salisbury. Coleridge is
responsible for the " pleasing fancy " that Sir Philip Sidney,
brother of Henry Herbert's second wife, was sponsor upon the
occasion and that hence came the name Philip. However pleas
ing, it is but a fancy, not a fact.

From the dedication to The Bondman, we learn that his father
was Arthur Massinger, " servant " to the noble family of the
Herberts. Of course, " servant " here has nothing of the menial
attached to it. According to Joseph Foster,1 this Arthur Mas-
singer was, " B. A. from St. Alban Hall, sup. 7 Dec., 1571, fellow
of Merton Coll. 1572, M. A. 25 June, 1577, incorporated at Cam
bridge 1578, M. P. Weymouth and Melcombe Regis 1588-9, 1593,
Shaftesbury 1601." We know that he was highly regarded by
Henry Herbert, Earl of Pembroke, as (in a letter to the Earl of
Burghley, dated March 28, 1587) he recommended Massinger
strongly for " the reversion of the office of Examiner in the Court
of the Marches toward South Wales"; and later entrusted to
him negotiations for a marriage into the same family of Burgh-
ley.2 Arthur Massinger, then, was a man of considerable im
portance and his son Philip would presumably have had advan
tages above the ordinary.

At any rate, Philip was ready to matriculate at St. Alban Hall,
Oxford, May 14, 1602, when he is described as " Phlllipus Mas-
singer, Sarisburiensis, generosi films nat. an 18 ". How he spent
his time there, we do not know. Wood says,3 " tho encouraged
in his studies by the Earl of Pembroke, he applied himself more
to poetry and romances than to logic and philosophy, which he
ought to have done, and for that was patronised"; but Lang-

1 Alumni Oxonienses, III, 1004.

2 Notes and Queries, 1st S. Ill, 52.

3 Athenae Oxoniensis, Vol. II, 654 ff.

vii

Vlll THE DUKE OF MILAN

baine4 says, "he closely pursued his studies in Alban Hall for
three or four years ". He left school without a degree, as did
many other literary men of the time. Why he left, we do not
know. It may have been because of his father's death, which
seems to have occurred about this time. However, from the
statement of Wood that Massinger had been patronized by the
Earl of Pembroke (third Earl William: not second Earl Henry,
who died Jan. 19, 1601, to whom Boyle attributes this in D. N.
B.) some have inferred that the Earl refused further aid at this
time, thus accounting for Massinger's supposed withdrawal and
" alienation " from the family of Herbert. Gifford accepts the
" alienation " as a fact and accounts for it by the theory that Mas-
singer had turned Catholic. This theory he bases upon certain
of Massinger's writings, especially The Virgin Martyr, The Rene-
gado, and The Maid of Honor. There is no real evidence for
such a change on Massinger's part.

The next piece of evidence in the Massinger biography is the
tripartite letter5 supposed to date about 1613-14, addressed to
Henslowe by Field, Daborne, and Massinger, begging the loan of
" five pound " on their play to bail them, which sum was granted.
Daborne and Massinger again had business dealings with Hen
slowe involving three pounds, July 4, 1615. Daborne in an un
dated letter to Henslowe, which Mr. Fleay thinks belongs to 1613,
complained : " I did think I deserved as much money as Mr. Mes-
singer ". Thus Massinger the dramatist makes his appearance
in that state of chronic poverty which seems (if we may believe
his dedications) to have been his condition throughout life.

In the tripartite letter, Fletcher is mentioned by Daborne. It
is chiefly as Fletcher's collaborator that Massinger is known to us
in the next period. Beginning about 1616, Massinger became a
collaborator" in the Fletcher syndicate for the King's Men and
(with only slight exceptions) continued his connection with that
company till his death. He reformed The Virgin Martyr for the
Red Bull Company in 1620, write three plays for the Princess
Elizabeth's Men at the Cockpit, 1623-4, and certainly one, almost
certainly two, and quite probably three more plays for their suc
cessors, the Queen's Men, 1627^8. With these exceptions, he

4 An Account of The English Dramatick Poets, article Massinger.

5 Greg, Henslowe Papers, pp. 65-7, 70-1, 85.

THE DUKE OF MILAN ix

worked continuously for the King's Men, becoming Fletcher's
successor as their chief dramatist.

Aubrey6 under date of May, 1672, says that Massinger's "wife
died at Cardiffe in Wales, to whom earl of Pembroke paid an an
nuity ". " She seems to have had children. Miss Henrietta
Massinger, claiming to be a direct descendant, died on 4 Aug.
1762 (London Mag. 1762) ".7

Aubrey also informs us that Massinger died suddenly in a
house by the Bankside and was buried, according to the register
of St. Saviour's Southwark, March 18, 1639 [i. e., 1640], about
the middle of Bullhead churchyard. Sir Aston Cockain says8
that Massinger and Fletcher were buried in one grave. Whether
this is to be taken literally or figuratively is a disputed question.

6 Brief Lives, ed. A. Clark, II, 54-5.

7 Boyle, D. N. B., article Massinger.

8 Quoted in Cunningham's Introduction, p. xvii.

CRITICAL INTRODUCTION

THE DUKE OF MILAN

EARLY EDITIONS

The Duke of Milan was first printed in the quarto of 1623.
This quarto, which is accurately and clearly done, I have used as
the basis of my text.1 Between the publication of his first (1805)
and second (1813) editions of Massinger's Works, Gifford was
presented with a copy of the quarto of 1623, containing correc
tions of the text and a short address to Sir Francis Foljambe, in
Massinger's own hand. These corrections Gifford claims to have
used in his second edition.2 This corrected copy was presented
by Mr. Gilchrist, who had it of Mr. Blore, who found it in the
papers of Mr. Gell of Hopton. At Mr. Gilchrist's sale, 1824, Mr.
Heber purchased this quarto for £11 us. It is now in the Dyce
collection at South Kensington, No. 6323. I attempted, of course,
to check up these corrections ; but under date of 6 May, 1916,
Mr. R. B. McKerrow wrote me, " The Director of the Museum
writes that books are, for reasons of safety, placed in heavy cases

1 1 have used for my text the 1623 quarto belonging to the University
of Pennsylvania, loaned me through the courtesy of Professor F. E.
Schelling. This copy has lost the lower right hand corner of its title page,
cutting off a few words from the printer's notice. Because of close crop
ping, the text also of this copy is slightly defective in three places. Bi
has lost one line at the bottom on both recto and verso, these lines being
I, i, 23, and I, i, 55 of the text. G3 verso has its last line, III, 2, 81,
clipped so that one can only make out with certainty, " Unlesse I have a
Beadle." Professor C. W. Kennedy of Princeton University has kindly
examined for me the three copies of this edition in the British Museum
with regard to these points. Only one, 6446. 73, has the printer's notice
unhurt, the other two being more or less cropped. Bi has been worse
cropped in all three of these than the Pennsylvania quarto. G3, however,
is unhurt in all three. I therefore bracket in their reading for III, 2, 81.
For I, i, 23, and I, i, 55, 1 bracket in the reading of the second quarto, only
making its typography conform to that of the first.

2 Vol. I, pp. 1-3. Gifford printed a facsimile of the address to Fol
jambe, IV, 593.

THE DUKE OF MILAN

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THE DUKE OF MILAN 3

soldered down and that as the staff of the Museum is almost daily
decreasing owing to the war, he is reluctantly obliged to decline
all requests to see them."

A second quarto3 appeared in 1638, being evidently reprinted
from the first, as it continues all but its most evident errors and
adds a number of its own. It modernizes the spelling consider
ably and uses modern " j " and " u " for the " i " and " v " of the
first quarto, but makes only slight changes in the old punctuation.
It is rather carelessly done, as its variants will show. Evidently,
then, it has hardly so great authority as a thoroughly done modern
edition.

The license for the first edition appears in the Stationers'
Register as follows :4

" 20th Januarii 1622 [i. e. 1623]
Edward Blackmore, George Norton.

Entred for their Copie under the handes of Sir John Ashley knight
Master of the Revelles and Master Gilmyn warden, A play called Sforza,
Duke of Millaine, made by Master Messenger, vi d "

But as Norton seems to have been going out of business about
this time5 he did not retain his share in the play long, and we find
a second entry :6

) " 5°. May 1623
Edward Blackmore.

Assigned over unto him by George Norton and consent of a full court
holden this Daie all the estate, right and title the said George hath in the
play called, The Duke of Milan vi d "

Blackmore thus became sole owner. The fact that only
Blackmore's name appears on the title page of the first quarto
may mean that the quarto was not issued till after the above
transaction.

DATE OF COMPOSITION

The date of composition for this play must be determined by
internal evidence. The fact that it is not licensed in Herbert's
office book points to a date of acting earlier than May, 1622, when
Herbert began his entries.

3 1 have used the copy of the second quarto owned by Princeton
University.

4 Arber reprint, IV, 90.

5 See Appendix II, Norton.

6 Arber reprint, IV, 95.

4 THE DUKE OF MILAN

The metrical characteristics of the play help in fixing its ap
proximate date of composition. Turning to the metrical table7
of Massinger's plays, it is to be noticed that the unassisted plays
(2000 verses and over) show a fluctuation in double endings be
tween 40.2% and 50.0%, with the majority of the plays around
the average, 45.0%. The weak endings also fluctuate. Therefore
neither the weak nor the double endings give any clue to devel
opment in the unassisted plays. But the run-on lines show steady
increase from 36.9% in The Bondman (1623) to 52.4% in Believe
As Ye List (1631), then a drop to 39.4% in The City Madam
(1632) and an increase again to 42.870 in The Bashful Lover

7 The metrical table represents my own counting throughout, though
of course I have had access to the work of Boyle and others. In the col
laborated or revised plays, I have made a consensus of assignments by
Boyle, Oliphant, Fleay, and Macaulay. In the Virgin Martyr, I agree with
Boyle (Engl. Stud., V, 95) in assigning to Massinger I, i; III, i, 2; IV, 3;
V, 2. None of the other critics has made complete assignment. In the
Prophetess, Boyle (Engl. Stud., V, 87), Fleay, with a query in some cases
(Biog. Chron., I, 216), and Macaulay (C. H. E. L., VI, 157) agree in
assigning" to Massinger II, i, 2, 3; IV entire; V, I, 2, from which assign
ment Oliphant (Engl. Stud., XVI, 191) disagrees only in assigning the
dumb show of IV, I (IV, 2, in some editions), and V, i,to an older author.
I agree with the majority except for the short scenes, IV, 4 and 6 (3 and

5 in some editions) which I assign to Fletcher. In the Sea Voyage, the
consensus is not quite so general; but I have taken II, i, 2; V, I, 2, 3, 4,
since Fleay (Engl. Stud., IX, 24), Oliphant (Engl. Stud., XVI, 192), and
Boyle (D. N. B., vol. 37, 143) are in practical agreement upon these scenes.
Mr. Macaulay (C. H. E. L., VI, 157) thinks Massinger's part doubtful.
In the Spanish Curate, Boyle (Engl. Stud., V, 91), Fleay (Biog. Chron.,
I, 217), and Oliphant (Engl. Stud. XVI, 192) agree in assigning Mas-
singer I, i, 2, 3; III, 3; IV, i, 4; V, i, 3. Macaulay (C. H. E. L., VI, 157)
adds IV, 2, which Boyle has questioned for Fletcher. I have used the
consensus, with which I agree except for a very few lines. In the Fair
Maid of the Inn there is again no absolute consensus ; but I have taken
I, i, 2, 3; III, 2; V, 3, as being as nearly so as probably is possible for such
a play. In a Very Woman, Boyle (Engl. Stud., V, 92) and Fleay (Biog.
Chron., I, 228) agree in assigning to Massinger I, i; II, i, 2, 3a; IV, 2;
V, i, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, from which Oliphant (Engl. Stud., XVI, 190) only disa
grees in not giving Massinger all of II, 3a, and IV, 2. I agree with Boyle
and Fleay.

Since the Parliament of Love is fragmentary and restored, its per
centages cannot accurately be determined.

K. = King's men ; B.F. = Black Friars ; G. = Globe ; Q. = Queen of
Bohemia's or Princess Elizabeth's men before 1625, Queen Henrietta's after
1625 ; C. = Cockpit.

THE DUKE OF MILAN 5

(1636). The light endings show precisely similar development.
The break after Believe As Ye List is perhaps to be accounted
for by a change in the character and tone of the work. Now
taking the difference in percentage of run-on lines between The
Bondman and Believe As Ye List, 15.5%, and dividing by seven
and one-half, the approximate number of years between their
datings, we get slightly over 2.0%, the average increase per year.
The Duke of Milan has 4.5% less run-on lines than The Bondman,
If the average holds good, this means that it is about two years
earlier. The light endings show about the same thing in the un
assisted plays, but the percentages are so small that they can only
be used fairly in this general, confirmatory way. As The Bond
man was licensed December 3, 1623, the approximate date of The
Duke of Milan according to the run-on line series would be about
the year 1621. An examination of the definitely dated collabo
rated plays of that period shows about the same percentage8 of
run-on lines for Massinger's share as in The Duke of Milan,
32.4%, thus confirming the conclusion.

An allusion in the play, first pointed out by Fleay,9 and ac
cepted by Gayley10 helps in fixing the date more accurately. In
III, 2, 17-24, the Officer says:

/ have had a fellow

That could indite forsooth, and make fine meeter
To tinckle in the eares of ignorant Madams,
That for defaming of Great Men was sent me
Thredbare and lowsie, and in three dayes after
Discharged by another that set him on, I haue seene him
Cap a pie gallant, and his stripes wash'd of
With Oyle of Angels.

Fleay says " The ' fellow that could indite ' III, 2, is, I sup
pose, Wither ". Wither drew the shafts of his contemporaries
more than once. Ben Jonson satirised him as Chronomastix in
Time Vindicated, performed January 19, 1623. " According to
Ward,12 "Wither was also caricatured by Davenant in ' The Cruel

8 Virgin Martyr, licensed Oct. 6, 1620, 32.3 per cent. ; Prophetess, li
censed May 14, 1622, 33.9 per cent.

9 Biog. Chron., i, 212.

10 Beaumont, the Dramatist, p. 136.

11 Cal. State Papers, 1619-23, 483.

12 History of English Dramatic Literature, III, 170.

0 THE DUKE OF MILAN

Brother' [pr. 1630], especially in Act II." He was evidently re
garded, then, by those of the time as a fit subject for satire and
caricature.

This versifier of Massinger's play was cast in prison for de
faming great men, but was soon discharged by another who had
set him on, and received reward. Now Wither was twice in
trouble before The Duke of Milan was printed. First, in 1613,
for Abuses Stript and Whipt, he was imprisoned for several
months. Apparently, then, the allusion can not be to this impris
onment as it was no three-day affair. Second, in the latter part
of June and the first of July, 1621, he was again in trouble for
Wither' s Motto. In his examination, June 27, 1621, at White
hall, he excuses himself for having the book printed after license
had been refused on the ground that he " Showed it to Mr. Dray-
ton ( — the man that set him on? — ) and several others before
printing, thinks (sic) there is nothing in it contrary to the procla
mation restraining writing on matters of government. By the
enemies whose downfall he said he had lived to see ( — defaming
of g-reat men — ) ; meant (sic) the late Earl of Northampton ",13
The printers were also examined concerning the work on July
10 and 12. Wither seems to have been let off without further
punishment.14 This trial, then, apparently meets well enough
the conditions mentioned in the play and would doubtless fit
better if one could see the events through the eyes of some per
son of the time instead of through the medium of a dry abstract
of state papers. Therefore, with Fleay and Gayley, I believe the
allusion is to Wither, especially as metrical characteristics show
that the play must have belonged to the year in which this trial
occurred. Thus the play must have been completed after June,
1621.

An examination of the previous table of definitely dated plays
shows that Massinger produced about two plays each year. The
licenses for these twenty-six plays according to the month of the
year were : Jan. 3 ; Feb. o ; March i ; Apr. i ; May 6 ; June 6 ;
July i ; Aug. o; Sept. i ; Oct. 4; Nov. 2; Dec. i. It will thus
be seen that nearly half of them were licensed in May and June,
that nearly one fourth of them were licensed in October and

13 Cal. State Papers, 1619-23.
" D. N. B., article Wither.

THE DUKE OF MILAN 7

November, and nearly one eighth in January. Now since there
was a play licensed in May, 1622, and since The Duke of Milan
was seemingly completed after June, 1621, it would, according
to the probabilities shown, have been licensed in October or No
vember, 1621, or January, 1622. These two dates are further
confirmed by the fact that the play was performed at "blacke
Friers", the winter playhouse, open from about Nov. I to May I.
The former of these has the mathematical preference, and the
logical preference as well, since such a commodity as the Wither
allusion does not keep long.

This dating is further confirmed by a peculiarly Massingerian
touch. In The Duke of Milan, II, I, 184, Mariana says in reply
to Marcelia, "Here, Giantesse, here", and again, II, I, 189-90,
she says, " she's three f oote too high for a Woman ". In The
Spanish Curate, V, i, Jamie says to Violante, "In stature you're
a giantess." This is a Massinger scene, as all critics agree, in a
play which was licensed Oct. 24, 1622. Evidently the parts of
Marcelia and Violante were played by the same actor, who from
a boy was now become or fast becoming a rather tall man. These
parts were pretty certainly taken by Richard Sharp, who played
women's parts from before 1619 to 1623, and later took parts
requiring commanding appearance as Ferdinand, a general in the
army, in Massinger's Picture.

Therefore, from these facts, I regard it as practically certain
that The Duke of Milan was composed and performed the latter
part of 1621 or the early part of 1622.

MODERN EDITIONS. Complete

Nicholas Rowe is said to have revised all of Massinger's works
with a view to publication but finally wrote a recast of the Fatal
Dowry instead and did not publish, in order to hide his plunder.15

"The Dramatic Works Of Mr. Philip Massinger, Com-
pleat . . . Revised, Corrected, and all the Various Editions, Col
lated, By Mr. Coxeter . . . 1759." Coxeter himself had died in 1747
and the edition bearing his name was completed from his notes.
Reissued in 1761 by T. Davies with an introductory essay by G.
Colman. Coxeter based his text of The Duke of Milan on Q2 as
is shown by I, 3, 34, 70, 92 ; II, I, 240; IV, 3, 239, 299.

15 Gifford, Vol. I, Introduction Ixxxv.
2

8 THE DUKE OF MILAN

" The Dramatick Works of Philip Massinger . . . Revised
and Corrected, With Notes Critical And Explanatory, By John
Monck Mason, Esq. . . . 1779". Mason used Coxeter's text of
The Duke of Milan except II, i, 402, and IV, 3, 169, making a
few emendations of his own.

" The Plays of Philip Massinger, With Notes Critical and Ex
planatory, By W. Gifford, Esq. . . . 1805 ". A second edition
appeared in 1813, various single volume editions later. The
standard. Gifford bases his text of The Duke of Milan on Ql but
seems to have used a copy of Mason to prepare his edition for the
press on, as we find him embodying same rather trivial changes
of Mason such as appear to be by accident as I, 3, 203, and III,
i, 163.

" The Plays Of Philip Massinger Adapted For Family Read
ing, And The Use Of Young Persons By The Omission of Ob
jectionable Passages." This appeared in London in Murray's
Family Library, 1830; and in New York in Harper's Family Li
brary, 1.831. The editor was Rev. William Harness, who simply
omitted such things from the Gifford text as did not suit his
purpose.

"The Plays Of Philip Massinger From The Text Of William
Gifford With The Addition Of The Tragedy 'Believe As You
List' Edited by Lieut. Col. Francis Cunningham". 1867, 1871,
1897. References throughout are to this edition.

While Cunningham printes the text of Gifford, in The Duke
of Milan, he makes some emendations of his own. These are II,
i, 177, "my" for "mine"; III, i, 7, omits "it"; III, i, 96, prints
"have the power"; III, i, 123, "made" for "make"; III, 2, 4,
"feeing" for "feeling"; IV, i, 23, "courtiers" for "courtier";
IV, 3, 169, "women" for "woman"; V, i, 21, "backwards",
the quarto reading, for " backward " Gifford's reading ; V, 2, 186,
" adorned " for " adored ". Mr. Symons, in the Mermaid Series,
uses Mr. Cunningham's text with the exception of III, 1,7, where
he has supplied " it ". I cannot accept any of the emendations
except of course that of V, i, 21, where Cunningham returns to
the quarto reading, though it was probably on a guess, as he does
not show knowledge of the quarto elsewhere.

THE DUKE OF MILAN 9

Partial Editions Containing Duke of Milan

" The Dramatic Works of Massinger and Ford With An In
troduction By Hartley Coleridge." 1840, 1848, 1865.

"The Works Of The British Dramatists. John S. Keltic.
1870."

Philip Massinger (Mermaid Series) Edited, With An In
troduction And Notes By Arthur Symons 1889.

The British Museum Catalogue seems to list a separate edi
tion of the alteration of 1816. It has under Duke of Milan:

"[Another edition] With alterations and additions. MS.
Notes. London, 1816. 8°.
Interleaved."

Underneath the name of play and author on the title page of
this edition are the words : " Revived at the/Theatre-Royal,
Drury-Lane,/with alterations and additions,/on Saturday, March
9, 1816." On the fly leaf is written: "The Duke of Milan/cor
rectly marked according to the directions of Mr. Kean."16 This
latter statement evidently refers to the MS. notes. W7hether the
revision is his also I do not know.

This alteration of 1816 may also be found in " The London
Theatre. By Thomas Dibdin ", Volume 4 or in " The London
Stage " i824-'27, Volume 2.

Cumberland's alteration in 1779 seems not to have been
printed.

There is a German translation in " Ben Jonson und seine
Schule, dargestellt in einer Auswahl von Lustspielen und Trago-
dien, iibersetst und erlautert durch Wolf Grafen von Baudissin.
Leipzig, 1836." Vol. II, 101.

STAGE HISTORY

Richard Cumberland made an alteration of The Duke of Milan,
which was acted at Covent Garden in 1779, three times according
to the "Biographica Dramatica," 1812. It "consisted of Mas-
singer's play, and Fenton's Mariamne, incorporated." It would
be interesting to see how he managed to work together two such
wholly different plays, but his alteration was not printed. It may
be worthy of note that Cumberland altered The Bondman about
the same time.

16 I am indebted to Professor Kennedy of Princeton for checking this.

10 THE DUKE OF MILAN

Some unknown person made an alteration of The Duke of
Milan, acted at Drury Lane in 1816. It had seven performances
according to Genest, the first on March 9. It was also played at
Bath July 5 of the same year. In these productions, Kean took
the part of Sforza. In all but the second scene of the fifth act,
the reviser has simply omitted some unnecessary lines, and all that
he considered low or vulgar. Thus in the quarrel of the second
act the ladies get very much wrought up over nothing, as the low,
vulgar element (wherein lay the provocation to anger) has been
omitted. He has made a change in the fifth act, second scene,
necessitating his writing a few very wooden lines. When the
Duke goes out, Eugenia comes in " clothed as the body of Mar-
celia ". She takes her place veiled, with a poisoned flower in her
hand ; the Duke is called in and kisses her hand, getting the poi
son; she bursts into sobs, throwing back her veil. Francisco
then tells what has happened as in the original play. This altera
tion is far from being an improvement on the old play.

Hebbel mentions : " Ludovico. Eine Tragodie in f iinf Acten
von Massinger. Bearbeitet von Deinhardstein ",17 This, accord
ing to Wurzbach,18 was brought out in 1848 but had little success.
According to the same authority, there was another alteration of
this play presented at Berlin 1879 with no better success than its
predecessor had.

v SOURCES

Fable

Josephus the Chief Source of the Play.

The chief source of The Duke of Milan is the Herod and
Mariamne story as it is told in Josephus. The works of Josephus
were widely and early translated. There was a Latin translation
in 1514, German 1531, French 1534, Greek 1544, and English
1602. Thus we need not be surprised that, " The story of Herod
and his wife Mariam has had more than thirty adaptations, mostly
dramatisations, in Italian, Spanish, French, German and English
literature."19 These represent nearly every important movement

17 Hebbel's sammtliche Werke, Hamburg, 1891, X, 109.
is Shakespeare Jahrbuch, XXXVI, 138.

19 Grack, Studien Uber Herodes Und Mariamne, p. 5, summarizing
Landau.

THE DUKE OF MILAN H

in the drama and would form an interesting subject treated from
that side alone.

Besides The Duke of Milan, there have been six20 other drama
tisations of the Herod-Mariamne story in English, one before
Massinger's. The first two of these adaptations, together with
Massinger's, probably were taken from " The Famous And Memo
rable Workes of losephus, A Man Of Much Honour And Learn
ing Among The lewes. Faithfully translated out of the Latine,
and French, by Tho. Lodge, Doctor in Physicke." The first edi
tion of this translation appeared 1602, second 1609, third, a copy
of which I have used, 1620, etc. The fact that there were two
adaptations of this story so close together as that of Massinger
[1621-22] and that of Markham and Sampson [1622] may pos
sibly be due to the circumstance that the attention of both was
called to this story by this third edition of Lodge. I find no trace
in Massinger of influence from Lady Gary's work. I have not

20 First, "The / Tragedie Of Mariam, / The Faire / Queene of lewry. /
Written by that learned, / vertuous, and truly noble Ladie, / E. C. [i. e.
Elizabeth Gary] / . . . 1613." [Licensed in S. R. for Richard Hawkins,
Dec. 17, 1612.] This is a thoroughly Senecan tragedy with chorus, etc.,
probably never acted.

Second, " The" true / Tragedy of Herod And / Antipater : / With the
Death of Faire Marriam. / According to Josephus, the lear/ned and famous
Jewe. / As it hath beene, of late, divers times publiquely Acted /(with
great Applause) at the Red Bull, by the / Company of his Maiesties
Revels. / Written by Gervase Markham and William Sampson, Gentlemen.
1622." [Licensed in S. R. for Matthew Rhodes, Feb. 22, 1622.] This is
a chronicle play in the Senecan style, with dumb shows, etc. It does not
center upon the love story of Herod and Mariamne but rather gives the
tragic troubles of Herod as told by Josephus, of which the unhappiness
with his wife was one.

Third, Herod and Mariamne, acted at Duke's theater 1673, printed
anonymously first in 1673, again in 1674 with a new title page. Elkanah
Settle brought it out, but its author was Samuel Pordage. Langbaine
says it' was, " Writ a dozen years before it was made public."

Fourth, Herod The Great, by Roger Boyle, Earl of Orrery. This was
printed in 1694, but was probably never acted. However, it must have
been written before 1679, the year of Boyle's death.

Fifth, Mariamne, by Elijah Fenton, acted first at Covent Garden
Theater Feb. 22, 1723. This tragedy had quite a run and was acted for
many years.

Sixth and last, Herod, by Stephen Phillips " as produced at Her Ma
jesty's Theatre, London, England, October 31, 1900."

12 THE DUKE OF MILAN

seen the play of Sampson and Markham, but I have examined
rather full notes upon it made by Professor T. M. Parrott.
Judging by them, I find no reason to suspect any influence from
this play upon Massinger, beyond the possibility of its having
suggested the subject to him-, though it is by no means certain
that it is even antecedent in composition to The Duke of Milan.21

The Herod-Mariamne Story of Josephus.

The Herod-Mariamne story is told by Josephus, first in his
Wars of the Jews (I, 17, in Lodge's translation; but varying
slightly as to chapter, according to translation used), again in his
Antiquities of the Jews (XV, 2, 3, 4, 9, 10, n. The story of
Antipater and Mariamne's sons is told in the books following.).
I have summarized the story as given in the second of these, and
then given the few variations that the first presents from it. I
have used Lodge's translation, as it was very likely Massinger's
source, for quoting in full the sections of the story which he has
most closely used.

Herod in his struggle for complete power over the Jews took
as his second wife, both because of attraction and policy, Ma-
riamne, sister of young Aristobulus, they being the children of
Alexandra, wife of Alexander, who was king Aristobulus' son.
Now Alexandra wished the high-priesthood for her son, Aristo
bulus ; but Herod, fearing to let one of such noble blood into so
powerful an office, gave it to Ananel, a man of low birth. Alex
andra then tried to obtain her desire through Cleopatra's inter
cession with Anthony. The better to attract his attention, know
ing his fondness for beautiful people, she sent him the pictures
of both Mariamne and Aristobulus. Straightway, Anthony sent
for Aristobulus, but Herod made excuse to keep him. Yet, for
policy's sake, Herod decided to treat him and his mother Alex
andra with more respect. He, therefore, deposed Ananel and
made Aristobulus High Priest in his stead.

But Herod, not trusting Alexandra any the more for all that,
put certain restrictions upon her and set intelligencers to spy
upon her, actions which so exasperated her pride that she deter-

21 " 1622 — Markham's and Sampson's True Tragedy of Herod and
Antipater ; acted at the Red Bull, by the company of the Revels." — Ma-
lone's Shakespeare, Vol. 3, 429 (Chalmer's account).

THE DUKE OF MILAN . 13

mined, at the advice of Cleopatra, to flee with Aristobulus into
Egypt. They were to be carried in coffins to the seaside where a
ship awaited them, but the plan was discovered ; and though
Herod made show of pardon, he determined to remove Aristo
bulus, especially as he saw how well the people received him
when he officiated. Therefore, he had him enticed in swimming
and drowned as if in play. But Alexandra was not deceived,
and appealed, secretly again, to Cleopatra, who persuaded An
thony to send for Herod, to give an account of Aristobulus' death.

Herod obeyed the summons, leaving the government in the
hands of his uncle Joseph with secret instructions to kill Ma-
riamne in case Anthony should happen to do him a mischief.
" For he loued her so extreamely by reason of her beautie, that
he supposed himself e iniured, if after his decease she should be
beloued by any other ; and he openly declared that all that misery
which befell him, proceeded from Anthonies passion, and intire
affection, and admiration of her beautie, whereof he had before
time heard some report." Joseph, jesting with the ladies, in
order to show Herod's good will toward Mariamne, betrayed his
secret command, " thereby to make manifest, that it was not pos
sible for Herod to live without her, and that if any inconuenient
should happen vnto him, he would not in death also bee disioyned
from her." But the ladies interpreted it as Herod's malice and
felt none the better toward him for it.

In the meantime, Herod had won Anthony over by means of
presents and persuasion, so that Cleopatra, who had designs upon
the rule of the Jews for herself, could do no more against him.
It had been reported in Jerusalem that Herod had been put to
death ; and Mariamne, at the instance of her mother, was consid
ering flight to the Romans, trusting in her beauty to gain what
ever they desired from Anthony, when Herod sent letters an
nouncing his success. " Yet was not this their resolution hidden
from the King. . . . Vpon his arriuall, his sister Salome, and his
mother certified him exactly of Alexandras intent, and the deter
mination of her friends. Salome likewise spake against loseph
her husband, and slandered him, obiecting against him that hee
had Mariammes company. All which she spake through the
malice she had long time conceiued against him, for that in a cer-
taine debate Mariamme had in her rage despitefully hit them in

14 THE DUKE OF MILAN

the teeth with their obscure birth." Herod became angry, called
Mariamne, demanded the truth, yet was finally persuaded out of
his anger ; but Mariamne, not being content to let well enough
alone, upbraided him with his secret command. This threw
Herod into a rage of suspicion again, and he hardly refrained
from killing her, did put Joseph to death and threw Alexandra
into prison. This is the first form of the story in the Antiqui
ties, but the same general situation is repeated in the same work,
with different results, however, as we shall immediately see.

When Caesar overcame Anthony, it seemed as if the latter's
close friend, Herod, must finally lose his power. Alexandra tried
to get her father, Hircanus, to make an effort to supplant Herod ;
but her plan was discovered and Hircanus, the only male sur
viving of her family, was condemned to death. Herod then de
termined to visit Caesar. Again he left a secret command for
the death of both Mariamne and Alexandra, in case he did not
return, this time in the hands of the Treasurer, Joseph, and
Sohemus, the Iturian.

" After he had in this sort giuen order for all his affaires, hee
withdrew himselfe unto Rhodes, intending there to meet with
Caesar. And as soon as he arriued in that city, hee tooke the
Diademe from his head, and laide it apart, but as for his other
princely ornaments, hee changed them in no sort; and beeing
admitted to Caesars presence, hee at that time gaue a more ample
testimony of the greatnesse of his magnanimitie and courage ; for
neither addressed he his speech to intreat his fauor (according
to the custome of suppliants) neither presented he any request,
as if he had in any sort offended him, but gaue account of all
that which he had done, without concealing or mistrusting any
thing. For he freely confessed before Caesar, that he had in-
tirely loued Antonius and that to the utmost of his power he had
done him seruice, to the end that he might obtaine the soueraignty
and monarchy ; not by annexing his forces vnto his, in that he
was otherwise imploied in the Arabian warre ; but in furnishing
him both with wheat and money, and that this was the least office
which it behooued him to perf orme towards Antonius ; for that
being once his professed friend, it behooued him not onely to
imploy his best endeuours on his so princely benefactor, but also
to hazard both his head and happiness to deliuer him from perils.

THE DUKE OF MILAN 15

All which (said he) I haue not performed according as I ought
to haue done; yet notwithstanding I know, that at such time as
he was ouercome in the Actian battell, I did not alter my affection
with his fortune : neither did I restraine my selfe : for although
I befriended not Antonius with my presence and assistance in
his Actian war, yet at leastwise I assisted him with my counsaile,
certifying him. that he had but one onely means left him for his
security, and preuention of his vtter ruine, which was to put
Cleopatra to death, for that by cutting her off, he might enioy
her estate, and might more easily obtain his peace, and pacific
thy displeasure against him. And for that he gaue but slender
regard to these mine admonitions by his owne sottishnesse and
indiscretion, he hath hurt himselfe and profited you, because, as
I said, he did not follow my counsaile. Now therefore (O
Caesar) in regard of the hate which you bear vnto Anthony,
you condemne my friendship also. I will not deny that which I
haue done; neither am I affraid freely and publikely to protest
how much I haue loued him : but if without regard of persons,
you consider how kindly I am affected towards my benefactors,
and how resolute and constant a friend I am, and how mindfull
of kindnesse, the effect of that which I haue done, may make me
knowne vnto thee. For if the name be onely changed, the friend
ship notwithstanding may remaine, and deserue a due praise.

"By these words (which were manifest testimonies of his
resolute and noble courage) he so inwardly indeered himselfe
vnto Caesar, who was a magnificent and worthy Monarch, that he
conuerted this his accusation into an occasion to win and work
him to be his friend : for which cause Caesar in setting the dia-
deme vpon his head, exhorted him that he should no less respect
his friendship, then he had in former times Anthonies : and
withall, did him much honour." He remained with Caesar some
time, giving rich gifts and obtaining pardon from the senate. *

At his return home, he found affairs troubled. Mariamne,
remembering her former experience with Joseph, had suspected
the same thing again. She and Alexandra so worked upon So-
hemus that he "blabbed out all that which the king had com
manded him ", hoping to win favor for himself with Mariamne
and Alexandra. But Mariamne was sore displeased and " when
as Herod beyond all expectation arriued in his countrey, beeing

16 THE DUKE OF MILAN

adorned with mighty fortune, hee first of all, as it became him
certified his wife of his good tidings and happy successe, whom
onely amongst all other his friends and wiues, hee embraced and
saluted, for the pleasing conuersation and affection that was in
her. But she, whitest he repeated vnto her these fortunate
euents of his affaires, rather entertained the same with a dis-
pleasant attention, then applauding ioy." Herod was much an
gered at this and while he was torn between love and hate, his
sister Salome and his mother slandered Mariamne to him. " To
these reproches of theirs, he lent no vnwilling ears ; yet had he
not the heart to attempt any thing against his wife, or to giue
free credit to their report." Just at this juncture, however, he
was called to meet Caesar, newly become lord of Egypt, but soon
returned. " Vpon his arriuall, he found that fortune which was
fauourable vnto him abroad, too forward (sic, f reward?) at home,
especially in regard to his wife, in whose affection before time he
seemed to be most happy. For he was inwardly touched with
the lawfull loue of Mariamme, as any other of whom the His
tories make report : and as touching her, she was both chast and
faithfull vnto him, yet had shee a certaine womanly imperfection
and naturall frowardnesse, which was the cause that shee pre
sumed too much vpon the intire affection wherewith her husband
was intangled ; so that without regard of his person, who had
power and authority ouer others, shee entertained him often
times very outragiously : All which he endured patiently, without
any shew of discontent. But Mariamme vpbraided and publikely
reproached both the Kings mother and sister, telling them that
they were but abiectly and basely borne.

"Whereupon there grew a great enmity and vnrecouerable
hatred betweene the Ladies."

Herod one day sent for Mariamne ; but though she came,
she would have nothing to do with him. Instead she up
braided him bitterly with her father's and her brother's death.
His sister, Salome, who had been waiting her opportunity, sent
in the Butler, whom she had bribed to accuse Mariamne of having
given him poison for the king. To get at the truth, Herod or
dered Mariamne's most faithful servant to be tortured, who told
Herod that the cause of his wife's hatred toward him was the
secret command which Sohemus had betrayed. Herod, insane

THE DUKE OF MILAN 17

with jealousy, had Sohemus put to death, and Mariamne brought
to trial. She was condemned but was not to be executed at once.
Yet, through Salome's solicitation, Herod sent her to death, her
own mother casting abuse upon her. " After her death the king
began more powerfully to be inflamed in his affections ; who be
fore times, as we haue declared, was already miserably distracted.
For neither did he loue after the common manner of married
f olke : but whereas almost euen vnto madnes he nourished this
his desire, he could not be induced by the too vnbridled manners
of his wife to alay the heat of his affection, but that daily more
and more by doting on her, hee increased the same. And all that
time especially he supposed that God was displeased with him,
for the death of Mariamme his wife. Oftentimes did he inuocate
her name, and more often vndecently lamented hee her. And
notwithstanding he deuised all kinde of delights and sports that
might bee imagined, by preparing banquets and inuiting guests
with princely hospitalitie, to passe away the time ; yet all those
profited him nothing. For which cause he gaue ouer the charge
and administration of his kingdome. And in such sort was he
ouerwhelmed with griefe, that oftentimes hee commanded his
ministers to call his wife Mariamme, as if as yet she had beene
aliue." He finally went into " desert places " for a time to re
cover from his sickness. Alexandra was soon after put to death
for plotting to get herself and Mariamne's children into power.

Mariamne had three sons by Herod, Alexander, Aristobulus,
and a younger son who died at Rome where he had been sent to
be educated. The two surviving sons were constantly plotted
against by Antipater, son of Herod's first wife, who was jealous
of the favor Herod showed them, and by Salome whose hatred
to their mother they had inherited. Through the machinations
of the two, these sons were finally put to death and Antipater
seemingly had the field clear. However, his father at last dis
covered his plots and sent him to death likewise.

The other account, in the Wars of the Jeivs, is a brief sum
mary and has only a few noteworthy variations from the above.
Here Herod was called to the country and left the secret com
mand to Joseph, his sister Salome's husband. When Mariamne
upbraided him with this secret command and Salome accused her
husband, Herod had both put to death. As I have said, this ac-

18 THE DUKE OF MILAN

count gives in brief form the same dramatic situation as the other
two. What the actual historical facts in the case were, we need
not consider. Here is the unwrought gold of story as told by
Josephus. How will it be fashioned?

Other Authors' Use of the Herod-Mariamne Story.

Most of the plays which have used the Herod-Mariamne story
as a plot have been summarized by Landau in his article " Die
Dramen von Herodes und Mariamne" (Zeitschrift fiir vergleich-
ende Litteraturgeschichte, Vols. 8, 9). W. Grack in his " Studien
iiber die dramatische Behandlung der Geschichte von Herodes
und Mariamne in der englische und deutschen Litteratur. (Mas-
singer, Fenton, Hebbel, Stephen Phillips)" has summarized more
fully those which he treats. These articles I have used, but I
have also examined the plays on the subject by Sachs, Hebbel,
Hardy, Gary, Voltaire, Fenton and Phillips.

In the treatment of the story, some of the earlier writers,
Sachs, Sampson and Markham, have simply dramatised the events
in chronicle play style ; but most have centered attention upon
the love story of Herod and Mariamne with its tragic outcome.
The otlier phases of the story, the murder of Aristobulus, the
plotting and scheming of Alexandra, especially the picture plot,
even the execution of Mariamne's sons, which occurred long after
her death, have been used as helps to the secret command for
embroiling the situation between Herod and Mariamne. In most
cases, too, Herod's sister appears as accuser of Mariamne, usu
ally because of hatred, though in Hebbel's play more for love of
her brother. She usually, however, has the darker, which is the
historical, color, this side of her character being emphasized by
the poison plot. Yet the thing that brings conviction to Herod is
generally the discovery that Mariamne knows the secret com
mand. The death of Mariamne comes in a few plays by the
dagger in Herod's own hands, but in most cases she is sent out
to be executed. Then follows regularly Herod's obsession, some
times with the Biblical visit of the three wise men and command
for the slaughter of the infants, thrown in for greater color effect.
So much for plot.

In the character-representation of these authors, Herod is
always the bloody but able tyrant. In the earlier plays, the bloody

THE DUKE OF MILAN 19

side is emphasized, he being, especially in plays under Senecan
influence, a veritable raw-head-and-bloody -bones, revelling in blood
and murder — the Herod of the miracle plays. But in the histor
ical development, this side of his character has been rather over
shadowed by the able tyrant side and he appears in the modern
psychological plays rather as the able tyrant who has risen from
the ranks and is willing to use whatever means may be neces
sary to retain his position, thereby being brought into conflict
with his wife, whom he loves tenderly, not with the brute passion
of the source.

Opposed to him is the proud Mariamne. In the earlier plays,
she has much of the beautiful tigress about her. Whatever she
may have felt toward him before, when these plays open, she
hates him and does but wait her opportunity to be revenged.
This indeed is the Mariamne of Josephus, who has come really
to hate Herod for the murder of her kinsmen, especially for that
of her brother, and is finally driven to open expression of her
hatred when she herself is nearly aimed at in the secret com
mand. But for such a woman we are not likely to feel much
sympathy. Therefore, we find her character treated more and
more sympathetically, till in the modern psychologised and emo
tionalised plays she becomes the woman who has loved Herod
dearly and is only driven from that love by the deeds of Herod.
They thus both become entangled in the tragic web of circum
stance. Herod is forced by his position to do the deeds which
alienate Mariamne from him.

Salome, too, has had a fairly constant place and development.
She, sometimes with her mother as a minor figure, is the oppo
nent and accuser of Mariamne. Her motive in the earlier plays
is simply hatred and a desire for revenge. Yet Hebbel has raised
and ennobled her character by making her motive a sincere love
of her brother and an honest belief that Mariamne has wronged
him. She, too, is a victim of circumstance, thereby heightening
the emotional tone.

The man to whom the secret command is given, usually Sa
lome's husband, appears regularly also. In the source and ear
lier plays, he is just a good-natured fellow, a loyal supporter of
the king, in whose defense he blabs the secret command. He is
usually barely sketched in, being needed only to betray the secret

20 THE DUKE OF MILAN

command, be suspected, and pay the penalty. But there are emo
tional possibilities here that are not to be overlooked. There
fore, in Hebbel's play his faithfulness and loyalty are heightened
and given more prominent place, another victim of impelling
circumstance.

These four figures and their relations form the constant ele
ments of the story, emphasis being placed now on one character
or side of a character, now on another, according to the author's
point of view. The other characters and incidents are only
brought in as they are needed for the author's purpose in his
major situation. Alexandra appears sometimes. Aristobulus
appears, as a ghost in the Senecan plays, as a living person in
Phillip's play, in which the love of Mariamne is changed to dis
like before our eyes because of the treacherous murder of her
brother.

The Herod story well illustrates the many changes and forms
the drama has passed through in its development from the em
phasis upon story as such with the characters roughly sketched
in, to th'e emphasis upon character with the figures psychologised
and emotionalised. It represents in its development the impor
tant literary' types also — Chronicle, Senecan, Classic, etc., — being
cast into whatever iorm the taste of the age demanded. A full
treatment of it from this point of view would be very interesting,
but the limits of this introduction forbid fuller development here.

Massinger' s Use of the Herod-Mariamne Story.

Now Massinger is evidently out of the line of the historical
development. To begin with, his Sforza has little of the Herod
left. He is proud and fearless as is Herod, he is loyal to his
friends and loves his wife passionately ; but the attitudes of Jo-
sephus and Massinger toward the character are considerably dif
ferent. Sforza is intended to show the better side of the jealous
lover and to attract our sympathy. His motives are somewhat
different. His command is given not from suspicion and jealousy
of a particular individual, but from the desire that he may not
be parted from his wife even in death. He has no past history
of murders so far as we know. In one respect only is he allowed
to have sinned, in the seduction of a woman, and even that is
seemingly admitted grudgingly to motivate the hatred that led

THE DUKE OF MILAN 21

to his death. There is just enough of the Herod deeds to show
from what source he is drawn but the attitude taken toward him
is different.

Marcelia is still the proud queen Mariamne, but she always
loves Sforza and is never brought to hate him. She does resent
his secret command and does show her resentment, but she loves
him to the last.

Mariana and Isabella play much the same part as Salome and
her mother in Josephus. It is in Francisco, the Joseph-Sohemus
of the story, that Massinger makes his second great change.
Francisco appears at first to be the faithful friend, but we later
find that he is the injured man only waiting his chance to exact
revenge. His character has thus been completely altered and his
position changed and raised so that he becomes one of the chief
characters in the play. He it is that guides the tragic action and
brings about the catastrophe. Massinger introduces certain other
important characters, Pescara, Graccho, Eugenia, who are not
found in the source, though Eugenia may have been suggested to
Massinger by Herod's first wife, Doris, whom he put away for
Mariamne. These characters are called for by the turn he
chooses to give the plot. We still have, however, the same gen
eral outline to the story. The passionately loving husband who
is called away on a journey that seems to mean death, and leaves
orders that his wife shall not survive him, the wife who discovers
the secret and receives him coldly upon his return after he has
outfaced his danger in a noble way, the estrangement which is
thus brought about between the two and is fomented by the sister
and mother, who because of envy accuse the wife of improper
relations with the sister's husband, the jealous rage which leads
the husband to put his wife to death, and the final mad scene of
the husband who will not believe his wife dead — all these are
taken over from the Herod-Mariamne story.

Alterations

Influence of Othello.

Why did Massinger make the changes in character and the
consequent changes in plot which have just been enumerated?
Because, as I believe, he saw in this story of the jealous husband

22 THE DUKE OF M^LAN

as told in Josephus, an opportunity to work out a tragedy of the
Othello type, a tragedy of intrigue with the noble loving husband
and equally loving and beautiful wife separated and brought to
a tragic end through the machinations of a third person, the in
triguer which the type demands. With this general plan in view,
he made the changes. He did not slavishly imitate. Sforza is
not Othello ; nor Marcelia, Desdemona ; and it is a far cry from
Francisco to lago. Massinger, the student and clever workman,
saw the possibility of reworking the Herod-Mariamne story in
the Othello type, the tragedy of intrigue, and proceeded to re
shape characters and plot accordingly. The result is neither a
Herod story nor a mere imitation of Othello, but an independent
production showing its relation to both.

The Historical Setting.

To this Herod-Mariamne story, reshaped in the Othello type,
Massinger has given what may be termed a historical setting.
Because of his great changes in the story, he perhaps did not feel
entitled' to name it after its true source. Therefore, he fell back
on a dramatic convention, as says the Prologue to The Woman
Hater (printed first 1607) "a duke there is, and the scene lies in
Italy, as those two things lightly we never miss " and laid his
scene in Milan, using certain historical names connected with a
well known phase of history. We have Ludovico Sforza —
though it is recognized in the table of Dramatis Personae that in
this connection he is only a " supposed Duke ", — the Marquis of
Pescara, " The Emperour Charles and Francis the French king "
all clustering round the battle of Pavia. But Massinger has made
very sweeping changes in order to fit the material to his purpose.
The historical facts concerning the various persons mentioned are
briefly as follows :

Though not in title, yet in power, Ludovico Sforza became
head of Milan in 1479. In 1480 he made his position more secure
by getting under his control his young nephew, the titular Duke
of Milan. When his nephew died in 1491, he usurped the power
as Duke of Milan. He was the centre of the scheming and plot
ting of the Italian cities where, to paraphrase an old saying,
" Each city was for itself and the French king for all." He
played into the hands of Charles VIII until the power of the

THE DUKE OF MILAN . 23

French king began to be too great, then he turned against him.
Thenceforward, he was in continuous struggle with the kings of
France until he was finally made prisoner to Louis XII, April 10,
1500, in which captivity he died. He made a great impression on
the men of his time, but he sometimes showed lack of courage
and " nerve " under the stress of danger.

In the later war between Spain and France for supremacy in
Italy, under Charles of Spain and Francis of France, Francesco
Sforza, son of Ludovico, took part on the side of Charles, his
reward to be restoration to his father's position as Duke of Milan.
Again Milan was the storm center. " The possession of Milan,
on which the struggle chiefly turned was a luxury to France, a
point of vital importance to Charles, so long as he held the king
doms of Naples and Sicily together with the Netherlands ".
Francesco does not seem to have played so very important a part
as a leader. In the battle of Pavia, " The French army was de
stroyed, the French King was captured, and all his most illustrious
commanders were taken prisoners or killed." When Francis
later renewed the war, Francesco had gone over to his side, fol
lowing the consistent policy of the Dukes vof Milan. He received
various drubbings, as had his father before him, but was restored
to Milan under certain conditions when Charles was finally the
conqueror. He died November i, 1535, only a few months after
his marriage to Christina of Denmark.

In these struggles between the two kings, the Marquis of Pes-
cara played an important part. Of him Guicciardini says : " The
death of the Marquis of Pisquairo, who . . . made his last end
happily by the iust sentence of God, who would not suffer him to
enioy the frute of that seede which he had sowen with so great
malignity. . . . He began to follow armes at Rauenna, where,
being very younge he was taken prisoner. And afterwards aspyr-
ing to a reputacion of a Capteine, he followed all the warres
which the Spanyards had in Italy. Insomuch as though he had
not past the age of XXXVI yeres, yet for experience he was olde,
for inuencion suttle, in councell graue, in execucion resolute, wise
to foresee a daunger, and quicke to auoid a mischief e: he bare
great authoritie and credit with the infanterie of Spayne, ouer
whom as he had bene of long, capteine generall : so both the vic-
torie at Pauia and all other actions of merit executed by that army

24 THE DUKE OF MILAN

since certaine yeares, were principally succeeded by his councel
and by his vertue : he was assuredly a capteine of great vallour,
but one that with arte and dissimulacion, knewe how to drawe
fauor and grace to his doings, being besides, prowde of minde, of
wit deceitfull, of nature malicious, of councell and action without
sincerity, and so singular in his owne weening, that oftentimes
he hath bene heard saye, that he was more worthy to haue Spayne
for his contry than Italy."22

Massinger, then, has made use of the general situation of the
first struggle between Charles and Francis with its culmination
at Pavia. But he substitutes the father Ludovico for the son,
Francesco Sforza, possibly because Ludovico was the better
known of the two. According to the plot from Josephus, the
Duke must be on the losing side. Therefore, he is attached to
the French, whereas the real Francesco Sforza at this battle was
with the Spanish. However, Ludovico had been originally with
the French, and Francesco was allied with them after this battle.
As in the play, the Marquis of Pescara was on the side of Charles.
The general situation at the battle of Pavia may have decided
Massinger to use this story. But there is another element that
may have influenced him also. After Charles had a second
time conquered Francis, on whose side Francesco Sforza was
then fighting, Guicciardini says : " When Frauncis Sforza was
brought to the presence pf the Emperour at Bolognia, and hauing
with humilitie and submission praised his benignitie in admitting
him to his presence : He told him that so much did he reappose
for him selfe in his owne iustice and equitie, that for all things
happened before the Marquis of Pisquairo restrained him in the
castell of Myllan, he desired no other property of suretie or sup-
porte then his owne innocencie : And that therefore he renounced
frankly the safe conduit, the bill of escript whereof the Duke
holding in his hande, he layed it at his feete, a matter which much
pleased the Emperour" (1160-1). This slightly repeats the sit
uation of Herod before Caesar though " Frauncis " had to pay
a heavy indemnity. The historical material then is very slight
and is adapted to fit the situation of the Herod plot. From this
historical material, however, he added to the Herod plot another

22 The Historic of Guicciardin, . . . Reduced into English by Geffray
Pent on, 1579, pp. 943~4-

THE DUKE OF MILAN . 25

character with a well known name, Pescara. Massinger needed a
friend and confidant for Sforza. Here was an opportunity to
bring in another famous name. Therefore he used Pescara as
the intimate friend of Sforza. This whole element amounts to
very little more than using historical Italian names for a back
ground.

Can a definite source be assigned for Massinger's historical
information? The statement has been generally made that he
used Guicciardini's Istoria d' Italia, Books i6-i9,23 where this
story is told. If he had done so, he would likely have used Fen-
ton's translation. But I have found nothing which proves con
clusively that he used this for a source, the fact that it was well
known being the strongest point in its favor. On the other hand,
the attitude of Guicciardini toward some of the characters is con
siderably different from that of Massinger, for instance, toward
Pescara, his opinion of whom I have quoted above. Since Mas-
singer's use of the historical facts is so general, and since he
might easily have obtained so much knowledge in some other way,
there is no evidence for Guicciardini as his source.

The Borrowing from The Second Maiden's Tragedy.

One other element of the play can be traced to its source, the
poison scene ; V, 2. Of course, there are several poison scenes
by kissing, in preceding tragedy. In Soliman and Perseda (li
censed 1592), the lady secures revenge by a poisoned kiss. In
The Revenger's Tragedy (pr. 1607), the kissing of a poisoned
skull secures the needed revenge. In The White Devil (pr. 1612),
Isabella meets death by kissing the poisoned picture of her hus
band. Poison administered in other ways figures in various
tragedies of the period: — Valentinian (not later than 1614), Wife
for a Month (licensed 1624), etc. With none of these, however,
can Massinger be connected except possibly The Revenger's
Tragedy. In Act II, Scene I, of this tragedy we have :

" O angels, clap your wings upon the skies,
And give this virgin crystal plaudites."

Massinger writes in The Duke of Milan, V, 2, 57-9:

a worke

The saints in-ill smile to lookc on, & good Angels
Clap their Celestiall wings to giue it plaudits.

23 Biographia Dramatica, 1782, followed by Gifford, etc.

26 THE DUKE OF MILAN

Again in The Maid of Honour, V, I (279!)) Massinger writes :

and seraphic angels
Clap their celestial wings in heavenly plaudits.

It seems probable, then, that Massinger borrowed this expression
from The Revenger's Tragedy; but in no case can that play be
considered a source for the poison scene in The Duke of Milan,
though the general situation of revenge sought and wrought
through a poisoned kiss may have made due and lasting impres
sion upon Massinger.

There is, however, a definite source for this poison scene of
The Duke of Milan, and that is the concluding scene of the play
licensed by Sir George Buc, 31 October, 1611, as "This second
Maydens tragedy (for it hath no name inscribed)". Massinger
imitated Act V, Scene 2 of this play in some rather minute points
of conduct and even in many of the ideas there expressed, so
much so indeed that his use of it may be considered an adaptation.

For conduct, near the beginning of V, 2, of The Second
Maiden's Tragedy, " They bringe the Body in a chaire drest vp
in black veluet which setts out the pailenes of the handes and
face, And a faire Chayne of pearle crosse her brest and the Cru-
cyfex aboue it ; He standes silent awhile letting the Musique play,
becknyng the soldiers that bringe her in to make obeisaunce to
her, and he hym self majces a lowe honour to the body and kisses
the hande". In Duke of Milan, V, 2, 47, "Enter Sforza, Isa
bella, Mariana, the body of Marcelia, Doctors, Seruants ". Sforza
exhorts the servants to care (47-8), remarks how pale Marcelia
looks (60) and speaks of the snow white hand (63), all of which
elements figure in the direction above in much the same way.
Sforza also evidently kisses the hand (63) as does the Tyrant.
In fact, we might almost say that Massinger has here given his
scene directions in verse, a characteristic method of procedure
with him.

The next section in both plays has to do with getting the poi
soner on the scene. In The Second Maiden's Tragedy, the Ty
rant sends for a painter who is to produce the semblance of life ;
in The Duke of Milan, the supposed Jewish doctor offers his serv
ice. Massinger has here adapted the situation to his plot, which
imposes the condition that Sforza shall consider Marcelia living

THE DUKE OF MILAN 27

while the Tyrant has no delusions of the kind, merely a mad
whim of the moment. Yet even he wishes he could " send for
one to renew heat within her bosom ". In both plays, the corpse
is then painted ; in The Second Maiden's Tragedy, the Tyrant
being by; in The Duke of Milan, Sforza being off, another neces
sary change. Finally comes the exposure, brought about volun
tarily on the part of the poisoner in The Second Maiden's Tragedy,
involuntarily in The Duke of Milan because of exigencies of plot.
In both, the poisoner glories in his deed ; but in The Second
Maiden's Tragedy he is made king, while in The Duke of Milan
he is led to his doom, the alteration being again demanded by exi
gencies of plot. It may be noticed, too, that the place of the
ghost in The Second Maiden's Tragedy is taken in The Duke of
Milan by Eugenia, she being the injured in honor. Massinger
thus avoids a ghostly visitation for which he seems to have had
no special inclination, if we may judge by the fact that only once
in his unassisted work, in The Unnatural Combat, does he deal
in such. Thus, in conduct, the two scenes are so much alike that
we may consider the scene in The Duke of Milan an adaptation
of that in The Second Maiden's Tragedy.

Corroborative of this conclusion is Massinger's use of many
of the same ideas that occur in V, 2, of The Second Maiden's
Tragedy. Says the Tyrant (2244-47) :

/ can see nothing to be mended in thee
but the too constant palenes of thy cheecke
I'de giue the kingdome, but to purchase ther
the breadth of a red Rose, in naturall coloure

Sforza, according to Pescara (V, 2, 39-41) :

swore,

Prouided they recouer'd her, he would Hue
A priuate man & they should share his dukedom.

The Tyrant says to the corpse (2260-64) :

It is no shame for thee most silent mistris
to stand in need of Arte, when yoiithe
and all thy warm frendes has forsooke thee,
weemen aliue are gladd to seeke her frendship
to make vp the faire nomber of their graces

28 THE DUKE OF MILAN

Again, when Gouianus does not see at once that the face wants
painting, the king says to him (2294-5) :

thy apprehension has to grosse a feline
to be ymploid at Court

Francisco says to the corpse (V, 2, 183-8) :

your ladiship lookes pale
But I , your Doctor, haue a ceruse for you,
See my Eugenia, how many faces
That are ador'd in Court borrow these hclpes,
And passe for excellence, when the better part

0 them are like to this

It is along this line that Francisco's remarks run as he paints the
corpse. Gouianus, as he paints, says (2317-19) :

A religious trembling shakes me by the hand
and bidds me put by such unhallowed business
but reveng calls fort

Eugenia, as she watches the painting, says (V, 2, 197-9) :

/ tremble

And thus to tirannize vpon the dead
Is most inhumane.
Franc [isco]. Come we for rcucngc[f]

Other minor instances might be quoted, but these will show how
Massinger echoes, as it" were, many of the ideas and to a slight
degree the expressions of The Second Maiden s Tragedy.

One other part of this play may have had its effect upon Mas-
singer. In Act IV, sc. 3 (1856—62), the Tyrant says, speaking
to the corpse of the Lady :

1 once read of a Herod whose affection
pursued a virgins hue, as I did thine

whoe for the hate she owd him kilde her self
(as thow to rashlie didst,) wth out all pittie:
yet he prescrud her bodic dead in home
and kept her longe after her funerall.

This reference is to another Herod story or to another version
of the Herod-Mariamne story. It would seem, then, that Mas-
singer might have found in The Second Maiden's Tragedy the
germ of suggestion for combining the Herod story and the poison
catastrophe. At any rate, it is evident that he got the poison

THE DUKE OF MILAN 29

catastrophe from this play, but here again it was a case of adapta
tion, the method of 'the student, rather than a case of direct
copying.

Indeed, so noticeable is the likeness here that some would
assign Massinger a part in The Second Maiden's Tragedy.
Tieck24 would identify the play with Massinger's supposed trag
edy, The Tyrant, as the principal character is the "Usurping
Tirant " and as in his opinipn the whole conduct of the play is
such as we would expect from the youthful Massinger. Phelan25
follows Tieck, restating his theory. Boyle26 says : " From the
metrical character of the play it is in vain to look for help as it
has no very prominent peculiarities. On the whole, in spite of
the metrical difficulties and the want of allusions distinctly con
necting it with other Massinger plays, I feel disposed to regard it
as an early, anonymous and unsuccessful attempt of our author's
who made use of the death scene in his later play." Later27 he
says, " Massinger's hand is traceable in the first two acts." It
will be seen that he gives no proof for his opinion ; in fact, admits
that it cannot be proved by the characteristics he has used
throughout his work as tests of Massinger.

Oliphant,28 however, says : " the play contains no sign of
either " Fletcher or Massinger. Fleay29 did not feel that Mas-
singer had any hand in it. Schelling30 does not think is belongs
to Tourneur " much less does it seem the youthful effort of a born
dramatist such as Massinger ". I myself can not find in the play
any trace of Massinger's characterization, speech structure, re
peated phrases and ideas, or metrical peculiarities. Lack of these
cannot in my opinion be accounted for by saying that this is a
youthful work, for Massinger's style and mental habit did not
change, but merely developed and are as distinct in the earliest
of his known work as in the latest. Therefore, I have no hesita
tion in saying that Massinger had nothing to do with the writing
of The Second Maiden's Tragedy.

24 Shakespeare's vorschule. Leipzig, 1823, Vol. 2, vorrede, p. xl ff.

25 Anglia, u, 47.

26 Engl. Stud., IX, 234.

27 D. N. B., article Massinger, XXXVII, na.
2« Engl. Stud., XIV, 76.

29 Brog. Chron., ii, 330.

30 Eliz. Dram., i, 599.

30 THE DUKE OF MILAN

Massinger, then, has taken the Herod-Mariamne story of Jo-
sephus, recast it in the Othello type, and set it for interest in
Italian history of the time of the -Sforzas. The last scene of the
story he has modeled upon The Second Maiden's Tragedy.

MASSINGER AS POET-DRAMATIST

If we would know a writer's artistic theory, we should attempt
to look at his problems and his work through his own eyes and
see what he himself thought and said about them, what his artistic
aims were. Fortunately we have some statements from Mas-
singer himself as to what should be expected and praised in a
play. In the Prologue to The Emperor of the East, he mentions
rather prominently the " proportion " " and the scope " of the
" invention " of the play as merits. In his commendatory verses
to Shirley's Grateful Servant, he gives his own poetic aims and
aspirations in the points he finds to praise :

Here are no forced expressions, no rack'd phrase;
No Babel compositions to amaze
' The tortured reader; no believed defence
To strengthen the bold Atheist's insolence
No obscene syllable, that may compel
A blush from a chaste maid; but all so well
Express' d and order'd, as wise men must say
It is a grateful poem, a good play.

Thus Massinger insists upon three things as essential : good order
or plot, moral content in word and character, and good expression.
These lines contain in brief Massinger's whole artistic aim and
theory. The things that he insists upon he is eminent in. His
aim and results are conscious.

THE " STAGE-POET "

Massinger was not the inspired poet but the conscientious
workman of more than usual ability. This clever workmanship
is shown in the stage craft, plotting, or " ordering " of his plays.
His plots are well worked out according to a definite method of
procedure and however much one may dissent from his taste and
judgment at times, one feels that he has carefully considered
what he is doing and has a definite purpose in it. First, he se
lects the five most important, and at the same time most striking,

THE DUKE OF MILAN 31

points in his story. Each of these he makes the climax of an
act. The first act is introductory, having as its climax the incit
ing motive of the play, the problem whose solution gives tragedy
or comedy. This is a rule of his construction, almost without
exception. The fifth act of course contains the denouement, the
solution of the problem. With the climax of the third act, the
action of the play takes its final turn, enters its final phase. The
fourth act is the connecting link between the climax of the third
and that of the fifth. It usually leads just up to the denouement,
the catastrophe, but if the catastrophe is double — as it often is
in the stage-poet, Massinger, who can't pass the opportunity for
a good climax — one catastrophe forms the climax of the fourth
act. In much the same way, the second act connects the climax
of the first and that of the third. Thus the climaxes of the first,
third, and fifth acts in any story of Massinger are fixed by/ the
purpose he has in the play. The climax of the fourth is also
fixed in case the catastrophe is double, that of the second is most
variable of all.

The Duke of Milan well illustrates Massinger's formula. In
deed the fact that this play has the fifth act at all instead of end
ing with the fourth act is characteristic of Massinger's purpose
and method of construction. His purpose, to show :

ther's no trust
In a foundation that is built on lust.

demands catastrophe for Sforza. Looking at his material, he
finds five points of naturally high interest in the development of
the story. First, the giving of the secret- command ; second, the
revealing of the secret command to Marcelia; third, Marcelia's
break with Sforza because of the secret command, the turning
point; fourth, Sforza's rash execution of Marcelia; fifth, the
effect on Sforza. Neither the moralist in him nor the playwright
with his eye to stage effect would permit him to sacrifice the last
act. Consequently these points were fitted into his formula.

Fletcher also usually tries to close his Act with a climax, a big
scene, but he has no care for careful preparation or regular con
struction leading up to this climax. He must have at least one
big scene, with which to close his Act ; if he can manage to get
more to the Act, the more the better. A fundamental difference,

32 THE DUKE OF MILAN

too, between the closing scenes of the two dramatists is that Mas-
singer's emphasized scene is, as I have said, nearly always an im
portant section of the main story ; Fletcher's may be merely a
striking humorous scene which might be left entirely out without
detriment to the plot. This is indeed typical of Fletcher's atti
tude toward plot. To him that plot was best which furnished a
thread upon which the greatest number of striking situations
might be strung, naturally, incidentally, or accidentally. He
paints each striking situation which suggested itself, to the limit
of its possibilities with little regard to its importance. His excel
lence is in the scene, the situation, rather than in the whole. His
acts are often arbitrary divisions of the play, not natural, as it is
the scene or situation upon which he centers his attention.
Therefore, Fletcher's work is likely to be sketchy and undigested,
a charge which cannot be brought against Massinger's plots.

Massinger's formula for his first act or introduction is also
capable of rather definite statement. He gets his action under
way at once and works up to the exciting motive for a climax.
The question at issue is brought forward in the first scene and
is often fully before us within the first one hundred lines. His
favorite method of presenting this is by the conversation of two
of the characters, in which the problem is stated and the charac
ters and relations of the principal figures are given us. Then
with this preparation, the principal characters are brought on,
and begin the action at once. This introductory conversation,
however, may be between the principal characters themselves as
in The Picture, where no past history is needed to explain the sit
uation. Such a device necessarily has a tendency to become
merely mechanical, to show too evidently the purpose it is in
tended to serve. But Massinger usually manages to motivate the
device in some natural way, for instance, Cleon in The Emperor
of the East has just returned from six years travel and wishes to
know the news.

In this respect, too, The Duke of Milan is a characteristic Mas-
singer play. The author begins with a striking scene, calculated
to catch the attention at once, the drunken conversation of
Graccho and Jovio. Having thus caught the attention, he pro
ceeds by means of a conversation between two courtiers to get
before us the necessary information as to the situation — the im-

THE DUKE OF MILAN 33

pending climax of the war, the love of Sforza for his wife, and
the trouble that exists between her and Sforza's mother and sis
ter — all in a scene of one hundred and twenty-six lines. With
the second scene begins the action, which gets well under way.
in the third. Another habit of Massinger is well illustrated here
in his preparation for the entrance of Marcelia. The drunkards
are crying healths in her name, the lords discuss and praise her,
the ladies discuss and envy her, the gentlemen are thinking of
her, and she finally enters in state with the Duke bowing before
her. Massinger in his best work prepares carefully for the
smaller climax within the act just as he does for the grand climax
at the end of it. From the beginning, the action moves steadily
and directly forward to the inciting motive of the play, Sforza's
secret command to Francisco to kill Marcelia in event of his fail
ure to return. The first act, then, is a unit with its own action
rising to a striking climax of high interest.

This indeed is true of each act in the play. The second act
begins with a preparatory conversation between two lords, con
necting the action of this act with that of the preceding and pre
paring for further developments. It then works up naturally to
the climax at the end with Francisco's proposal and betrayal of
the command in deepened colors, and Marcelia's fainting, proud
defiance, and scornful taunt to do his worst. The third likewise
begins with a preparatory conversation, and works through vari
ous turns to the climax of Marcelia's cold reception of Sforza
and his " temporary insanity ", to use the modern phrase. The
fourth begins with a scene preparatory for Graccho's attempted
revenge and closes with the grand climax of the play, the death
of Marcelia at Sforza's own hand. Up to this point there has
been a regular rise in the action of the play as a whole and this
is the true climax of interest.

The fifth act is very noticeably a unit with its own climax and
really constitutes a separate thread of the play. In fact, it might
almost be considered as. a separate tragedy forming the conclu
sion to the preceding. This fault in construction is the result in
good part of two characteristics which are usually to be accounted
to Massinger for excellencies. The one is his habit of unity and
directness of development, taking only one thing at a time. As
a consequence of this characteristic, his plots are usually single.

34 THE DUKE OF MILAN

He rarely handles double or complicated plots and when he does,
is not always successful, for they are sometimes too clearly double
or complicated and not sufficiently fused together, as in The Par
liament of Love. The whole story of The Duke of Milan to the
beginning of the fifth act has proceeded in almost direct line, with
as few changes and shifts as possible.31 At this point, therefore,
it is necessary to go back and bring up the Eugenia story at which
he has before but hinted darkly. The other characteristic is his
habit of keeping certain elements of the story concealed as long
as posssible in order to obtain suspense or surprise. A very good
illustration of this habit is to be found in the whispered request
of A New Way to Pay Old Debts. But in The Duke of Milan,
though he has put his sign posts at the beginning and at the end
of the second act so that the break may not be too great, we over
look them, are at a loss to account for the true reason of Fran
cisco's plotting and must readjust ourselves when we do find the
reason. His fifth act, then, violates the unity of the play by in
troducing a new motive or action, not because he did not plan it
carefully, but because he did and simply erred in his judgment.
This is characteristic of all Massinger's work, his plays are care
fully plotted and proceed with precision along prepared though
sometimes mistaken lines.

The habit of writing with the act as unit may have been fos
tered by Massinger's early training as a collaborator. In his col
laboration, certain sections of the play were assigned him, each
of which sections he worked up as a separate unit whether it
were a scene or an act. It is significant that in all but a very few
cases Massinger was given the first act to work out,32 since care-

31 As an illustration of how careful he has been to keep the thread of
the story without break, we may notice his treatment of the time element
in the play. By the necessities of the case Sforza's journey between the
end of the first act and that of the third had to occupy considerable time.
In order to bridge over the break Massinger used the device of double
time. For a full discussion of this, see note to I, i, 4.

32 In eighteen collaborated plays where Massinger has any considerable
part (Barnavelt, Bloody Brother, Custom of the Country, Double Mar
riage, Elder Brother, Fair Maid of the Inn, False One, Fatal Dowry, Little
French Lawyer, Love's Cure, Lovers' Progress, The Prophetess, Queen of
Corinth, Sea Voyage, Spanish Curate, Thierry and Thcodoret, Very
Woman, Virgin Martyr), as critics agree, Massinger wrote the entire first

THE DUKE OF MILAN 35

fully plotted work is especially necessary here in order to get the
facts before us. These first acts are worked out regularly ac
cording to the first act formula stated above. It is equally sig
nificant that in collaboration Massinger writes in almost every
last act, as there again careful work is required to gather up the
threads of the play in unified completeness. The usual division
of labor seems to have been for Massinger to work out the plot
and to write about one third of the play, for the other author to
write the other two thirds. Massinger's one third contribution
consisted in his writing the first act almost without exception, in
his usually giving considerable aid in the last act, and in writing
some of the most dignified scenes within the play, especially trial
scenes. If it was possible to combine these three types of con
tribution in one thread or plot of the story, it was usually done.
It seems, then, that Massinger's strength was recognized as lying
in plot and serious scene.

Indeed we know that this was the contemporary estimate of
his ability. Langbaine (1691) tells us that Massinger's plays
"were highly esteem'd of by the Wits of those times, for the
purity of stile, and the Oeconomy of their Plots ". In a poem
"On the Time Poets",33 printed in 1656, we are told of:

Massinger that knowes

The strength of plot to write in verse and prose

Whose easie Pegasus will amble ore

Some threescore miles of fancy in an houre.s*

The recognition of this ability of Massinger is summed up for
us by his friend and admirer Sir Aston Cockaine in the catch-
phrase which Mr. Cunningham has used on his volume, " The
Stage-poet ". This Massinger was in an eminent degree and this
it was that he aimed to be, if we ministerpret not his own pre
viously quoted testimony.

It is interesting to note that so modern a critic as Professor

act of twelve, the major portions of two more, and had no part in the first
act of only three. In the same plays, he wrote the entire last act of six
and had a hand, usually a main one, in all save one. I intend to treat this
matter more fully in a later work.

33 The Shakespeare Society's Papers, Vol. Ill, p. 172.

34 It may be noticed in passing that the attribution here of prose to
Massinger is necessitated by the need of a rhyme for " knows."

36 THE DUKE OF MILAN

Brander Matthews35 places the same kind of estimate upon Alas-
singer as did his contemporaries. " A dramatic poet he is be
yond question, but he is far greater as dramatist than he is as
poet. . . . His merit is in the structure and conduct of each of
his plays as a whole. ... It is only when he is considered as a
playwright, pure and simple, that Massinger shows to best advan
tage and that he takes rank over his contemporary rivals. As a
playwright, pure and simple, Massinger demands a place imme
diately after Shakespeare." This statement I accept as a just
estimate of Massinger's power as a playwright. He was the
conscientious, skilled workman.

THE " MORAL " CHARACTER PORTRAYER

When we consider Massinger's treatment of character, we
still find careful planning. Each play as a whole usually has a
purpose, a moral underlying; and lest we might overlook it, he
often drives it home with his moral tag at the end.

May we make use of

This great example, and learn from it, that
There cannot be a want of power above
To punish murder and unlawful love!

And learne from this example, ther's no trust
In a foundation that is built on lust.

There is the guiding principle of The Duke of Milan, and so on.
Of course, this tendency would appear most plainly in his most
serious plays, but even in the lighter plays, whether the moral
element be labeled at the end or not, it is always to be felt in the
play. His characters and their actions will consequently be
shaped to make evident this underlying moral purpose.

With such an aim, the characters are likely to be types rather
than individuals. Even Sir Giles Overreach is the emphasized
type, the " humor " character. This purpose accounts also for
the lack of convincingness of some of Massinger's villains or
those who are not wholly good. There is no gradual process of

35 C. M. Gayley, Representative English Comedies, Vol. II, Introduc
tion to A New Way to Pay Old Debts.

THE DUKE OF MILAN 37

deterioration in character. They simply shift from good to bad
when the exigencies of plot demand it. Still, when we come to
the end, we know clearly what Massinger intended his character
to be, whether we agree that he has succeeded in making it that
or not. Therefore, we find no puzzling questions of interpreta
tions of character. He does not permit himself to be carried
away into irregularities by throwing his whole interest into the
painting of some unit of humanity that has fascinated him. A
conscious craftsman, he has a story to bring forward, usually
with a moral purpose behind it. Therefore, he must have the
types of persons who would logically work out that story. They
are made accordingly. Thus it is that we often feel that his char
acters have a certain stiffness and aloofness, that they move but
not with their own motion. So it is easy in The Duke of Milan
to see to what type Massinger intended each of his characters to
belong. Sforza is a proud, noble, but doting prince ; Marcelia
is an equally proud, noble, and loving princess ; and Francisco is
intended to be the gentleman seeking to redress his wounded
honor, etc. But I can not feel that any one of them attains to
the rank of individuals.

Massinger's characterization, then, is not for character's sake
primarily, but for his moral story's sake ; and each scene, almost
each speech, contributes definitely to the advancement of the
story. Such an attitude on Massinger's part accounts for the
objection often raised that his actors speak out of character, that
his pure heroine, for instance, will betray a knowledge of evil and
will speak of it in a manner that would raise our suspicion in a
real person, or that his modest heroine trumpets her own praises
abroad. The knowledge displayed by the heroine is not her own
but Massinger's. So is also her insistence upon her virtue and
goodness. Massinger wants us to know that she stands for all
goodness and can do no wrong. Therefore he, speaking through
her, tells us so in order that there may be no mistake.

The encounter between Francisco and Marcelia, II, i, well
illustrates this attitude of Massinger's. Their conversation is a
debate covering the various phases of the point at issue rather
than a quarrel resulting from the righteous anger of an insulted
woman. It is a question with Marcelia of that abstract posses
sion of hers called chastity. If Francisco will find a single act

38 THE DUKE OF MILAN

of hers so loosely carried as to lead one to hope to gain her favor,
she will be his strumpet. Because of this attitude, the characters
often have the air of impersonality. They speak of these various
abstract qualities as if they were mere concrete physical posses
sions, they tell us what they feel instead of showing us how they
feel, speaking of their own emotions as if they belonged to some
one else. The same attitude is quite as apparent in Massinger's
treatment of his evil characters, Francisco for instance. We are
never long at a loss to know how he regards them, it is with full
disapprobation. In this he contrasts strongly with Fletcher, who
was not troubled with conscientious scruples. If ever the moral
side of a thing entered Fletcher's head, he doesn't show it.
Therefore, his characters of the worse sort are sketched in with
a lightness and sympathy which makes them real, understandable
human beings. Massinger, lacking this sympathy, produces un
real, unrelieved, automata of evil.

These facts are but the result of a general characteristic in
Massinger. He has a tendency to let his characters tell us what
they are and feel rather than to make them speak and act in such
a way as to show us what they are and feel. At the crisis of
action, one of his characters is likely to inform us, " I feel a
sudden alteration ". Not only does the character inform us of
his or her own symptoms, but we are likely to have our attention
called to them by the comments of other characters, informing us
of what we are supposed to be observing for ourselves. The
scene between Sforza and the Emperor (III, i) is a case in point.
The comments of the three soldiers call our attention to the points
which the author wishes us especially to notice and for which the
scene was written. Sforza has not come in the usual fashion of
a suitor, nor is he a flatterer ; but speaks nobly, winning the admi
ration of the soldiers so that the Emperor does not seem to act
fast enough but sits like a block. Such are the comments, such
is the purpose of the scene. These speeches in this case serve the
double purpose of first, pointing to the main facts of the scene,
giving the attitude that is to be taken toward Sforza, and the in
terpretation that is to be put on his actions, and second of break
ing up the long speeches. Such a device is here not wholly inef
fective, but it is decidedly overworked when we have our attention
called to some action that we should plainly see taking place be
fore our eyes as :

THE DUKE OF MILAN 39

She frownes as if
Her looks could fright us

(II, I, 121-2.)

It is as if the careful stage poet were puttting his stage directions
in the text. Under modern conditions, Massinger's stage direc
tions would be worked out in more detail than George Bernard
Shaw's. Some character, too, is practically certain, either after
the others have gone, or in an aside, to tell us what problem is
facing him or her and sometimes tells us what is to be the course
of action, though the conclusion is often " something I shall do ".
The problem is also often brought before us by means of argu
ment or debate, in which Massinger delighted. Now most of
these things help toward clearness of plot and story, but they are
blemishes upon character drawing. The play wright overshadows
the creator of character.

This attitude also explains the fact that Massinger's charac
ters sometimes become bombastic. It is the natural result of
characterisation with stage effect chiefly in view. If you wish
your characters to rise to the occasion, let them talk louder, and
paint things more luridly. Yet Massinger's natural dignity and
seriousness act as a check upon him and it is only upon very great
occasions, such as Sforza's sorrow for Marcelia, that he becomes
disagreeably bombastic. Perhaps even there, the fact that Sforza
is mad should be taken into consideration.

All these considerations point to one conclusion, Massinger,
in the drawing of character, worked from the outside, at best
drew types. He could reason out in logical sequence what the
guiding principles of his characters should be and what were the
acts that in a moral world would correspond to these ; but when
he tried to put this in the concrete form of character, he was not
able to breathe into his creations that breath of life which would
cause them to live and move and have their being.

Yet to admit that he does work with types, that he does char
acterise from the outside is not necessarily to condemn him abso
lutely. Such a method will hardly give us the vivid personal
feeling that comes from the truly psychologized character, but it
has the advantage of presenting clearly and at a glance what the
author intended his audience to understand, it gets across the
foot lights easily and without effort. It is the stage method,

40 THE DUKE OF MILAN

even more strongly used by Fletcher ; and is precisely what we
would expect of the conscientious workman who is striving to
meet the stage condition he knows so well, from long experience
and observation.

As has been said, we know where to place each character : we
judiciously praise or blame, perhaps like or dislike ; but we do not
passionately take sides and love or hate. Of course, the attitude
we take is the correct one from Massinger's point of view, for
he is aiming more to make clear to us the problems of the play
than to make us take an attitude toward the characters as such.
We are rather to take our attitude toward them because of that
for which they stand.

This moral purpose which lies behind all his more serious
plays and is not absent from his lightest, accounts for much in
Massinger. It is in scenes where some moral or ethical princi
ple is involved that he does his most realistic work and im
presses one most with his earnestness, for he is there speaking
his own deep convictions through the mouthpiece of his charac
ter. He is not the impersonal portrayer of characters, he takes
sides very definitely in his work. Thus it is that Camiola of The
Maid of Honor is so well and sympathetically treated. She was
morally right and was making what Massinger considered a great
choice. Therefore, for her he has no blame. He could for the
time being become that character and describe it from the inside.
It is only with such characters, and in such situations that he is
ever able to do this. Still one must not get the impression that
the work is clumsily done. He has observed for himself and has
observed the observation of others ; that is, there was a body of
dramatic literature behind him and certain types had become
fairly well established. These he, like other playwrights, took
over and used. Thus, in characterisation also Massinger is the
clever, serious workman, not the poetic genius.

THE CONSCIOUS STYLIST

Massinger's style, too, reveals careful effort. It is smooth
and well polished except in a few places where he has intention
ally made the speech and verse rough and irregular in an at
tempt to show emotion. Therefore, a rough line calls for atten-

THE DUKE OF MILAN • 41

tion at once. His style has a steady, slow, long, oratorical sweep
about it that is peculiarly his own. Various factors contribute
to the making of this style. The earlier blank verse of Eliza
bethan times was marked by regularity as to number of feet,
syllables, and accents and each line was taken as a unit, that is,
was end stopped. Gorboduc was sufficiently regular in these re-
spects to win even Pope's praise. In an effort towards greater
freedom, there had been progressive change in two main direc
tions. First, monotonous regularity of the line was broken up
by the added syllable of the double or feminine ending. Second,
the line ceased to be the iron-clad unit and we find run-on lines.
Some writers followed one direction, others the other. Beau
mont,36 with his smooth flowing style, needing the larger unit,
chose the way of the run-on line. He has a comparatively high
percentage of these (20 to 30%) and a low percentage of double
endings (10 to 20%). Fletcher, with his swift, clear-cut, con
versational style, needed the smaller unit. Therefore, we find
comparatively few run-on lines (10% or under) in Fletcher. On
the other hand, we find a very high percentage (60% or over)
of double, not infrequently triple, endings. But Fletcher was
not content even with this and we find also a large number of tri
syllabic feet, contractions, and slurrings within the line itself.

Massiiiger worked about equally along both these lines. His
percentage of run-on lines (about 32 to 52% in his uncollabo-
rated plays) is large. Thus he is composing by large units, by
verse periods in fact. This leads to his fitting in parenthetic and
explanatory sections from time to time. But even in his longest
and at first sight seemingly most hopelessly involved sentences,
there is a smooth regularity of flow and oratorical completeness.
To attempt to break these up into short sections in reading is to
spoil Massinger. He also uses a large percentage of double end
ings (40 to 50% in his uncollaborated plays). This avoids the
monotony of the perfectly regular verse, for though Massinger
is eminently dignified, almost pompous at times if you will, he
is not often stiff. Then, too, Massinger secures a heavy enjam-
bement by frequent light endings (2.05 to 5.80% in his uncol
laborated plays) and by occasional weak endings (as much as

36 These are Boyle's figures, given in New Shakespeare Society Trans
actions, 1886.

42 THE DUKE OF MILAN

3.05% in one case, though a somewhat variable quantity). Both
the double and the light and weak endings tend toward an easier,
a more prose-like style. He does not use slurrings and contrac
tions to any considerable extent. On the contrary, he has a
tendency as might be expected of his dignified style, to give each
syllable full value, especially with words ending in " ion ". For
instance, in The Duke of Milan we find pas-si-ons, III, 3, 112;
af-fec-ti-on, 131; mo-ti-on, 136. The peculiarity with Massin-
ger's dissolution is that it occurs frequently within the line, not
merely at the end. As a result of these characteristics, Massinger
gets a style that is more involved, more stately, more formal than
Beaumont's ; one- that is less loose, less conversational than
Fletcher's, an oratorical style in fact. It is in part for this rea
son that Massinger makes his best impression in dignified scenes,
such as trial scenes, where a question is to be argued, or where
his hero or heroine makes a high appeal on moral or ethical
grounds. Perhaps it is to some extent due to this style that we
feel his characters are rather far-away in ordinary conversation,
as if they were speaking a part.

It is worthy of notice that in his versification, Massinger has
caught two of the most characteristic tricks of Fletcher versifi
cation. One37 of these is the repetition of an idea or the addition
of some qualifying phrase as if in after thought. Massinger re
peats in much the same way but his repetition is almost purely for
emphasis and is likely to be a word for word repetition, while
Fletcher only repeats much the same idea as if he were playing
with it, ringing the changes on it. The following examples illus
trate this difference.

" And a woman,

A woman beat 'em, Nennius ; a weak woman,

A woman, beat these Romans ! "

Bonduca, I, 1/47*).

37 Repetition for emphasis is frequent in this play.

Cf. I, 3, 70; I, 3, 74-5; I, 3, 313; II, i, 20-1 ; II, i, 115; II, i, 156-7; II,

1, 188; II, i, 275-6; II, i, 282; II, i, 284-5; II, i, 298-9; II, i, 383; II, i,
387; II, i, 388-9; II, i, 402-3; III, i, 262; III, i, 265-6; III, 2, 76-7; III,

2, 97; III, 2, 119; III, 3, 16; IV, 2, 36; V, i, 67-8; V, 2, 222-3; V, 2, 248.

Closely akin to this is the addition of a further qualification connected
by "and." Cf. II, i, 154-5; IV, 3, 278-9; V, i, 102-3; V, i, 157-8.

THE DUKE OF MILAN . 43

" And, by mine honour, much drink, valiant drink :
Never tell me, thou shalt have drink. I see,
Like a true friend, into thy wants; 'tis drink."

Bonduca, I, i(4Qa).

" You are in love, I know it ;
You are an ass, and all the camp shall know it ;
A peevish idle boy, your dame shall know it ;
A wronger of my care, yourself shall know it."

Bonduca, I, i(49b).

" For 'tis a deed of Night, of Night Francisco."

Duke of Milan, I, 3, 313.

" I defie thee,
Thee, and thy pardons, proud one."

II, i, 156-7.

" Learne Women, learne to trust in one another ;
There is no faith in Man : Sforza is false,
False to Marcelia."

II, I, 387-9.

Much the same distinction holds true of their added phrases,
Massinger adds for emphasis, Fletcher as an afterthought. The
second of these tricks is the ending a line with an extra mono
syllable, most characteristic when it is heavy, as " too ". Mas-
singer does this rather frequently, as may be seen by the exam
ples quoted under the footnote.38

38 1, i, 52; I, 3, 183; II, i, 90; III, i, 55; IV, i, 21 ; IV, 3, 49; V, 2, 65;
V, 2, 148 ; V, 2, 188 ; V, 2, 195.

He used " so " in the same way. Cf. I, 3, 215 ; I, 3, 230; I, 3, 270; I, 3,
346; II, i, 12; II, i, 344; III, i, 74) IV, i, ii.

"then" is used in the same way— I, 3, 308; III, 2, 54; IV, 2, 63; IV,
3, 182; IV, 3, 281.

" to "—II, i, 339.

"now"— III, 2, 64; IV, 3, 286.

"there" — III, i, 42; V, i, 161.

" out " — II, i, 175.

"at"— II, i, 338.

" no " — III, 2, 5.

" off "—IV, 3, 124.

"this"— II, i, 257.

"part"— III, i, 10.

" thus "—III, 3, 22.

" done "—IV, 3, 273-

44 THE DUKE OF MILAN

Therefore, while these characteristics are valuable for sepa
rating Fletcher's work from Beaumont's, they need to be used
with caution, when it is a question of Fletcher or Massinger. Mr.
Bullen's statement39 that the ending of a line with an emphatic
extra monosyllable is a "practice in which he (Fletcher) stands
alone " is incorrect. Mr. Boyle made the same supposition in his
treatment of A New Way to Pay Old Debts. Here, too, it seems
that Massinger has been the apt pupil of Fletcher. The Duke
of Milan is an excellent specimen of Massinger's- style. There
are several opportunities for speech making well used, the best
of which is perhaps Sforza's really noble speech before the Em
peror. If Massinger is read in the full, deep, dignified, con
trolled style of the orator, each part falls into its place and the
period is natural ; if not he is a " howling wilderness " of de
pendent clauses and parenthetical statement. It is this larger
element that Swinburne missed in his brilliant little imitation of
Massinger contained in his article upon him. The phrases are
there, the idea is there, the seeming loose elements of the sentence
are there ; but they are not bound together in the oratorical period
that is characteristic of Massinger. The speeches just mentioned
are splendid illustrations of this style at its best, since, from the
nature of his style, it is in trial scenes or scenes requiring set
speeches, such as the above, that Massinger makes his best im
pression.

Naturally, such a style as we have described does not lend
itself to the give and take conversation of comedy as readily as
Fletcher's. It does not fit the jesting of a clown or the suppos
edly simple nothings of a lover. Consequently we need not ex
pect the bright sparkling comedy of wit and words, so frequent
in Shakespeare. Neither has Massinger the droll sense of humor
characteristic of Beaumont. As a result, his comic scenes are
not especially successful. In The Duke of Milan the opening
speeches of the gentlemen, who are supposedly at least the pro
verbial three sheets in the wind, are good examples of his comic
element. In spite of their infirmities, they keep their dignified
oratorical tone. One can hardly help comparing them in this
respect with the drunkards in The Coxcomb (I, 5, 6), or those
in The Tempest, whom I have a sneaking suspicion Massinger

a9 D. N. B., XIX, 305b.

THE DUKE OF MILAN 45

thought he was imitating, as he more obviously attempted to do
in The Bashful Lover, III, i.

Probably another element of his nature is here involved. The
lighter comic material of the time was rather broad, to say the
least. Massinger, the professional playwright, must have comedy
and consequently must use the accepted material ; but there is
something of elephantine floundering about his use of it. Fletcher,
with his rapidity of style and lightness of touch, is eminently
fitted for this work, really takes some enjoyment in it and suc
ceeds in making it go. Whatever attitude we may take toward
the moral side of it, we must admit the humor. But Massinger
evidently has no especial joy in the necessary duty, and the result
is far from pleasing. I do not recall a single comic scene of this
type that is altogether satisfactory. The one that at first sight
comes nearest being satisfactory is the opening scene in The Rene-
gado with the clerk crying his wares. Yet here (as throughout
the play) the comedy lies more in the "humor" of the clerk.
This limitation of Massinger seems to have been realized at the
time, as he almost never deals with the comic element in the col
laborated plays.

Indeed, in comedy Massinger succeeded best in the " humor "
type. Sylli, probably his most successful comic character of the
lighter type, is distinctly a " humor " character, even to his name.
The whole play of the New Way to Pay Old Debts is distinctly
of the "humor" type and Sir Giles Overreach is distinctly a
humor character as is Greedy, both being placarded with their
names. In fact, this, I think, accounts for Massinger's great
success with the New Way. It is rather serious comedy, if we
can accept it as comedy at all, and only avoids tragedy by a
perilous device. In view of the New Way to Pay Old Debts, I
feel that it is rather unfortunate that Massinger was not more
under the influence of Jonson and less under that of Fletcher,
that he did not follow Jonson in the " humor " comedy rather
than Fletcher in the line of Tragicomedy, for to me it seems that
Fletcher has been the shaping influence here. Massinger col
laborated with him for years and succeeded to his position. He
seems to have tried to keep up the popular tradition, the " brand."
It may be noted that the New Way was not for the King's Men
but for the Queen's. Besides, as the literary workman, he would

46 THE DUKE OF MILAN

naturally keep his eye on the trade and this was the day of the
tragicomedy, the tragedy of blood had had its day and had been
superseded. The " humor " comedy was especially fitted for him
because the lighter witty touches are not needed and his habit of
directness, following one line, is especially fitted for this type,
the strong feature of which is the emphasizing one element in a
character so as to make it a guiding principle. For its purpose,
too, of holding certain traits up for reprobation it would have
suited Massinger well.

Massinger succeeds best, then, both in Tragedy and Comedy
where a certain element of dignity and directness is required.

MASSINGER'S HABIT OF REPETITION

Massinger has one characteristic, however, extending through
construction, characterisation and style which calls for separate
attention, that is the trick of repetition. Now, naturally most
writers have a tendency to repeat. Fletcher does so often, espe
cially in construction and characterisation ; but Massinger repeats
more often and more exactly, even in sentiments, phrasing, and
words. The taking to task of Sforza by Stephano is parallelled
in situation and sentiment in The Picture i, 2, where Eubulus
takes the king to task for his too great worship of his wife. In
fact, as Gifford points out, in his note at the end of The Duke of
Milan (see last note), there is an interesting parallel between the
two plays as a whole.

This bent of repetition is especially shown in Massinger's
tendency to use certain phrases and expressions which have al
most the appearance of formulae to be used on certain fixed occa
sions. For instance, see the village nurse comparison of Duke
of Milan, IV, 3, 234-5; Renegado, I, i (i34b) ; New Way, V, i
(42ob). In each case, the indecision and mere talk of a charac
ter is compared in very similar terms with the action of a village
nurse and contrasted with the action the character should take.
Thus the situation, idea, and expression is very similar in all
the cases. These formulae tend to go in cycles as one would
naturally expect. The example I have quoted covers possibly
five years. So true is this that, if one could get a thorough list
of parallels, it would afford a rather strong indication of the

THE DUKE OF MILAN 47

position of a play in the series. In proving a disputed play, this
matter of parallels is perhaps the strongest piece of evidence.
Parallels, together with the metrical tests, enable one to say with
a great degree of certainty in what plays Massinger certainly
wrote, provided he wrote the section entire and it has not been
tampered with. All of these characteristics reveal Massinger as
the skillful playwright.

FINAL ESTIMATE OF The Duke of Milan

The result of all these qualities in The Duke of Milan is a
carefully plotted play whose faults lie fundamentally in the judg
ment and taste of the author, not in carelessness. It has two
points where this judgment and taste were noticeably bad, the
ladies' quarrel of the second act and the disconnectedness of the
fifth act. It may be said in Massinger's favor that he learned
better how to present a quarrel between ladies so that in the
clashes in The Emperor of the East, especially in those between
Pulcheria and Eudocia, we do not find such low, undignified,
treatment.

The fault of the fifth act is a graver charge and, while it is to be
explained, is not to be excused. The act stands by itself as a unit,
and, as I have already said, might almost be considered as a
sequel to the first part. The climax of the play is reached at the
end of the fourth act and matters should be brought to a con
clusion at once if the emotional tone is to be held. But Mas-
singer deliberately lets the attention drop and goes into a rather
long preparation for another element in the story. But not only
is there a break in emotional continuity, there is also a shift in
our attitude toward the characters of Francisco and Sforza.
New elements are brought to our attention in the characters of
both, which call for a readjustment of attitude toward them. As
I have shown, Massinger intended to warn us ; but his sign posts
were not striking enough. The effect is still further to intensify
the break. Massinger may have felt this and have tried to offset
it by an unusually striking last scene. But in his strikingness he
has become merely theatrical and in his height bombastic. It is
a far cry from a Sforza to an Othello. Yet we must remember
that here, too, he did but use the general accompaniment of such

48 THE DUKE OF MILAN

scenes in his time, lurid descriptions and bombastic expressions.
As compared with the poison scene in the Wife for a Month,
IV, 4, this seems rather mild. Still the fifth act must be consid
ered a serious blemish upon the play.

Massinger, then, is characterised throughout by careful, se
rious workmanship, and it is by this means that he attains his
ends rather than by inspired insight into character or the unfor
gettable word and phrase. The impulse to write seems to come
from without, from the force of circumstances rather than from
within ; his is not the feeling that he needs must write and in that
lies all pleasure.

MASSINGER'S CONCEPTION OF TRAGEDY

What, then, was Massinger's idea of tragedy? As we will
have seen from the preceding discussions, it was not the Shake
spearian idea, which is grounded in character. We have no
study of the small defect appearing, and relentlessly and inevi
tably growing to its full tragic conclusion, carrying before it both
good and bad. We find no Hamlet, Lear, Macbeth, Othello.
Nor is it the tragedy of Beaumont, who follows at a distance in
the same school with his Evadne. It is rather the tragedy of
Fletcher, with much the same ideal that is shown in Valentinian
or Bonduca. This idea is to present a tragic story, laying em
phasis upon the outward horror-giving manifestations rather
than upon the inner struggle. Such a tragedy, therefore, pre
sents an ordered sequence of striking situations which will get
directly across to the eye and emotions, it presents not the depth
but the tumult of the soul. To make this appeal stronger, the
merely physical side is dwelt upon. Bonduca and her daughters
meeting deatk, Theocrine thrust forth in The Unnatural Combat
with the final sweep of ghosts, dead-doing thunder and lightning
and horrors generally are good examples. As Mr. Cunliffe says,40
"this emphasis upon the outward horrors and the steadfastness
with which the characters meet death are traits of the Senecan
school as well as the bombastic language in which these are likely
to be expressed." Striking, theatrically effective if you will ; but
not the best and deepest tragedy. Yet the dignified Massinger

40 Influence of Seneca on Elizabethan Tragedy.

THE DUKE OF MILAN 49

never goes quite to such extremes as does Fletcher and he is con
sequently more convincing. In individual scene, Massinger does
not rise so high as Fletcher, but the reverse is true when w.e
consider plays as a whole and in this difference lies Massinger's
advantage over Fletcher as a tragic dramatist. Massinger, with
his careful, definite plan, gets his effect by a constantly and stead
ily increasing interest, holds the attention till the action as a
whole is before us. His work is a unit, a whole. Fletcher has
very striking individual scenes, but he has not this power of
cumulative tragic suspense. His work is, therefore, likely to be
uneven in quality and to sacrifice everything to a strong, theatri
cally effective scene. In fact, the two writers were rather the
complements each of the other. The power of Fletcher in poetic
expression and striking situation joined with Massinger's supe
rior craftsmanship would have produced a tragedy which would
have been on the side of mere action and theatrical effectiveness,
what Shakespeare's tragedies are on the side of character.

MASSINGER'S RANK

Our final estimate of Massinger will to a great degree be de
termined according as we insist on the importance of the careful
working out of the mechanics of the play, the playwright side,
or whether we take the more romantic attitude and insist upon
the tone, the characterisation, the poetry of the play. It is,
therefore, not surprising that the German theses rank Massinger
highly, many placing him next Shakespeare himself.

In accord with this, too, is Professor Brander Matthews41
feeling : " A dramatic poet he is beyond question, but he is far
greater as dramatist than he is as poet. His inferiority to Mar
lowe, for example, as a poet is as obvious as his superiority over
Marlowe as a playwright. His merit is in the structure and con
duct of each of his plays as a whole ; and this is not detachable
and portable like the unforgettable phrases of Marlowe. There
is an even eloquence in Massinger's writing, but scarcely a single
sentence wherein he has packed ' infinite riches in a little room.'
As Mr. Symons says, it is not hard to find in plenty lines that are

41 C. M. Gayley, Representative English Comedies, Introduction to
a New Way to Pay Old Debts.

THE DUKE OF MILAN

easy, flowing, vigorous, persuasive, ' but nowhere a line in which
colour and music make a magical delight of golden concords.' . . .
" It is only when he is considered as a playwright, pure and
simple, that Massinger shows to best advantage and that he takes
rank over his contemporary rivals. As a playwright, pure and
simple, Massinger demands a place immediately after Shake
speare, and it is upon Shakespeare that he has plainly enough
modelled himself." This quotation well sums up and shows the
attitude, the reaction, of the two types of thought to Massinger.
According as you value more, dramatic technique, or dramatic
poetry and characterisation so will you value Massinger. In the
first, his rank must be high, in the second, it is lower.

EDITOR'S NOTES ON TEXT

This is a critical edition with apparatus. Its aim is to present
the text, as nearly as possible, as Massinger wished it printed.
Therefore, all accepted emendations have been inserted into the
text of the first quarto with brackets, and in most cases a note
has been made giving the reason for the change. Abbreviated
stage directions have been completed in brackets and a few have
been inserted where they might be of advantage to the reader.
In such cases, I have usually followed Gifford. In a few cases,
stage directions have been returned to their proper places from
the positions in which they were put because of lack of space in
the first quarto. All such changes from the first quarto are given
in the notes. The play has been lined, which necessitated re
arrangement of lines in a few cases. In such cases, the original
arrangement is given in a note. The very few simple misprints
of letters are noted. All variations in wording up to and includ
ing Gilford's second edition have been noted at the bottom of the
page, also all important changes in punctuation. The reading of
the first quarto appears first at the left of the page, then the read
ing of any of the later editions which disagree, the editions being
arranged in chronological order. I have used Gifford's second
edition for reference, mentioning the first only when it varies.
Gx and N taken together will give the difference of Gifford's
second edition from his first.

Qj = first quarto, 1623.
Q2 = second quarto, 1638.

C = Coxeter's edition, 1759.
M== Mason's edition, 1779.

N = Massinger's MS. note in a quarto of 1623. See

Introduction.
Gj^Gifford's first edition, 1805.

G = Gifford's second edition, 1813.

THE D VKE

MILLAINE.

A TRAGMDIE.

As it hath beene often afted by his Maiefties
feruants, at the blacke Friers.

Written by PHILIP MASSINGER Gent.

LONDON

Prin[t]ed by B. A. for Edward Elackmore^ and are

to be fold at his fhop at the great South

doore of Pauls. 1623.

[Vpon This Worke Of His Beloued Friend
The Avthor.

I Am fnap't already, and may goe my way;
The Poet Critick's c[om]e; I heare him fay,
This Towne's miftooke, the Author's Worke 's a Play.
He could not miffe it; he will f trait appeare
At such a baite; 'twas laid on purpofe there
To take the vermine, and I haue him here.
Sirra, you wilbe nibling; a fmall bitt
(A fillable), when yo' are i' the hungry fitt
Will ferue to ftay the ftomache of your witt.
Foole: Knaue; what's worfe ?for worfe cannot depraue thee.
And were the diuell now inftantly to haue thee,
Thou canft not inftance fuch a worke to faue thee,
'Mongft all the ballets which thou doft compofe,
And what thou ftil'ft thy Poems, ill as those,
And, void of rime and reafon, thy worfe Profe.
Yet like a rude lack-fause in Poefie,
With thoughts vnbleft and hand unmannerly,
Rauifhing branches from Apollo's tree:
Thou mak'ft a garland (for thy touch unfit)
And boldly deck' ft thy pig-brain'd fconce with it,
As if it were the Supreme Head of zvit.
The blameles Mufes blufh, who not allow
That reuerend Order to each vulgar brow;
Whofe fin full touch prophanes the holy Bough.
Hence (f hallow Prophet} and admire the ftraine
Of thine owne Pen, or thy poore Copef mat's veine:
This Piece too curious is for thy coarfe braine,
Here witt (more fortvnate) is ioyn'd with Art,
And that mo ft f acred Frenzie beares a part,
Infufd by Nature in the Poet's heart.
Here may the Puny-wits themfelues direct;
Here may the Wi[f]eft find what to affect;
And Kings may learne their proper Dialect.
Oh then, deare friend: thy Pen thy Name fhall fpread,
And shal'ft thou zvrite, while thou fhall not be read,
Thy Mufe muft labour, when thy Hand is dead. W. B.

" come ", the original has " cane " which the second quarto emends as
given. Hazlitt retains " cane ".

" Wisest ", the original has " Wilest " which the second quarto emends
as given. Hazlitt emends " Vilest ".

TO THE RIGHT

ESTEEMED FOR HER HIGH
BIRTH, BVT MORE ADMI-

red for her vertue, the Lady KATHE-

RINE STANHOPE, wife to

PHILIP LORD STANHOP,

Baron of Shelford.

DAM : // / were not moft affured that
workes of this nature, hath found both pa- 10

tronage, and protection, amongft the greateft
Princeffes of Italie, and are at this day che-
rifhed by perfons moft eminent in our king-
dome, I fhould not prefume to offer this my

weake, and imperfect labours, at the altar of your fauour, let the 15
example of others more knowing, and more experienced in this
kind (if my boldneffe offend) pleade my pardon, and the rather
fince there is no other meanes left mee (my mif fortunes hauing
caft me on this courfe, to publifh to the world, if it hold the leaft
good opinion of mee) that I am euer your Lady f hips creature 20

vouchfafe therefore with the neuer fayling clemency of Your
Noble difpofition, not to contemne the tender of his duty, who
while hee is, will eucr bee.

An humble feruant to your

Ladyfhip, and yours. 25

PHILIP M[A]SS[I]NGER.
10 hath] Q2 C M G, have.
12 Princesses] Q2 C M, Princes.
14 this] Q2 C M G, these.
17 kind] G, kindness.
26 Messenger] Q2 C M N G, Massinger.

5 55

THE NAMES OF THE
ACTORS.

Ludouico Sforza. a fuppofed Duke of Millaine.
Signior Francifco. his efpeciall fauorite.

c. , \-two Lords of his Counfell.

Stephano. J

Pefcara, a Marqueffe, and friend to Sforza.
Graccho. a creature of Mariana fifter to Sforza.

[lovio
Giouanni
Charles the Emperour.
Hernando 1

Medina \Captaines to the Emperour.

[Alphonso] J

Marcelia. the Dutches wife to Sforza.

Ifabella. mother to Sforza.

Mariana. wife to Francifco, and fifter to Sforza.

Eugenia. fifter to Francifco.

2. PoftS.

A Beadle.

Waiters.

Mutes.

[Three Gentlemen.]

[Fiddlers.]

\Two Doctors.}
L j

[A Gentlewoman.]

The bracketed names are Gifford's except as noted below.

lovio] Julio, G.

Alphonso] inserted C M G.

2 Posts] Two couriers, G.

A Beadle] An Officer, G.

Waiters. Mutes] Guards, Servants, Attendants, G.

THE DVKE OF
MILLAINE.

Act [us] Prim[i] Scaefna] Pri[ma].
Graccho, loirio, Giouanni, with Flagons.

Gra. Take euery man his flagon : giue the oath
To al you meet : I am this day, the ftate drunkard ;
(I am fure againft my will) And if you finde
A man at ten, that's fober, hee's a Traitor,
And in my name arreft him.

lo. Very good Sir : 5

But fay hee be a Sexton?

Gra. If the bells,

Ring out of tune, as if the ftreet were burning,
And he cry 'tis rare Muficke : bid him fleepe,
'Tis a figne he has tooke his liquour ; And if you meet
An officer preaching of fobriety, 10

Vnleffe he read it in Geneiia print,
Lay him by the heeles.

lo. But thinke you tis a fault

To be found fober?

Gra. It is Capitall Treafon,

Or if you Mittigate it, Let fuch pay

Fortie Crownes to the poore ; But giue a pention 15

To all the magiftrates, you find finging catches,
Or their Wiues dauncing; For the Courtier [']s reeling,
And the Duke himfelfe, (I dare not fay diftemperd,
But kind, and in his tottering chaire caroufing)

They doe the countrie feruice. If you meet, 20

One that eates bread, a child of Ignorance,
And bred yp in the darkeneffe of no drinking
[Againft his will you may initiate him]

I, I, Stage direction, louio] G, Julio, wherever it occurs in scene.

I, i, 9 tooke] G, ta'en.

I, i, 23. See Introduction, Early Editions, note I.

58 THE DUKE OF MILAN

In the true pofture, though he die in the taking

His drench, it fkilles not : What's a priuate man 25

For the publike honour? we haue nought elfe to thinke on.

And fo deere friends, copartners in my trauailes

Drinke hard ; and let the health run through the City,

Vntill it reele againe : and with me crie :

Long Hue the Dutches. Enter Tiberio Stephana.

lo. Heere are two Lords ; what thinke you ? 30

Shall we giue the oath to them ?

Gra. Fie, nov: I know them,

You neede not fweare'em ; your Lord, by his pattent
Stands bound to take his roufe. Long Hue the Dutches.

Exit Gra[ccho] Io[uio and Giouanni.]

Step. The caufe of this, but yefterday the court,
Wore the fad liuerie of diftruft, and f eare ; 35

No fmile, not in a buffon to bee feene,
Or common iefter ; The great Duke himfelf e,
Had forrow in his face : which waited on
By his mother, fifter, and his faireft Dutches,

Difperf'd a filent mourning through all Millaine: 40

As if fome great blow had been giuen the State,
Or were at leaft expected.

Tib. Stephana,

I know, as you are noble, you are honeft,
And capable of fecrets, of more weight,

Then now I fhall deliuer. If that Sforsa, 45

The prefent Duke, (though his whole life hath beene,
But one continued pilgrimage, through dangers,
Affrights, and horrors : which, his Fortune, guided
By his ftrong ludgement, ftill hath ouercome)

Appeares now fhaken, it deferues no wonder. 50

All that his youth hath laboured for : the harueft
Sowen by his induftry, readie to be reap'd, to,
Being now at the ftake ; And all his hopes confirmd,
Or loft for euer.

Step. I know no fuch hazard :

[His guards are ftrong, and fure, his coffers full] 55

I, J» 33/34 Exit] CMC, Exeunt.

I, I, 38 which waited] Q» C M G, which, waited.

I, i, 53 at the stake] C M G, at stake,

I, i, 55. See Introduction, Early Editions, note i.

THE DUKE OF MILAN 59

The people well affected ; And fo wifely

His prouident care hath wrought : that though warre rages

In moft parts of our wefterne world, there is

No enemie neere vs.

Tib. Dangers that we fee

To threaten ruine, are with eafe preuented : 60

But thofe ftrike deadly, that come vnexpected ;
The lightning is f arre off : yet foone as feene,
We may behold the terrible effects,
That it produceth. But lie helpe your knowledge,
And make his caufe of feare familiar to you. 65

The warre fo long continued betweene
The Emperour Charles, and Francis the French King
Haue interreft'd in cithers caufe, the moft
Of the Italian Princes: Among which Sjorza,

As one of greateft power, was fought by both, 70

But with affurance hauing one his friend,
The other liu'd his enemie.

Step. Tis true,

And 'twas a doubtfull choice.

Tib. But hee, well knowing,

And ha [t] ing too, (it feemes) the Spanish pride,
Lent his affiftance to the King of France: 75

Which hath fo farre incenf'd the Emperor,
That all his hopes, and honours are embark'd,
With his great Patrons Fortune.

Step. Which ftands faire,

For ought I yet can heare.

Tib. But fhould it change,

The Duke's vndon. They haue drawne to the field 80

Two royall armies, full of fierie youth,
Of equall fpirit to dare, and power to doe :
So neere entrench'd, that 'tis beyond all hope,
Of humaine councell, they can er'e be feuerd,

Vntill it be determin'd by the fword, 85

Who hath the better caufe. For the fucceffe,

I, i, 66 warre] M G, wars.
I, I, 68 interrest'd] G, int'eress'd. See note.
I, I, 74 having] M G, hating.

60 THE DUKE OF MILAN

Concludes the victor innocent, and the vanquifh'd
Moft miferably guilty. How vncertaine,
The Fortune of the warre is, children know ;
And, it being in fufpence, on whofe faire Tent,
Win'gd victory wil make her glorious ftand ;
You cannot blame the Duke, though he appeare,
Perplex'd, and troubled.

Step. But why then,

In fuch a time when euery knee fhould bend,

For the fucceffe, and fafetie of his perfon, 95

Are thefe lowd triumphs ? In my weake opinion,
They are vnfeafonable.

Tib. I iudge fo too ;

But onely in the caufe to be excuf'd.
It is the Dutcheffe Birth-day : once a yeere

Solemniz'd, with all pompe, and ceremony : 100

In which, the Duke is not his owne, but hers :
Nay, euery day indeed, he is her creature,
For neuer man fo doted ; But to tell
The tenth part of his fondneffe, to a ftranger,
Would argue me of fiction.

Step. She's indeed, 105

A Lady of moft exquifite forme.

Tib. She knowes it,

And how to prize it.

Step. I ne're heard her tainted,

In any point of honour.

Tib. On my life,

Shee's conftant to his bed, and well deferues

His largeft Fauours. But when beauty is no

Stampt on great women, great in birth, and fortune,
And blowne by flatterers greater then it is,
'Tis feldome vnaccompanied with pride ;
Nor is fhee, that-way free. Prefuming on

The Dukes affection, and her owne Defert, 115

Shee beares her felfe with fuch a Maieftie,

Looking with fcorne on all, as things beneath her :

That Sforzas mother, (that would loofe no part

Of what, was once her owne) : Nor his faire Sifter,

(A Lady toO[,] acquainted with her worth[)] 120

Will brooke it well ; And howfoer'e, their hate,

Is fmother'd for a time, Tis more then f card,

It will at length breake out.

Step. Hee, in whofe power 'tis,

Turne all to the. beft.

Tib. Come, let vs to the Court,

We there fhall fee, all brauery, and coft, 125

That art can boaft of.

Step. He beare you company. Exeunt.

[Actus Primi, Scaena Secunda.]
Enter Francifco, Isabella, Mariana^

Ma. I will not goe, I fcorne to be a fpot
In her proud traine.

If a. Shall I, that am his mother,

Be fo indulgent, as to waite on her,
That owes me duty?

Fra. Tis done to the Duke,

And not to her. And my fweet wife remember, 5

And Madam, if you pleafet,] receiue my councell,
As Sforza is your fonne, you may command him,
And as a fifter you may challenge from him,
A brothers loue, and Fauour: But this grauntedf,]
Confider hee's the Prince, and you, his Subiects, 10

And not to queftion, or contend with her,
Whom hee is pleafd to honour ; Priuate men
Preferre their wiues : and fhall hee being a Prince,
And bleft with one that is the Paradice

Of fweetneffe, and of beauty, to whofe charge, 15

The ftocke of womens goodneffe is giuen vp,
Not vfe her, like her felfe?

If a. You are euer forward,

To fing her praifses[.]

Ma. Others are as faire,

I, I, 120 too acquainted] C M, too, acquainted.
I, 2, 6 please receiue] Q2 C M G, please, receive.
I, 2, 18 praises] Q,. " praises."

62 THE DUKE OF MILAN

I am fure as noble.

Fra. I detract from none,

In giuing her, what[)]s due. Were fhe deform[>]d, 20

Yet being the Dutches, I ftand bound to ferue her,
But as fhe is, to admire her. Neuer wife,
Met with a purer heate her husbands f eruer ;
A happie paire, one in the other bleft :

She confident in her felfe, hee's wholy hers, 25

And cannot feeke for change : and he fecure
That tis not in the power of man to tempt her.
And therefore, to conteft with her that is
The ftronger, and the better part of him,

Is more then folly ; You know him of a nature, 30

Not to be play'd with : and fhould you forget
To obey him as your Prince, hee'le not remember,
The dutie that he owes you.

I fa. Tis but trueth:

Come cleere our browes, and let vs to the banquet,
But not to ferue his Ifloll.

Ma. I fhall doe, 35

What may, become the fifter of a Prince,
But will not ftoope, beneath it.

Fra. Yet be wife,

Sore not too high to fall, but ftoope to rife. Exeunt.

[Actus Primi, Scaena Tertia.]
Enter three Gentlemen fetting forth a banquet.

1. Ge. Quicke, quicke for loues fake, let the court put on
Her choiceft outfide : Coft, and brauerie

Be onely thought of.

2. Gent. All that may be had
To pleafe the eye, the eare, tafte, touch, or fmell,
Are carefully prouided.

5. Gen. Ther's a Mafque, 5

Haue you heard what's the inuention ?

/. Gent. No matter,

It is intended for the Dutches honour.
And if it giue her glorious attributes,

I, 2, 19 sure as noble] C G, sure, as noble.
I, 3, 7 intended] Q2, indeed.

THE DUKE OF MILAN 63

As the moft faire, moft vertuous, and the reft,
'Twill pleafe the Duke. They come.

j. Gent^i All is in order. 10

Enter Tiberio, Stephana, Franctfco, Sforsa, Marcellia,
Isabella, Mariana, attendants

Sfo. You are the Miftris of the f eaft, fit heere ;
O my foules comfort : And when Sforsa bowes
Thus low to doe you honour, let none thinke
The meaneft feruice they can pay my loue,

But as a faire addition to thofe tytles, 15

They ftand poffeft of. Let me glory in
My happineffe, and mightie Kings looke pale
With enuie, while I triumph in mine owne.
O mother looke on her, fifter admire her :

And fince this prefent age yeelds not a woman 20

Worthy to be her fecond, borrow of
Times paft : and let imagination helpe
Of thofe canoniz'd Ladies Sparta boafts of,
And, in her greatneffe, Rome was proud to owe

To fafhion [one] : yet ftill you muft confeffe, 25

The Phoenix of perfection ner'e was feene,
But in my faire Marcelia.

Fra. She's indeede

The wonder of all times.

Tib. Your excellence,

(Though I confeffe you giue her but her owne)

Enforces her modeftie to the defence 30

Of a fweet blufh.

Sfo. It neede not my Marcelia;

When moft I ftriue to praife thee, I appeare
A poore detracter : For thou art indeed
So abfolute in bodie, and in minde,

That, but to fpeake the leaft part to the height, 35

Would aske an Angels tongue : and yet then end
In filent admiration !

Ifab. You ftill court her,

I, 3, 25 fashion : and] N G, fashion one : yet.
I, 3, 30 Enforces] G, Forces. See note.
I, 3, 32 most I] Qi>, I most.
I, 3, 34 absolute] Q2 C M, perfect both.

64 THE DUKE OF MILAN

As if fhe were a Miftris, not your wife.

Sfo. A Miftris mother ? fhe is more to me,

And euery day, deferues more to be fu'de too. 40

Such as are cloyd with thofe they haue embrac'd,
May thinke their wooing done : No night to mee,
But is a brydall one, where Himen lights
His torches f refh, and new : And thofe delights,

Which are not to be cloth'd in ayrie founds, 45

Inioyd, beget defires, as full of heat,
And louiall feruor, as when firft I tafted
Her virgin fruit ; Bleft night, and be it numbred
Amongft thofe happy ones, in which a bleffing

Was by the full confent of all the Starrs, 50

Confer'd vpon mankind.

Marc. My worthieft Lord,

The onely obiect I behold with pleafure :
My pride, my glory, in a word my all ;
Beare witneffe Heauen, that I efteeme my felfe

In nothing worthy of the meaneft praife, 55

You can beftow, vnleffe it be in this,
That in my heart I loue, and honor you.
And but that it would fmell of arrogance,
To fpeake my ftrong defire, and zeale to ferue you :
I then could fay, thefe eyes yet neuer faw 60

The rifing Sun, but that my vowes, and prayers,
Were fent to Heauen, for the profperitie
And fafety of my Lord ; Nor haue I euer
Had other ftudie, but how to appeare

Worthy your f auour : and that my embraces, 65

Might yeeld a fruitfull Harueft of content,
For all your noble trauaile, in the purchafe,
Of her, that's ftill your f eruant ; By thefe lips,
(Which pardon mee, that I prefume to kiffe)

Sfo. O fweare, for euer fweare.

Marce. I ne're will feeke 70

Delight, but in your pleafure : and defire,

I, 3, 70 O sweare] Q2 C M, O sweet.

THE DUKE OF MILAN 65

When you are [fated] with all Earthly glories,
And age, and honours make you fit for Heauen,
That one Graue may receiue vs.

Sf. Tis belieu'r,

Belieu'd, my bleft One.

Mari. How fhe winds her felfe 75

Into his Soule !

Sf. Sit all : Let others feed

On thofe groffe Gates, while Sforza banquets with
Immortall Viands, tane in at his Eyes.
I could Hue euer thus. Command the Eunuch

To fing the Dittie that I laft compos'd, 80

In prayfe of my Marcelia. [Ent(er) Poft] From whence?

Post. From Pauie, my dread Lord.

Sf. Speake, is all loft?

Poft. The Letter will informe you.

Fran. How his Hand fhakes,

As he receiues it?

Mari. This is fome allay

To his hot paffion.

Sf. Though it bring death, ile read it. 85

May it pleafe your Excellence to vnderftand, that the ve-
rie houre I wrot this, I heard a bold defiance deliuered by a
Herald from the Emperor, which was chearefully receiu'd
by the King of France. The battailes being readie to ioyne,
and the Vantguard committed to my charge, inforces me 90

to end abruptly.

Your Highneffe humble Seruant,

Gafpero.

Readie to ioyne, By this, then I am nothing,
Or my Eftate fecure.

Marc. My Lord.

Sf. To doubt, 95

Is worfe then to haue loft : And to defpaire,
Is but to antidate thofe miferies,

I, 3, 72 seated] CMC, sated.

I, 3, 81 Post] G, " Courier " throughout.

I, 3, 84-5 Q«, This . . . passion, one line. See note.

I, 3, 89 battailes] C M, battle.

I. 3. 92 Q: C M Gi, omit " humble ".

I, 3, 97 those] Q2, these.

66 THE DUKE OF MILAN

That muft fall on vs. All my hopes depending

Vpon this battailes fortune ; In my Soule

Me thinkes there fhould be that Imperious power, 100

By fupernaturall, not vfuall meanes,

T'informe me what I am. The caufe confider'd,

Why fhould I feare? The French are bold and ftrong,

Their numbers full, and in their counfels wife :

But then, the haughtie Spaniard is all Fire, 105

Hot in his executions ; Fortunate

In his attempts ; Married to victorie :

I, there it is that fhakes me.

Franc. Excellent Lady:

This day was dedicated to your Honor :

One gale of your fweet breath will eafily no

Difperfe thefe Clouds : And, but your felf e, ther's none
That dare fpeake to him.

Marc. I will run the hazard.

My Lord?,

Sf. Ha : Pardon me Marcelia, I am troubled ;

And ftand vncertaine, whether I am Mafter
Of ought that's worth the owning.

Marc. I am yours Sir; 115

And I haue heard you fweare, I being fafe,
There was no loffe could moue you. This day Sir,
Is by your guif t made mine : Can you reuoke
A Grant made to Marcelia? Your Marcelia?

For whofe loue, nay, whofe honour (gentle Sir) 120

All deepe defignes, and State affaires def er'd :
Be, as you purpos'd, merrie.

Sf. [Throws away the letter] Out of my fight,
And all thoughts that may ftrangle mirth forfake me.
Fall what can fall, I dare the worft of Fate ;

Though the Foundation of the Earth fhould fhrinke, 125

The glorio[u]s Eye of Heauen loofe his Splendor:
Supported thus, I'le ftand vpon the ruins,

I, 3, 104 Qi omits " in ".

I, 3, 126 glorions] Q2 C M G; glorious.

THE DUKE OF MILAN 67

And feeke for new life here. Why are you fad ?

No other fports ? By Heauen he's not my friend,

That weares one Furrow in his Face. I was told 130

There was a Mafque.

Franc. They waite your Highneffe pleafure,

And when you pleafe to haue it.

Sf. Bid'em enter:

Come, make me happie once againe. I am rap't,
'Tis not to day, to morrow, or the next,

But all my dayes, and yeeres fhall be employed 135

To doe thee honour.

Marc. And my life to ferue you. A Home.

[Sf.] Another Poft? Goe hang him, hang him I fay,
I will not interrupt my prefent pleafures,
Although his meffage fhould import my Head :
Hang him I fay.

Marc. Nay, good Sir, I am pleas'd, 140

To grant a little intermiffion to you ;
Who knowes, but he brings newes, we wifh to heare,
To heighten our delights.

Sf. As wife as faire.

Ent[er] another Poft.
From Gafperof

Post. That was, my Lord.

Sf. How, dead?

Poft. With the deliuery of this, and prayers, 145

To guard your Excellencie from certaine dangers,
He ceaft to be a Man.

Sf. All that my f eares

Could fafhion to me, or my enemies wifh
Is falne vpon me. Silence, that harfh muficke,

'Tis now vnfeaf enable ; A tolling Bell, 150

As a fad Harbinger to tell me, that,
This pamper'd lumpe of Flefh, muft feaft the Wormes.
'Tis fitter for me, I am fick.

Marc. My Lord.

I, 3, 137 Franc.] Q2 C M G, Sf.

I, 3, 146 Excellencie] Q2, Excellence.

I, 3, 153 'Tis fitter] M G, Is fitter.

68 THE DUKE OF MILAN

Sf. Sick to the death, Marcelia, Remoue

Thefe fignes of mirth, they were ominous, and but vfherd 155

Sorrow and ruine.

Marc. Bleffe vs Heauen !

Ifab. My Sonne.

Marc. What fuddaine change is this ?

Sf. All leaue the roome ;

He beare alone the burthen of my griefe,
And muft admit no partner. I am yet

Your Prince, wher's your obedience? Stay Marcelia: 160

I cannot be fo greedie of a forrow,
In which you muft not fhare.

[Exeunt Tiberio, Stephana, Francisco, Isabella,

Mariana, two Posts, and Attendants.]

Marc. And cheare fully,

I will fuftaine my part. Why looke you pale?
Where is that wonted conftancie, and courage,

That dar'd the worft of Fortune? Where is Sforza? 165

To whom 'all dangers that fright common men,
Appear'd but Panicque terrors ? Why doe you eye me
With fuch fix'd lookes ? Loue, counfell, dutie, feruice,
May flow from me, not danger.

Sf. O Marcelia!

It is for thee I feare : For thee, thy Sforza 170

Shakes like a coward ; For my felfe, vnmou'd :
I could haue heard my troupes were cut in peeces,
My Generall flaine ; And he, on whom my hopes
Of Rule, of State, of Life, had their dependance ;

The King of France, my greateft friend, made prifoner 175

To fo proud enemies.

Marc. Then you haue iuft caufe

To fhow you are a Man.

Sf. All this were nothing,

Though I ad to it, that I am affur'd
For giuing ayd to this vnfortunate King,

The Emperour incenc'd, layes his command 180

On his victorious Army, flefh'd with fpoyle,

I, 3, 154 to the death] C M, to death.

THE DUKE OF MILAN 69

And bold of conqueft, to march vp againft me,

And feafe on my Eftates : Suppofe that done too,

The Citie tane, the Kennels running blood,

The ranfack'd Temples, falling on their Saints : 185

My Mother in my fight, tofs'd on their Pikes,

And Sifter rauifh'd : And my felf e bound faft .

In Chaines, to grace their Triumph : Or what elfe,

An Enemies infolence could load me with,

I would be Sforza ftill ; But when I thinke, 190

That my Marcelia (to whom, all thefe

Are but as Atomes to the greateft Hill)

Muft fuffer in my caufe : And for me fuffer

All Earthly torments ; Nay, euen thofe the damn'd

Houl for in Hell, are gentle ftrokes, compar'd 195

To what I feele Marcelia.

Marc. Good Sir, haue patience:

I can as well partake your aduerfe fortune,
As I thus long haue had an ample fhare,
In your profperitie. Tis not in the power

Of Fate to alter me : For while I am, 200

In fpight oft, I am yours.

Sf. But fhould that will

To be fo forc'd Marcelia? And I Hue
To fee thofe Eyes I prize aboue mine owne,
Dart fauours (though compel'd) vpon another?

Or thofe fweet Lips (yeelding Immortall Nectar) 205

Be gently touch'd by any but my felfe?
Thinke, thinke Marcelia, what a curfed thing
I were, beyond expreffion.

Marc. Doe not feed

Thofe iealous thoughts ; The only bleffing that

Heauen hath beftow'd on vs, more then on beafts, 210

Is, that 'tis in our pleafure when to dye.
Befides, were I now in anothers power,
There are fo many wayes to let out life,

I, 3, 193 M G, suffer ! All.
I, 3, 201-2. See note.
I» 3, 203 mine] M G, my.

70 THE DUKE OF MILAN

I would not Hue, for one fhort minute, his ;

I was borne only yours, and I will dye fo. 215

Sf. Angels reward the goodneffe of this Woman :

All I can pay is nothing. [Ent(er) Francif(co).] Why vncall'd f or ?

Franc. It is of waight, Sir, that makes me thus preffe
Vpon your priuacies. Your conftant friend

The Marquiffe of Pefcara, tyr'd with haft, 220

Hath bufineffe that concernes your life and fortunes,
And with fpeed to impart.

Sf. Waite on him hether ; Ex[it] Franc[isco].

And deereft to thy Clofet : Let thy prayers
Affift my counfels.

Marc. To fpare imprecations

Againft my felfe; without you I am nothing. Ex[it] Marc[elia]. 225

Sf. The Marquiffe of Pefcara ; A great Souldior :
And though he feru'd vpon the aduerfe partie,
Euer my conftant friend.

Enter Francifco, Pefcara.

Franc. Yonder he walkes,

Full of fad thoughts.

Pefc. Blame him not good Francifco,

He hath much caufe to grieue : Would I might end fo, 230

And not ad this, to feare.

Sf. My deere Pefcara:

A miracle in thefe times, a friend and happie,
Cleaues to a falling fortune.

Pefc. If it were

As well in my weake power, in act to raife it,

As 'tis to beare a part of forrow with you ; 235

You then mould haue iuft caufe to fay, Pefcara
Look'd not vpon your State, but on your Vertues,
When he made fuit to be writ in the Lift
Of thofe you fauord. But my haft forbids

All complement. Thus then, Sir, to the purpofe. 240

The caufe that vnattended brought me hether,

I, 3, 226 Pescara ;] C M, Pescara?; G, Pescara!

THE DUKE OF MILAN 71

Was not to tell you of your loffe, or danger;

For Fame hath many Wings to bring ill tidings,

And I prefume you haue heard it : But to giue you

Such friendly counfell, as perhaps may make 245

Your fad difafter, leffe.

Sf. You are all goodneffe,

And I giue vp my felfe to be difpos'd of,
As in your wifedome you thinke fit.

Pefc. Thus then, Sir.

To hope you can hold out againft the Emperor,

Were flatterie in your felfe, to your vndooing ; 250

Therefore, the fafeft courfe that you can take,
Is, to giue vp your felfe to his difcretion,
Before you be compeld. For reft affur'd,
A voluntarie yeelding may find grace,

And will admit defence, at leaft excufe : 255

But fhould you linger doubtfull, till his Powers
Haue feas'd your Perfon, and Eftates perforce,
You muft expect extreames.

Sf. I vnderftand you,

And I will put your counfell into act,

And fpeedilie ; I only will take order 260

For fome Domefticall affaires, that doe
Concerne me neerely, and with the next Sun
Ride with you ; In the meane time, my beft friend,
Pray take your reft.

Pefc. Indeed, I haue trauaild hard,

And will embrace your counfell. £;r[f£] Pefcara.

Sf. With all care, 265

Attend my Noble friend. Stay you, Francifco,
You fee how things ftand with me?

Franc. To my grief e :

And if the loffe of my poore life could be
A Sacrifife, to reftore them, as they were,
I willingly would lay it downe.

I, 3, 244-5 you such, 1 „ A/r „ .

c u r • ,, >C M G, omit first such. See note.

Such friendly J

I, 3, 248 Pesc.] Q2, Sf.

I, 3, 240 flatterie in] C M, flatt'ring.

72 THE DUKE OF MILAN

Sf. I thinke fo : 270

For I haue euer found you true, and thankful,
Which makes me loue the building I haue rays'd,
In your aduancement : And repent no grace,
I haue conf erd vpon you : And beleeue me,

Though now I fhould repeate my fauours to you, 275

The Titles I haue giuen you, and the meanes
Sutable to your Honours, that I thought you
Worthy my Sifter, and my Family,
And in my Dukedome made you next my felfe :

It is not to vpbraid you : But to tell you 280

I find you are worthy of them in your loue,
And feruice to me.

Franc. Sir, I am your Creature :

And any fhape, that you would haue me weare,
I gladly will put on.

Sf. Thus, then Francifco;

I now arn to deliuer to your truft, 285

A weightie fecret : Of fo ftrange a nature,
And 'twill I know appeare fo monftrous to you,
That you will tremble in the execution,
As much as I am tortur'd, to command it :

For 'tis a deed fo horrid, that but to heare it, 290

Would ftrike into a Ruffian flefh'd in murthers,
Or an obdurate Hang-man, foft compaffion ;
And yet Francifco (of all Men the deereft,
And from me moft deferuing) fuch my ftate,

And ftrange condition is, that thou alone, 295

Muft know the fatall feruice, and performe it.

Franc. Thefe preparations, Sir, to worke a ftranger,
Or to one, vnacquainted with your bounties,
Might appeare vfefull : But to me, they are

Needleffe impertinances : For, I dare doe, 300

What e're you dare command.

Sf- But thou muft fweare it,

I, 3, 300 impertinances] CMC, Impertinencies.
I, 3, 301 thou] G, you.

THE DUKE OF MILAN 73

And put into thy Oath, all ioyes, or torments

That fright the wicked, or confirme the good :

Not to conceale it only, that is nothing ;

But whenfoe're my will fhall fpeake, ftrike now : 305

To fall vpon't like Thunder.

Franc. Minifter

The Oath, in any way, or forme you pleafe,
I ftand refolu'd to take it.

Sf. Thou muft doe then,

What no maleuolent Star will dare to looke on,

It is fo wicked : For which, Men will curfe thee, 310

For being the Inftrument : And the bleft Angels,
Forfake me at my need, for being the Author :
For 'tis a deed of Night, of Night Francifco,
In which the memorie of all good Actions,

We can pretend too, fhall be buried quick ; 315

Or if we be remembred, it fhall be
To fright pofteritie, by our example :
That haue out-gone all prefidents of Villaines,
That were before vs : And fuch as fucceed,

Though taught in hels black fchoole, fhal ne're com nere vs. 320

Art thou not fhaken yet ?

Franc. I grant you moue me :

But to a Man confirm'd ;

Sf. He try your temper :

What thinke you of my Wife ?

Franc. As a thing Sacred :

To whofe faire Name, and memorie, I pay gladly
Thefe fignes of dutie.

Sf. Is fhe not the abftract 325

Of all that's rare, or to be wifh't in Woman ?

Franc. It were a kind of blafphemy to difpute it :
But to the purpofe Sir.

Sf. Ad to her goodneffe,

Her tenderneffe of me, Her care to pleafe me,

I, 3, 302 or] Q?, all.

I, 3, 328 ad to her] G, add too, her.

74 THE DUKE OF MILAN

Her vnfufpected chaftity, nere equall'd : 330

Her Innocence, her honor : O I am loft

In the Ocean of her vertues, and her graces,

When I thinke of them.

Fran. Now I finde the end

Of all your coniurations : there's fome feruice

To be done for this fweet Lady; If fhe haue enemies 335

That fhe would haue remou'd ?

Sf. Alas Francifco,

Her greateft enemy is her greateft louer,
Yet in that hatred, her Idolater.
One fmile of hers would make a fauage tame ;

One accent of that tongue would calme the Seas, 340

Though all the windes at once ftroue there for Empire.
Yet I, for whom fhe thinks all this too little,
Should I mifcarry in this prefent iourney,
(From whence it is all number to a cypher,

I ner'e returne with honor) by thy hand 345

Muft haue her murthered.

Fra. Murther'd? Shee that loues fo,

And fo deferues to be belou'd againe ?
And I, (who fometimes you were pleas'd to fauor)
Pick'd out the inftrument ?

Sf. Doe not flye off :

What is decreed, can neuer be recal'd ; 350

'Tis more than loue to -her, that markes her out,
A wifh'd companion to me, in both fortunes :
And ftrong affurance of thy zealous faith,
That giues vp to thy truft a fecret, that

Racks fhould not haue forc'd from me. O Francifco: 355

There is no heauen without her ; nor a hell,
Where fhe recides. I aske from her but iuftice,
And what I would haue payd to her : had fickeneffe,
Or any other accident diuorc'd,
Her purer foule, from [her] vnfpotted body. 360

I, 3, 339 sauage] Q2 salvage.

I. 3. 343 Qa omits I.

I, 3, 360 his] C M N G, her. d, his.

THE DUKE OF MILAN 75

The flauifh Indian Princes when they dye

Are cheerefully attended to the fire,

By the wife, and flaue, that lining they lou'd beft,

To doe them feruice in another world :

Nor will I be leffe honor'd, that loue more. 365

And therefore trifle not, but in thy lookes,

Expreffe a ready purpofe to performe,

What I command, or by Marcelias foule,

This is thy lateft minute.

Fran. 'Tis not feare

Of death, but loue to you, makes me embrace it ; 370

But for mine owne fecurity when 'tis done,
What warrant haue I ? If you pleafe to figne one,
I fhall, though with vnwillingneffe and horror,
Perform your dreadfull charge.

Sf. I will Francifco;

But ftill remember, that a Princes fecrets 375

Are balme, conceal'd : but poyfon, if difcouer'd.
I may come backe ; then this is but a tryall,
To purchafe thee, if it were poffible,
A neerer place in my affection ; but
I know thee honeft.

Fran. Tis a Character 380

I will not part with.

Sf. I may Hue to reward it. Exe[u]nt.

Actus Secun[di,] Scaefna] Prima.
Tiberio Stephana.

Ste. How? left the Court?

Tib. Without guard or retinue

Fitting a Prince.

Ste. No enemy neere, to force him?

To leaue his owne ftrengths, yet deliuer vp

76 THE DUKE OF MILAN

Himfelfe, as 'twere in bonds, to the difcretion

Of him that hates him ? Tis beyond example : 5

You neuer heard the motiues that induc't him,

To this ftrange courfe ?

Tib. No, thofe are Cabinet councels,

And not to be communicated, but
To fuch as are his owne, and fure ; Alas,

We fill vp emptie places, and in publique, 10

Are taught to giue our fuff rages to that,
Which was before determin'd : And are faf e fo ;
Signiour Francifco (vpon whom alone
His abfolute power is with al ftrength confer'd,

During his abfence) can with eafe refolue you. 15

To me, they are Riddles.

Steph. Well, he fhall not be,

My Oedipus, He rather dwell in darkeneffe.
But my good Lord Tiberio, This Francifco,
Is, on the fuddaine, ftrangely rays'd.

Tib. O Sir,

He tooke the thryuing courfe : He had a Sifter, 20

A faire one too; With whom (as it is rumor 'd)
The Duke was too familiar ; But fhe caft off,
(What promifes foeuer paft betweene them)
Vpon the fight of this, forfooke the Court,

And fince was neuer feene ; To fmother this, 25

(As Honors neuer faile to purchafe filence)
Francifco firft was grac'd, and ftep by ftep,
Is rais'd vp to this height.

Steph. But how is his abfence borne?

Tib. Sadly, it feemes

By the Dutches : For fince he left the Court, 30

For the moft part, fhe hath kept her priuate Chamber,
No vifitants admitted ; In the Church,
She hath been feene to pay her pure deuotions,
Seafon'd with teares : And fure her forrow's t[r]ue,

II, i, 29-30 G, rearranges. See note.
II, i, 34, ttue] Q-.CU G, true.

THE DUKE OF MILAN 77

Or deepely counterfeited ; Pompe, and State, 35

And brauerie caft off : And fhe that lately

Riuald Poppcca in her varied fhapes,

Or the ^Egyptian Queene : Now, widow-like,

In Sable coluors (as, her Hufbands dangers,

Strangled in her, the vfe of any pleafure) 40

Mournes for his abfence.

Steph. It becomes her Vertue,

And does confirme, what was reported of her.

Tib. You take it right ; But on the other fide,
The darling of his Mother, Mariana,

As there were an Antipathy betweene 45

Her, and the Dutches paffions : And as
Sh'ad no dependance on her brothers fortune,
She ne're appear'd fo full of mirth.

Steph. Tis ftrange.

Ent[er] Graccho with fidlers.
But fee, her fauorite : & accompani'd,
To your report.

Grac. You fhall fcrape, and He fing, 50

A fcuruie Dittie, to a fcuruie tune,
Repine who dares.

Fidl. But if we fhould offend,

The Dutches hauing filenc't vs : & thefe Lords,
Stand by to heare vs.

Grac. They, in Name are Lords,

But I am one in Power : And for the Dutches, 55

But yefter-day we were merrie for her pleafure,
We now'l be for my Ladies.

Tib. Signiour Graccho.

Gr^ A poore Man, Sir, a Seruant to the Princes :
But you, great Lords, and Councellors of State,
Whom I ftand bound to reuerence.

Tib. ' Come, we know 60

You are a Man in grace.

Grac. Fye, no: I grant,

II, I, 36 brauerie] C M, bravery's.
II, I, 59 you great] M, you're great.

78 THE DUKE OF MILAN

I beare my fortunes patiently : Serue the Princeffe,

And haue [ac]ceffe at all times, to her clofet,

Such is my impudence : When your graue Lordfhips

Are mafters of the modefty, to attend 65

Three houres, nay fometimes f oure ; and then bid waite

Vpon her the next morning.

Ste. He derides vs.

Tib. Pray you, what newes is ftirring? you know all.

Grac. Who, I ? alas, I haue no intelligence

At home, nor abroad : I onely fometimes gueffe 70

The change of the times ; I fhould ask of your Lordfhips
Who are to keepe their Honors, who to loofe'em ;
Who the Ducheffe fmil'd on laft, or on whom f rown'd,
You onely can refolue me : we poore waiters

Deale (as you fee) in mirth, and f oolifh fyddles : 75

It is our element ; and could you tell me,
What point of State 'tis, that I am commanded
To mufter vp this muficke : on mine honefty,
You fhould much befriend me.

Ste. Sirra, you grow fawcie. i

Tib. And would be layd by the heeles.

Grac. Not by your Lordfhips, 80

Without a fpeciall warrant ; looke to your owne f takes';
Were I committed, here come thofe would baile me :
Perhaps we might change places too.

Etit[er] Isabella, Mariana.

Tib. [aside] The Princeffe;

We muft be patient.

Ste. [aside] There's no contending.

Tib. [aside] See, the informing rogue.

Ste. [aside] That we fhould ftoope 85

To fuch a Mufhrome.

Mari.. [aside to Graccho] Thou doft miftake; they durft not
Vfe the leaft word of fcorne, although prouok'd,
To any thing of mine. [To Tib. and Steph.] Goe, get you home,
And to your feruants, friends, and flatterers, number

II, I, 63 successe] CMC, access.
II, i, 71 of the times] Q2 omits the.
II, I, 79 should] M, would.

THE DUKE OF MILAN 79

How many difcents you are noble ; Look to your wiues too, 90

The fmooth-chin'd Courtiers are abroad.
Tib. No way, to be a Free-man ?

Ex[eunt} Tib[erio and} Steph[ano].

Grac. Your Excellence, hath the beft guift to dif patch,
Thefe Arras pictures of Nobilitie,
I euer read of.

Marl. I can fpeake fometimes. 95

Grac. And couer fo your bitter Pills, with fweetneffe
Of Princely language to forbid reply,
They are greedily fwallowed.

Ifab. But, the purpofe Daughter,

That brings vs hither? Is it to beftow

A vif it on this Woman ? That, becaufe 100

She only would be thoght truly to grieue,
The abfence, and the dangers of my Son,
Proclaimes a generall fadneffe ?

Marl. If to vexe her,

May be interpreted to doe her Honor,

She fhall haue many of 'em ? He make vfe 105

Of my fhort Raigne : my Lord, now gouernes all :
And fhe fhall know, that her Idolater,
My Brother, being not by, now to protect her,
I am her equall.

Grac. [aside] Of a little thing,

It is fo full of Gall : A Diuell of this fize, no

Should they run for a wager to be fpitefull,
Gets not a Horf-head of her.

Mori. On her Birth-day,

We were f orc'd to be merrie : & now fhe's mufty
We muft be fad, on paine of her difpleafure ;

We will, we will. This is her priuate Chamber, 115

Where like an Hypocrite, not a true Turtle,
She feemes to mourne her abfent Mate, her Seruants
Attending her like Mutes : But He fpeake to her
And in a high Key too, [to fiddlers] play anything

II, i, 98 the purpose] C M d, to the purpose.

80 THE DUKE OF MILAN

That's light and loud enough but to torment her, 120

And we will haue rare fport. Song. Marcelia abone in blacke.

Ifab. She frownes, as if

Her lookes could fright vs.

Man. May it pleafe your greatneffe,

We heard that your late Phyficke hath not work'd,
And that breeds Melancholy, as your Doctor tells vs :
To purge which, we that are born your Highneffe Vaffals, 125

And are to play the fooles to doe you feruice,
Prefent you with a fit of mirth : what thinke you
Of a new Anticke?

Ifab. 'Twould fhow rare in Ladies.

Marl. Being intended for fo fweet a creature,
Were fhe but pleas'd to grace it.

Ifab. Fye, fhe will, 130

Be it nere fo meane : fhee's made of courtefie;

Mart. The Miftreffe of all hearts ; one fmile I pray you
On your poore feruants, or a Fidlers fee :
Comming from thofe faire hands, though but a Ducat,
We will infhrine it as a holy relique. 135

Ifab. 'Tis Wormewood, and it workes.

Marc. If I lay by

My feares, and grief es (in which you fhould be fharers)
If doting age could let you but remember,
You haue a fonne ; or f rontleffe impudence,

You are a fifter ; and in making anfwere, 140

To what was moft vnfit for you to fpeake,
Or me to heare : borrow of my iuft anger.

Ifab. A fet fpeech on my life.

Mari. Pen'd by her Chaplaine.

Marce. Yes, it can fpeake, without inftruction fpeake ;
And tell your want of manners, that y'are rude, 145

And fawcily rude, too.

Grac. Now the game begins.

Marce. You durft not elfe on any hire or hope,

II, i, 126 fooles] M G, fool.
II, i, 144 it] C M, I.

THE DUKE OF MILAN 81

(Remembring what I am, and whofe I am)
Put on the defperate boldneffe, to difturbe
The leaft of my retirements.

Mari. Note her now. .150

Marc. For both fhal vnderftand ; though th'one prefume
Vpon the priuiledge due to a Mother,
The Duke ftands now on his owne legs, and needs
No nurfe to leade him.

I fab. How, a Nurfe?

Marce. A dry one,

And vfeleffe too : But I am mercifull, 155

And dotage fignes your pardon.

Ifab. I dene thee,

Thee, and thy pardons, proud one.

Marc. For you, Puppet.

Mari. What, of me? Pine-tree.

Marc. Little you are, I grant,

And haue as little worth, but much leffe wit,

You durft not elfe, the Duke being wholly mine, 160

His power and honour mine, and the alleageance,
You owe him, as a Subiect, due to me.

Mari. To you?

Marc. To me : And therefore as a Vaffal,

From this houre learne to ferue me, or, you'l feele,
I muft make vfe of my authoritie, 165

And as a Princeffe punifh it.

Ifab. A Princeffe?

Mari. I had rather be a Slaue vnto a Moore,
Than know thee for my equall.

Ifab. Scornefull thing,

Proud of a white Face.

Mari. Let her but remember

The Iffue in her Legge :

Ifab. The charge, fhe puts 170

The State too, for Perfumes.

82 THE DUKE OF MILAN

Mari. And, howfoe're

She feemes, when (he's made vp : As fhe's her felfe,
She ftinkes aboue ground. O that I could reach you,
The little one you fcorne fo, with her nayles,

Would teare your painted Face, & f cratch thofe Eyes out. 175

Doe but come downe.

Marc. Were there no other way,

But leaping on thy Neck, to breake mine owne,
Rather than be outbrau'd thus.

[Exit above.}

Grac. [aside] Fourtie Ducats

Vpon the little Hen : She's of the kind,
And will not leaue the Pit.

Mari. That it were law full 180

To meete her with a Ponyard, and a Piftoll ;
But thefe weake hands fhall fhew my fpleene.
Enter Marc[elia\ below.

Marc. Where are you? You Modicum, you Dwarf e.

Mari. Here, Gianteffe, here.

Ent[er] Francifco, Tib[erio,} Steph[ano and Guards.]

Franc. A tumult in the Court?

Mari. Let her come on.

Franc. What winde hath rais'd this tempeft ? 185

Seuer 'em, I command you. What's the caufe ?
Speake Mariana.

Mari. I am out of breath ;

But we fhall meete, we fhall. And doe you heare, Sir,
Or right me on this Monfter (fhe's three foote

Too high for a Woman) or ne're looke to haue, 190

A quiet houre with me.

I fab. If my Sonne were here,

And would endure this ; May a Mothers curfe
Perfue, and ouertake him.

Franc. O forbeare,

In me he's prefent, both in power, and will ;

And Madam, I much grieue, that in his abfence, 195

There fhould arife the leaft diftafte to moue you :
It being his principall, nay only charge,

II, I, 173 above ground] G, above the ground.
II, i, 189 foote] M G, feet.

To haue you in his abfence feru'd, and honour'd,
As when himfelfe perform'd the willing Office.

Marl. This is fine, yfaith.

Grac. I would I were well off. 200

Franc. And therefore, I befeech you Madam, frowne not
(Till moft vn wittingly he hath deferu'd it)
On your poore Seruant ; To your Excellence,
I euer was, and will be fuch : And lay,

The Dukes authoritie, trufted to me, 205

With willingneffe at your feet.

Mari. O bafe.

Ifab. We are like

To haue an equall Judge.

Franc. But fhould I finde

That you are touc[h]'d in any point of Honor,
Or that the leaft neglect is falne vpon you,
I then ftand vp a Prince.

Fidl. [to Graccho] Without reward, 210

Pray you difmiffe vs.

Grac. Would I were fiue Leagues hence.

Franc. I will be partial to none, not to my felfe,
Be you but pleas'd to fhew me my offence,
Or if you hold me in your good opinion,
Name thofe that haue offended you.

Ifab. I am one, 215

And I will iuftifie it.

Mari. Thou art a bafe Fellow,

To take her part.

Franc. Remember, fhe's the Dutcheffe.

Marc. But vs'd with more contempt, than if I were
A Peafants Daughter : Bayted, and hooted at

Like to a common Strumpet : With lowd noyfes, 220

Forc'd from my prayers : And my priuate Chamber
(Which with all willingneffe I would make my Prifon
During the abfence of my Lord) deni'd me.
But if he e're returne.

II, i, 208 touc'd] Q, C M G, touch'd.
II, I, 212 G, rearranges. See note.

84 THE DUKE OF MILAN

Franc. Were you an Actor,

In this lewd Comedie ?

Mari. I marrie was I, 225

And will be one againe.

I fab. I'le ioyne with her,

Though you repine at it.

Franc. Thinke not then, I fpeake

(For I ftand bound to honour, and to ferue you)
But that the Duke, that Hues in this great Lady,

For the contempt of him, in her, commands you 230

To be clofe Prifoners.

I fab. Mari. Prifoners?

Franc. Beare them hence.

This is your charge my Lord Tiberio,
And Stephana, this is yours.

Marce. I am not cruell,

But pleas'd they may haue libertie.

Ifab. Pleas'd, with a mifchiefe.

Mari. I'le rather Hue in any loathfome Dungeon, 235

Than in a Paradice, at her intreatie :
And, for you vpstart.

Steph. There is no contending.

Tib. What fhall become of thefe ?

Franc. See them well whip'd,

As you will anfwere it.

Tib. Now Signiour Graccho,

What thinke you of your greatneffe?

Grac. I preach patience, 240

And muft endure my fortune.

Fidl. I was neuer yet

At fuch a huntf-vp, nor was fo rewarded.

Exe[unt] omnes, preter Fra[ncifco] & Marcel[ia].
Fr. Let them firft know themfelues, & how you are
To be feru'd, and honour'd : WThich, when they confeffe,
You may againe receiue them to your f auour : 245

II, i, 240 What thinke you] Q2 C M, What's become.

THE DUKE OF MILAN 85

And then it will fhew nobly.

Marce. With my thankes,

TheDuke fhall pay you his, If he returne
To bleffe vs with his prefence.

Franc. There is nothing

That can be added to your f aire acceptance :

That is the prize, indeed : All elfe, are blankes, 250

And of no value. As in vertuous actions,
The vndertaker finds a full reward,
Although conf er'd vpon vnthankef ull Men ;
So, any feruice done to fo much fweetneffe,

(Howeuer dangerous, and fubiect to 255

An ill conftruction) in your fauour finds
A wifh'd, and glorious end.

Marce. From you, I take this

As loyall dutie, but in any* other,
It would appeare groffe flatterie.

Franc. Flatterie, Madam?

You are fo rare, and excellent in all things, 260

And rais'd fo high vpon a Rock of goodneffe,
As that vice cannot reach you : who, but looks on
This Temple built by Nature to Perfection,
But muft bow to it : and out of that zeale,
Not only learne to adore it, but to loue it. 265

Marce. [aside} Whither will this fellow ?

Franc. Pardon therefore Madam,

If an exceffe in me of humble dutie,
Teach me to hope (and though it be not in
The power of Man to merit fuch a bleffing)

My pietie (for it is more than loue) 270

May find reward.

Marce. You haue it in my thankes :

And on my hand, I am pleas'd, that you fhal take
A full poffeffion of it. But take heed,
That you fix here, & feed no hope beyond this ;

II, i, 261-2. See note.
II, i, 268-71 G, omits brackets.
II, i, 274 this] G, it.

86 THE DUKE OF MILAN

If you doe, 'twill proue fatall.

Franc. Be it death, 275

And death with torments, Tyrants neuer found out :
Yet I muft fay I loue you.

Marce. As a Subiect,

And 'twill become you.

Franc. Farewell circumftance :

And fince you are not pleas'd to vnderftand me,

But by a plaine, and vfuall forme of fpeech : 280

All fuperftitious reuerence lay'd by,
I loue you as a Man, and as a Man
I would enioy you. Why do you ftart, and flye me ?
I am no Monfter, and you but a Woman :

A Woman made to yeeld, and by example 285

Told it is lawfull ; Fauours of this nature,
Are, in our age, no miracles in the greateft :
And therefore Lady —

Marce. Keepe of. O you Powers!

Libidinous Beaft, and ad to that vnthankfull

(A crime, which Creatures wanting reafon, flye from) 290

Are all the Princely bounties, fauours, honours,
Which (with fome preiudice to his owne wifedome)
Thy Lord, and Rayfer hath confer'd vpon thee,
In three dayes abfence buried ? Hath he made thee
(A thing obfcure, almost without a name) 295

The enuie of great Fortunes ? Haue I grac'd thee,
Beyond thy rancke? And entertain'd thee, as
A Friend, and not a Seruant? And is this,
This impudent attempt to taint mine Honour,
The f aire returne of both our ventur'd fauours ? 300

Franc. Heare my excufe.

Marce. The Diuell may plead mercie,

And with as much affurance, as thou yeeld one.
Burnes Luft f o hot in thee ? Or, is thy pride
Growne vp to fuch a height, that, but a Princeffe,

THE DUKE OF MILAN 87

No Woman can content thee ? And ad to that, 305

His Wife, and Princeffe, to whom thou art ti'de

In all the bonds of Dutie ? Reade my life,

And finde one act of mine fo loofely carried,

That could inuite a moft felfe-louing-Foole,

Set of, with all that fortune could throw on him, 310

To the leaft hope to find way to my f auour :

And (what's the worft mine enemies could wifh me)

I'le be thy Strumpet.

Franc. 'Tis acknowledg'd Madam,

That your whole courfe of life hath been a patterne
For chaft, and vertuous Women; In your beautie 315

(Which I firft faw, and lou'd) as a faire Criftall,
I read your heauenly mind, cleere and vntainted ;
And while the Duke did prize you to your valew
(Could it haue been in Man to pay that dutie)

I well might enuie him, but durft not hope 320

To ftop you, in your full carreer of goodneffe :
But now I find, that he's falne from his fortune,
And (howfoeuer he would appeare doting)
Growne cold in his affection : I prefume,

From his moft barbarous neglect of you, 325

To offer my true feruice : Nor ftand I bound,
To looke back on the curtefies of him,
That, of all liuing Men, is moft vnthankfull.

Marce. Vnheard-of impudence !

Franc. You'l fay I am modeft,

When I haue told the Storie. Can he taxe me 330

(That haue receiu'd fome worldly trifles from him)
For being ingratefull? When, he that firft tafted,
And hath fo long enioy'd your fweet embraces
(In which, all bleffings that our fraile condition

Is capable of, is wholy comprehended) 335

As cloy'd with happineffe, contemnes the giuer
Of his f elicitie ? And, as he reach'd not,

II, i, 305 that] G, it.

II, I, 332 ingratefull] CMC, ungratefull.

II, i, 335 is] M G, are.

' 7

88 THE DUKE OF MILAN

The mafter-peice of mifchiefe, which he aymes at,

Vnleffe he pay thofe f auours he ftands bound to,

With fell and deadly hate ? You thinke he loues you, 340

With vnexampled f eruor : Nay, dotes on you,

As there were fomething in you more than Woman :

When on my knowledge, he long fince hath wifh'd,

You were among the dead : And I, you fcorne fo,

Perhaps, am your preferuer.

Marce. Bleffe me good Angels, 345

Or I am blafted. Lyes fo falfe, and wicked,
And fafhion'd to fo damnable a purpofe,
Cannot be fpoken by a humane tongue.
My Husband, hate me? Giue thy felfe the Lye,

Falfe, and accurs'd; Thy Soule (if thou haft any) 350

Can witneffe, neuer Lady ftood fo bound,
To the vnfained affection of her Lord,
As I doe, to" my Sforsa. If thou would'ft worke
Vpon my weake credulitie, Tell me rather,

That the Earth moues ; The Sunne, and Starres, ftand ftill ; 355

The Ocean keeps nor Floods, nor Ebbes ; Or that,
Ther's peace betweene the Lyon, and the Lambe ;
Or that, the rauenous Eagle, and the Doue,
Keepe in one Ayery, and bring vp their yong :

Or any thing that is auerfe to Nature : 360

And I will fooner credit it, than that
My Lord can thinke of me, but as a lewell,
He loues more than himfelfe, and all the World.

Franc. O Innocence, abus'd ! Simplicitie coufen'd !
It were a finne, for which we haue no name, 365

To keepe you longer in this wilfull errour.

Reade his affection here; [Gives her a paper.] And then obferue
How deere he holds you ; 'Tis his Character,
Which cunning yet, could neuer counterfeit.

Marce. 'Tis his hand, I am refolu'd oft. 370

I'le try what the Infcription is.

II. I. 343 Q= omits since.

II, I, 350 " accurs'd ; Thy Soule . . can " " accurs'd thy Soul " Mason.

II. i> 359 ayery] M, aviary.

II, i, 370-1 G, rearranges. See note.

THE DUKE OF MILAN 89

Fran. Pray you doe fo.

Marc, [reads] You know my pleafure, &thehoure of Marcelias
death, which faile not to execute, as you will anfwere the
contrarie, not with your Head alone, but with the ruine of
your whole Famely. And this written with mine owne 375

Hand, and Signed with my priuie Signet, fhall be your fuf-
ficient Warrant. Lodouico Sforza.

I doe obey it, euerie word's a Poynard,
And reaches to my Heart. She fwones.

Fran. What haue I done?

Madam, for Heauens fake, Madam. O my Fate ! 380

I'le bend her body : This is yet fome pleafure,
I'le kiffe her into a new life. Deare Lady :
She ftirs : For the Dukes fake, for Sforza' s fake.

Marc. Sforzas? Stand off: Though dead, I will be his,
And euen my Afhes fhall abhorre the touch 385

Of any other. O vnkind, and cruell.
Learne Women, learne to truft in one another ;
There is no faith in Man : Sforza is falfe,
Falfe to Marcelia.

Franc. But I am true,

And Hue to make you happie. All the Pompe ; 390

State, and obferuance you had being his,
Compar'd to what you fhall enioy when mine,
Shall be no more remembred. Loofe his memory,
And looke with chearef ull beames on your new Creature :
And know what he hath plotted for your good, 395

Fate cannot alter. If the Emperour,
Take not his life, at his returne he dyes,
And by my Hand : My Wife, that is his Heire,
Shall quickly follow ; Then we Raigne alone,

For with this Arme I'le fwim through Seas of blood, 400

Or make a Bridge, arch'd with the bones of Men,
But I will grafpe my aymes in you my deereft,
Deereft, and beft of Women.

II, I, 387 Q2 omits " in ".
II, I, 397 G, " dies. And ".
II, i, 402 graspe my aymes] C, grasp my arms ; M, grasp you in my arms.

90 THE DUKE OF MILAN

Marc. Thou art a Villaine?

All attributes of Arch-Villaines made into one,

Cannot expreffe thee. I preferre the hate 405

Of Sforza, though it marke me for the Graue,
Before thy bafe affection. I am yet
Pure, and vnfpotted, in my true loue to him ;
Nor fhall it be corrupted, though he's tainted ;

Nor will I part with Innocence, becaufe 410

He is found guiltie. For thy felfe, thou art
A thing, that equall with the Diuell himfelfe,
I doe deteft, and fcorne.

Franc. Thou then art nothing :

Thy life is in my power, difdainef ull Woman :
Thinke on't, and tremble.

Marc. No, though thou wert now 415

To play thy hangmans part. Thou well may'ft be
My Executioner, and art only fit
For fuch employment ; But ne're hope to haue,
The leaft grace from me. I will neuer fee thee,

But as the fhame of Men : So, with my curfes 420

Of horror to thy Confcience in this life ;
And paines in Hell hereafter : I fpit at thee,
And making haft to make my peace with heauen,
Expect thee as my Hangman. Ex[it] Marc[elia].

Franc. I am loft,

In the difcouerie of this fatall fecret. 425

Curs'd hope that flatter'd me, that wrongs could make her
A ftranger to her goodneffe ; All my plots
Turne back vpon my felfe ; But I am in,
And muft goe on ; And fince I haue put off

From the Shoare of Innocence, guilt be now my Pilot. 430

Reuenge firft wrought me, Murther's his Twin-brother,
One deadly fin then helpe to cure another. [Exit Francisco.}

II, i, 430 now] Q2, thou.

THE DUKE OF MILAN 91

Actus Ter[tii,] Scaefna] Prima.
Enter Medina, Hernando, Alphonfo.

Med. The fpoyle, the fpoyle, 'tis that the foldior fights for ;
Our victorie as yet affords vs nothing,
But wounds, and emptie honor. We haue paft
The hazard of a dreadfull day, and forc'd

A paffage with our Swords, through all the dangers, 5

That Page-like waite on the fucceffe of warre ;
And now expect reward.

Hern. Hell put it in

The Enemies mind to be defperate, and hold out :
Yeeldings, and compofitions will vndoe vs ;

And what is that way giuen, for the moft part, 10

Comes to the Emperours Coffers, to defray
The charge of the great action (as 'tis rumor'd)
When vfually, fome Thing in Grace (that ne're heard
The Canons roring tongue, but at a Triumph)

Puts in, and for his interceffion fhares, 15

All that we fought for : The poore Soldior left
To ftarue, or fill vp Hofpitalls.

Alph. But when

We enter Townes by force, and carue our felues,
Pleafure with pillage, and the richeft Wines,

Open our fhrunke-vp vaines, and poure into 'em 20

New blood, and f eruor.

Med. I long to be at it ;

To fee thefe Chuffes, that euerie day may fpend
A Soldiers entertainement for a yeere,
Yet make a third meale of a bunch of Rayfons ;

Thefe Spunges, that fuck vp a Kingdomes fat 25

(Batning like Scarabes in the dung of Peace)
To be fquees'd out by the rough hand of warre ;
And all that their whole Hues haue heap'd together,

III, I, 7 And now expect] Q2, And now we expect.
Ill, I, 12 the great] M, that great.
Ill, I, 22 chuffes] M, choughs.
Ill, I, 24 third] M, thin.

92 THE DUKE OF MILAN

By cous'nage, periurie, or fordid thrift,
With one gripe to be rauifh'd.

Her. I would be towfing 30

Their faire Madona's, that in little Dogges,
Monkeis, and Paraquito's confume thoufands ;
Yet for the aduancement of a noble action,
Repine to part with a poore Peice of Eight :

Warres plagues vpon 'em : I haue feene 'em ftop 35

Their fcornefull nofes firft, then feeme to fwone
At fight of a buffe lerkin, if it were not
Perfum'd, and hid with Gold ; Yet thefe nice wantons,
(Spurd on by Luft, couer'd in fome difguife,

To meete fome rough Court Stalion, and be leap'd) 40

Durft enter into any common Brothell,
Though all varieties of ftinke contend there ;
Yet prayfe the entertainment.

Med. I may Hue,

To fee the tatteredft Raskals of my troupe,

Drag 'em out of their Clofets, with a vengeance: '45

When neither threatning, flattering, kneeling, howling,
Can ranfome one poore lewell, or redeeme
Themfelues, from their blunt woing.

Her. My maine hope is,

To begin the fport at Millaine : Ther's enough,

And of all kinds of pleafure we can wifh for, 50

To fatisfie the moft couetous.

Alph. Euerie day

We looke for a remoue.

Med. For Lodowick Sforza

The Duke of Millaine, I, on mine owne knowledge,
Can fay thus much ; He is too much a Soldior,

Too confident of his owne worth, too rich to ; 55

And vnderftands too well, the Emperor hates him,
To hope for compofition.

Alph. On my life,

THE DUKE OF MILAN 93

We need not feere his comming in.

Her. On mine,

I doe not wifh it : I had rather that

To fhew his valor, he'd put vs to the trouble 60

To fetch him in by the Eares.

Med. The Emperor.

Enter Charles the Emperor, Pefcara, &c. Attendants.

Charl. You make me wonder. (Nay it is no councell,
You may pertake it Gentlemen) who would haue thought,
That he that fcorn'd our proffer'd amitie,

When he was fued to ; fhould, ere he be fummond, 65

(Whither perf waded to it by bafe feare,
Or flatter 'd by falfe hope, which, 'tis vncertaine)
Firft kneele for mercie ?

Med. When your Maieftie,

Shall pleafe to inftruct vs, who it is, we may
Admire it with you.

Charl. Who, but the Duke of Millaine, 70

The right Hand of the French : Of all that ftand
In our difpleafure, whom neceffitie
Compels to feeke our fauour, I would haue fworne
Sforza had been the laft.

Her. And fhould be writ fo,

In the lift of thofe you pardon. Would his Citie 75

Had rather held vs out a Seidge like Troy,
Then by a fein'd fubmiffion, he fhould cheate you
Of a iuft reuenge : Or vs, of thofe faire glories
We haue fweat blood to purchafe.

Med. With your honour

You cannot heare him.

Alph. The fack alone of Millaine 80

Will pay the Armie.

Charl. I am not fo weake,

To be wrought on as you feare ; Nor ignorant,
That Money is the finew of the Warre ;

94 THE DUKE OF MILAN

And [on] what termes foeuer he feeke peace,

Tis in our power to grant it, or denie it. 85

Yet for our glorie, and to fhew him that

We haue brought him on his knees ; It is refolu'd

To heare him as a Supplyant. Bring him in ;

But let him fee the effects of our iuft anger,

In the Guard that you make for him. Ex[it] Pifcara

Hern. I am now 90

Familiar with the iffue (all plagues on it)
He will appeare in fome deiected habit,
His countenance futable ; And for his order,
A Rope about his neck ; Then kneele, and tell

Old Stories, what a worthy thing it is 95

To haue power, and not to vfe it ; Then ad to that
A Tale of King Tigranes, and great Pompey,
Who faid (forfooth, and wifely) 'Twas more -honor
To make a King, then kill one : Which, applyed

To the Emperor, and himfelfe, a Pardons granted 100

To him, an Enemie ; and we his Seruants,
Condemn'd to beggerie.

En[ter] Sforza

Med. Yonder he comes,

But not as you expected.

Alph. " He lookes, as if

He would out-face his dangers.

Hern. I am coufen'd :

A fuitor in the Diuels name.

Med. Heare him fpeake. 105,

Sf. I come not (Emperor) to inuade thy mercie,
By fawning on thy fortune ; Nor bring with me
Excufes, or denials. I profeffe

(And with a, good Mans confidence, euen this inftant,
That I am in thy power) I was thine enemie ; no

Thy deadly and vow'd enemie ; One that wifh'd
Conf ufion to thy Perfon and Eftates ;
And with my vtmoft powers, and deepeft counfels

III, I, 84 and what] CMC, and on what.

THE DUKE OF MILAN 95

(Had they been truely followed) further'd it;

Nor will I now, although my neck were vnder 115

The Hang-mans Axe, with one poore fillable

Confeffe, but that I honor'd the French King,

More then thy felfe, and all Men.

Med. By Saint laques,

This is no flatterie.

Her. There is fire, and Spirit in't ;

But not long liu'd, I hope.

Sf. Now giue me leaue, 120

(My hate againft thy felfe, and loue to him
Freely acknowledg'd) to giue vp the reafons /

That made me fo affected. In my wants
I euer found him faithf ull ; Had fupplyes

Of Men and Moneys from him ; And my hopes 125

Quite funke, were by his Grace, bouy'd vp againe :
He was indeed to me, as my good Angell,
To guard me from all dangers. I dare fpeake
(Nay muft and will) his prayfe now, in as high

And lowd a key, as when he was thy equall. 130

The benefits he fow'd in me, met not
Vnthankefull ground, but yeelded him his owne
With faire encreafe, and I ftill glorie in it.
And though my fortunes (poore, compar'd to his,

And Millaine waigh'd with France, appeare as nothing) 135

Are in thy f urie burnt : Let it be mentioned,
They feru'd but as fmall Tapers to attend
The folemne flame at this great Funerall :
And with them I will gladly waft my felfe,

Rather then vndergoe the imputation, 140

Of being bafe, or vnthankefull.

Alph. Nobly fpoken.

Her. I doe begin, I know not why, to hate him
Leffe then I did.

Sf. If that then to be gratefull

III, I, 135 appeare] Q2 appears.
Ill, i, 138 this] M, his.

96 THE DUKE OF MILAN

For curtefies receiu'd ; Or not to leaue

A friend in his neceffities, be a crime 145

Amongft you Spaniards (which other Nations

That like [you] aym'd at Empire, lou'd, and cherifh'd

Where e're they found it) Sforza brings his Head

To pay the forfeit ; Nor come I as a Slaue,

Piniond and fetterd, in a fquallid weed, 150

Falling before thy Feet, kneeling and howling,

For a f orftal'd remiffion ; That were poore,

And would but fhame thy victorie : For conqueft

Ouer bafe foes, is a captiuitie,

And not a triumph. I ne're fear'd to dye, 155

More then I wifh'd to Hue. When I had reach'd

My ends in being a Duke, I wore thefe Robes,

This Crowne vpon my Head, and to my fide

This Sword was girt ; And witneffe truth, that now

Tis in another* power when I fhall part 160

With them and life together, I am the fame,

My Veines then did not fwell with pride ; nor now,

They fhrinke for f eare : Know Sir, that Sforza ftands

Prepar'd for either fortune.

Her. As I Hue,

I doe begin ftrangely to loue this fellow ; 165

And could part with three quarters of my fhare
In the promis'd fpoyle, to faue him.

Sf. But if example

Of my fidelitie to the French (whofe honours,
Titles, and glories, are now mixt with yours ;

As Brookes deuowr'd by Riuers, loofe their names) 170

Has power to inuite you to make him a friend,
That hath giuen euident proofe, he knowes to loue,
And to be thankef ull ; This my Crowne, now yours,
You may reftore me : And in me inftruct

Thefe braue Commanders (fhould your fortune change, 175

Which now I wifh not) what they may expect,

III, i, 147 your] CMC, you.

Ill, I, 163 They shrinke] M G, Shrink they.

Ill, i, 166 C M G, " share in .

The promised ."

THE DUKE OF MILAN 97

From noble enemies for being faithfull.

The charges of the warre I will defray,

And what you may (not without hazard) force,

Bring freely to you: I'le preuent the cryes 180

Of murther'd Infants, and of rauifh'd Mayds,

Which in a Citie fack'd call on Heauens iuftice,

And ftop the courfe of glorious victories.

And when I know the Captaines and the Soldiers,

That haue in the late battle, done beft feruice, 185

And are to be rewarded ; I, my felfe

(According to their quallitie and merrits)

Will fee them largely recompenc'd. I haue faid,

And now expect my fentence.

Alph. By this light,

'Tis a braue Gentleman.

Med. How like a block 190

The Emperor fits ?

Her. He hath deliuer'd reafons,

Efpecially in his purpose to enrich
Such as fought brauely (I my felfe am one,
I care not who knowes it) as, I wonder, that

He can be fo ftupid. Now he begins to ftirre, 195

Mercie an't be thy will.

Chart. Thou haft fo farre

Outgone my expectation, noble Sforza
(For fuch I hold thee) And true conftancie,
Rais'd on a braue foundation, beares fuch palme,

And priuiledge with it ; That where we behold it, 200

Though in an enemie, it does command vs
To loue and honour it. By my future hopes,
I am glad, for thy fake, that in feeking fauour,
Thou did'ft not borrow of vice her indirect,

Crooked, and abiect meanes : And for mine owne, 205

(That fince my purpofes muft now be chang'd
Touching thy life and fortunes) the world cannot

III, i, 191 reasons] M, reason.
Ill, i, 194-5. See note.

98 THE DUKE OF MILAN

Taxe me of leuitie, in my fetled councels ;

I being neither wrought by tempting bribes,

Nor feruile flatterie; but forc'd vnto it, 210

By a faire warre of vertue.

Hern. This founds well.

Charl. All former paffages of hate be buried;
For thus with open armes I meete thy loue,
And as a friend embrace it : And fo f arre

I am from robbing thee of the leaft honor, 215

That with my hands, to make it fit the f after,
I fet thy Crowne once more vpon thy head :
And does not only ftile thee, Duke of Millaine,
But vow to keepe thee fo : Yet not to take

From others to giue only to my felfe, 220

I will not hinder your magnificence
To my Commanders, neither will I vrge it,
But in that, as- in all things elfe I leaue you
To be your owne difpofer. Florish. Ex[it] Charlies &c.}

Sf. May I Hue

To feale my loyaltie, though with loffe of life 225

In fome braue feruice worthy Caefars f [a]uor,
And I fhall dye moft happy. Gentlemen,
Receiue me to your loues, and if henceforth
There can arife a difference betweene vs,

It fhall be in a Noble emulation, 230

Who hath the faireft Sword, or dare go fartheft,
To fight for Charles the Emperor ?

Hern. We embrace you,

As one well read in all the points of honor,
And there we are your Schollers.

Sf. True, but fuch

As farre out-ftrip the Mafter ; we'le contend 235

In loue hereafter, in the meane time pray you,
Let me difcharge my debt, and as in earneft
Of what's to come, deuide this Cabnet :
In the fmall body of it there are lewels,

III, I, 210 unto] G, into.
Ill, I, 220 my selfe] C M, thyself.
Ill, i, 226 fovor] Q2 C M G, favour.
Ill, I, 237 in] G, an.

THE DUKE OF MILAN 99

Will yeeld a hundred thoufand Piftolets, 240

Which honor me to receiue.

Med. You bind vs to you.

Sf. And when great Charles comands me to his prefence,
If you will pleafe to excufe my abrupt departure,
Designes that moft concerne me next this mercie,

Calling me home, I fhall hereafter meete you, 245

And gratifie the fauor.

Her. In this and all things,

We are your Seruants.

Sf. A name I euer owe you.

Ex[eunt] Mcd[ina] Her[nando and] Alph[onso].

Pefc. So Sir, this tempeft is well ouerblowne,
And all things fall out to our wifhes. But

In my opinion, this quicke returne, 250

Before you haue made a partie in the Court
Among the great ones (for thefe needy Captains
Haue little power in peace) may beget danger,
At leaft fufpition.

Sf. Where true honor Hues,

Doubt hath no being, I defire no pawne 255

Beyond an Emperors word for my affsurance :
Befides, Pefcara, to thy felfe of all men
I will confeffe my weakeneffe, though my State
And Crown's reftored me, though I am in grace

And that a little ftay might be a ftep 260

To greater honors, I muft hence. Alas,
I hue not here, my wife, my wife Pefcara,
Being abfent I am dead. Prethe excufe,
And do not chide for freindfhip fake my f ondnes

But ride along with me, I'le giue you reafons, 265

And ftrong ones, to plead for me.

Pefc. Vfe your owne pleafure,

I'le bere you companie.

Sf. Farewell griefe, I am ftor'd with

Two bleffings moft defir'd in humaine life,
A conftant friend, an vnfufpected wife. [Exeunt.}

III, i, 246-7 Rearranged with C M G. See note.
Ill, I, 262 M omits second "my wife".
Ill, I, 264 freindship] G, friendship's.
Ill, i, 269 an] M, and.

100 THE DUKE OF MILAN

Actus Ter[tii,] Scae[na] Secunda.
Enter Graccho, [in charge of an] Officer.

Offic. What I did, I had warrant for ; you haue tafted
My Office gently, and for thofe foft ftrokes,
Flea bitings to the lerks I could haue lent you,
There does belong a feeling.

Grac. Muft I pay

For being tormented and difhonor'd ?

Off. Fye no, 5

Your honour[']s not empar'd in't : What's the letting out
Of a little corrupt blood, and the next way too ?
There is no Chirurgion like me to take off
A Courtiers Itch that's rampant at great Ladies,

Or turnes knaue for preferment, or growes proud 10

Of their rich Clokes, and Sutes, though got by brokage,
And fo f orgejs his betters.

Grac. Verie good Sir,

But am I the firft man of qualitie,
That e're came vnder your fingers ?

Off. Not by a thoufand,

And they haue faid I haue a luckie hand to, 15

Both men and women of all forts haue bow'd
Vnder this fcepter. I haue had a fellow
That could indite forfootti, and make fine meeters
To tinckle in the eares of ignorant Madams,

That for defaming of great Men, was fent me 20

Thredbare and lowfie, and in three dayes after
Difcharged by another that fet him on, I haue feene him
Cap a pe gallant, and his ftripes wafh'd of
With oyle of Angels.

Grac. 'Twas a foueraigne cure,

Off. There was a [Sectarie] to, that would not be 25

Conformable to the Orders of the Church,

III, 2, 7 corrupt] C M, corrupted.
Ill, 2, 8 chirurgion] G, surgeon.
Ill, 2, ii and] Qz, or.
Ill, 2, ii their] G, his.
Ill, 2, 13 am I] Qz, I am.
Ill, 2, 18 meeters] Q2, meeter.
Ill, 2, 25 Secretarie] N G, Sectary.
Ill, 2, 26 To the orders] Q?, To orders.

THE DUKE OF MILAN 101

Nor yeeld to any argument or reafon,

But ftill rayle at authoritie, brought to me,

When I had worm'd his tongue, and truffed his hanches,

Grew a fine Pulpet man, and was benefic'd. 30

Had he not caufe to thanke me ?

Grac. There was phificke

Was to the purpose.

Off. Now for women,

For your more confolation, I could tell you
Twentie fine ftories, but Fie end in one,
And 'tis the laft that's memorable.

Grac. Prethe doe, 35

For I grow wearie of thee.

Off. There was lately

A fine fhe waiter in the Court, that doted
Extreamely of a Gentleman, that had
His maine dependance on a Signiors fauor

(I will not name) but could not compaffe him 40

On any tearmes. This wanton at dead midnight
Was found at the exercife behind the Arras
With the 'forefaid Signior ; he got cleare off, •
But me was feis'd on, and to faue his honor,

Indur'd the lafh ; And though I made her often 45

Curuet and caper, fhe would neuer tell,
Who play'd at pufh-pin with her. '

Grac. But what follow'd?

Prethe be briefe.

Off. Why this Sir, fhe deliuered,

Had ftore of Crownes affign'd her by her patron,
Who forc'd the Gentleman t,] to faue her credit, 50

To marie her, and fay he was the partie
Found in Lobs pound. So, fhe that before gladly
Would haue been his whore, raignes o're him as his wife,
Nor dares he grumble at it. Speake but truth then,
Is not my Office luckie ?

III, 2, 27 or] Q2 C M G, of.

Ill, 2, 31 he not] Q2, not he.

Ill, 2, 32 G adds " sir " after " women ".

Ill, 2, 47-8 C M, arrange as one line " But . . . briefe ".

102 THE DUKE OF MILAN

Grac. Goe, ther's for thee, 55

But what will be my fortune ?

Off. If you thriue not

After that foft correction, come againe.

Grac. I thanke you knaue.

Off. And then knaue, I will fit you.

Ex[it] Officer.

Grac. Whipt like a rogue? no lighter punifhment [ferve]
To ballance with a little mirth : Tis well, 60

My credit funke for euer, I am now
Fit companie, only for Pages and for foot boyes,
That haue perufed the Porters Lodge. Enter two Gentlemen.

1. Gentlem. See lulio,
Yonder the proud flaue is, how he lookes now
After his caftigation ?

2. Gentlem. As he came 65
From a clofe fight at Sea vnder the Hatches,

With a fhe Dunckerke, that was fhot before

Betweene winde and [water], And he hath fprung a leake too,

Or I'me coufen'd.

1. Gentlem. Lets be merie with him.

Grac. How they ftare at me ? am I turn'd to an Owle ? 70

The wonder Gentlemen ?

2. Gentlem. I read this morning
Strange ftories of the paffiue fortitude

Of men in former ages, which I thought

Impoffible, and not to be beleeued.

But now I looke on you, my wonder ceafes. 75

Grac. The reafon Sir?

2. Gentlem. Why Sir you haue been whip'd

Whip'd fignior Graccho. And the whip I take it,
Is to a Gentleman, the greateft tryall
That may be of his patience.

Grac. Sir, I'le call you

To a ftrickt account for this.

2. Gentlem. I'le not deale with you, 80

[Vnleffe I haue a Beadle for my fecond.]

Ill, 2., 59 strive] M G, serve.

Ill, 2, 63 two Gentlemen] G alters to Julio and Giovanni throughout.
See note.

Ill, 2, 68-9 Rearranged with G. See note.

Ill, 2, 68 weather] G, water.

Ill, 2, 81. See Introduction, Early Editions, note I.

THE DUKE OF MILAN 103

And then I'le anfwere you.

i.Gentlem. Farewell poore Graccho. Ex\eunt] Gentlem[en].

Grac. Better and better ftill, If euer wrongs
Could teach a wretch to find the way to vengence,
Enter Franc[ifco] & Seruant.

Hell now infpire me. How, the Lord Protector ! 85

My ludge I thank him. Whether thus in priuate,
I will not fee him. [Stands aside}

Franc. If I am fought for,

Say I am indifpos'd, and will not heare,
Or fuits, or futors.

Seru. But Sir, if the Princes

Enquire, what fhall I anfwere?

Franc. Say, I am rid 90

Abrode to take the ayre, but by no meanes
Let her know I am in Court.

Seru. So I fhall tell her. Ex [it] fernant.

Franc. Within there, Ladies. Ent[er] a Gentlewoman

Gentlew. My good Lord, your pleafure?

Franc. Prethe let me begge thy fauor for acceffe
To the Dutches.

Gentlew. In good footh my Lord I dare not, 95

She's verie priuate.

Franc. Come ther's gold to buy thee

A new gowne, and a rich one.

Gentlew. [This will tempt me] I once fwore
If e're I loft my maiden-head, it fhould be
With a great Lord as you are, and I know not how,
I feele a yeelding inclination in me, 100

If you haue appitite.

Franc. Poxe on thy maiden-head,

Where is thy Lady ?

Gentlew. If you venter on her,

She's walking in the Gallerie, perhaps
You will find her leffe tractable.

Franc. Bring me to her.

Ill, 2, 90 rid] C M, rode.
Ill, 2, 97. See note.

104 THE DUKE OF MILAN

Gentlew. I feare you'l haue cold entertainment, when 105

You are at your iourneys end, and 'twere difcretion
To take a f natch by the way.

Franc. Prethe leaue fooling,

My page waites in the lobbie, giue him fweet meats,
He is trayn'd vp for his Mafters eafe,
And he will coole thee. Ex[eunt~\ Franc[isco] & Gentl[e]iv[onian].

Grac. [comes forward] A braue difcouerie beyond my hope, no
A plot euen offer'd to my hand to worke on,
If I am dull now, may I Hue and dye
The fcorne of wormes & flaues, let me confider,
My Lady and her Mother firft committed

In the fauor of the Dutches, and I whip'd, 115

That with an Iron pen is writ in braffe
On my tough hart, now growne a harder mettal,
And all his brib'd approches to the Dutches
To be conceal'd, good, good, This to my Lady,

Deliuer'd as I'le order it, runs her mad. 120

But this may proue but courtfhip, let it be
I care not fo it feed her lealoufie. Ex\_it~\.

Actus Ter[tii,] Scaefna] Terftia].
Enter Marcelia, Francifco.

Marc. Beleeue thy teares or oathes ? Can it be hop'd,
After a practice fo abhor'd and horred,
Repentance e're can find thee?

Franc. Deere Lady,

Great in your fortune, greater in your goodnes,

Make a fuperlatiue of excellence, 5

In being greateft in your fauing mercie.
I doe confeffe, humbly confeffe my fault,
To be beyond all pittie ; my attempt,
So barberoufly rude, that it would turne
A faint-like patience, into fauage furie : 10

III, 3, 3 Deere] G, Dearest.

THE DUKE OF MILAN 105

But you that are all innocence and vertue,

No fpleane or anger in you of a woman,

But when a holy zeale to pietie fires you,

May, if you pleafe, impute the fault to loue,

Or call it beaftly luft, for 'tis no better, 15

A finne, a monftrous finne, yet with it, many

That did proue good men after, haue bin tepted,

And thogh I am croked now, 'tis in your powre

To make me ftraight againe.

Marc, [aside] Is't poffible

This can be cunning?

Franc. But if no fubmiffion, 20

Nor prayers can appeafe you, that you may know,
'Tis not the feare of death that makes me fue thus,
But a loathed deteftation of my madneffe,
Which makes me wifh to Hue to haue your pardon [ ;]
I will not waite the fentence of the Duke 25

(Since his returne is doubtfull) but I my felfe
Will doe a fearefull iuftice on my felfe,
No witneffe by but you, there being no more
When I offended : yet before I doe it,

For I perceiue in you no fignes of mercie, 30

I will difclofe a fecret, which dying with me,
May proue your ruine.

Marc. Speake it, it will take from

The burthen of thy confcience.

Franc. Thus then Madam,

The warrant by my Lord fign'd for 'your death,

Was but conditionall, but you muft fweare 35

By your vnfpotted truth, not to reueale it,
Or I end here abruptly.

Marc. By my hopes

Of ioyes hereafter, on.

Franc. Nor was it hate

That forc'd him to it, but exceffe of loue

III, 3. 12 or] Q2, nor.
Ill, 3, 22 Q2 omits " thai ".

106 THE DUKE OF MILAN

And if I [ne're] returne, fo faid great Sforza, 40

No liuing man deferuing to enioy

My beft Marcelia[, w]ith the firft newes

That I am dead, for no man after me

[Muft] e're enioy her, [fjaile not to kill her[.]

But till certaine proofe 45

Affure thee I am loft (thefe were his words)

Obferue and honor her as if the [foule]

Of womans goodneffe only dwelt in hers.

This truft I haue abus'd and bafely wrong'd,

And if the excelling pittie of your mind 50

Cannot forgiue it, as I dare not hope it,

Rather then looke on my offended Lord,

I ftand refolu'd to punifh it. [Draws sword.]

Marc. Hold, 'tis forgiuen,

And by me freely pardned. In thy faire life

Hereafter ftudie to deferue this bountie 55

[Which] thy^true penitence (fuch I beleeue it)
Againft my refolution hath' forc'd from me,
But that my Lord, my Sforza fhould efteeme,
My life fit only as a page, to waite on

The various courfe of his vncertaine fortunes, 60

Or cherifh in himfelfe that fenfuall hope
In death to know me as a wife, afflicts me,
Nor does his enuie leffe deferue my anger,
Which though fuch is my loue, I would not nourifh,
Will flack the ardor that I had to fee him 65

Returne in fafetie.

Franc. But if your entertainment

Should giue the leaft ground to his iealoufie,
To raife vp an opinion I am falfe,
You then diftroy your mercie. Therfore Madam
(Though I fhall euer looke on you as on 70

My Hues preferuer, and the miracle
Of human pitty) would you but vouchfafe,
In companie to doe me thofe faire graces

III, 3, 40 e're] C M G, ne'er.
Ill, 3, 44 Might] G, Must.
Ill, 3, 44-5. See notes.
Ill, 3, 47 scale] N G, soul.
Ill, 3, 48 hers] C M, her.
Ill, 3, 56 With] CMC, Which.
Ill, 3, 63 my] Q2 C M G, mine.

THE DUKE OF MILAN 107

And fauors which your innocencie and honor

May fafely warrant, it would to the Duke 75

(I being to your beft felfe alone known guiltie)

Make me appeare moft innocent.

Marc. Haue your wifhes,

And fome thing I may doe to try his temper,
At leaft to make him know a conftant wife,

Is not io flau'd to her hufbands doting humors, 80

But that fhe may deferue to Hue a widow,
Her fate appointing it.

Franc, [aside] It is enough,

Nay all I could defire, and will make way
To my reuenge, which fhall difperfe it felfe
On him, on her, and all. [EjaY.] Shout, and Flour[i]fh.

Marc. What fhout is that ? 85

Ent[er] Tiberio & Stephana

Tib. All happines to the Dutches, that may flow
From the Dukes new and wifh'd returne.

Marc. He's welcome.

Steph. How coldly fhe receiues it.

Tib. Obferue their encounter.

Flourish. Ent[er] Sforza, Pefcaria, Ifabella,
Mariana, Graccho, & the reft.

Mar. What you haue told me Graccho is beleeu'd,
And I'le find time to ftur in't.

Grac. As you fee caufe, 90

I will not doe ill offices.

Sf. I haue ftood

Silent thus long Marcelia, expecting
When with more then a greedie haft thou would'ft
Haue flowne into my armes, and on my lippes

Haue printed a deepe welcome. My defire 95

To glaze my felfe in thefe faire eyes, haue borne me
With more then human fpeede. Nor durft I ftay
In any Temple, or to any faint
To pay my vowes and thankes for my returne,
Till I had feene thee.

III, 3, 74 innocencie] C M G, innocence.

Ill, 3, 88 their] G, the.

Ill, 3, 95 desire] G, desires.

Ill, 3, 96 haue] Q2, hath.

108 THE DUKE OF MILAN

Marc. Sir, I am moft happie 100

To looke vpon you fafe, and would expreffe
My loue and duty in a modeft fafhion,
Such as might fute with the behauior
Of one that knowes her felfe a wife, and how

To temper her defires, not like a wanton 105

Fierd with hot appetite, nor can it wrong me
To loue difcreetly.

Sf. How, why can there be

A meane in your affections to Sforza?
Or any act though neare fo loofe that may

Inuite or heighten appetite, appeare no

Immodeft or vncomly. Doe not moue me,
My paffions to you are in extreames,
And know no bounds, come kiffe me.

Marc. I obey you.

Sf. By all the ioyes of loue, fhe does falute me
As if I were her grand-father. What witch, 115

With curfed fpels hath quench'd the amorous heat
That liued vpon thefe lips ? Tell me Marcellia,
And truly tell me, is't a fault of mine
That hath begot this coldneffe, or neglect
Of others in my abfence?

Marc. Neither Sir, 120

I ftand indebted to your fubftitute,
Noble and good Francifco for his care,
And f aire obferuance of me : There was nothing
With which you being prefent could fupply me,
That I dare fay I wanted.

Sf. How!

Marc. The pleafures 125

That facred Hymen warrants vs excepted,
Of which in troth you are too great a doter,
And there is more of beaft in it then man.
Let vs loue temperatly, things violent laft not,

THE DUKE OF MILAN 109

And too much dotage rather argues folly 130

Then true affection.

Grac. [aside to Mariana} Obferue but this,
And how fhe prays'd my Lords care and obferuance,
And then iudge Madam if my intelligence
Haue any ground of truth.

Marl, [aside to Graccho] No more, I marke it.

Steph. [aside to Tiberio] How the Duke ftands?

Tib. [aside to Stephana] As he were routed there, 135

And had no motion.

Pefc. My Lord, from whence

Crowes this amazement?

Sf. It is more[,] deare my friend,

For I am doubtfull whether I haue a being,
But certaine that my lifes a burthen to me,

Take me ba[c]ke good Pefcara, fhow me to Caefar, 140

In all his rage and furie I [difclaime]
His mercie, to Hue now which is his guift,
Is worfe then death, and with all ftudied torments.
Marcellia is vnkind, nay worfe, growne cold

In her affection, my exceffe of feruor, 145

Which [yet] was neuer equal'd, growne diftaftfull.
But haue thy wifhes woman, thou fhalt know
That I can be my felfe, and thus fhake off
The- fetters of fond dotage. From my fight

Without reply, for I am apt to doe 150

Something I may repent. [Exit Marcelia] O, who would place
His happineffe in moft accurfed woman,
In whom obfequioufneffe ingenders pride,
And harfhneffe deadly [hatred]. From this howre
I'le labour to forget there are fuch creatures ; 155

True friends be now my miftriffes. Cleere your browes,
And though my heart-ftrings cracke for't, I will be
To all, a free example of delight :
We will haue fports of all kinds, and propound

III, 3, 140 bake] Q» C M G, back.
Ill, 3, 141 discliame] Q2 C M G, disclaim.
Ill, 3, 145 excesse] Q2, access.
Ill, 3, 146 it] C M G, yet.
Ill, 3, 154 deadly] N G, deadly hatred.

110 THE DUKE OF MILAN

Rewards to fuch as can produce vs new. 160

[Vnfatisfied] though we furfeit in their ftore.

And neuer thinke of curs'd Marcelia more. Ex\_eunf\.

Actus Quart [i,] Scae[na] Prim [a],
Enter Francifco, Graccho

Franc. And is it poffible thou fhould'ft forget
A wrong of fuch a nature, and then ftudie
My fafetie and content?

Grac. Sir, but allow me

Only to haue read the elements of Courtfhip

(Not the abftruce & hidden [arts] to thriue there) 5

And you may pleafe to grant me fo much knowledge,
That iniuries from one in grace, like you,
Are noble fauours. Is it not growne common
In euerie feet", for thofe that want, to fuffer

From fuch as haue to giue ? Your Captaine caft 10

If poore,though not thought daring, but approu'd fO[,]
To raife a coward into name, that's rich,
Suffers difgraces publiquely, but receiues
Rewards for them in priuate.

Franc. Well obferu'd.

Put on, we'le be familiar, and difcourfe 15

A little of this argument. That day,
In which it was firft rumour'd, then connrm'd,
Great Sforza thought me worthy of his fauor, .
I found my felfe to be another thing,

Not what I was before. I paffed then 20

For a prittie fellow, and of prittie parts too,
And was perhaps receiu'd fo : but once rais'd,
The liberall Courtier made me Mafter of
Thofe vertues, which I ne're knew in my felfe.

If I pretended to a ieft, 'twas made one 25

By their interpretation. If I offer'd
To reafon of Philofophy, though abfurdly,

III, 3, 161 unsatisfiz'd] Q2 C M G, unsatisfied.

IV, i, 5 acts] CMC, arts.
IV, i, 27 Q2 omits " of ".

THE DUKE OF MILAN 111

They had helps to faue me, and without a blufh

Would fweare, that I by nature had more knowledge,

Then others could acquire by any labor. 30

Nay all I did indeed, which in another

Was not remarkeable, in me fhew'd rarely.

Grac. But then they tafted of your bountie.

Franc. True,

They gaue me thofe good parts I was not borne too,
And by my interceffion they got that, 35

Which (had I crofs'd them) they durft not haue hop'd for.

Grac. All this is Oracle. And fhall I then,
For a foolifh whipping leaue to honour him,
That holds the wheele of Fortune ? No, that fauors
Too much of th'antient freedome.: Since great men 40

Receiue difgraces, and giue thankes, poore knaues
Muft haue nor fpleene, nor anger. Though I loue
My limbes afwell as any man, if you had now
A humor to kick me lame into an office,

Where I might fit in State, and vndoe others, 45

Stood I not bound to kiffe the foot that did it ?
Though it feeme ftrange there haue been fuch things feene
In the memorie of man.

Franc. But to the purpofe,

And then, that feruice done, make thine owne fortunes.
My wife, thou fay'ft, is iealous, I am too 50

Familiar with the Dutches.

Grac. And incens'd

F6r her commitment in her brothers abfence,
And by her Mothers anger is fpur'd on
To make difcouerie of it. This her purpofe

Was trufted to my charge, which I declin'd 55

As much as in me lay, but finding her
Determinately bent to vndertake it,
Though breaking my faith to her may deftroy
My credit with your Lordfhip, I yet thought,
Though at my peril, I ftood bound to reueale it. 60

IV, i, 34 They] Q2, the.
IV, i, 47 haue] Q2, hath.

112 THE DUKE OF MILAN

Franc. I thanke thy care, and will deferue this fecret,
In making thee acquainted with a greater,
And of more moment. Come into my bofome,
And take it from me. Canft thou thinke, dull Graccho,
My power, and honours, were confer'd vpon me, 65

And ad to them this forme, to haue my pleafures
Confin'd and limited? I delight in change,
And fweet varietie, that's my heauen on earth,
For which I loue life only. I confeffe,

My wife pleas'd me a day, the Dutches, two, 70

(And yet I muft not fay, I haue enioy'd her)
But now I care for neither. Therefore Graccho,
So farre I am from ftopping Mariana
In making her complaint, that I defire thee
To vrge her to it.

Grac. That may proue your ruine, 75

The Duke alreadie being, as 'tis reported,
Doubt full fhe hath play'd falfe.

Franc. There thou art cofen'd,

His dotage like an ague keeps his courfe,
And now 'tis ftrongly on him. But I loofe time,

And therefore know, whether thou wilt or no, 80

Thou art to be my inftrument, and in fpite
Of the old fawe, that fayes, it is not fafe
On any termes to truft a man that's wrong'd,
I dare thee to be falfe.

Grac. This is a language

My Lord, I vnderftand not.

Franc. • You thought, firra, 85

To put a trick on me for the relation
Of what I knew before, and hauing woon
Some weightie fecret from me, in reuenge
To play the traytor. Know thou wretched thing,
By my command thou wert whip'd, & euery day 90

I'le haue thee frefhly tortur'd, if thou miffe
In the left charge that I impofe vpon thee,

THE DUKE OF MILAN 113

Though what I fpeake, for the moft part is true,

Nay, grant thou had'ft a thoufand witneffes

To be depos'd they heard it, 'tis in me 95

With one word (fuch is Sforza's confidence

Of my fidelitie not to be fhaken)

To make all void, and ruine my accufers.

Therefore looke to't, bring my wife hotly on

T'accufe me to the Duke (I haue an end in't) 100

Or thinke, what 'tis makes man moft miferable,

And that fhall fall vpon thee. Thou wert a f oole

To hope by being acquainted with my courfes

To curbe and awe me, or that I fhould Hue

Thy flaue, as thou did'ft fawcily diuine. 105

For prying in my councels, ftill Hue mine.

Ex[it] Franc[ifco].

Grac. I am caught on both fides. This 'tis for a punie
In Policies Protean Schoole, to try conclufions
With one that hath commenc'd & gon out doctor.

If I difcouer, what but now he bragg'd of, no

I fhall not be beleeu'd. If I fall off
From him, his threats and actions go togeither.
And ther's no hope of fafetie, till I get
A plummet, that may found his deepeft counfels.

I muft obey and ferue him. Want of fkill 115

Now makes me play the rogue againft my will.

] Grac[cho].

Actus Quart [i,] Scae[na] Secundfa].
Enter Marcclia, Tiberio, Stephana, Gentlewoman.

Marc. Command me from his fight, & with fuch fcorne
As he would rate his flaue.

Tib. 'Twas in his furie.

Steph. And he repents it Madame.

Marc. Was I borne

To'bferue his humors, or, becaufe he dotes,
Muft I run mad ?

IV, i, 107 punie] G, puisne.

IV, i, 112-15 Gifford alters the construction by placing a comma after
" together ", a period after " safety ", a comma after " counsels ", and a
colon after " him ".

114 THE DUKE OF MILAN

Tib. If that your Excellence 5

Would pleafe but to receiue a feeling knowledge
Of what he fuffers, and how deepe the leaft
Vnkindneffe wounds from you, you would excufe
His haftie language.

Steph. He hath payed the forfeit

Of his offence, I'me fure, with fuch a forrow, 10

As, if it had been greater would deferue
A full remiffion.

Marc. Why, perhaps he hath it,

And I ftand more afflicted for his abfence,
Then he can be for mine ? So pray you, tell him.
But till I haue digefted fome fad thoughts, 15

And reconcil'd paffions that are at warre
Within my felfe, I purpofe to be priuate.
And haue you care, vnleffe it be Francifco,
That no man be admitted.

[To Gentlewoman who goes out.]

Tib. [aside to Stephano] How Francifco!

[Miftreffes, 20

Steph. [aside to Tiberio] He,that at euerie ftage keeps liuerie
The ftallion of the State !

Tib. [aside to Stephano] They are things aboue vs,
And fo no way concerne vs.

Steph. [aside to Tiberio] If I were
The Duke (I freely muft confeffe my weakeneffe)

Ent[er] Fra[ncifco].
I mould weare yellow breeches. Here he comes.

Tib. Nay fpare your labour, Lady, we know our exit, 25

And quit the roome.

Steph. Is this her priuacie?

Though with the hazard of a check, perhaps,
This may goe to the Duke. [Exeunt Tiberio and Stephano.]

Marc. Your face is full

Of f eares and doubts. The reafon ?

Franc. O beft Madam,

They are not counterfeit. I your poore conuert, 30

That only wifh to Hue in fad repentance,

IV, 2, 25 exit] CMC, Duty.

THE DUKE OF MILAN 115

To mourne my defperate attempt of you,

That haue no ends, nor aymes, but that your goodneffe

Might be a witneffe of my penitence,

Which feene would teach you, how to loue your mercie, . 35

Am robb'd of that laft hope. The Duke, the Duke,

I more then feare, hath found, that I am guiltie.

Marc. By my vnfpotted honor, not from me,
Nor haue I with him chang'd one fillable
Since his returne, but what you heard.

Franc. Yet, malice 40

Is Eagle-ey'd, and would fee that which is not.
And lealoufie's too apt to build vpon
Vnfure foundations.

Marc. lealoufie ?

Franc, [aside] It takes.

Marc. Who dares but only thinke, I can be tainted ?
But for him, though almoft on certaine proofe, 45

To giue it hearing, not beleefe, deferues
My hate for euer.

Franc. Whether grounded on

Your noble, yet chaft fauors fhowne vnto me,
Or her imprifonment, for her contempt

To you, by my command, my frantique wife 50

Hath put it in his head.

Marc. Haue I then liu'd

So long, now to be doubted? Are my fauors
The theames of her difcourfe? Or what I doe,
That neuer trode in a fufpected path,

Subiect to bafe conftruction ? Be vndanted, 55

For now, as of a creature that is mine,
I rife vp your [protectreffe]. All the grace
I hither to haue done you, was beftowed
With a fhut hand. It fhall be now more free,

Open, and liberall. But let it not, 60

Though counterfeited to the life, teach you

IV, 2, 57 Protrectresse] Q2 C M G, protectresse.

116 THE DUKE OF MILAN

To nourifh fawcie hopes.

Franc. May I be blafted

When I proue fuch a monfter.

Marc. I will ftand, then,

Betweene you, and all danger. He fhall know,

Sufpition o're-turnes, what confidence builds, 65

And he that dares but doubt, when ther's no ground,
Is neither to himfelfe. nor others found.

Ex [it] Marc[elia].

Franc. So, let it worke, her goodneffe, that deny'd,
My feruice branded with the name of Luft,

Shall now deftroy it felfe. And fhe fhall finde, 70

When he's a futor, that brings Cunning arm'd
With power to be his aduocates, the denyall
Is a difeafe as killing as the plague,
And chaftitie a clew, that leads to death.

Hold but thy nature, Duke, and be but rafh, 75

And violent enough, and then at leafure
Repent. I care not.

And let my plots produce this long'd-for birth,
In my reuenge I haue my heauen on earth.

Ex [it] Franc[ifco].

Act [us] Quart [i,] Scaefna] Tert[ia].
Enter Sforza, Pejcara, three Gentlemen.

Pefc. You promis'd to be merrie.

1. Gentlem. There are pleafures
And of all kinds to entertaine the time.

2. Gentlem. Your excellence vouchsafing to make choice
Of that, which beft affects you.

Sf. Hold your prating.

Learne manners too, you are rude.

J. Gentlem. [aside] I haue my anfwere, 5

Before I ask the queftion.

Pefc. I muft borrow

The priuiledge of a friend, and will, or elfe

THE DUKE OF MILAN 117

I am, like thefe, a feruant, or what's worfe,
A parafite to the forrow, Sforza worfhips
In fpite of reafon.

Sf. Pray you vfe your freedome, 10

And fo farre, if you pleafe, allow me mine,
To heare you only, not to be compel'd
To take your morall potions. I am a man,
And thogh philofophy your miftriffe rage for't,

Now I haue caufe to grieue, I muft be fad, 15

And I dare fhew it.

Pefc. Would it were beftow'd

Vpon a worthier fubiect.

Sf. Take heed, friend.

You rub a fore, whofe paine will make me mad,
And I fhall then forget my felfe and you.
Lance it no further.

Pefc. Haue you ftood the fhock 20

Of thoufand enemies, and out-fac'd the anger
Of a great Emperor, that vowed your ruine,
Though by a defperate, a glorious way,
That had no prefident? Are you return'd with honor,
Lou'd by your fubiects ? Does your fortune court you, 25

Or rather fay, your courage does command it?
Haue you giu'n proof e to this houre of your life,
Prof per itie (that fearches the beft temper)
Could neuer puffe you vp nor aduerfe fate

Deiect your valor? Shall^ I fay, thefe vertues, 30

So many and fo various trials of
Your conftant mind, be buried in the frowne
(To pleafe you I will fay fo) of a faire woman?
Yet I haue feene her equals.

Sf. Good Pefcara,

This language in another were prophane, 35

In you it is vnmannerly. Her equall?
I tell you as a friend, and tell you plainly

118 THE DUKE OF MILAN

(To all men elfe, my Sword fhould make reply [)]

Her goodneffe does difdaine comparifon,

And but her felfe admits no paralell. 40

But you will fay (he's croffe, 'tis fit fhe fhould be

When I am foolifh, for fhe's wife, Pefcara,

And knows how farre fhe may difpofe her bounties,

Her honour faf e : or if fhe were auerfe,

'Twas a preuention of a greater finne 45

Readie to fall vpon me, for fhe's not ignorant

But truly vnderftands how much I loue her,

And that her rare parts doe deferue all honour,

Her excellence increafing with her yeeres to,

I might haue falne into Idolatry, 50

And from the admiration of her worth,

Bin taught to think there is no power aboue her,

And yet I doe beleeue, had Angels fexes,

The moft would be fuch women, and affume

No other fhape, when they were to appeare 55

In their full glorie.

Pefc. Well Sir, I'le not croffe you,

Nor labour to diminifh your efteeme
Hereafter of her, fince your happineffe
(As you will haue it) has alone dependance

Vpon her fauour, from' my Soule, I wifh you 60

A faire attonement.

Ent[er] Tib[erio] & Steph[ano].

Sf. Time, and my fubmiffion

May worke her to it. O ! you are well return'd,
Say, am I bleft? hath fhe vouchfaf'd to heare you?
Is there hope left that fhe may be appeas'd?

Let her propound, and gladly I'le fubfcribe 65

To her conditions.

Tib. She Sir, yet is froward,

And defires refpite, and fome priuacie.

Steph. She was harfh at firft, but ere we parted, feem'd not
Implacable.

THE DUKE OF MILAN H9

Sf. Ther's comfort yet, Fie ply her

Each houre with new Embaffadors of more honors, 70

Titles, and eminence. My fecond felfe
Francifco, fhall folicit her.

Steph. [mutters aside} That a wife man,
And what is more, a Prince, that may command,
Should fue thus poorely, and treat with his wife,

As fhe were a victorious enemie, 75

At whofe proud feet, himfelfe, his State, and Countrey,
Bafely beg'd mercie.

Sf. What is that you mutter?

Fie haue thy thoughts.

Steph. You fhall, you are too fond,

And feed a pride that's fwolne too bigge alreadie.
And furfeits with obferuance.

Sf. O my patience ! 80

My vaffall fpeake thus?

Steph. Let my head anfwere it

If I offend. She that you thinke a Saint,
I feare may play the Diuel.

Pefc. [aside] Well faid old fellow.

Steph. And he that hath fo long ingrofs'd your fauours,
Though to be nam'd with reuerence, Lord Francifco, 85

Who as you purpofe, fhall follicite for you,
I think's too neere her.

[S 'for 'za draws his sword.]

Pefc. Hold Sir, this is madneffe.

Steph. It may be thy conferre of [ioining] Lordfhips,
I'me fure he's priuate with her.

Sf. Let me goe,

I fcorne to touch him, he deferues my pittie, 90

And not my anger, dotard, and to be one
Is thy protection, els thou durft not thinke
That loue to my Marcella hath left roome
In my full heart for any lealous thought,
That idle paffion dwell with thick-skind Tradef-men, 95

IV, 3, 88 winning] N G, joining.

IV, 3, 95 thick-skind] C M, thick-scull'd.

120

The vndeferuing Lord, or the vnable,

Lock vp thy owne wife foole, that muft take phyficke

From her young Doctor [phyficke] vpon her backe

Becaufe thou haft the palfey in that part

That makes her actiue, I could fmile to thinke 100

What wretched things they are that dare be iealous,

Were I match'd to another Meff aline,

While I found merit in my felfe to pleafe her :

I fhould beleeue her chaft, and would not feeke

To find out my owne torment, but alas, 105

Inioying one that but to me's a Di[a]n,

I'me too fecure.

Tib. [aside] This is a confidence
Beyond example.

Ent[er] Grac[cho,] Ifab[ella,] Mar[iana].

Grac. There he is, now fpeake,
Or be for ejier filent.

Sf. If you come

To bring me comfort, fay, that you haue made no

My peace "with my Marcelia.

Ifab. I had rather

Waite on you to your funerall.

Sf. You are my mother,

Or by her life you were dead elfe.

Mar. Would you were,

To your difhonor, and fince dotage makes you

Wilfully blind, borrow of me my eyes, 115

Or fome part of my fpirit. Are you all flefh?
A [lumpe] of patience only? No fire in you?
But doe your pleafure, here your Mother was
Committed by your feruant (for I fcorne

To call him hufband) and my felfe your fifter, 120

If that you dare remember fuch a name,
Mew'd vp to make the way open and free
For the Adultreffe, I am vnwilling
To fay a part of Sforza.

IV, 3, 98 Doctor vpon] C M, supply "and", N G, supply "phy-

sicke ".

IV, 3, 106 Dion] Q2 C M G, Dian.
IV, 3, 117 limbe] N G, lump.

THE DUKE OF MILAN 121

Sf. Take her head off,

She hath blafphem'd, and by our Law muft dye. 125

I fab. Blafphem'd, for calling of a whore, a whore ?

Sf. O hell, what doe I fuffer?

Mar. Or is it treafon

For me that am a fubiect, to endeuour
To faue the honour of the Duke, and that

He fhould not be a Wittall on record. 130

For by pofteri[ti]e 'twill be beleeu'd
As certainly as now it can be prou'd,
Francifco the grea[t] Minion, that fwayes all,
To meet the chaft embraces of the Dutches,
Hath leap'd into her bed.

Sf. Some proofs vile creature, 135

Or thou haft fpoke thy laft.

Mar. The publique fame,

Their hourely priuate meetings, and euen now
When vnder a pretence of griefe or anger,
You are deny'd the ioyes due to a husband,

And made a ftranger to her, at all times 140

The dore ftands open to him. To a Dutchman
This were enough, but to a right Italian,
A hundred thoufand witneffes.

Ifab. Would you

Haue vs to be her bawdes ?

Sf. O the mallice

And enuie of bafe women, that with horror 145

Knowing their owne defects and inward guilt,
Dare lye, and fweare, and damne, for what's moft falfe,
To caft afperfions vpon one vntainted,
Y'are in your natures deuils, and your ends

Knowing your reputation funke for euer, 150

And not to be recouer'd, to haue all,
Weare your blacke liuerie. Wretches, you haue rays'd
A Monumentall trophy to her pureneffe,

IV, 3, 131 posterie] Q2 C M G, posterity.
IV, 3, 133 grear] Q: C M G, great.
IV, 3, 150 reputation] C M, reputations.

122 THE DUKE OF MILAN

In this your ftudied purpofe to depraue her,

And all the (hot made by your foule detraction 155

Falling vpon her fure-arm'd Innocence,

Return's vpon your felues, and if my loue

Could fuffer an addition, I'me fo farre

From giuing credit to you, this would teach me

More to admire & ferue her, you are not worthy 160

To fall as facrifices to appeafe her,

And therefore Hue till your own enuy burft you.

Ifab. All is in vaine, he is not to be mou'd.

Mar. She has bewitcht him.

Pefc. 'Tis fo paft beliefe,

To me it fhewes a fable.

Ent[er] Fran[cifco] & a seruant.

Franc. On thy life 165

Prouide my horfes, and without the Port
With care attend me.

Seru. I fhall my Lord.

£^r[if] seru[ant.]

Grac. [aside] He's come.

What [gimjcracke haue we next?

Franc. Great Sir.

Sf. Francifco,

Though all the ioyes in woman are fled from me

In thee I doe embrace the full delight 170

That I can hope from man.

Franc. I would impart,

Pleafe you to lend your eare, a waightie fecret,
I am in labour to deliuer to you.

Sf. All leaue the roome,

[Exeunt Isabella, Mariana, and Graccho.]
[to Pefcara] excufe me good Pefc[ara].
Ere long I will waite on you.

Pefc. You fpeake Sir 175

The language I fhould vfe. [Exit.]

Sf. [to Tiberio and Stephano.] Be within call,
Perhaps we may haue vfe of you.

Tib. We fhall Sir.

[Exeunt Tiberio and Stephano.]

Sf. Say on my comfort.

IV, 3, 168 What — — cracke] C M N G, insert " gim ".

IV, 3, 169 woman] C, women.

IV, 3, 174 Pesc.] Q2 C M G, Pescara.

THE DUKE OF MILAN 123

Franc. Comfort? No, your torment,

For fo my fate appoints me, I could curfe
The houre that gaue me being.

Sf. What new monfters 180

Of miferie ftand readie to deuoure me?
Let them at once difpatch me.

Franc. Draw your fword then,

And as you wifh your own peace, quickly kil me,
Confider not, but doe it.

Sf. Art thou mad?

Franc. Or if to take my life be too much mercy, 185

As death indeed concludes all human forrowes,
Cut off my nofe and eares, pull out an eye,
The other only left to lend me light
To fee my owne deformities : Why was I borne

Without fome mulct impos'd on me by nature? 190

Would from my youth a lothfome leprofie
Had runne vpon this face, or that my breath
Had been infectious, and fo made me fhun'd
Of all focieties : curs'd be he that taught me

Difcource or manners, or lent any grace 195

That makes the owner pleafing in the eye
Of wanton women, fince thofe parts which others
Value as bleffings, are to me afflictions,
Such my condition is.

Sf. I am on the racke,

Diffolue this doubtfull riddle.

Franc. That I alone 200

Of all mankind that ftand moft bound to loue you,
And ftudie your content fhould be appointed,
Not by my will, but forc'd by cruell fate
To be your greateft enemie, not to hold you

In this amazement longer, in a word, 205.

Your Dutches loues me.

Sf. Loues thee ?

124

THE DUKE OF MILAN

Is mad for me,

And from hence grew

Franc.
Purfues me hourely.

Sf. Oh !

Franc.
Her late neglect of you.

Sf. O women ! women !

Franc. I labour'd, to diuert her by perfwafion,
Then vrg'd your much loue to her, & the danger,
Denyd her, and with fcorne.

Sf. 'Twas like thy felfe.

Franc. But when I faw her fmile, then heard her fay,
Your loue and extreme dotage as a Cloke
Should couer our embraces, and your power
Fright others from fufpition, and all fauours
That fhould preferue her in her innocence,
By luft inuerted to be vs'd as bawdes,
I could not bnt in dutie (though I know
That the relation kils in you all hope
Of peace hereafter, and in me 'twill fhew
Both bafe and poore to rife vp her accufer)
Freely difcouer it.

Sf. Eternall plagues

Purfue and ouertake her, for her fake
To all pofteritie may he proue a Cuckold,
And like to me a thing fo miferable
As words may not expreffe him, that giues truft
To all deceiuing women, or fince it is
The will of Heauen to preferue mankind,
That we muft know, & couple with thefe ferpents,
No wifeman euer taught by my example
Hereafter vfe his wife with more refpect
Then he would doe his Horfe that do's him feruice,
Bafe woman being in her creation made
A flaue to man, but like a village nurfe
Stand I now curfing, and confidering when

210

215

220

225

230

235

THE DUKE OF MILAN 125

The tameft foole would doe? Within there, Stephana,
Tiberio, and the reft, I will be fuddaine,
And fhe fhall know and feele loue in extreames,
Abus'd knowes no degree in hate.

Ent[er] Tib[erio] Step[hano and] Guard.

Tib. My Lord.

Sf. Goe to the Chamber of that wicked woman. 240

Steph. What wicked woman, Sir?

Sf. The deuill my wife.

Force a rude entry, and if fhe* refufe
To follow you, drag her hither by the hayre
And know no pittie, any gentle vfage

To her will call on cruelty from me 245

To fuch as fhew it, Stand you ftaring ! Goe,
And put my will in act.

Steph. Ther's no difputing.

Tib. But 'tis a tempeft on the fuddaine rays'd,
Who durft haue dreamt of ?

Ex[eunt] Tib[erio] Steph[ano and Guards.}

Sf. Nay, fince fhe dares damnation,

1'le be a furie to her.

Franc. Yet great Sir, 250

Exceed not in your furie, fhe's yet guiltie
Only in her intent.

Sf. Intent Francifco?

It does include all fact, and I might fooner
Be won to pardon treafon to my Crowne,
Or one that kil'd my Father.

Franc. You are wife, 255

And know what's beft to doe, yet if you pleafe
To proue her temper to the height, fay only
That I am dead, and then obferue how farre
She'le be tranfported. I'le remoue a little,

But be within your call: now to the vpfhot, 260

How e're I'le fhift for one. E.v[it] Franc[ifco}.

Enter Tiberio, Stephana, Marcelia, Guard.

Marc, [as she comes in] Where is this Monfter?

IV, 3, 239 in] Q? C M, of.

126 THE DUKE OF MILAN

This walking tree of lealoufie, this dreamer,

This horned beaft that would be ? O are you here Sir ?

Is it by your commandement or allowance,

I am thus bafely vs'd? Which of my vertues, 265

My labours, feruices, and cares to pleafe you

(For to a man fufpitious and vnthankefull,

Without a blufh I may be mine owne trumpet)

Inuites this barbarous courfe ? Dare you looke on me

Without a feale of fhame ?

Sf. Impuderfce, 270

How vgly thou appear'ft now ? Thy intent
To be a whore, leaues thee not blood enough
To make an honeft blufh, what had the act done?

Marc. Return'd thee the difhonor thou deferueft
Though willingly I had giuen vp my felfe 275

To euerie common letcher.

Sf. . Your chiefe minion,

Your chofen fauourite, your woo'd Francifco,
Has deerely pay'd for't, for wretch, know he's dead,
And by my hand.

Marc. The bloodyer villaine thou,

But 'tis not to be wonder'd at, thy loue 280

Do's know no other obiect, thou haft kil'd then
A man I doe prof effe I lou'd, a man
For whom a thoufand Queenes might well be riuals,
But he (I fpeake it to thy teeth) that dares be

A lealous foole, dares be a murtherer, 285

And knowes no end in mifchiefe.

Sf. I begin now ftabs her.

In this my luftice.

Marc. Oh, I haue fool'd my felfe

Into my graue, and only grieue for that
Which when you know, you haue flaine an Innocent
You needs muft fufrer.

Sf. An Innocent? Let one 290

IV, 3, 266 cares] Q-, care.

THE DUKE OF MILAN 127

Call in Francifco, [Ex(it] Steph(ano)] for he Hues (vile creature)
To iuftifie thy falfhood, and how often
With whorifh flatteries thou haft tempted him,
I being only fit to Hue a ftale,

A bawd and propertie to your wantonneffe. 295

Ent[er] Steph[ano~\.

Steph. Signior Francifco Sir, but euen now
Tooke horse without the Ports.

Marc. We are both abus'd,

And both by him vndone, ftayt,] death t>] a little
Till I haue cleer'd me to my Lord, and then

I willingly obey thee. O my Sforza, 300

Francifco was not tempted, but the Tempter,
And as he thought to win me fhew'd the warrant
That you fign'd for my death.

Sf. Then I beleeue thee,

Beleeue thee innocent too.

Marc. But being contemn'd,

Vpon his knees with teares he did befeech me 305

Not to reueale it, I fof t-hearted f oole
Judging his penitence true, was won vnto it.
Indeed the vnkindneffe to be fentenc'd by you
Before that I was guiltie in a thought,

Made me put on a feeming anger towards you, 310

And now behold the iffue ; as I do,
May heauen forgiue you. dyes.

Tib. Her fweet foule has left

Her beauteous prifon.

Steph. Looke to the Duke, he ftands

As if he wanted motion.

Tib. Grief e hath ftopt

The organ of his fpeech.

Steph. Take vp this body 315

And call for his Phyfitians.

Sf. O my heart-ftrings.

[Exeunt omnes with body]

IV, 3, 299 me to] Q2 C M, my self unto.

128 THE DUKE OF MILAN

Actus Quint [i] Scae[na Prima].
Enter Francifco, [and] Eugenia [in male attire].

Franc. Why could'ft thou thinke Eugenia that rewards,
Graces, or fauours though ftrew'd thick vpon me
Could euer bribe me to forget mine honour?
Or that I tamely would fit downe, before

I had dry'd thefe eyes ftill wet with fhowers of teares 5

By the fire of my reuenge ? Looke vp my deereft
For that proud-faire that thiefe-like ftep'd betweene
Thy promis'd hopes, and rob'd thee of a fortune
Almoft in thy poffeffion, hath found

With horrid proofe, his loue fhe thought her glorie 10

And affurance of all happineffe,
But haft'ned her fad ruine.

Eug. Doe not flatter

A griefe that is beneath it, for how euer
The credulous Duke to me proued falfe & cruel,

It is impofible he could be wrought 15

To looke on her, but with the eyes of dotage,
And fo to ferue her.

Franc. Such indeed I grant

The ftreame of his affection was, and ran
A conftant courfe, till I with cunning malice

(And yet I wrong my act, for it was luftice) 20

Made it turne back-wards, and hate in extreames •
Loue banifh'd from his heart to fill the roome,
In a word, know the faire Marcelia's dead.

Eug. Dead !

Franc. And by Sforza's hand, do's it not moue you ?
How coldly you receiue it ? I expected 25

The meere relation of fo great a bleffing
Borne proudly on the wings of fweet reuenge
Would haue cal'd on a facrifice of thankes,

V, I, Heading, Prim.] Q2, Quint.

V, I, II and assurance] CMC, and an assurance.

V, I, 21 back-wards] CMC, backward.

V, i, 23 C M, omit " the ".

THE DUKE OF MILAN 129

And ioy not be bounded or conceal'd

You entertaine it with a looke, as if 30

You wifh'd it were vndone !

Eug. Indeed I doe,

For if my forrowes could receiue addition,
Her fad fate would encreafe, not leffen 'em.
She neuer iniur'd me, but entertain'd

A fortune humbly offer'd to her hand, 35

Which a wife Lady gladly would haue kneel'd for.
Vnleffe you would impute it as a crime,
She was more faire then I, and had difcretion
Not to deliuer vp her virgin fort

(Though ftraight befieg'd with flatteries, vowes, & teares) 40

Vntill the Church had made it fafe & lawfull.
And had I been the miftris of her Judgement
And conftant temper, skilfull in the knowledge
Of mans malitious falfhood, I had neuer

Vpon his hell-deepe oathes to marrie me, 45

Giuen vp my faire name, and my mayden honor
To his foule luft, nor liu'd now being branded
In the forhead for his whore [;] the fcorne & fhame
Of all good women.

Franc. Haue you then no gall,

Anger, or fpleene familiar to your fexe ? 50

Or is it poffible that you could fee
Another to poffeffe what was your due,
And not growe pale with enuie ?

Eug. Yes of him

That did deceiue me. Ther's no paffion that

A maid fo iniur'd euer could partake of 55

But I haue deerely fuffer'd. Thefe three yeeres
In my defire, and labour of reuenge,
Trufted to you, I haue indur'd the throes
Of teeming women, and will hazard all
Fate can inflict on me but I will reache 60

130 THE DUKE OF MILAN

Thy heart falfe Sforsa. You haue trifled with me

And not proceeded with that fiery zeale

I look'd for from a brother of your fpirit.

Sorrow forfake me, and all fignes of griefe

Farewell for euer ; Vengeance arm'd with f urie 65

Poffeffe me wholy now.

Franc. The reafon fifter

Of this ftrange metamorphofis ?

Eng. Aske thy feares,

Thy bafe vnmanly feares, thy poore delayes,
Thy dull forget fullneffe equall with death,

My wrong elfe, and the fcandall which can neuer 70

Be wafh'd off from our houfe but in his blood,
Would haue ftirr'd vp a coward to a deed
In which, though he had f alne, the braue intent
Had crown'd it felfe with a faire monument

Of noble refo-lution. In this fhape 75

I hope to get acceffe, and then with fhame
Hearing my fodaine execution, iudge
What honor thou haft loft in being tranfcended
By a weake woman.

Franc. Still mine owne, and dearer,

And yet in this you but poure oyle on fire, 80

And offer your affiftance where it needs not,
And that you may perceiue I lay not fallow,
But had your wrongs ftamp'd deeply on my hart
By the Yron pen of vengeance, I attempted

By whoring her to cuckold him, that failing 85

I did begin his tragedie in her death,
To which it feru'd as Prologue, and will make
A memorable ftorie of your fortunes
In my affur'd reuenge, only beft fifter

Let vs not loofe our felues in the performance, 90

By your rafh vndertaking, we will be
As fuddaine as you could wifh.

V, I, 62 and not] M, and nor.

THE DUKE OF MILAN 131

Eug. Vpon thofe termes

I yeeld my felfe and caufe to be difpos'd of
As you thinke fit. Ent[er a] feruant

Franc. Thy purpofe?

Seru. Ther's one Graccho

That follow'd you it feemes vpon the tract, 95

Since you left Millaine, that's importunate
To haue acceffe, and will not be deni'd,
His haft he faies concernes you.

Franc. Bring him tome, Ex[it]feruant

Though he hath lay'd an ambufh for my life,

Or apprehenfion, yet I will preuent him 100

And worke mine own ends out. Ent[er] Grac[cho].

Grac. [aside] Now for my whipping,

And if I now out-ftrip him not, and catch him,
And by a new and ftrange way to, hereafter
I'le fweare there are wormes in my braines.

Franc. Now my good Graccho,

We meet as 'twere by miracle.

Grac. Loue, and dutie, 105

And vigilance in me for my Lords fafetie,
Firft taught me to imagine you were here,
And then to follow you. Al's come forth my Lord
That you could wifh conceal'd. The Dutcheffe wound
In the Dukes rage put home, yet gaue her leaue no

To acquaint him with your practifes, which your flight
Did eafily confirme.

Franc. This I expected,

But fure you come prouided of good counfaile
To helpe in my extreames.

Grac. I would not hurt you.

Franc. How? hurt me? Such another word's thy death, 115
Why dar'ft thou thinke it can fall in thy will,
T'outliue what I determine ?

Grac. [aside] How he awes me?

132 THE DUKE OF MILAN

Franc. Be brief e, what brought thee hither?

Grac. Care to informe you,

You are a condemn'd man, purfu'd, and fought for,
And your head rated at ten thoufand Ducates 120

To him that brings it.

Franc. Very good.

Grac. All paffages

Are intercepted, and choyce troopes of horfe
Secure o're the neighbour plaines, your picture fent
To euerie State confederate with Millaine,

That though I grieue to fpeake it, in my iudgement 125

So thicke your dangers meet, and run vpon you,
It is impoffible you fhould efcape
Their curious fearch.

Eug. Why let vs then turne Romanes,

And falling by our owne hands, mocke their threats,
And dreadfull preparations.

Franc. 'Twould fhow nobly, 130

But that the honour of our full reuenge
Were loft in the rafh action : No Eugenia,
Graccho is wife, my friend to, not my feruant,
And I dare truft him with my lateft fecret.

We would (and thou muft helpe vs to performe it) 135

Firft kill the Duke, then fall what can vpon vs,
For iniuries are writ in braffe, kind Graccho,
And not to be forgotten.

Grac. He inftructs me

What I fhould doe.

Franc. What's that ?

Grac. I labour with

A ftrong defire t'affift you with my feruice, 140

And now I am deliuer'd oft.

Franc, [aside to Eugenia} I tould you.
Speake my oraculous Graccho.

Grac. I haue heard Sir,

V, I, 128 Q2 omits then.

THE DUKE OF MILAN 133

Of men in debt, that layd for by their creditors

(In all fuch places where it could be thought

They would take fhelter) chofe for fanctuarie, 145

Their lodgings vnderneath their creditors nofes,

Or neere that prifon to which they were defign'd

If apprehended, confident that there

They neuer fhould be fought for.

Eug. Tis a ftrange one!

Franc. But what inferre you from it?

Grac. This my Lord, 150

That fince all wayes of your efcape are ftop'd,
In Millaine only, or what's more, i'the Court
(Whether it is prefum'd you dare not come)
Conceal'd in fome difguife you may Hue fafe.

Franc. And not to be difcouered ?

Grac. But by my felfe. 155

Franc. By thee? Alas I know thee honeft[,] Graccho.
And I will put thy counfell into act,
And fuddainly. Yet not to be vngratefull
For all thy louing trauell to preferue me,

What bloody end foe're my ftarres appoint, 160

Thou fhalt be fafe good Graccho. Who's within there?

Grac. In the deuils name what meanes he ?

Ent[er] feruants.

Franc. Take my friend

Into your cuftodie, and bind him faft,
I would not part with him.

Grac. My good Lord.

Franc. Difpatch,

'Tis for your good to keepe you honeftf,] Graccho, 165

I would not haue ten thoufand Ducates tempt you
(Being of a foft and waxe like difpofition)
To play the traytor, nor a foolifh itch
To be reueng'd for your late excellent whipping

Giue you the opportunitie to offer 170

My head for fatisfaction. Why thou foole,

V, I, 145 for] M, far.
V, I, 162 Q2 omits " In the devils name".

134 THE DUKE OF MILAN

I can looke through, & through thee, thy intents

Appeare to me as written in thy f orhead

In plaine and eafie caracters. And but that

I fcorne a flaues bafe blood fhould ruft that fword 175

That from a Prince expects a fcarlet dye,

Thou now wert dead, but Hue only to pray

For good fucceffe to crowne my vndertakings,

And then at my returne perhaps I'le free thee

To make me further fport. Away with him, 180

I will not heare a fillable.

Ex[eunt] feruants with Grac[cho].
We muft truft

Our felues Eugenia, and though we make vfe of
The counfaile of our feruants, that oyle fpent,
Like fnuffes that doe offend we tread them out.

But now to our laft Scene, which we'le fo carry, 185

That few fhajl vnderftand how 'twas begun,
Till all with halfe an eye may fee 'tis don. Exeunt.

Actus Quint [i,] Scae[na] Secundfa].
Enter Pefcara, Tiberio, Stephana.

Pefc. The like was neuer read of.

Steph. In my iudgement

To all that mail but heare it, 'twill appeare
A moft impoffible fable.

Tib. For Francifco,

My wonder is the leffe becaufe there are

Too many Prefidents of vnthankefull men 5

Rays'd vp to greatneffe, which haue after ftudied
The ruine of their makers.

Steph. But that melancholy,

Though ending in diftraction, fhould worke
So farre vpon a man as to compell him

To court a thing that has nor fence, nor being, 10

Is vnto me a miracle.

Pefc. 'Troth I'le tell you,

V, I, 177 wert] M, were.

V, 2, I read] Q2, heard.

V, 2, 10 nor sence] C M, not sense.

THE DUKE OF MILAN 135

And briefly as I can, by what degrees

He fell into this madneffe, When by the care

Of his Phyfitians he was brought to life,

As he had only pafs'd a fearefull dreame, 15

And had not acted what I grieue to thinke on,

He call'd for faire Marcelia, and being told

That fhe was dead, he broke forth in extreames,

(I would not fay blafphem'd) & cri'd that heauen

For all th'offences that mankind could doe, 20

Would neuer be fo cruell as to rob it

Of fo much fweetneffe, & of fo much goodneffe,

That not alone was facred in her felfe,

But did preferue all others innocent

That had but conuerfe with her : Then it came 25

Into his fancie that fhe was accus'd

By his mother & his fifter, thrice he curs'd 'em,

And thrice his defperate hand was on his fword

To haue killd 'em both, but he reftrayn'd, & they

Shunning his furie, fpite of all preuention 30

He would haue turn'd his rage vpon himfelfe,

When wifely his Phyfitians looking on

The Dutches wound, to ftay his readie hand,

Cry'd out it was not mortall.

Tib. 'Twas well thought on.

Pefc. He eafily beleeuing what he wifh'd, 35

More then a perpetuitie of pleafure
In any obiect elfe, flatter'd by hope
Forgetting his owne greatneffe, he fell proftrate
At the doctors feet, implor'd their ayd, & fwore,

Prouided they recouer'd her, he would Hue 40

A priuat man, & they fhould fhare his dukedom.
They feem'd to promife faire, and euerie houre
Varie their Judgements as they find his fit
To fuffer intermiffion, or extreames.
For his behauiour fince —

136 THE DUKE OF MILAN

Sf. [within] As you haue pitty 45

Support her gently.

Pefc. Now be your owne witneffes,

I am preuented.

Enter Sforza, Ifab[ella,] Mari[ana,] the body of
Marc[elia,] Doctors, Seruants.

Sf. Carefully I befeech you,
The gentleft touch torments her, & then thinke
What I fhall fuffer. O you earth [l]y gods,

You fecond natures, that from your great mafter 50

(Who ioyn'd the limbes of torne Hyppolytus,
And drew vpon himfelfe the Thunderers enuie)
Are taught thofe hidden fecrets that reftore
To life death wounded men, You haue a patient

On whom to'xpreffe the excellence of art, 55

Will bind e'ne heau'n your debtor, though It pleafes
To make your hands the organs of a worke
The faints will fmile to looke on, & good Angels
Clap their Celeftiall wings to giue it plaudits.

How pale and wan fhe lookes ? O pardon me, 60

That I prefume dyde o're with bloody guilt,
Which makes me I confeffe, far, far vn worthy
To touch this fnow- white hand. How cold \t is ?
This once was Cupids fire-brand, and ftill

'Tis fo to me. How flow her pulfes beat to? 65

Yet in this temper fhe is all perfection,
And Miftris of a heat fo full of fweetneffe,
The blood of virgins in their pride of youth
Are balles of Snow or Ice compar'd vnto her.

Mar. [aside to Isabella] Is not this ftrange ?

Ifab. [aside to Mariana] O croffe him not deere daughter, 70
Our confcience tells vs we haue been abus'd,
.Wrought to accufe the innocent, and with him

Are guiltie of a fact !

Ent[er] a fcruant[, and ivhifpers Pefcara.]

Mar. [aside to Isabella] 'Tis now paft helpe.

V, 2, 48 gentlest] Q2, least.
V, 2, 49 earthy] N G, earthly.
V, 2, 54 death] Q2, dead.

THE DUKE OF MILAN 137

Pefc. [to servant] With me? What is he?

Ser. He has a ftrange afpect,

A lew by birth, and a Phyfitian 75

By his profeffion as he fayes, who hearing
Of the Dukes phrenfie, on the forfeit of
His life will vndertake to render him
Perfect in euery part. Prouided that

Your Lordfhips fauour gaine him free acceffe, 80

And your power with the Duke a fafe protection,
Till the great worke be ended.

Pefc. Bring me to him,

As I find caufe Tie doe.

Exe[unt] Pefc[ara] & Ser[uant].

Sfor. How found fhe fleepes !

Heauen keepe her from a lethergie ; how long

(But anfwere me with comfort I befeech you.) 85

Do's your fure iudgement tell you that thefe lids
That couer richer iewells then themfelues
Like enuious night will barre thefe glorious funnes
From fhining on me?

/. Doct. We haue giuen her Sir,

A fleepy potion that will hold her long, 90

That fhe may be leffe fenfible of the torment,
The fearching of her wound will put her to.

2. Doct. Shee now feeles litle, but if we fhould [wake] her,
To heare her fpeake would fright both vs and you,
And therefore dare not haften it.

Sf. I am patient, 95

You fee I doe not rage, but waite your pleafure.
What doe you thinke fhe dreames of now ? for fure
Although her bodies organs are bound faft,
Her fancy cannot flumber.

i. Doct. That Sir, lookes on

Your forrow for your late rafh [act] with pitty IOQ

Of what you fuffer for it, and prepares

To meet [the] free confeffion of your guilt ,

V, 2, 93 make] Qj C M G, wake.
V, 2, 100 art] Q2 C M G, act.
V, 2, 102 with] M G. the.

138 THE DUKE OF MILAN

With a glad pardon.

[Sf.] Shee was euer kind

And her difpleafure though call'd on, fhort liu'de
Vpon the leaft fubmiffion. O you powers 105

That can conuey our thoughts to one another
Without the [aid] of eies, or eares, affift me,
Let her behold me in a pleafing dreame,
Thus on my knees before her (yet that duty

In me is not fufficient) let her fee me HO

Compell my mother (from whom I [tooke] life)
And this my fifter, Partner of my being,
To bow thus low vnto her, let her heare vs
In my acknowledgement freely confeffe

That we in a degree as high are guilty, 115

As fhe is innocent ; bite your tongues, vile creatures,
And let your inward horror fright your foules
For hauing bejide that pureneffe, to come neere which
All women that pofterity can bring forth

Muft be, though ftriuing to be good, poore Riualls. 120

And for that dog Francifco (that feduc'd me
In wounding her to raife a temple built
To Chaftitie and fweetneffe) let her know
I'll follow him to hell, but I will find him,

And there Hue a fourth fury to torment him. 125

Then for this curfed hand and arme that guided
The wicked fteele, I'll haue them ioynt by ioynt,
With burning irons feard of, which I will eate.
I being a vultur fit to taft fuch carrion,
Laftly.

i. Doct. You are too lowd, Sir, you difturbe 130

Her fweet repofe.

[Sf.] I am hufh'd, yet giue vs leaue

Thus proftrate at her feet, our eies bent downewards,
Vnworthy, and afham'd to looke vpon her,
T'expect her gracious fentence.

V, 2, 103 Forza] Q2 C M G, Sfor. Same change for rest of scene ex
cept line 169.

V, 2, 107 end] C M G, aid.

V, 2, in looke] Q2 C M G, took.

V, 2, 132 downewards] C M, downward.

THE DUKE OF MILAN 139

2. Doct. Hee's paft hope.

i. Doct. The body to, will putrifie, and then 135

We can no longer couer the impofture.

Tibe. Which in his death will quickly be difcouer'df.]
I can but weepe his fortune.

Steph. Yet be care full,

You loofe no minute to preferue him, time,
May leffen his diftraction.

Ent[er] Pefca[ra, with] Fran[cifco, as a Jew doctor,

and] E^^gen[^a].

Franc. I am no God fir. 140

To giue a new life to her, yet I'le hazard
My head, I'le worke the fenceleffe trunke t'appeare
To him as it had got a fecond being,
Or that the foule that's fled from't were call'd backe,
To gouerne it againe, I will preferue it 145

In the firft fweetneffe, and by a ftrange vaper
Which I'le infufe into her mouth, create
A feeming breath, I'le make her vaines run high to
As if they had true motion.

Pefc. Doe but this,

Till we vfe meanes to win vpon his paffions 150

T'indure to heare fhee's dead with fome fmall patience
And make thine owne reward.

Franc. The art I vfe

Admits no looker on, I only aske
The fourth part of an hower to perfect that
I boldly vndertake.

Pefc. I will procure it. 155

2. Doct. What ftranger's this?

Pefc. Sooth me in all I fay

There is a maine end in't.

Franf. Beware.

Euge. I am warn'd.

Pefc. Looke vp Sir chearefully, comfort in me
Flowes ftronglie to you.

[Sf.] From whence came that found?

M2
V, 2, 137 his] C M, her.

140 THE DUKE OF MILAN

Was it from my Marceliaf if it were i6c

I rife and ioy will giue me wings to meet it.

Pef. Nor fhall your expectation be deferrd
But a few minuts, your Phyfitians are
Meere voice, and no performance, I haue found

A man that can do wonders, do not hinder 165

The Dutches wifht recouery to inquire,
Or what he is, or to giue thankes, but leaue him
To worke this miracle.

Sf. Sure, 'tis my good Angell,

I do obey in all things ; be it death

For any to difturbe him, or come neere 170

Till he be pleafd' to call vs, 6 be profperous
And make a Duke thy Bondman.

'Exe[itnt] all but Franc[ifco] & Eugenia.

Franc. Tis my pu[r]pofe

If that to fall" a long wifht facrifice
To my reuenge can be a benefit.
I'll firft make faft the dores, foe.

Euge. You amaze me 175

What followes now?

Franc. A full conclufion

Of all thy wifhes, looke on this, Eugenia,
Eu'n fuch a thing, the proudeft faire on earth
(For whofe delight the elements are ranfack'd

And art with nature ftudie[d] to preferue her) 180

Muft be when fhe is fummond to appeare
In the Court of death, but I loofe time.

Euge. What meane you?

Franc. Difturbe me not, your Ladifhip lookes pale
But I, your Docter, haue a cerufe for you,

See my Eugenia, how many faces 185

That are ador'd in Court borrow thefe helpes,

[Paints the cheeks]

And paffe for excellence, when the bette[r] part
Of them are like to this, your mouth fmells foure to,
But here is that fhall take away the fent,

[Paints the lips]

V, 2. 172 pupose] Q= C M G, purpose.

V, 2, 180 studies] G, studied.

V, 2, 187 bettet] Q: C M G, better.

THE DUKE OF MILAN 141

A precious antidote old Ladies vfe 19x3

When they would kiffe, knowing their gumtnes are rotten :
Thefe hands to, that difdaind' to take a touch

[Paints the hands]

From any lip, whofe [owner] writ not Lord
Are now but as the courfeft earth, but I

Am at the charge, my bill not to be paid tO[,] 195

To giue them feeming beauty, foe tis done
How do you like my workmanfhip?

Eitgen. I tremble

And thus to tirannize vpon the dead
Is moft inhumane.

Franc. Come we for reuenge,

And can we thinke on pitty ? now to the vpfhott, 200

And as it proues applaud it. My lord the Duke
Enter with ioy, and fee the fuddaine [change]
Your feruants hand hath wrought.

Ent[er Sf]orza, and the reft.

[Sf.} I Hue againe

In my full confidence that Marcelia may
Pronounce my pardon. Can fhe fpeake yet ?

Franc. No, 205

You muft not looke for all your ioyes at once,
That will aske longer time.

Pefca. Tis wondrous ftrange!

[Sf.] By all the dues of loue I haue had from her.
This hand feemes as it was when firft I kift it,

Thefe lips inuite to, I could euer feed 210

Vpon thefe rofes, they ftill keepe their colour
And natiue fweetneffe, only the nectar's wanting
That like the morning dew in flowry May
Preferu'd them in their beauty.

Enter Graccho

Grac. Treafon, treafon.

Tiber. Call vp the guard.

Franc, [aside] Graccho! then we are loft. 215

[Enter Guard]

Grace. I am got off, Sir lew, a bribe hath done it
For all your ferious charge ; ther's no difguife can keepe

V, 2, 193 honour] N G, owner.

V, 2, 202 chance] Q2 C M G, change.

142 THE DUKE OF MILAN

You from my knowledge,

[Sf.] Speake.

Grace. I am out of breath,

But thi? is.

Franc. Spare thy labor foole, [disclosing himself] Francifco.

All. Monfter of Men.

Franc. Giue me all attributes 220

Of all you can imagine, yet I glory
To be the thing I was borne, I am Francifco,
Francifco that was raif'd by you, And made
The Minion of the timef,] The fame Francifco,

That would haue whor'd this trunke when it had life, 225

And after breath'd a iealoufie vpon thee
As killing as thofe damps that belch out plagues,
When the foundation of the earth is fhaken ;
I made thee doe a deed heauen will not pardon
Which was to kill an innocent.

[Sf.] Call forth the tortures 230

For all that flefh can f eele.

Franc. I dare the worft,

Only to yeeld fome reafon to the world

Why I purfud' this courfe, looke on this face [reveals Eugenia]
Made old by thy bafe falfhood, 'tis Eugenia.

[Sf.] Eugenia.

Franc. Do's it ftart you Sir? my Sifter, 235

Seduc'd and fool'd by thee, but thou muft pay
The forfet of thy falfhod, [aside] do's it not worke yet?
What ere becomes of me (which I efteeme not)
Thou art mark'd for the graue, I haue giuen thee poifon
In this cup, now obferue me, [which] thy [lust] 240

Carowfing deeply of, made thee forget
Thy vow'd, faith to Eugenia.

Pefc. O damn'd villaine !

I fab. How do you Sir?

V, 2, 217-8 CMC, rearrange. See note.

V, 2, 219 Franc.] Q2 Sf.

V, 2, 219 thy] Q: your.

V, 2, 223-4 Rearranged with CMC. See note.

V, 2, 240 with] C M N G, which.

V, 2, 240 last] N G, lust.

THE DUKE OF MILAN 143

[Sf.] Like one,

That learnes to know in death what punifhment

Waites on the [breach] of faith, 6 now I feele 245

An JEtna, in my entrailes, I haue liu'd
A Prince, and my laft breath fhalbe commaund
I burne, I burne, yet er'e life be confum'd
Let me pronounce vpon this wretch all torture
That witty cruelty can inuent.

Pefc. Away with him. 250

Tibe. In all things we will ferue you.

Franc. Farewell fifter,

Now I haue kept my word, torments I fcorne,
I leaue the world with glory, they are men
And leaue behind them name and. memory,
That wrong'd doe right themfelues before they die. 255

Ste. A defperate wretch. Exe[unt] guard with Franc[ifco].

[Sf.] I come death, I obey thee,

Yet I will not die raging, for alas,
My whole life was a phrenfie. Good Eugenia
In death forgiue me, As you loue me beare her

To fome religious houfe, there let her fpend 260

The remnant of her life, when I am afhes
Perhaps fhee'll be appeaf'd, and (pare a prayer
For my poore foule. Bury me with Marcelia
And let our Epitaph be — [Dies]

Tibe. His fpeech is ftop'd.

Steph. Already dead.

Pefc. It is in vaine to labour 265

To call him backe, wee'll giue him funerall,
And then determine of the ftate affaires
And learne from this example, ther's no truft
In a foundation that is built on luft.

Exeunt [omnes ivith bodies}.
FINIS.

V, 2, 245 breath] Q2 C M G, breach.

NOTES

TITLE PAGE

The title page here given is a representation, not a facsimile. There
is a misprint of " r " for " t " in " Prin[t]ed ".

The title page of the second quarto is the same as that of the first
with the exception of the printer's device, and the advertisement at the
foot of the page which reads :

London,

Printed by lohn Raworth for Ed-ward Blackmorc, and

are to be sold at his shop, at the signe of the

Angel in Pauls Churchyard. 1638.

PREFATORY VERSES

My quarto hasn't the prefatory verses, which I quote from Hazlitt,
reference below"?

Their authorship is a disputed question. Davies (quoted by Gifford)
says that " 'Tis the opinion of Mr. Reed, that the initials W. B. stand for
William Brown. ... I see no reason to think otherwise." Gifford takes
Davies to task and thinks the verses may " with some probability, be re
ferred to W. Basse, a minor poet, whose tribute of praise is placed at the
head of the commendatory verses on Shakespeare : or to W. Barksted,
author of Myrrha the Mother of Adonis, a poem, 1607. Barksted was an
actor."

Yet Mr. W. C. Hazlitt prints these verses in his edition of " The
Whole Works of William Browne," II, p. 359, saying, " I think there can
be little doubt of the pen from which they proceeded." Mr. Bullen also in
his article upon Browne in D. N. B. thinks they " may be safely assigned "
to him.

Now there are also commendatory verses signed W. B. to the Bond
man. These two sets of verses are evidently by the same author because
of identity of tone and thought ; but they are so radically different in both
tone and expression from the other commendatory verses written by
Browne, those to C. Brooke and those to Drayton, that I cannot accept the
attribution to Browne of either the commendatory verses to the Duke of
Milan or those to the Bondman.

Mr. Gordon Godwin prints these lines in his edition of Browne, but
notes (II, 314) that they have been assigned to Basse also. However,
Mr. R. Warwick Bond, in his edition of " The Works of William Basse,"
pp. 119-22, gives it as his opinion concerning the verses to the Bondman,
" On grounds of style I think they are more probably by Basse, though in
this case he has little to gain from the allowance of his claim." On the

144

NOTES 145

same grounds, if is my belief that both the verses to the Bondman and
those to the Duke of Milan are to be attributed to Basse.

DEDICATION

Ded. 5-6. Lady Katherine Stanhope. Katherine, daughter of Francis,
Lord Hastings, married Philip Stanhope in 1605, to whom she bore six
sons. She died Aug. 28, 1636. Stanhope was created Baron of Shelford
for the consideration of £10,000, Nov. 7, 1616 (Court and Times of James

I, I, 426, 436). He was created Earl of Chesterfield Aug. 4, 1628 (Doyle,
D. N. B.).

There is also in existence a MS. copy of a rhymed letter (see Appen
dix II) by Massinger to the same lady, entitled, "A Newyeares Guift pre
sented to my Lady and Mrs the then Lady Katherine Stanhop now Coun-
tesse of Chester feild (Engl. Stud., 26, 6-7; Athenaeum, 1906, 2, 273.
The letter, then, must have been written before Aug 4, 1628, the title
after. Seemingly this poem was written before the publication of the
Duke of Milan (1623) as he says concerning his praise of her, "I haue
heretofore been silent," which would not be true after that date. It may
have been written shortly before this play was dedicated to her and bear
reference to his intention in the lines :

" But there may be a tyme when I shall dare
To tell the world and boldly what yu are."

Yet another and more intimate connection with the play is possible.
The " Newyeares Guift " may be a copy of the play itself, in which these
lines were originally written, as were the lines to Foljambe in the copy of
the same play presented to him (Gifford, IV, 593). His statement of the
nature of a work that would live seems to point 'to a work of this kind
rather than to the letter itself.

"... a work that should indure
Must haue a Genius in it, strong, as pure ".

As New Years day came 25th of March the quarto could easily have been
printed since its license over two months before. However, this last theory
is only a possibility, not a certainty.

Ded. 10. " workes . . . hath." Abbott calls this the " Third person
plural in th " (334). This form is common and need not be changed. Cf.

II, I, 334-5, for a somewhat similar case.

Ded. 12. " Princesses of Italic." The second quarto prints " Princes "
followed by Coxeter and Mason. The reading of the first quarto is pref
erable here as a lady is addressed. Massinger uses the phrase " Italian
Princes " also, in his dedication to A New Way to Pay Old Debts where a
man is concerned. In both connections he is quoting authority for what he is
doing. Professor Parrott calls my attention to a similar use by Chapman
in his dedications to the Widow's Tears and Revenge of Bussy. See his
note on the dedication of the Widow's Tears (The Comedies of George
Chapman, 807).

146 THE DUKE OF MILAN

Ded. 26. " Mr. Malone had convinced himself that the proper name
of our poet was Messenger, because it is so spelt in the title-page of the
first edition of the Duke of Milan. In this copy [quarto with Massinger's
notes], it is corrected as we now have it, and as it stands at the bottom
of his little address" (Gifford, I, iii. Note.)- In the copy which I have
used the name is spelled correctly on the title page but incorrectly in the
dedication. It is spelled " Massinger " in the autograph signature to the
tripartite letter (Greg, Henslowe Papers, frontispiece facsimile).

ACT I, SCENE i

The text begins on B. There are two leaves preceding, the recto of
the first being the title page, verso blank ; recto of second bearing the
dedication, verso list of actors. The page lettering is often cut away but
I have not thought such omissions of sufficient importance to be noted.

I, I. Scene direction. Directions as to scene I have placed in the
notes. Mason follows Coxeter in all stage directions, making only very
slight changes in spelling, etc. Therefore, I shall quote only Coxeter.
Gifford disagrees from both wherever he is not obliged to agree.

In this instance, Coxeter has, "Scene, a public Place in Pisa"; Gif
ford " Milan. An outer Room in the Castle." I would prefer " A street
in Milan." In reality, as in the other plays of the time, it is doubtful if
the author definitely localized the scene. Hence my relegation of such
directions to the notes.

I, i. Stage direction. " Enter louio." Gifford says this appears to
be a misprint for Julio because he identifies this character with one of the
two gentlemen of III, 2, 63, called " lulio " in the text. The identification
is, I think, improbable. (For my reason, see note on III, 2, 63, stage direc
tion.) Besides, the name occurs only once there. Now in Believe As Ye
List Massinger regularly wrote the names of characters out in full before
speeches. If this was his regular method, the printer would have had the
full name before him five times in this scene. I see no reason therefore
for supposing a misprint.

I, i. Stage direction. Giovanni says nothing in this scene and does
not appear again in the play by name. He should go off with the other
two, as Gifford recognized, after line 33.

I, i, i. " giue the oath" (see also I, I, 31). Graccho may mean
that they shall make all they meet swear upon their flagons in imitation of
Caliban.

"I'll swear upon that bottle to be thy true subject."

Tempest II, 2, 130.

I, i, 4. " The Duke of Milan (1623) seems, by the close continuity of
the action, to be concluded in four consecutive days ; the only specific
allusions to time are the mention of festivities in honor of the duchess'
birthday as 'yesterday' (2, i) and the injunction, on this holiday, 'if you
find a man at ten that's sober, he's a traitor" (I, i) " (The Presentation
of Time in the Elizabethan Drama, Mable Buland, page 18).

NOTES 147

To these must be added "In three dayes absence buried" (II, i, 294).
In the opening conversation of Act II we are led to suppose that the time
is next morning after the happenings of the first act, but in the description
of the duchess' behavior (29-41) we must suppose a longer time. Again
in II, I, 56, the feasting of the first act is spoken of as having taken place
"yesterday"; but in line 294, Sforza's memory is spoken of as being
buried in three days absence. Therefore, it seems to me that Massinger
is using the well known device of double time to bridge over the break
causd by Sforza's journey. As to fixing the period occupied by the action
of the play, I do not see how it can be done with definiteness, but Mas-
singer tried to create the impression of continuous action.

I, i, 5. I have placed the second half line to the right in order to
show the lining. In the quarto, no such distinction is made. I have fol
lowed this plan throughout.

I, i, 6. If we are to believe Sir Thomas Overbury, the sexton would
be willing enough to take the " oath." He says in his character of a
Sexton (Characters, 1614), "He could willingly all his life time be con-
finde to the church-yard ; at least within five foot on't : for at every church
stile, commonly trier's an ale-house : where let him be found never so idle-
pated, he is still a grave drunkard ... he will hold argument in a taverne
over sack, till the deall and himselfe be both at a stand."

Jovio may. raise the question of the sexton's exemption because he had
night duties which he would not be supposed to leave to celebrate. How
ever, according to Graccho, not even the sexton is to be exempt.

I, i, 6-7. "'If the bells ring out of tune,' i. e. backward: the usual
signal of alarm on the breaking out of fires. So in the City Match (Jasper
Mayne) :

' Then, sir, in time

You may be remember'd at the quenching of
Fired houses, when the bells ring backward, by
Your name upon the buckets.' " Gifford.

(Act II, Scene 3, page 230 in H's Dodsley, Vol. XIII.)

1,1,9. " tooke." Gifford has altered this participial form consistently
to " ta'en " in this play and all others whose quartos I have examined.

" Owing to the tendency to drop the inflection en, the Elizabethan
authors frequently used the curtailed forms of past participles which are
common in Early English." (Abbott, 343.)

I, i, ii. " Vnlesse he read it in Geneua print." "Alluding to the
spirituous liquor so called," Mason.

There is also the punning reference to the Geneva Bible which was
printed in readable Roman type. A man who could read any but the
clearest print was not drunk enough.

This punning reference occurs also in the Merry Devil of Edmonton,
II, i, 63-4, where the host says to the smith, who is drunk, " Smith, I see
by thy eyes thou hast bin reading little Geneua print."

148 THE DUKE OF MILAN

I, I, I4-I5-

" Or if you Mittigate it, Let such pay
Fortie Crownes to the poore."

There were three statutes against drunkenness in the reign of James
I. i James I, cap. 9, provided that every innkeeper was to be fined " 55.
currant money of England, to the vse of the Poore of the Parish where
each offence shall be committed " if he permitted drunkenness in his
place. 4 James I, cap. 5, provided that every person who should be drunk
must pay a fine of five shillings for the use of the poor. If he refused to
pay the fine, it might be levied from his property ; or if he didn't have that
much property, " Then the Offender or Offenders shall bee committed
to the Stockes for euerie Offence, there to remaine by the space of thre
houres." 21 James I, cap. 7 (A. D. 1623-4), strengthens the preceding act
considerably.

It is, of course, to the second of these that reference is made here.
Graccho recommends that offenders receive the maximum penalty of
being laid by the heels and greatly exaggerates the fine that is to be im
posed in case of mercy. Of course, it is natural to think of the law against
drunkenness when drunkards are presented but this law seems to have
been on Massrnger's mind especially about this time as he satirizes the
enforcing of the same law in Love's Cure, IV, 3 (i7ib) (references to
the Beaumont and Fletcher plays are to Barley's edition) :

" Alg. Now we'll go search the taverns, commit such
As we find drinking, and be drunk ourselves
With what we take from them."

Massinger's part of this play is supposed to date about 1623. He refers
to this law again, together with that against swearing, in the Unnatural
Combat, IV, 2 (s;b) :

" To be often drunk, and swear, yet pay no forfeit
To the poor."

Possibly this interest is to be accounted for by agitation which led to the
enactment of the more stringent third law in 1623-4. Ben Jonson also
refers to this law in Bartholomew Fair, IV, 3 (1614) : " Stay, Bristle, here
ish anoder brash of drunkards, but very quiet, special drunkards, will pay
de five shillings very well."

I, i, 17. "the Courtier's reeling." All preceding editors seem to re
gard " Courtiers " as the plural of the noun. It was easy for an apos
trophe to drop out as it did in III, 2, 6, " honours," where there is no
ambiguity, however. The construction, " the Courtier," occurs again, IV,
I, 23.

I, I, 18-19. " Duke . . . kind and in his tottering chaire carousing."
Cf.

" drunken men
Are ever loving."
The Chances, I, i (4953). Fletcher scene.

NOTES 149

L, *» 32~3- " Lord . . . bound ... to take his rouse." " As drunk
as a begger. This Proverb begins now to be disused, and people instead
of it are ready to say, As drunk as a Lord: so much hath that vice (the
more is the pity) prevail'd among the Nobility and Gentry of late years."
(John Ray, Proverbs, page 104, no. 18.)

L i, 53. C. M. G. ; all omit " the " from the phrase " at the stake "
of the quartos, seemingly because of the meter. The omission, however,
is not necessary, and where I have found the phrase in Massinger, it is
"at the stake," though there is no doubt about the meter in the other
cases. Cf. Bond., I, 2 (1053) ; IV, 3, (i22a) ; P. L., IV, 5 (i86b) ; D. F.,
Ill, i (2363) ; N. W., Ill, 2 (4033). References throughout are to Cun
ningham's Massinger.

I, i, 59-60.

" Dangers that we see
To threaten ruine, are with ease preuented."

In the table at the back of Lodge's Seneca, we find " Afflictions that
are scene, are slight, 720." On page 720, in the margin we find " afflictions
that are foreseen are slight " ; in the text, " Those things that are long
time foreseene assault us more leasurely." (Lodge's Seneca, ed. 1620,
p. 720.) For other parallels from Lodge's Seneca, see notes to III, I,
219-20; IV, 3, 102; V, 2, 227-8.

I, i, 66-8. " warre . . . have" Mason and Gifford write "wars," but
as the quarto construction is a common one of the time, I let it stand.
For the same construction see III, 3, 95-6. Abbott does not give a sepa
rate section to this construction but quotes two illustrations under 337.

I, i, 68. Gifford prints " interess'd " and remarks, " So the old copies.
The modern editors, much to the advantage of the rhythm, read : ' Have
interested,' etc. Probably they were ignorant of such a word as interess ".
My copy of the first quarto reads " interrest'd ", second " interest'd ".
Believe As Ye List, MS. II, 2 (6o6b), reads:

" such men as were interresstd
In the greate cause ".

Therefore, I believe my quarto has the correct form. Gifford may have
had a first quarto with slight variations from mine as he makes a positive
statement which mine does not bear out again, I, 3; 30. So the New Eng
lish Dictionary which quotes this passage as an example under " Interess
v. 4" should probably shift it to "Interest v. 4".

I, i, 74. The sense here seems to demand "hating", which would
would require only the mistaking by the printer of a " t " for a "v ". This
mistake would be easily made in Massinger's handwriting, especially when
the letter is followed by an " i " as it is here.

I, i, 74. "Spanish pride". The phrase "Spanish pride" would come
very naturally to Massinger at this time when negotiations for the un
popular Spanish match were at their highest pitch. It was in February,
1623, that Charles made his visit of courtship to the Spanish Court. It

150 THE DUKE OF MILAN

will be remembered that Massinger was refused license for Believe As
Ye List later because of its treatment of Spanish affairs. Cf. i, 3, 105.
I, i, 85-6.

" Untill it be determin'd by the sword,

Who hath the better cause ".
Cf.

" Let their swords determine
Who hath the better cause ".
The False One, I, i (3893). (A Massinger scene.)

I, i, 88. " Most miserably guilty." A Massinger expression. Cf.
U. C., V, 2 (6ib) ; Fat. D., IV, 4 (3803).
I, i, 90-91.

" on whose faire Tent
Win'gd victory will make her glorious stand."

Precisely the same figure occurs in False One, I, i (39ob), and
Prophetess, IV, 4 (i/b), both of which scenes are assigned by Boyle, Oli-
phant, Fleay, and Macaulay to Massinger, in which assignment I concur.

With the change of " win'gd " to " plumed " it occurs in M. H., I, 2
(258a) ; and Pict., II, 2 (295a) ; with the further change of " tent " to
"helmet" U. C., II, i (42b).

I, i, 120. Massinger's line has a caesural pause in the oratorical cen
ter, the two halves balancing, in this line after " too ". Consequently,
" too " does not modify " acquainted ", and the line should be punctuated
and read as Coxeter and Mason have indicated. The second half of the
parenthesis is omitted in the quarto but should be placed at the end of the
line where the quarto has a comma.

I, i, 126. " Exeunt " has been moved down a line.

' ACT I, SCENE 2

I, 2. There is no division marked here in the quarto or for scene 3.
All other scene divisions are marked. The divisions may have been made,
however, and for some reason have been crossed out as so many are in
Believe As Ye List, MS.

I, 2, Scene direction. C, M " Scene changes to the Court." G " An
other Room in the same ". Seemingly the scene is " A room in the
Palace ".

I, 2, Stage direction. A comma is placed after Mariana by mistake
for a period. A few other mistakes of the same kind appear. Cf. I, 3, 10.

I, 2, I.

" I scorne to be a spot ".

" Mariana alludes to the spots (eyes) in the peacock's tail." Gifford.
Cf. " So rare are true deservers lov'd or known,
That men lov'd vulgarly are ever none,
Nor men grac'd servilely for being spots
In princes trains, though borne even with their crowns."

(Chapman, Byron's Conspiracy, III, 2, 232-235, Parrott.)

NOTES 151

I, 2, 6. The second quarto, followed by all the modern editors, places
a comma after " please ", which is probably correct, as it carries out the
parallelism of the sentence. The caesural pause after " please " indicates
the same reading. Cf. Emp. I, 2 (3253). Quarto. "And if you please,
ask some about the court ". I do not find the construction with " to "
omitted after please in Massinger.

I, 2, 9. The first quarto has a period after "graunted". I have fol
lowed the second in substituting a comma.

I, 2, 18. The period is omitted after " praises ". Such a mistake is
very rare in this quarto. I have noted no other case in the text, though
there are a very few others in the name abbreviations.

I, 2, 20. In the quarto, the apostrophe is one letter too far forward
in " wha'ts " and " defor'md ". It is placed correctly in I, 3, 6. See oppo
site error in ner'e, I, 3, 26, 70; also ne're, I, 3, 345.

I, 2, 32. Q,. " To 'obey ". I suspect the apostrophe is before " obey "
because the printer intended to omit the " o ". Cf . IV, 2, 4, " To 'bserve ",
an exact parallel.

ACT I, SCENE 3 '

I, 3. Coxeter and Mason have no specific scene for this. Gifford has
" A State Room in the same ", which is sufficiently correct though " ban
queting hall " would probably be better. See note on I, 2.

I, 3, 6-10. Compare this sentiment with that of Beaumont:

" Lys. Strato, thou has some skill in poetry ;

What think' st thou of the masque? will it be well?
Stra. As well as masques can be.
Lys. As masques can be?
Stra. Yes ; they must commend their king, and speak in praise

Of the assembly, bless the bride and bridegroom

In person of some god ; they're tied to rules

Of flattery."

Maid's Tragedy, I, i, 5-11. Variorum.

The definition of each is about the same, " A piece of flattery ". Beau
mont has given us illustrations of his definition in the masque concerning
which this was said and in the " Masque of the Inner Temple ".

We do not know that Massinger wrote so elaborate a masque as the
latter, but he has a masque in the Picture, II, 2 (29513-2963). In the City
Madam, V, 3 (454b) and the Guardian, IV, 2 (48ib) he has representa
tions containing the same elements, classic figures, music, and dance,
though he does not there dignify them with the name of masque. Perhaps
these latter might better be classified as pageant, pantomime, or dumb
show.

His masques, in form, seem to follow the Fletcher formula fairly
well:

" Tis not half an hour's work :
A Cupid and a fiddle, and the thing's done."

The Elder Brother, II, 2. (Fletcher scene.)

11 •

152 THE DUKE OF MILAN

I, 3, 10. A comma appears after " Gent." by mistake for a period.
I, 3, 20^1.

" this present age yeelds not a woman
Worthy to be her second ".

The same expression occurs in D. F., I, 2 (2273) ; Emp., I, I (3213).

I, 3, 23. " Of those canoniz'd Ladies Sparta boasts of ".
Cf. " What the canonized Spartan ladies were ".

Virgin Martyr, V, 2 (33a).

I, 3, 25. Here the printer misread " and " for " one ". This is very
easy to do in Massinger's handwriting as the " e " and the " d " are very
much alike, the only difference being in size. This is one of the errors
that Massinger corrected in the Foljambe quarto.

I. 3» 30. " ' Forces her modesty '. So the edition of 1623, which Coxe-
ter does not appear to have often consulted. He reads, after that of 1638,
enforces, though it destroys the metre. Mr. M. Mason, of course, follows
him". (Gifford.)

Again Gifford makes a positive statement which is not borne out by
my first quarto. See note, I, i, 68. The reading of the quartos does not
destroy the mej:er of the line as may be seen when it is read in connection
with the' preceding lines. Instead, it gives a smoother reading. Mas-
singer's lines should not be considered singly but as a part of the larger
structure in which they occur.

I, 3. 34- For " absolute " the second quarto reads " perfect both ". It
is noticeable that on the reverse of the page, about one line lower down
and a little to the right we find an analogous change, line 70 of Q2 reads
" sweet " for the first " swear " of Qi. I suspect, therefore, that the copy
of the first quarto from which the second was printed was slightly injured
here, and the printer supplied the gap to the best of his ability. This may
have been the case also in II, I, 240. Of course, " sweet " for " swear "
is in itself a perfectly plausible misprint.

I. 3. 35- " speake the least part to the height ". This expression
occurs again, Guard., IV, 2 (4823).

The phrase " to the height " occurs in other authors of the time,
Shakespeare, Fletcher, etc., but I have found it in combination with
" speak " nowhere but in Massinger.

1.3.69-70. " (Which pardon mee, that I presume to kisse)

Sfo. O sweare, for ever sweare."
Cf. " Beaumcl. By this kiss,

And this and this.

Nov. jun. That you would ever swear thus ! "
Fat. D., Ill, i (368a).

I, 3, 72. For the normal construction " sated with " cf.

" sated with
The peace and quiet of a country life ".

Bel, V, i (62ob) ; MS. 23 verso.

NOTES 153

" and when you are sated
With thinking of Leosthenes ".

Bond., Ill, 2 (lisa).

I, 3, 81. The direction has been moved from the right margin at end
of the line.

I, 3, 82. The spelling and metrical position of " Pavie " indicate its
pronunciation, Pa'vy.

I, 3, 83. Gifford makes the Post go out, doubtless to serve as the
second Post a few lines later. I rather think that he remained, as did
the second, till the general exit. The table of dramatis personae seems
to bear this out by its entry, " 2 Posts ".

I, 3, 84-5. " This . . . passion " is printed in the second quarto as
one line. The second quarto rearranges often, not seemingly upon metri
cal grounds, but rather to save space, as the text is closely printed, Qi
does not often do this. Q2 rearranges also in I, 3, 92; II, i, 206-7; HI, I,
61; III, i, 105; III, i, 141; III, i, 21 1 ; III, 2, 24; III, 2, 104; III, 3, 125;
IV, 2, 2; IV, 2, 19; IV, 2, 43; IV, 3, 83; IV, 3, 167; IV, 3, 177; IV, 3, 184;

IV, 3, 206; IV, 3, 207; IV, 3, 208; IV, 3, 21 1 ; IV, 3, 247; V, i, 23; V, i,
114; V, i, 121 ; V, i, 138.

I) 3, J43- I" the quarto, this direction is placed at the end of the
second half line.

I, 3, 153. Mason and Gifford alter '"Tis" to "Is". I prefer to keep
the quarto reading as I think it is correct; and with its broken construc
tion, more appropriate under the circumstances.

I, 3, 162. I have inserted here Gifford's directions, with the addition
of " two Posts ", there being no direction at this point in the quartos or
editions preceding Gifford's.

I, 3, 169. "flow from me". A recurring phrase. Cf. Ill, 3, 86-7;

V, 2, 158-9.

I, 3, J93- There is no mark of punctuation at the end of this line in
the quartos. Mason and Gifford place an exclamation mark here, which
in many ways gives a preferable reading but not an absolutely neces
sary one.

I, 3, 199-200.

" Tis not in the power
Of Fate to alter me".

Cf. II, i, 396.

I, 3, 202. This passage has always given trouble. There is no break
metrically or in the quartos. Gifford says Massinger made no correction
here in the Foljambe quarto. Either, then, he overlooked it, or it is as he
intended it. Coxeter and Mason read :

" But were that Will,
To be so, forc'd, Marcelia?"

Gifford inserts " be " before " forced " in his first edition but leaves a
blank in the same place for his second. Either reading gives the evident

154 THE DUKE OF MILAN

meaning of the passage. The Coxeter reading has the advantage of being
metrical and clear but requires a slight emendation. Gifford's final inter
pretation would leave the text intact but requires an obscure construction
that is to me very un-Massingerian. Therefore I prefer the Coxeter
reading but do not regard the evidence for it sufficiently strong to make
emendation absolutely certain.

I. 3» 2O3- Mason and Gifford both print " my " instead of " mine ".
I am not sure that the change was intentional, but if so, I see no reason
for it. Before vowels " mine " is the regular form in this play. Cf. I, 3,
371, " mine owne security ".

I. 3> 2I3~4- " There are so many wayes to let out life, I would not
live, for one short minute his ".

Cf. P. L., IV, 2 (1833) ; Very Woman, V, 4 (5243.), where we are
told there are " a thousand doors ".

Cunliffe (Influence of Seneca on Elizabethan Tragedy, 23-4) quotes
several instances of this idea and gives it's source as Seneca's Thebais,

I5I-3:

" ubique mors est. optume hoc cauit deus.
eripere vitam nemo non homini potest,
at- nemo mortem ; mille ad hanc aditus patent."

He considers that Massinger's most important debt to Seneca, how
ever, is " the Stoical fortitude with which [his] characters are inspired in
face of death" (p. 116). Seneca is mentioned by Massinger, M. H., IV,
3 (272b) ; R. A., 111,2 (2083) ; Emp., V, i (3483).

I, 3, 217. In the quarto the stage direction is at the end of the line,
thus "Why vncall'd for?) Ent. Francis."

I, 3, 240. " Thus then, Sir ". Another Massinger formula. Cf . I, 3,
248; I, 3, 284. He uses "then" very frequently.

I, 3. 243- " For fame hath many wings to bring ill tidings ".

Cf. " 111 news, madam,

Are swallow wing'd, but what's good walks on crutches ".

Pict., II, i (202a).

For the description of Fame, see Virgil's Aeneid, 4, 173-88.
I, 3, 244-5. This stands in the quartos :

" But to give you such,
Such friendly counsell."

Massinger does repeat sometimes from one line to the next ; but as
this case would give an extra foot and is not at all necessary the first
"such" is probably a misprint.

I. 3, 301. Gifford alters " thou " to " you ". He has done so either
unintentionally or inconsistently as he retains a perfect parallel in 308.

I, 3, 322. For semicolon marking interrupted speech see Simpson,
Shakespearean Punctuation, p. 60.

I, 3» 325- " signes of dutie ". Coxeter and Mason insert a stage
direction " Kneels " which is probably correct.

NOTES 155

I, 3, 325-6.

" Is she not the abstract
Of all that's rare, or to be wish't in Woman?"

This is a repeated Massinger expression. Cf. R. A., I, 2 (ig6a) ;
M. H., IV, 3 (273b) ; Pict., I, 2 (28?b) ; Emp., IV, 5 (3443) ; D. F., Ill,
i (238b).

I, 3» 328- " Ad to her goodnesse ". I can not agree with Gifford who
reads " too ". I have not found an undoubted instance of such a con
struction in Massinger. As it stands, it is a Massinger construction. Cf.
I, 3, 178; II, i, 289; III, i, 96; IV, i, 66.

I, 3. 336. The mark of punctuation is badly blurred in the first quarto
but I think it is probably the question mark, as it is in the second quarto.

I. 3, 35°- " What is decreed, can never be recal'd ". The reference
is probably to the decree of Fate, not Sforza's decree. Cf. New Way,
V, i (42ob) :

" what's decreed
Above, we cannot alter."

I» 3, 36ft " his unspotted body ". " His " was corrected to " her " by
Massinger in the Foljambe quarto. We might have supposed as much
from the parallel passage, IV, 3, 312-3.

ACT II, SCENE i

II, i. Coxeter and Mason, " Scene, a Court belonging to the Palace."
Gifford " The same. An open space before the Castle." Either will do
as the scene is evidently before Marcelia's room, her first appearance being
on the upper stage.

II, i, 3. "To leave his owne strengths." Massinger is rather fond
of such plurals. This word occurs in the plural in Ren., V, 3 (i6ia) ;
M. H., Ill, 3 (26ob), V, 2 (2823) ; Pict., IV, 4 (3i3a) ; N. W ., I, 2 (3923) ;
Bash., V, 3 (5583) ; Bond. (Q), I, 2 (1023) ; R. A. (Q), V, i (22ob).

II, i, 9. " owne and sure ". This phrase occurs in R. A., Ill, 2
(207b); Bel, III, 3 (6ioa).

II, i, 17. " Oedipus ", the solver of riddles. Cf. R. A., Ill, 2 (209b) ;
D. F., IV, i (245a) ; Pict., Ill, 5 (3023) ; Emp., II, i (3283).

II, i, 29-30. Gifford arranges:

" Sadly, it seems by the dutchess ;
For since he left the court,
For the most part, etc."

The quarto reading gives only one imperfect line, 28. Gifford's gives
two, 28 and 30. The imperfect lines are few in this play.

II, i, 37-8-

" she that lately

Rivald Poppaea in her varied shapes,
Or the Aegyptian Queene."

156 THE DUKE OF MILAN

Cf. " But so adorn'd as if she were to rival

Nero's Poppaea or the Egyptian queen."

Very Woman, II, 3 (soia).

II, i, 48. In the first quarto this direction is placed in the margin
opposite line 49 and first half-line of 50.

II, I, 57. " Ladies ". The possessive singular. Graccho is servant of
the princess Mariana, line 58.

II, i, 83. This direction is placed in the first quarto in the margin
following the second half-line of 83.

II, i, 84. " There is no contending ". The characteristic phrase of
Stephano from now on. Cf. II, i, 237 ; IV, 3, 247.

II, i, 85. Graccho is evidently talking to Mariana when Tiberio says,
" See, the informing rogue." Gifford noted this, attaching to the pre
ceding stage directions, line 83, " Graccho whispers the latter."

II, i, 92. In the first quarto, this stage direction follows the first
half-line of 92.

II, i, 94. " Arras pictures of Nobilitie ". Empty forms of nobility
with no more real power than the pictures on arras.

II, i, 105. The question mark was used regularly in exclamations.
See Simpson" Shakespearean Punctuation, p. 85.

II, i, 109.

" Of a little thing,
It is so full of gall".

Gifford notes here the frequent allusion to the size of the actors in plays
of the time, one of which is Midsummer Night's Dream (III, 2, 282 ff.),
the quarrel in which between Hermia and Helena he considers the model
and authority for this scene in the Duke of Milan. It cannot be accepted
as authority for the scene, however, as it is in comedy, this in tragedy.

Gifford also things the part of Mariana was " not improbably " taken
by Theophilus Bourne, who acted Paulina, a woman " low of stature " in
the Renegado, I, 2 (i35b), and mentions that Domitilla in the Roman
Actor, who was called "Dwarf", IV, i (21 ib), was played by John Hun-
nyman. We have no record that Bourne ever belonged to the King's men.
When he played Paulina in the Renegado, licensed 1624, printed 1630, he
was a member of the Princess Elizabeth's men. Hunnyman is first men
tioned in the Roman Actor (Oct. n, 1626), and is evidently very young
at that time as he is called " Dwarf ". He could not, then, have taken
the part, which must have been taken by a boy just beginning about 1622,
for Mariana is "little" (II, i, 109). It could hardly have been Holcombe,
as he had come into the company before 1619. It may have been James
Horn, who is mentioned in the Pilgrim, last of the list and therefore pre
sumably is an actor of women's parts ; or John Thompson, who is cer
tainly in the company before 1623, playing the part of Julia to Sharp's
Duchess in the Duchess of Malfi. I suspect Thompson took the part.

Since Richard Sharp played the chief women's parts for the King's
Company from before 1619 to about 1623, it is practically certain that he

NOTES 157

played the part of Marcelia, he being now " three f oote " too tall for a
woman (II, I, 189).

Cf. II, i, 158; II, i, 189-90. Cf. M. H., II, 2 (26ib). "Of a little
thing ".

II, i, no. "It, Used in childish language, and hence contemptuously
or humorously, of a person ", N. E. D. Compare Abbott 228.

This same construction occurs later, line 144, where Marcelia uses it
sarcastically as expressing the attitude of Isabella and Mariana to her.

II, i, 121. "Song". "This, like many others, does not appear; it
was probably supplied at pleasure by the actors." Gifford. In this con
nection, it is interesting to note a parallel case in Believe As Ye List MS.
In the margin (leaf 20, recto) appears the direction, "Harry: Willson :
& Boy ready for the song at the Arras." About forty-five lines later,
" The Lute strikes & then the Songe."

II, i, 142. The period is the commonest form of marking an inter
rupted speech. See Simpson, Shakespearean Punctuation, p. 84. Cf. II,
i, 162; III, i, 21.

II, i, 145. " Y'are ". This contraction occurs only once more in the
quarto, IV, 3, 149. It is common in Fletcher, rare in Massinger. Cf.
Variorum edition of Beaumont and Fletcher, II, 103 ff., Spanish Curate,
edited by R. B. McKerrow, introduction, dealing with " you " and " ye ".

II, i, 154. There may be a double meaning to the word "dry" here,
dry and wrinkled from age.

II, i, 169-70. Gifford thinks Massinger is indebted for this touch
" to the treacherous loquacity of the dutchess's waiting woman, in her
midnight conference with Don Quixote" (Part II, Chap. XLVIII).

But compare the following:

'' Abig. Thou'rt a vile man: God bless my issue from thee!

E. Love. Thou hast but one, and that's in thy left crupper,
That makes thee hobble so : you must be ground
I' the breech like a top; you'll never spin well else."

Scornful Lady, V, I, at end, Cambridge reprint.

Massinger, then, may have got his suggestion either directly or indi
rectly from Don Quixote. It seems probable that this book started the
comic treatment of " issue " though the word was common enough. Cf.
the woman with an " issue " of the Bible.

II, i, 173. Gifford print's " aboue the ground". The phrase occurs
as "above ground" in the Bondman, quarto 1624, II, 3 (nib), and in
the Fat. D., I, I (355a). Therefore, the quarto reading is correct. Ac
cording to Gifford's text, this form occurs also, Ren., IV, i (1543).

II, i, 179. "She's of the kind". "A chicken of the right kind".
Guard., IV, i (4803). Cf. II, i, 112; II, i, 219,

It is interesting to note that Massinger has used in the space of
slightly over a hundred lines, figures from the three principal sports of
the time — cock-fighting, horse-racing, bear-baiting.

II, i, 182. This stage direction followed line 181 in the quarto.

II, i, 212. Gifford rearranges:

158 THE DUKE OF MILAN

" I will be partial
To none, not to myself."

I consider the original correct.

II, I, 242. In the first quarto, this direction is placed opposite the
three half-lines beginning with the second half line of 240.

II, i, 261-2. Coxeter and Mason read :

" And rais'd so high upon a Rock of Goodness
That Vice can never reach you."

II, I, 274. " beyond this ". Marcelia is referring to " this " favor of
kissing her hand. Why Gifford should have substituted " it " for " this "
I cannot see.

II, i, 275-6. "Be it death,

And death with torments."

A Massinger expression. Cf. Ill, 3, 143; R. A., I, i (ipsb).

II, i, 289. "Libidinous". This adjective is quite common in Mas-
singer. Cf. U. C., V, 2 (62b) ; Bond., IV, 3 (i22a) ; P. L., V, i (looa) ;
Pict., Ill, 4 (30ib) ; Guard., I, I (46ob), V, 2 U87a) ; Bash., Ill, 3 (S44a).

II, i, 305. "ad to that". Gifford changes "that" to "it", but the
quarto reading is the Massinger construction. See II, I, 289, for pre
cisely the same expression. Also cf. Ill, i, 96.

II, i, 307-11. For same sentiment cf. P. L., II, 3 (1743).

II, i, 315-16. This seems to mean " It was your beauty, and not your
other qualities, that I first saw and loved ", but it may mean " Your beauty
which I loved the first time I saw it ", or " Your beauty which I was the
first to see and love ".

II, i, 334-5- Cf. note to Ded. 10.

II, i, 355- Massinger evidently held the Ptolemaic system of the
universe, in which he was not behind his time. " In England few men of
eminence had at this period (Milton's) embraced the new astronomical
doctrines, and up to and beyond the middle of the seventeenth century the
majority of those who represented the intellect and learning of the coun
try professed their adherence to the old Ptolemaic beliefs. . . . Bacon
(1561-1626) persistently rejected them, as did also many other men of
learning who lived at that time. . . . From his youth up to his thirtieth
year, Milton (born 1608) may be regarded as having been a consistent
Ptolemaist." (Thomas N. Orchard, Milton's Astronomy, 98-9.)

11,1,358-9. "Or that, the ravenous Eagle, and the Dove

Keepe in one Ayery, and bring up their yong."
Cf. " One aerie with proportion ne'er discloses

The eagle and the wren ".

Maid of Honor, I, 2, (258b).

II, i, 370-1. Gifford attaches "I'll try" to the preceding line. I have
followed the quartos, as I see no advantage in rearrangement.

II, i, 381. "Tie bend her body". "Thus, in the Maid's Tragedy:

NOTES 159

' I've heard, if there be any life but bow
The body thus, and it will show itself ' ".

Gifford.

Cf. Bash., Ill, 3 (S4Sa).

II, i» 393- "be no more remembred ". Frequently repeated. Cf.
Ren., IV, 3 (iS7a) ; R. A., I, 4 (igpb).

II, i, 397. Gifford has slightly altered this by putting a period after
dies. He thereby spoils a typical Massinger expression. Cf . IV, 3, 278-9 ;
V, i, 23-4.

II, i, 400-1.

" For with this Arme I'le swim through Seas of blood,

Or make a Bridge, arch'd with the bones of Men ".
Cf. " I would not go through open doors, but break 'em

Swim to my ends through blood ; or build a bridge
Of carcasses".

Jonson's Cataline, III, 2.

II, i, 403. The question mark is often used where we would use a
mark of exclamation. Cf. Ill, i, 191; III, 2, 65; III, 3, 135; IV, 2, 14;
IV, 3, 271. See P. Simpson's Shakespearean Punctuation, section 37.

ACT III, SCENE i

III, i, Scene direction. Coxeter and Mason " Scene, The Imperial
Camp." Gifford, " The Imperial Camp, before Pavia ". Gifford's seems
the better.

Ill, i, 19-21. " Of all kinds of nutriment, wine was thought to con
tribute most to the formation of blood. Cf. Marlowe, second part of
Tamburlaine the Great (III, ii, 3297-8) :

' Filling their empty vaines with aiery wine,
That being concocted, turnes to crimson blood.' "

(P. A. Robin, The Old Physiology in English Literature, p. 107.)
Ill, i, 24. That is to say, they make three meals of a bunch of raisins.
Massinger considered that to make one meal upon a bunch was bad
enough. Cf. D. P., II, 2 (231!)).

" But Italians,

That think when they have supp'd upon an olive,
A root, or bunch of raisins, 'tis a feast".

''Surely', says Plot'well, in the City Match (III, 3, p. 265, Hazlitt's
Dodsley, XIII),

' Surely, myself,

Cipher his factor, and an ancient cat,
Did keep strict diet, had our Spanish fare,
Four olives among three ! My uncle would
Look fat with fasting; I have known him surfeit
Upon a bunch of raisins, swoon at sight

160 THE DUKE OF MILAN

Of a whole joint, and rise an epicure
From half an orange ' ".

Gifford.
HI, i, 25-7-

" These Spunges that suck up a Kingdomes fat

To be squees'd out by the rough hand of warre ".
This figure is repeated Bel., V, i (6213).

" Batning like Scarabes in the dung of Peace ".

This figure is repeated, Pict., II, 2 (2Q4b).
HI, i, 31-2.

" Their faire Madona's, that in little Dogges,
Monkeis, and Paraquito's consume thousands".

Cf. New Way, IV, 3 (4i6a), for same list of pets. Compare Beau
mont in the Woman Hater, II, i (433a) :

" women that were created only for the preservation of little dogs ".

Ill, i, 84. Both the sense and the meter require the insertion of
" on ", which was supplied by Coxeter.

111,1,95-6. "what a worthy thing it is

To have power, and not to use it ".

This thought is repeated, U. C., V, 2 (62a) ; Bash., II, 3 (546a).

Ill, i, 147. " Your " for " you " occurs in Thierry and Theodoret,
II, i (p. 28, 130, Cambridge Reprint) ; a Massinger scene, as Boyle, Oli-
phant, Fleay, and Macaulay agree. Thus the mistake is probably due to
Massinger's handwriting..

Ill, i, 163-4. "stands Prepar'd for either fortune". Cf. Bond., Ill,
3 (n6b); Bel, I, i (596a).

Ill, i, 191. "He hath deliver'd reasons". Mason emended to "rea
son ", but Massinger regularly uses the plural.

Cf . " When I have yielded reasons ".

Bond., V, 3 (i3ib).
" These his letters
Will yield you further reasons."

Great Duke, I, I (2253).
" I'll yield you reasons ".

Bel, III, 3 (6i2b).
Ill, i, 194-5. Coxeter and Mason read :

" I care not who knows it) I wonder he
Can be so stupid ".

Ill, i, 199-200. (Constancy) " beares such palme

And priviledge with it ".

NOTES 161

Cf. " To think what privilege and palm it (clothing) bears

Here, in the court ! "

Jonson's Every Man Out Of His Humour, III, 3.

111,1,219-20. "Not to take

From others to give only to my selfe ".

" A. Whether a man may give unto himselfe, & requite himselfe ".

Lodge's Seneca, table of Paradoxes.

The peculiarity of this expression seems to have caused some trouble.
Gifford says : " This is the reading of all the old copies, and nothing can
be clearer than that it is perfectly proper. The modern editors, however,
choose to weaken both the sense and the sentiment, by a conceit of their
own: they print, "- — to give only to thyself"!

The quoted passage supports the quarto. See also the discussion of
this question in Lodge's Seneca, page 98.

Ill, i, 246-7. This is printed in. the quarto thus :

" In this and all things, we are your Servants ".

I have accepted Coxeter's rearrangement, followed by Mason and
Gifford, which the meter requires. The second quarto prints one line
speeches as above regularly (see note I, 3, 84-5), but the first quarto does
so very rarely.

ACT III, SCENE 2

III, 2, Scene direction. Coxeter and Mason, " Scene changes to
Pisa ". Gifford : " Milan. A room in the Castle." Gifford's is sufficiently
accurate.

Ill, 2, 4. " There does belong a feeling ".

Cf. " Nay, since we trade both one way, thou shalt have
Some feeling with me : take that ".
The Lover's Progress, II, 2 (642b) (Massinger scene).

" I care not for seeing, I love feeling ; let me feel it here ; aurium
tenus, ten pieces of gold ; genuum tenus, ten pieces of silver ". — Dekker's
Shoemaker Holiday, IV, 5.

" Feeling " is therefore a slang expression for money, used in the
sense of tip, bribe, gratuity. Massinger probably borrowed this word
from Dekker, since shortly before the writing of the Duke of Milan he
had revised one of Dekker's plays, the Virgin Martyr, and presumably
was interested in the work of that author.

"Feeling" is therefore the correct word and not "feeing" as Cun
ningham, followed by Symons, prints.

Ill, 2, 6. "honours". See note I, i, 17.

Ill, 2, 8. " Chirurgion ". Where I have consulted quartos or MS.,
Massinger always uses this form, not "surgeon". Cf. Bond., II, 3 (nib) ;
R. A., Ill, 2 (2o8b) ; Emp., IV, 4 (342a) ; Bel, (6ooa).

Ill, 2, ii. Gifford has substituted "his" for "their", but I think
the form is probably as Massinger wrote it. The ideas of agreement were

162 THE DUKE OF MILAN

far looser then than now. Besides, the reference here seems to be rather
to the class than to any particular individual. When we remember that
Massinger used "Courtier" as plural (IV, I, 23), we may see still further
reason for " their ". Yet he uses " his " in line 12.

Ill, 2, 17-8. See Introduction, Date of Composition.

Ill, 2, 27. All the editors have followed quarto two in reading " of "
for " or " of the first quarto, probably being influenced in their choice by
the expression in Hamlet, I, 2, 150, " discourse of reason ". The phrase
with " of " is quite common. See note to this passage in the Variorum
Shakespeare.

I have found no other instance in Massinger where " of " was sus
pected. Massinger's usual order is " Discourse ", conjunction, parallel
word, such as " reason ", " manners ", etc. I see no reason, then, to read
with the second quarto. Cf . " discourse or manners ", IV, 3, 195 " dis
course and reason", U. C., II, i (4ia), "discourse and judgement", Cit.,
Ill, 2 (438b).

Ill, 2, 32. Gifford supplies the missing syllable in this line with " sir ".
He is possibly correct. This word would easily drop out since according
to the manuscript of Believe As Ye List this is a contracted form, only
the " S " being written in the line. A very little indistinctness might cause
it to be overlooked. Cf. I, 3, 117; I, 3, 120; II, I, 19, etc.

Ill, 2, 35. " And 'tis the last that's memorable." " It is the latest
story about women that is worth remembering ".

Ill, 2, 36. Gifford has "little doubt but that this lively story was
founded in fact, and well understood by the poet's contemporaries."

Ill, 2, 42. " Was found at the exercise behind the Arras." Cf. Ren.,

III, 4 (i49b). Also compare a passage, not by Massinger, in Two N. K.,

IV, 3 (574a).

1 III, 2, 55. With the words " Goe, ther's for thee " Graccho probably
gives the officer the " feeling " he has asked for.

Ill, 2, 63. " perused the Porters lodge." " i. e. that have been whipt
there. The porter's lodge, in our author's days, when the great claimed,
and indeed, frequently exercised, the right of chastising their servants,
was the usual place of punishment. Thus Shirley in the Grateful Servant
(Act III, scene i) :

My friend, what make you here?

Begone, begone, I say; there is a porter's lodge else, where you may
have due chastisement." — Gifford.

Cf. Jonson's Masque of Augurs. Nares' Glossary gives other in
stances of the same allusion. Actual instances of the custom are to be
found in Nichols, Progresses of James I, Vol. II, 490; III, 536. Cf. N.
W., I, i (39oa).

Ill, 2, 63. "Enter Julio and Giovanni. This has been hitherto
printed, Enter two Gentlemen, though one of them is immediately named.
Not to multiply characters unnecessarily, I have supposed them to be the
same that appear with Graccho, in the first scene of the first act." — Gifford.

NOTES . 163

I have no doubt that the parts were acted by the same men as in the
first scene, since there are usually three actors in this stratum of the
play, three drunkards at beginning of first scene, three gentlemen setting
forth banquet at beginning of I, 3 ; Graccho and (two?) fiddlers in Act
II, three soldiers at the beginning of Act III, then Graccho and his two
tormentors in the scene under discussion. But I see no more necessity
for their bearing the same names here than elsewhere. Besides, these are
not the friends of Graccho as were those of I, I, the note upon which see.
Ill, 2, 65-9. " This speech has been ' conveyed ' by Fletcher or his
editor, into his excellent comedy of the Elder Brother: (IV, 2 (i47a) ;
a Fletcher scene).

' They look ruefully,

'As (if) they had newly come from a vaulting house,
' And had been quite shot through between wind and water
' By a she-Dunkirk, and had sprung a leak, sir.'

The meaning is sufficiently obvious." — 'Gifford.

In assigning the praise or the blame, however, we need to remember
the following passage from Philaster, IV, I (4oa). (Beaumont scene.)

" See how he sinks ! the

wench has shot him between wind and water, and, I
hope, sprung a leak."

It was only necessary for Massinger to specify what kind of a ship
was concerned. Some have also doubted that the Elder Brother is later
than the Duke of Milan, but without very good reasons. The " spring a
leak " figure is a slang phrase which occurs rather frequently in the works
of the time, perhaps half-a-dozen times in The Chances. I have noted a
few, I, 3 (496b) ; I, 6 (497a) ; II, 2 (soib) ; III, 2 (so6b). In II, 2, the
ship figure also occurs.

Ill, 2, 67. " she Dunckerke ". The famous pirates and privateers of
Dunkirk were coming in for a good share of trouble about this time. In
the summer of 1622, two privateers were chased by Dutch men-of-war,
the one into Aberdeen, the other to Leith. The captain pursuing the ship
into Leith continued to fire after entering the harbor, even striking some
of the houses in the town. The Dunkirk ships remained all winter
watched by the Dutchmen. This situation caused a great deal of comment
and protest.

It is possible that Massinger, having a ship-leak figure such as was
pointed out for Philaster in the preceding note, localized the allusion to
Dunkirk after these events in 1622. A confirming circumstance is the bad
metrical arrangement of part of the section, for which see next note. The
mistake in the phrase " wind and weather " for " wind and water ", taken
with the metrical trouble, is practically conclusive proof that the MS. was
in a bad state at this place from rewriting.

Ill, 2, 68-9. Printed in quarto :

" Betweene winde and weather,
And he hath sprung a leake too, or I'me cousen'd."

164 THE DUKE OF MILAN

I have accepted Gifford's rearrangement of these lines as they are
roughly metrical.

The quarto reads " winde and weather ", evidently for " winde and
water ". As " winde and weather " is a proverbial expression of the time,
it is probable that Massinger or the printer inadvertently made the sub
stitution.

Ill, 2, 84. Direction in margin opposite 85 and 86.

Ill, 2, 89. " Princes ". This is an old spelling, though the usual form
in this quarto is "Princesse". Cf. II, i, 62.

Ill, 2, 97. " This will tempt me " is printed in the right margin, oppo
site the first and second half lines of 97. It does not fit into the metrical
scheme and was probably so printed for that reason. In this, it is like
the section inserted in III, 3, 44, only section III, 2, 97, is not necessary
to the sense. As I admit the other, I must admit this, and it can be put
in only one place. Gifford regards it as an " addition of the prompter, or
an unnecessary interpolation of the copyist, which spoils the metre." It
may be only an actor's " gag ".

Ill, 2, 108. " My page waites in the lobbie, give him sweetmeats ".
" I've sweet meat in my closet shall content him
Be.his palate ne'er so curious".

Bond., I, 2 (loib).

Ill, 2, 116.

" That with an Iron pen is writ in brasse
On my. tough hart ".

This figure is repeated, V, i, 83-4. See also V, i, 137. Cf. Bel., I,
I (59/b).

ACT III, SCENE 3

III, 3, Scene direction. Coxeter and Mason " Scene changes to an
Apartment in the Palace ". Gifford " Another Room in the same ". I
prefer Gifford's.

Ill, 3, 17. Note the dash over the " e ", the old abbreviation for " m ".
This is its only occurrence in this play. It occurs occasionally in the
manuscript of Believe As Ye List. It occurs also in other quartos, usually
in a long line where space is necessary as here.

Ill, 3, 24. Qj has a period at the end of this line.
Ill, 3, 35-6. " but you must sweare

By your unspotted truth ".

Cf. Bond., IV, 3 (i23a).

Ill, 3, 40-48. " I have regulated this speech, which was exceedingly
harsh and confused in all the printed copies, according to Massinger's
manuscript corrections. The repetition must be attributed to the embar
rassed state of Francisco's mind.

In the seventh line, the poet has altered seal of woman's goodness
(the reading of all the copies) to soul." — Gifford.

NOTES 165

Gifford's text differs from that of the quartos in four respects — in
substituting "ne'er" for " e're ", line 40; "Must" for "Might", line 44;
insertion of the passage" — Faile not", etc., which stood in the margin,
line 44; and in substituting "soul" for "scale", line 40 — only the last of
which is specifically stated to have been altered by Massinger, the others
presumably being covered by the blanket statement. Of the three, the first
is evidently required by the context, the second is preferable but not nec
essary, the third is a necessary insertion but the position was originally in
doubt. Gifford omits the section entirely from his first edition but in his
second agrees with Coxeter and Mason in placing it in line 44, a significant
fact since Gifford disagrees with his predecessors wherever possible.

Gifford accounts for the repetitions by the embarrassed state of
Francisco's mind but they seem to me to be more likely due to the em
barrassment of the printer in deciphering Massinger's corrections. I
account for the repetition by supposing that the printer inserted parts of
both the original and the revised form. The same kind of error occurs
twice in Love's Labour's Lost, IV, 3, 296-354, and V, 2, 827-879. Mas-
singer would then in the dedicatory copy to Foljambe have smoothed the
error over as nicely as he could, giving us the form that Gifford has
recorded. I have replaced the period of line 42 by a comma, have printed
" With " and " Faile " in small letters, and have inserted a period after
" her ".

HI, 3, 54-5-

" In thy faire life
Hereafter studie to deserve this bountie ".

A repeated Massinger sentiment and phrase. Cf. Ren., V, 2 (i6ob) ;
Emp., II, i (329b) ; Guard., V, 4 (49ob). Also Fat. D., IV, 4 (38ob) (a
Massinger scene).

Shakespeare has the same sentiment in the Tempest, III, 3, 79-82:

whose wraths to guard you from
is nothing but heart sorrow

And a clear life ensuing."

Ill, 3, 56. The quarto has " with " where the sense requires " which ".
The same mistake occurs in V, 2, 240, where Massinger corrected it in
the Foljambe quarto. The misreading is probably connected with the fact
that Massinger abbreviates " which ", " w " in the line and " ch " sus
pended thus "wch". See line 2 of Believe As Ye List MS. The "c"
thus looks somewhat like a " t " in the same position. The type of " h "
is different, however, in the two connections. Professor Parrott tells me
this substitution is common in Chapman also.

Ill, 3, 63. " my " changed to " mine " by Gifford following Q* C M.
Cf. I, 3, 203, where he made the opposite change following M.

Ill, 3, 85. This direction stands in the quarto opposite second half-
line of 82.

166 THE DUKE OF MILAN

III, 3, 95-6. " desire . , . have ". Gifford prints " desires ", but see
note on I, i, 66-8.

Ill, 3, 115. This reference to witch and witchcraft was far from a
figure of speech to the Jacobean audience. H. D. Traill, Social England,
Vol. IV, page 85, says : " With the accession of James a change came over
the feeling of those in power. During the later years of Elizabeth tract
after tract appeared, calling for severe punishment upon witches, but
with no result : the English trials, up to now, had been characterised
rather by folly than ferocity, the new rule was marked by ferocious folly.
For forty years Scotland had been engaged in witch hunting with the
result that 8,000 human beings are believed to have been burnt between
1560 and 1600; and for the last ten years of the century the king had been
at the head of the hunt." Traill then gives an account of James's search
for witches occasioned by the storm he had passed through on his return
from Denmark, May, 1590. " Thirty of the accused were burnt alive on
one day in 1591. . . . James himself wrote a work on Demonology against
Scot and Wierus, a continental writer who had taken a fairly sensible
view ". A rigid act was passed in 1604 against witchcraft, prohibiting
among other things the procuring of love, under which 70,000 persons
were executed -up to 1680. So the expression in this line and that in IV,
3, 164, are to be taken seriously. We may see from this how Massinger
could make such use of the supernatural in the Virgin Martyr and of
magic in the Picture.

Ill, 3, 140-1. The pointing of the modern editors, removing the
comma after " Caesar " and placing a semicolon after " furie ", slightly
changes the reading of the original.

Ill, 3, 146. " it " for " yet " is a common misprint of the time (cf.
Gentleman Usher, V, 3, 72), due usually to the fact that the contracted
form of "yet" (y*) is so much like "it". But Massinger does not use
the contracted form in Believe As Ye List MS.

III, 3, 157. " heart-strings ", cf. IV, 3, 316. " also the hart is bounde
with certayne Ligamentes to the backe part of the brest, but these Lyga-
mentes touche not the substaunce of the Hart, but in the ouerpart they
spring foorth of him, and is fastened, as is aforesayed ". (The Anatomic
of The Bodie of Man, Thomas Vicary. Edition of 1548 as reissued in
IS77-)

ACT IV, SCENE i

IV, i, Scene direction. Coxeter and Mason, "An Apartment in the
Palace ". Gifford, " The same. A Room in the Castle." This scene may
be in a room of the castle, but it might also be a street scene.

IV, i, 5. It seems to have been hard for the printer to distinguish
between "art" and "act", as he made just the opposite mistake in V, 2,
100. The two words would be easily confused in Massinger's writing.
However, " acts " in the sense of " records " is barely possible here.

See note to Thierry and Theodorct, II, i (Dyce, 123), a Massinger

NOTES 167

scene, where the same phrase " hidden acts " of the folios has been
emended to " hidden art's ".

IV, I, ii. No punctuation at end of line in either quarto.

IV, I, 50. The comma is often used to set off a noun clause. See
Simpson, Shakespearean Punctuation, p. 41.

IV, I, 108-9. " To try conclusions, a very common expression, is, to
try experiments . . . commenced, and gone out, which occur in the next
line, are University terms." — Gifford. Cf. Emp., II, i (33ia).

ACT IV, SCENE 2

IV, 2, Scene direction. Coxeter and Mason, " Scene changes to an
other Apartment ". Gifford, " Another Room in the same ". Either is
correct, but Gifford's is preferable in statement.

IV, 2, 20. " Liverie Mistresses", " trans f. [from livery horse], punk ",
N. E. D. Cf. Very Woman, II, 3 (5O4a).

IV, 2, 21. "The stallion of the State". Cf. Thierry and Theodoret,
II, 2 (4123) ; Monsieur D'Olive, I, i, 238. See Guard., Ill, 6 (476b).

IV, 2, 23. Direction placed opposite 24 in quarto.

IV, 2, 24. " I should weare yellow breeches."

"For he that's jealous of his wife's being bad,
Must have his legs with yellow stockings clad."

Poor Robin, 1670.
(Lean's collectanea, II, 275.)
Cf. Emp., IV, 5 (344b), "fatal yellow".

IV, 2, 25. " we know our exit ". This has been changed by all the
editors to "duty", although Gifford notes in his second edition (1813),
" Massinger has made no alteration (in the autograph copy) here, so that
exit is perhaps the genuine reading." I have no doubt that the quarto is
correct, for Massinger, with the other writers of his time, often spoke in
terms of the stage. The fact that " exit " is italicized in the second quarto
is of little weight, since the quarto itself, as we have seen, is merely a
reprint of the first, and this marking only shows the opinion of the second
quarto's editor or printer. However, in a similar situation, Pict., IV, 4
(3123), Baptista says "I know my duty".

IV, 2, 27. " hazard of a check ". A repeated phrase. Cf. Ren., IV,
3 (I56b) ; Emp., II, i (327b) ; Fat. D., I, i (353a).

ACT IV, SCENE 3

IV, 3, Scene direction. Coxeter and Mason have no statement of
scene here. Gifford, " Another Room in the same ", which may or may
not be correct, as there is no way of telling whether the room is the same
or another. Certainly no distinction would have been made on the Eliza
bethan stage.

IV, 3, 30. I have inserted a necessary comma after " Shall ".

IV, 3, 38. I have supplied the second half of the parenthesis after
" reply " as it is found in the second quarto.

168 THE DUKE OF MILAN

IV, 3, 88. While the quarto reading " winning " for " Joining " seems
an impossible printer's error from modern handwriting, it is a very easy
mistake in Massinger's. He makes the first part of his " w " taller than
the rest and nearly closes the latter part, very closely resembling his " o ".
Thus " io " and " w " may readily be interchanged. The remaining parts
of the two words differ only in the matter of single for double " n ", a
comparatively unimportant difference in the spelling of the time.

IV, 3, 95. " Thick skinn'd is the reading of both the quartos ; the
modern editors (C and M) . . . displaced it for thick-skull'd. It is not
to want of understanding, but to a bluntness of feeling, that the speaker
alludes." — Gifford.

The same adjective occurs, Bond., Ill, i (1133).

IV, 3, 97-8-

" that must take physicke
From her young Doctor physicke upon her backe ".

Repeated in Bond., i, 2 (looa).

IV, 3, 98. " From her young doctor physic. The old copies had a
break here to shew that the word was illegible at the press : Coxeter and
M. Mason filled up the space with and. I chose rather to continue the
break, in which the possessors of the first edition may now, if they please,
insert the genuine word, which is taken from Massinger's corrected copy."
Gifford.

IV, 3, 102. "Were I match'd to another Messaline ". Cf. P. L., I, 4
(1673) ; he uses the form Messalina, Guard., Ill, 6 (476a).

The reference is to Valeria Messalina, third wife of the emperor
Claudius I. " Her character is drawn in the darkest colours by the almost
contemporary pencils of Tacitus (Ann., XI, i, 2, 12, 26-38) and the elder
Pliny (H. N., X, 63) by the satirist Juvenal (Sat., VI, 115-135; X, 333-
336; XIV, 331), who makes her the example of female profligacy and by
the historian Dion Cassius (IX, 14-18, 27-31), who wrote long after any
motive remained for exaggerating her crimes". (Dictionary of Greek and
Roman Biography, Sir William Smith.) Messalina also appears in Sue
tonius Claud., 17, 26, 27, 29, 36, 37, 39; Nero, 6; Vitell., 2; Seneca Mort.
Claud.; Josephus Antiq., XX, 8§i ; Bell., II, I2§8.

Massinger would have had access to most of these, as many of them
had been translated. But he probably used Lodge's Seneca (1614), if we
may judge from the form of the name. In all the originals and transla
tions which were listed above, the form of the name is Messalina. Says
Justus Lipsius, whose comment Lodge is translating, in his argument
prefixed to the book "Of consolation to Helvia ", page 739: "This Booke
was written during the time of his Exile, which was about the first yeare
of Claudius Reigne ... by the suggestion of impure Messalline. This
publike Harlot objected against him that he had committed adultery with
Julia Germanicus Daughter, and charged Seneca therewith. Of this have
we spoken in his Life". In the life Chap. V, he speaks of "that impudent
Harlot, (I mean Messaline) and that loathsome beast Claudius." Tone

NOTES 169

and form point to this as Massinger's source. See note to I, I, 59-60;
III, i, 219-20; V, 2, 227-8. He would have found from Lodge's transla
tion of Josephus, which he probably used for the plot of his tragedy
(Antiq., XX, 5, page 521), "Claudius had before time put Messalina his
wife to death, for the jealousie that hee had of her". Outside of Mas-
singer, I have found two other allusions to this person in the drama of
the time. Four Plays in One, Triumph of Honor, I, i (5053), has Messa-
line, Valentinian, IV, I (454b), has Messalina, both plays seemingly ante
dating Lodge's translation of Seneca.

IV, 3, 108. This direction was placed in margin opposite second
half-line of 108 and first of 109.

IV, 3, 131. The metre requires "posterity", of which "posterie" is
an obsolete form. See Glossary. '.' Posterie " is rare and early, the latest
example quoted by the New English^Dictionary being 1565.

IV, 3, 141-3. " To a Dutchman

This were enough, but to a right Italian,
A hundred thousand witnesses."

Cf. " I am no Italian,

To lock her up ; nor would I be a Dutchman,
To have my wife my sovereign, to command me ".
The Little French Lawyer, III, i (4223.) (a Massinger scene).

This idea is given in full in Barnavelt, II, 2 (a Fletcher scene), where
the Spanish and Italian methods of dealing with a wife are used in con
trast to the Dutchman's unsuspicious subjection.
IV, 3, 143-4-

" Would you have us
To be her bawdes?"

I have rearranged on metrical grounds, as the quarto reading gives
two irregular lines, this gives two fairly regular. A four-foot line is
rare in Massinger, one in this play, I, I, 93.

IV, 3, 187. " Cut off my nose and eares ". Such punishment was not
infrequent in Massinger's day. A famous case is that of Jonson and
Chapman. According to Drummond (Ben Jonson's Conversations, p. 20.
Shakespeare Society Publications, Vol. VIII) "He (Jonson) was dilated
by Sir James Murray to the King, for writting something against the Scots
in Eastward Hoe, and voluntarily imprissoned himself with Chapman and
Marston, who had written it amongst them. The report was that they
should then [have] had their ears cut and noses."

IV, 3, 190. " Mulct, n. fl Misused by Massinger for : A blemish. Cf .
quot 1619, which Massinger has unintelligently imitated. 1619. Fletcher,
etc., Knt. Malta, III, 3 (1423), 'chastity that lodges in deformity, appears;
rather/A mulct impos'd by nature, then a blessing ! ' N. E. D. The scene
in which the quoted expression occurs is given by Boyle, Oliphant, Bullen,
and Fleay to Massinger. He has used the same expression here. There
fore, he has not unintelligently imitated Fletcher, but has merely repeatead

170 THE DUKE OF MILAN

his own figure of speech, often in later examples in elliptic form. Cf.
M. H., I, 2 (25&b) ; U. C., IV, I (54a) ; Emp., IV, 5 (3443) ; in participial
form, Bond., V, 3 (1303) ; R. A., I, 3 (iQ8b).

IV, 3, 234-5. " but like a village nurse

Stand I now cursing ".

Cf. " Village nurses

Revenge their wrongs with curses ".

N. W., V, i (42ob).

For the same idea, see Ren., I, i (i34b) ; and the same general idea,
U. C., V, 2 (63a).

IV, 3, 262. "This walking tree of lealousie".

Cf. " Green indeed is the colour of lovers ".

L. L. Lost, I, 2, 91.

IV, 3, 270. As the meter seems to indicate, this is possibly the rare
variant " impudencie ", meaning shamelessness, immodesty, from which
the printer dropped the " i ", giving the regular form.

Cf. Jonson's Every Man in his Humor

" I warrant thee he will do it of himself with much impudency ".

Ill, 4.
" Out on thee, more than strumpet's impudency."

V, i.

IV, 3, 291. The direction "Ex. Steph" stood at the end of the line.

IV, 3, 298. As here, the vocative often was not set off by commas.
See Simpson, Shakespearean Punctuation, p. 21.

ACT V, SCENE i

V, i, Stage direction. Coxeter and Mason, " Out of the Dutchy of
Milan ". Gifford, " The Milanese. A Room in Eugenia's House ". The
scene is not at court, is probably in the Dutchy of Milan (121-128), and
is probably in Eugenia's house ; but we can not fix the place more defi
nitely.

V, i. With the first part of this scene, compare the breaking of
somewhat similar news by Abdella to Mountferrat, Act IV, Scene i,
Knight of Malta. Boyle, Oliphant, Bullen, Fleay, and Macaulay (with a
question) assign this scene to Massinger.

V, i, n. The "an" inserted by editors is not needed for the sense
and spoils the rhythm. The line lacks the opening unstressed syllable, to
some extent supplied by the feminine ending of the preceding line.

V, i, 39. "virgin fort". This phrase is repeated in R. A., I, 2
2 (i96b). The same figure occurs, Pict., I, i (286b) ; III, I (2993) ; cf.
"virgin flower" N. W., V, i (4i6b).

V, i, 48. I substitute punctuation of Q2. None in Qi.

V, i, 73-4. This is the only instance of rhyming lines in this play
that occurs within a speech. This was probably unintentional, as in his
unassisted work Massinger uses rhymes usually only to mark exits.

NOTES 171

V, I, 80. " but poure oyle on fire ". Cf. Virg., I, i (2b) ; U. C., II,
3 (46a).

V, i, 127. " let us then turne Romanes ". A frequent expression of
the time for committing suicide. Cf. M. H., IV, 3 (2743.).

V, i, 156. No comma to separate vocative in either quarto, in accord
ance with the punctuation of the time. See Simpson, Shakespearean
Punctuation, pp. 20-22.

V, i, 162. " In the devils name ". This phrase is omitted from the
second quarto (1638) ; Gifford thinks because of the licenser.

The expression occurs in the Unnatural Combat, V, 2 (63a), pub
lished 1639, and also before in this play, III, I, 105, where it could not be
omitted without spoiling the entire speech.

The authorities had become very strict in such matters by this time.
Says Sir Henry Herbert, January 9, 1633, " The kinge is pleasd to take
faith, death, slight, for asseverations, and no oaths, to which I doe humbly
submit as my master's judgment; but under favour conceive them to be
oaths, and enter them here, to declare my opinion and submission ".
(Malone, 3, 235).

" The Master's condemnation of oaths extended over printed plays as
well as stage presentations. It is worth while to glance at his activity in
this line during these years. Since the passage of the statute of 1606
such expurgation had been attended to with more or less rigor. Later
editions of plays originally printed before the statute, frequently show
reformations of this sort. The Jonson Folio of 1616, for example, ex
hibits such substitutions as ' Believe me ' for ' By Jesu '. Later reissues
of plays often show still more rigorous emendations. Herbert's energy
in eliminating oaths seems, during part of his administration at least, to
have been applied vigorously to the press. Interesting examples of his
very fussy alterations in this line may be seen in the fourth quarto of
Philaster, published in 1634." (Government Regulation of the Elizabethan
Drama, U. V. Gildersleeve, p. 128.)

It is possible, then, that Herbert struck this out, overlooking the first.
This same asseveration occurs in III, 3 (1693), of the Spanish Curate
(1622), a scene given by Boyle, Oliphant, Fleay and Macaulay to Mas-
singer.

V, i, 165. See note to V, i, 156.

V, i, 181. Direction in margin opposite lines 179-80.

ACT V, SCENE 2

V, 2, Scene direction. Coxeter and Mason, " An inner Apartment in
the Palace ". Gifford, " Milan. A Room in the Castle ". Either is cor
rect but Gifford's is preferable in statement.

V, 2, 45. The mark of punctuation after " since " is blurred, but
is probably a dash as in the second quarto, though it may have been a
period. Both marks have been used under like circumstances ; the dash
once, II, i, 288, and is used again V, 2, 73, 264; the period in most other

172 THE DUKE OF MILAN

cases. Cf. IV, 2, 240; V, 2, 130. The comma is used once V, 2, 218.
Each of the three methods was common at the time. See P. Simpson's
Shakespearean Punctuation, sections 9, 36.

V, 2, 45. The direction " within " is printed in the quarto in the right
margin opposite this line.

V, 2, 47, Stage direction. Cf. "Enter Soldiers Wth The Ladye ii
Musick They bringe . . . kisses the hande A song within in Voyces."
The Second Maiden's Tragedy, 1611, V, 2. (M alone Society

Reprints, 1909, p. 70.)

This directions shows how the present action was probably carried
out. See Introduction, Borrowing from Second Maiden's Tragedy.
V, 2, 50-52.

" your great master

(Who ioyn'd the limbes of torn Hyppolytus
And drew upon himselfe the Thunderers envie) ".
Cf. "And he, that join'd again the scatter'd limbs
Of torn Hippolytus, should be forgotten ".

Custom of the Country, II, I (nib).

A Massinger scene according to Boyle, Oliphant, Fleay, and Macaulay.
Cf. Very Woman, II, 2 (sooa).

" Above the art of Aesculapius,
That drew the envy of the thunderer ".

Jonson, AL, IV, i 493 (1897).

Massinger seems to have borrowed this expression of Jonson.

V, 2, 58-9. " The saints will smile to looke on, & good Angels
Clap their Celestiall wings to give it plaudits."

Cf. M. H., V, i (279b).

It seems probable that Massinger got this figure from Tourneur :

" O angels, clap your wings upon the skies.
And give this virgin crystal plaudites ".

Revenger's Tragedy, II, I (38).

V, 2, 82. The first quarto has an apostrophe after " till ", a printer's
error.

V, 2, 82. "great worke be ended". Cf. U. C., Ill, 2 (soa) ; Bond.,
IV, 2 (I2ob) ; M. H., V, 2 (28ob) ; Guard., I, i U6ob).

V, 2, 88. The first quarto prints " Li'ke ", an evident printer's error.

V, 2, 93. " make " and " wake " would be easily mistaken as " m "
and " w " considerably resemble each other in Massinger's writing.

V, 2, zoo. "art" for "act". Cf. note on IV, i, 5.

V, 2, 102. The printer was probably influenced by the " with " in the
succeeding line. The reading of " with " seems to have been a personal
peculiarity of his. Cf. Ill, 3, 56; V, 2, 240.

V, 2, 103. From this to the end of the play, with one exception, line
168, the first quarto prints Forza.

NOTES 173

V, 2, in. " looke life". The context shows that this must have been
intended for " tooke life ", as the second quarto reads. This is parallelled
in Bond., II, i (iO7a).

" And the least spark of honor that took life
From your sweet breath ".

V, 2, 128. This is a version of the revolting " carbonado " figure so
frequent with writers of the time.

Cf. " And, if that I were hungry, I might freely

Eat mine own carbonadoes, and be chronicled
For a cannibal never read of ! "

Bel., IV, 3 (6i8a, b).
Cf. Bond., III., 3 (iisb).

V, 2, 137. " Which in his death will quickly be discover'd ". This
passage seems to mean " Which will quickly cause his death when it is
discovered". No mark of punctuation at end of line.

V, 2, 140. Direction stood in the quarto opposite second half-line
of 140.

V, 2, 140-1. "I am no God sir,

To give a new life to her ".

Cf. " We are no gods, sir,

If she be dead, to make her new again".

Valentinian, IV, i (454a) (Fletcher).

V, 2, 159. " From whence ". Note the redundant " from " which was
common in Massinger's time.

V, 2, 171. The contraction " pleasd'" is what we would expect judg
ing by the manuscript of Believe As Ye List, since the past tense is regu
larly spelled " de " there. From the changes in forms of contraction, this
section of the quarto would seem to have been set by a different man.
Cf. 192 " disdaind' ". See the note on V, 2, 103, for the mistaken printing
of Sforza's name, also note the number of printer's errors from about
line loo to the end.

V, 2, 180. Gifford is probably right in substituting " studied " for
" studies " as the former fits the connection better and on the whole seems
more Massingerian.

V, 2, 207. " Tis wondrous strange ". Cf . " O day and night, but this
is wondrous strange ". — Hamlet, I, 5, 164.

Massinger uses this expression rather frequently. Cf. Bond., V, 3
(1293) ; Emp.,IV, 5 (345a).

V, 2, 217-8. Coxeter, followed by Mason and Gifford, removed "can
keepe " from the end of 217 to beginning of 218. There is a line with an
extra foot even with this. Therefore I prefer to keep it with 217 as does
the quarto.

V, 2, 223-5. Rearranged. Stood in quarto :
" Francisco that was rais'd by you,

174 THE DUKE CF MILAN

And made the Minion of the time

The same Francisco, That would have whor'd this trunke
when it had life,"

I have rearranged this on metrical grounds following Coxeter, Mason,
and Gifford.
V, 2, 227-8.

" As killing as those damps that belch out plagues,
When the foundation of the earth is shaken ".

" We have said that after great Earthquakes, there ordinarily fol-
loweth a pestilence : neither is this to be wondered at, because many pesti
lent things lye hidden in the depth. The Aire it selfe, that is imprisoned
in eternall obscurity, either by the intermission of the Earth, by his owne
idlenesse, is pernicious unto those that suck the same : either being cor
rupted by the malignitie of hidden fires, when it is sent from a farre off,
it soileth and infecteth the other Aire which is pure, and breedeth new
sicknesses in them who breath the same, whereunto they have not been
accustomed. Furthermore, there are certaine unprofitable and pestilent
waters, hidden in the hollowes and secrets of the earth, and the cause why
they are such -is, because they have neither flux nor reflux, nor are beat
upon by any freer wind. Being then thus thick and covered with an
obscure myst they have nothing in them that is not pestilent, and contrary
to our bodies. The Aire likewise that is intermixed with them, and that
lyeth amidst those Marishes when it raiseth it selfe, spreadeth a generall
corruption, and killeth those that draw the same."

" But when it (venomous vapor) hath gotten an issue, it spreadeth
that eternall venome which it hath gathered in a duskie colde, and infernall
night, & infecteth the aire of our region. For the best are over-come bj
the worst. Then likewise that pure aire is translated and changed into
evill : whence proceed sodain and continuall death, & monstrous sicknesses,
as proceeding from new causes. The contagion continueth more or lesse,
according to the continuance & vehemencie of the earthquake and ceaseth
not unt'ill the spacious extent of the heavens, and the agitation of the
windes hath dissipated those venemous vapours ".

Lodge's Seneca, 1620, pages 882-3, chapters XXVII, XXVIII.

V, 2, 233-4. Is Eugenia represented as being prematurely withered
by sorrow, or shall we take this as merely figurative language?

Cf. Emp., V, 3 (35oa).

V, 2, 240. " In this cup ". " In the lips of Marcelia ". — Gifford.

V, 2, 245-6. " feele an Aetna ". Aetna figures frequently in poison
scenes of the time. Cf. Valentinian, V, I (4613). Wife -for a Month, IV,
4 (5843). For the same expression applied to anger cf. Virg., Ill, 2,

V, 2, 264. Notice the speech broken off in death. The author of the
time usually let his character finish his speech before he killed him, but
see the death of Hotspur, Hen., IV; V, 4, 86 ,for the same thing.

V, 2, 268-9.

NOTES 175

" And learne from this example, ther's no trust
In a foundation that is built on lust ".

This is Massinger's characteristic tag, pointing the moral of the play.
Lust as a foundation of love cannot be trusted. Marcelia reproved Sforza
for being too great a doater on those pleasures that Hymen warranted
them, III, 3, 125-131. Because of his passion and consequent jealousy, he
brought his great catastrophe upon himself and his death results from
his lust before marriage. Thus Massinger traces the troubles of the play
back to one source, Sforza's lustful love.

The moral tag occurs in stated form, U. C.; R. A,; M. H.; Pict.; Cit.;
Bash.; Bel. In most of his other plays there is a strong pointing toward
it in the final speeches.

V, 2, end. " The Duke of Milan has more substantial connexion with
the Picture than with Othello. In his uxoriousness, — his doating en
treaties of his wife's favours, — his abject requests of the mediation of
others for him, &c. &c. Sforza strongly resembles Ladislaus; while the
friendly and bold reproofs of his fondness by Pescara and Stephano pre
pare us for the rebukes afterwards employed against the same failing by
the intrepid kindness of Eubulus. And not only do we find this similarity
in some of the leading sentiments of the two plays, but occasionally the
very language of the one is carried into the other." — Gifford.

APPENDIX I

PRINTERS AND PUBLISHERS OF THE QUARTOS

The men connected with the first quarto were Edward Black-
more and George Norton as publishers and Bernard Alsop as
printer ; those with the second were Edward Blackmore publisher
and John Raworth printer. I give a short account of each, from
the Stationers' Register, in the order named.

Edward Blackmore took up his freedom April 3, 1615. First
publication registered May 5, 1618. Published from 1618 to
1658. Died September 8, 1658. He, in partnership with John
Harrison, owned the Bondman (1624) also.

George Norton was the son of Robert Norton of Helmdon in
the county of Northampton, yeoman. He was apprenticed to
Thomas Man citizen and stationer of London for seven years 6
September, 1602, took up his freedom 4 December, 1609, regis
tered his first publication 4 July, 1610. The Stationers' Register
records the transfer of three books by him, first on 12 May, 1619;
second, his share of the Duke of Milan, 5 May, 1623 ; third, 23
November, 1623. It may be, therefore, that he sold his interest
in the Duke of Milan because he was going out of business about
that time. Published from 1610 to 1623, according to Arber.

,"B. A. for Edward Blackmore . . . 1623." Fleay says " B.
A [Hot] for E. Blackmore 1638." The date is incorrect as John
Raworth printed the quarto of 1638. The name is incorrect also,
as the earliest Allot to appear in the Stationers' Register was
Robert, who published only, according to Arber, from 1626 to
1635. The reference, then, is not to Allot. The Roman Actor
shows this conclusively, and shows just as conclusively who B. A.
was. It was "Printed by B. A. and T. F. for Robert Allot"
1629. Now B. A. and T. F. are the partners, Bernard Alsop and
Thomas Fosset. B. A. and T. F. also printed the 1631 quarto
of the Virgin Martyr.

Bernard Alsop was apprenticed to Humfrey Lympenny 25
December, 1601, for the term of eight years; transferred to Wil-

176

PRINTERS AND PUBLISHERS OF THE QUARTOS 177

liam White 7 June, 1603 ; took up his freedom February 7, 1610;
registered his first publication 5 March, 1618; took Thomas
Fosset as his partner, according to Arber by 1620 when they
bought out Thomas Creed. Alsop printed and published 1616
to about 1650. According to H. R. Plomer (A Dictionary of the
Booksellers and Printers Who Were at Work in England, Scot
land and Ireland from 1641 to 1667) Alsop was the partner of
Thomas Creed in 1616, who either retired or died in the succeed
ing year, and " nine years later he entered into partnership with
Thomas Fawcett, or Forsett." Plomer is probably right, as Fos-
set's name does not appear in the Duke of Milan 1623.

John Raworth took up his freedom February 6, 1632. Printed
and published from 1635 to 1645. In Sir John Lambe's list of
Printers [S. R. IV, 528] to be. included in the Star Chamber
Decree we find: "21 John Raworth is said to be an honest man
and may come in in steed of his father Richard Raworth yat is
an arrant knave ". Accordingly, he was made one of the twenty
Master Printers in the Star Chamber decree of July n, 1637.
[S. R. IV, 532.]

To these may be added a short account of Anthony Gilmyn,
on whose authority, together with that of Sir John Ashley, the
play was printed.

Anthony Gilmyn had three terms as warden, the term being
one year; first beginning 8 July, 1618; second 9 July, 1622 ; third
9 July, 1625. Since he is associated with Ashley, and since the
Duke of Milan was licensed 20 January, 1623, it was in his second
term. Son of Richard Gilmyn of Blenchingley in the county of
Surrey, gent., apprenticed to Robert Walley citizen and " sta-
coner" of London for the term of eight years I November, 1587,
took up freedom 15 May, 1601, admitted to livery of company
2 July, 1603, first registered publication 29 August, 1618.

APPENDIX II

A Newyeares Guift presented to my
Lady and Mrs the then Lady
Katherine Stanhop now Countesse
of Chesterfield.

By Phill: Messinger.

Madame

Before I ow'd to you the name
Of Seruant, to your birth, your worth your fame
I was soe, and t'was fitt since all stand bound
To honour Vertue in meane persons found
Much more in you, that as borne great, are good
Wch is more then to come of noble blood
Or be A Hastings ; it being too well knowne
An Empresse cannot challenge as her owne
Her Grandsire's glories ; And too many staine
Wth their bad Actions the noble straine
From whence they come, But as in you to be
A branch to add fresh honor to the tree
By vertue planted, and adorne it new
Is graunted vnto none or very few
To speake you further would appeare in me
Presumption or a seruants flattery
But there may be a tyme when I shall dare
To tell the world and boldly what yu are
Nor sleight it Madame, since what some in me
Esteeme a blemish, is a guift as free
As their best fortunes, this took from the graue
Penelopies chastitie, and to it gaue
Still liuing Honors ; this made Aiax strong
Vlisses wise : such power lies in a Song
Wch Phoebus smiles on wch can find no vrne
While the Sea his course, or starres obserue their turne
Yet t'is not in the power of tinckling Rime
That takes rash Judgments and deceiue[s] the tyme

178

PRINTERS AND PUBLISHERS OF THE QUARTOS . 179

Wth Mountebanke showes a worke that should indure

Must haue a Genius in it, strong, as pure

But you beginne to smile, as wondring why

I should write thus much to yu now since I

Haue heretofore been silent may yu please

To know the cause it is noe new disease

Growne in my Judgment, nor am I of those

That thinke good wishes cannot thriue in prose

Aswell as verse : but that this Newyeares day

All in their loues and duties, what they may

Present vnto you ; though perhaps some burne

Wth expectation of a glad returne

Of what they venture for : But such I leaue

To their deceiptfull guifts giuen to deceiue

What I giue I am rich in, and can spare

Nor part for hope wth ought deserues my care

He that hath little and giues nought at all

To them that haue is truly liberall.

Athenanum, July-December, 1906, p. 273.

GLOSSARY

This glossary is intended to include all words or constructions
that need explanation, either from being obsolete, archaic or pecu
liar in any other way. I have used the New English Dictionary
from the beginning through " Spring ", and the sections Su.-
Subterraneous, T-Trinity. For words not included in these sec
tions, I have used the Century Dictionary principally. Abbrevia
tions and symbols are those of the N. E. D.

References without title are to the Duke of Milan. Refer
ences to other plays give act, scene and page in Cunningham's
edition. Title abbreviations are evident.

Accent, sb.Joet. A word. I, 3, 340.

Act, v. To do, perform. V, 2, 16.

Act, sb. Action, operation. Arch. Or a state of accomplished fact or
reality as distinguished from intention, possibility, etc. Obs. I, 3, 259;
IV, 3, 247.

Admiration, sb. Wonder, astonishment. Arch. I, 3, 37.

Admire, v. To wonder or marvel at. Arch. Ill, I, JO.

Admit, v. trans. Be capable of. Obs. or Arch. Now with of. I,
3, 255.

Affright, sb. A cause or source of terror. Arch. I, I, 48.

Againe, adv. In return. Obs. or Arch. I, 3, 347.

Ague, sb. An acute or violent fever. Obs. IV, i, 78.

Allay, sb. Check, stoppage, retardment. Obs. I, 3, 84.

Amazement, sb. Mental stupefaction, frenzy. Obs. Ill, 3, 137.

An, conj. = if. Arch, and dial. Ill, I, 196.

Angel, sb. An old English gold coin, called more fully at first the
Angel-Noble, having as its device the archangel Michael standing upon,
and piercing the dragon. In 6 Edw. VI it was IDS. ; it was last coined by
Charles I. Ill, 2, 24.

Answere, v. trans. To atone for, make amends, suffer the conse
quences, especially with it as object. Obs. II, i, 239; IV, 3, 81.

Anticke, sb. A grotesque pageant or theatrical presentation. Obs.
II, I, 128.

Approch, sb. Power of approaching, access. Arch. Ill, 2, 118.

Approve, v. Prove. Obs. IV, i, n.

Argue, v. To convict. Obs. I, I, 105. Cf. D. F. II, 3, (233a) ; IV,
i (24ib) ; M. H. I, 2 (258a) ; Emp. V, i (347b).

Argument, sb. Theme, subject. Obs. or Arch. IV, I, 16.

180

GLOSSARY . 181

As, adv. With finite verb : With the result that. Obs. and replaced
by so that. Ill, i, 194.

Ashes, sb. commonly in plural, poet, for " mortal remains, buried
corpse ". II, i, 385 ; V, 2, 261.

Aspect, sb. The regular accentuation. V, 2, 74. Cf. Bond. I, i
(oob), etc.

Atome, sb. A mote in the sunbeam. Arch, or Obs. I, 3, 192. Cf.
Emp. IV, 5 (345b) ; V, 2 (34Qb).

Attempt, sb. Construction of. Obs. IV, 2, 32.

Attend, v. To wait for, await : A person or agent or his coming.
Obs. IV, 3, 167.

Attonement, sb. Reconciliation. Obs. IV, 3, 61. Cf. M. H. V, 2
(282b); Bash. Ill, 3 (S43b).

Author, sb. The prompter or mover of an action. Obs. I, 3, 312.

Averse, a. Of opposed nature, adverse. Obs. II, i, 360.

Bait, v. fig. To cause (a person) to be molested, harassed, or perse
cuted. II, i, 219.

Battailes, sb. Obsolete form of battles. Battalion. Arch. I, 3, 89.

Before, conj. Originally with that, now arch. IV, 3, 309.

Beleeve, v. To accept a thing as authentic. Obs. Ill, 3, I.

Bent, ppl. a. Phrase To be bent. Const, (arch.) to do (something).
IV, i, 57-

Blaspheme, v. intr. To rail, to utter words of abuse. Obs. IV,

3, 125.

Blasphemy, sb. Slander, evil speaking, defamation. Obs. I, 3, 327.

Bountie, sb. Kindness, beneficence. Obs. Ill, 3, 55 ; IV, 3, 43. In
plural, virtues, excellencies. Obs. I, 3, 298.

Brave, a. 'Capital', 'fine'. Arch. Ill, 2, no.

Bring, v. Phr. Bring on. Lead forward, conduct. Obs. IV, I, 59.

Brokage, sb. Pimping. Or corrupt farming of offices. Obs. Ill, 2,
n. Cf. Bond., II, 3 (nib) ; Emp. I, 2 (3263).

Brooke, v. To endure, tolerate. Now only in negative or preclusive
constructions. I, I, 121.

Buffon, sb. A jester, fool. Arch. I, i, 36. Cf. P. L. Ill, i (1763).

Burthen, sb. Prevalent form is now burden, but burthen is still often
retained for ' capacity of a ship ' and also as a poetic or rhetorical archaism
in other senses. Ill, 3, 33.

But, adv. Phr. but now = just now, only this moment. Obs. IV,
3, 296.

Phr. but only. But was strengthened by only. Obs. IV, 2, 44.

Cabinet, Phr. " cabinet counsel = counsel given privately or secretly
in the cabinet or private apartment" (N. E. D. which quotes this passage
as an example).

However, I prefer to take counsel here in its sense of a secret as in
III, i, 62, and read secrets of the cabinet or private apartment. II, I, 7-

Call, v. ' With prep, on, trans, fig. Bring on. Obs. IV, 3, 245 ; V, I,
28; V, 2, 104. Cf. Bond., Ill, 3 (ii7b).

182 THE DUKE OF MILAN

Carreer, sb. fig. Formerly, the height, ' full swing ' of a person's ac
tivity. II, i, 321.

Carry, v. To conduct, manage. Arch. II, i, 308; V, i, 185.

Carve, v. To apportion at discretion, to take at one's pleasure. Ill,
i, 18.

Cast, ppl. a. Cashiered, discarded. IV, I, 10.

Catch, sb. Music. Originally, a short composition for three or more
voices. I, i, 16.

Gate, sb. pi. Victuals, food. ?Obs. I, 3, 77.

Challenge, v. To demand as a right. Arch, or Obs. I, 2, 8.

Change, v. Exchange, now the ordinary prose word for this, but
' change ' is still in dial. arch, and poet. use. IV, 2, 39.

Charge, sb. Expense, cost. Arch. II, i, 170; III, i, 12. To be at
charge: to undergo expense. Obs. V, 2, 195.

Check, sb. A reproof, reprimand, rebuke. Obs. except dial. IV, 2, 27.

Chirurgion, sb. Surgeon. Arch. Ill, 2, 8.

Chuffe, sb. A miser, a close avaricious man, a term of opprobrium.
Ill, i, 22.

Circumstance, sb. Circumlocution, beating about the bush. Arch. II,
i, 278.

Cleare, adv. Completely, entirely = clean adv. Obs. Ill, 2, 43.

Cleer, v. Reflexive (= myself). Now chiefly arch, and poet. IV,
3, 299.

Closet, sb. Place of private devotion. Arch. I, 3, 223.

Commence, v. To take the full degree of Master or Doctor in any
faculty of a University. IV, i, 109.

Conclude, v. To demonstrate, prove. Obs. I, i, 87.

Condition, sb. Nature. Obs. II, i, 334.

Confirm, v. To establish firmly. I, I, 53.
To encourage, strengthen. I, 3, 303.
Refl. and pass. To be firmly resolved. Obs. I, 3, 322.

Conformable, a. spec, in Eng. Hist, conforming to the usages of the
Church of England, especially as prescribed by the Acts of Uniformity.
Ill, 2, 26.

Confusion, sb. Ruin, destruction. fObs. Ill, I, 112.

Conjuration, sb. Solemn appeal or entreaty, adjuration. Arch, or
Obs. I, 3, 334.

Converse, sb. Intercourse = conversation. Obs. V, 2, 25.

Corrupt, a. The regular accentuation. Ill, 2, 7. Cf. Fat. D. I, 2
(357b).

Cost, sb. Outlay, expense. Obs. I, i, 125; I, 3, 2.

Councell, sb. A secret. Obs. Ill, i, 62; IV, i, 106; IV, i, 114. Cf.
II, i, 7.

Courses, sb. pi. Ways of action, proceedings, personal conduct or
behavior, especially of a reprehensible kind. Arch. IV, I, 103.

Courtship, sb. The paying of ceremonial or complimentary acts of
courtesy to a dignitary. Obs. Ill, 2, 121.

GLOSSARY . 183

Courtcraft, diplomacy. Obs. IV, i, 4.

Cracke, v. intr. To snap or split asunder. Obs. Ill, 3, 157.

Credulous, a. Believed too readily. Obs. rare. V, r, 13.

Crosse, v. Contradict. Obs. IV, 3, 56.

Deadly, adv. Fatally, to death. Obs. I, i, 61.

Death, sb. Phr. to the death, formerly interchanged with to death in
all senses, does not do so now. I, 3, 154.

Deerely, adv. Deeply, keenly. Obs. V, I, 56.

Deformity, sb. fig. A moral disfigurement. IV, 3, 189.

Deject, v. fig. To abase, humble. Obs. IV, 3, 30.

Deliver, v. To communicate, make known. Obs. I, I, 45.

Deny, v. To refuse to take or accept. Obs. IV, 2, 68.
To refuse admittance to. Obs. V, I, 97.

Depose, v. pass. To give evidence. Obs. IV, I, 95.

Deprave, v. To villify, defame, disparage. Obs. IV, 3, 154.

Deserve, v. To pay back, requite. Obs. IV, i, 61.
trans. Earn, win. Obs. IV, 2, n.

Determine, v. Const, of. Obs. V, 2, 267.

Discource, sb. The faculty of conversing, conversational power. Obs.-
IV, 3, 195-

Talk, conversation. Arch. IV, 2, 53.

Discover, v. To reveal, make known. Arch. I, 3, 376; IV, I, no;

IV, 3, 222.

Dispatch, v. To make haste, be quick. Obs. or arch. V, i, 164.

Disperse, v. refl. To diffuse, disseminate. Obs. Ill, 3, 84.

Dispose, v. Bestow, dispense. Obs. IV, 3, 43.

Dissolve, v. To solve, explain. Arch. IV, 3, 200.

Distaste, sb. Annoyance, discomfort. Obs. II, i, 196.

Distemper, v. To intoxicate. Obs. I, i, 18. Cf. G. D. IV, 2 (245b).

Distraction, sb. Mental derangement, madness. Obs. in its full sense.

V, 2, 8. Cf. New Way V, i (42ob).

Dittie, sb. A song; now a short simple song. I, 3, 80; II, I, 51.

Domesticall, a. Domestic. (Much used in i6th-i7th c.) Obs. I,
3, 261-

Dote, v. Const, of Obs. rare. Ill, 2, 38.

Doter, sb. Const, of Obs. rare. Ill, 3, 127.

Doubt, v. To suspect, have suspicions about. Arch. IV, 2, 52.

Doubtfull, a. Apprehensive. Obs. IV, I, 77.

Draw, v. To lead, bring. Obs. I, i, 80.

Ducat, 'sb. Applied to a silver coin of Italy, value about 35 6d. II,
i, 134; II, i, 178.

Dunckerke, sb. A privateer of Dunkirk. Obs. Ill, 2, 67.

Elements, sb. Originally the four elements, earth, water, air, and
fire. Now merely as a matter of traditional custom. V, 2, 179.

Else, adv. Besides. Formerly common ; now only poet, or arch. IV,
3, 38 ; IV, 3, 92-

End, v. colloquial. To end up, to issue or result in. I, 3, 36; III,
3, 37-

184 THE DUKE OF MILAN

Enforce, v. trans. To drive by force. I, 3, 30; I, 3, go.
Enjoy, v. To have one's will of a woman. II, i, 283; III, 3, 41.
Entertain, v. Deal with, treat. Obs. II, I, 297.
To occupy, fill up, wile away. Obs. IV, 3, 2.
To receive. Obs. V, i, 30; V, i, 34.
Entertainment, sb. Pay, wages. Obs. Ill, i, 23.

Treatment. Obs. Ill, 2, 105; III, 3, 66.
Envie, sb. Wish, desire, longing. Obs. Ill, 3, 63.

Ill will, enmity. Obs. V, i, 53.

Equall, a. Fair, impartial. Obs. II, i, 207. Cf. U. C. I, I (37a).
Equall, quasi-adv. Equally. Obs. II, I, 412.
Ere, conj. Before. Arch, and dial. Ill, i, 65; IV, 3, 68.
Estate, sb. State or condition in general. Arch.; now almost exclu
sively in Biblical phrases. I, 3, 95.

Property, possessions. Arch, in general sense. I, 3, 183.
Esteeme, v. To think much of, regard as important. Obs. V, 2, 238.
Esteeme, sb. Estimation, opinion. Somewhat Arch. IV, 3, 57.
Ever, adv. Always. Arch, or literary north, dial. I, 3, 271 ; III, I,
• 124; V, 2, 210.

Exceed, vf To go too far, to break out Obs. IV, 3, 251.
Excellence, sb. Excellency, a title of honor. Obs. I, 3, 28; II, I,
203 ; IV, 2, 5 ; .IV, 3, 3.

Excellent, a. A title of address. Obs. I, 3, 108.
Expect, v. trans. To wait for, await. Obs. II, i, 424; V, 2, 134.
With indirect question as object: To wait to see or know. Obs.

or Arch. Ill, 3, 92.

Expresse, v. To give an account of, describe. Obs. IV, 3, 226.
Extreames, sb. pi. Extremities, straits. Obs. V, I, 114.
Fact, sb. Actual guilt, a crime. Obs. IV, 3, 253 ; V, 2, 73.
Faire, sb. One of the fair sex, a woman. Now arch, or poet. V, i,
7; V, 2, 178.

Faire, adv. Auspiciously, favorably. Obs. I, I, 78.
Faire, a. Considerable, 'handsome', liberal. Obs. I, 3, 15.
Fall, v. With prep. from. To forsake, drop away from. Obs. II,
i, 322.

Phr. to fall in. To occur to. Obs. V, I, 116.

Falshood, sb. Falseness, faithfulness. Obs. IV, 3, 292; V, I, 44;
V, 2, 237.

Fame, sb. Quasi personified. Rumor. Now rare, i, 3, 243.

Common talk, report. Now rare. IV, 3, 136.
Favor, sb. The action of favoring. Obs. Ill, 2, 115.
Feed, v. intr. To eat. Of persons now only colloquial. Construc
tion on. I, 3, 76.

Felicitie, sb. Happiness (in modern use with stronger sense, intense
happiness). II, i, 337.

Fie, excl. Expresses disgust or indignant reproach. No longer cur
rent in dignified language. I, i, 31; n, i, 61.

GLOSSARY 185

Find, v. Find out. Obs. IV, 2, 37.

Fit, v. To punish. Obs. except Australian. Ill, 2, 58.

Fit, sb. spec. A paroxysm of lunacy (formerly viewed as a periodic
disease). V, 2, 43.

Fix, v. To take up one's position or abode mentally. ?Obs. 11,1,274.

Flesh, v. transf. and fig. To inflame the ardor, rage, or cupidity of a
person by a foretaste of success or gratification. ?0bs. I, 3, 181 ; I,

3, 291-

Flye, Phr. To fly off. Lit. to start away; 'to revolt' (J.), fig. to
break away (from an agreement or engagement). I, 3, 349.

Fondness, sb. Folly, weakness. Obs. except dial. Ill, i, 264.

Foolish, a. Humble, insignificant, paltry. Arch, or dial. II, I, 75 ;
IV, i, 38.

Foot boy, sb. A boy attendant. Obs. Ill, 2, 62.

Foresaid, a. Aforesaid. Now rare. Ill, 2, 43.

Forme, sb. Beauty, comeliness. Obs. IV, i, 66.

Freshly, adv. Anew, afresh. Now rare. IV, i, 91.

Fright, v. To scare, terrify. Now rare except poet, and Sc. Re
placed by frighten. I, 3, 303; I, 3, 317.

Frontlesse, a. fig. Shameless, audacious. Now rare. II, I, 139.

Froward, a. Hard to please, refractory. (Not now in colloquial use.)
IV, 3, 66.

Gall, sb. Spirit to resent injury or insult. Obs. II, I, no; V, I, 49.

Gallant, a. Gorgeous or showy in appearance, smart. Arch. Ill,
2, 23.

Game, sb. Fun, sport. Obs. except dial. II, i, 146.

Get, v, refl. To betake oneself, to go. Now only Arch. II, i, 88.

Gimcracke, sb. An affected showy person, a fop (A term of con
tempt.) Obs. This example is quoted under the above definition in
N. E. D., but it seems to me to be " A fanciful notion, also, an underhand
design, device, trick." IV, 3, 168.

Give, v. With prep. up. To deliver, render, present. Obs. Ill,

1, 122.

Goe, v. Used in imperative as a rebuke or remonstrance. Obs. Ill,

2, 55-

Good, v. An adjective of courteous address. Now often jocular or
depreciatory. IV, 3, 34.

Grace, sb. An exceptional favor.

In grace, phr. In favor. Obs. II, i, 61 ; III, i, 259; IV, i, 7.
To do a person or thing a grace ; to do honor to. Obs. IV, 2. 57.

Grace, v. To show favor or be gracious to ; also, to countenance.
Obs. II, i, 27.

Gratifie, v. trans. Reward, requite. Obs. Ill, i, 246.

Greatnesse, sb. Used as a title. Obs. II, i, 122.

Grieve, v. trans. To regret deeply. Poet. II, i, 101.

Grosse, a. Coarse, inferior, common. Obs. I, 3, 77.

186 THE DUKE OF MILAN

Harbinger, sb. A forerunner, messenger. Mostly in transf. and fig.
senses, and in literary language. I, 3, 151.

Hath, v. 3d pers. sing. pres. ind. of have. Arch. I, i, 46.

Heare, v. To accede to, grant a request or prayer. Chiefly in scrip
tural use. Ill, i, 80.

Heart strings, sb. pi. In old notions of anatomy, the tendons or
nerves supposed to brace and sustain the heart. IV, 3, 316.

Heed, sb. Careful attention, care (now chiefly literary). Especially
in the phrase ' To take heed.' IV, 3, 17.

Heeles, Phr. lay by the heels. Arrest, confine. I, i, 12; II, i, 80.

Height, Phr. to the height. To the highest or utmost degree. Obs.
I, 3, 35 ; IV, 3, 257.

Hen, sb. fig. Used for wife, woman, female. Humorous or low
colloq. II, i, 179.

Hence, adv. With redundant -from. IV, 3, 207.

Hither, adv. Now only literary, in ordinary speech supplanted by
'here'. II, i, 99; IV, 3, 243; V, i, 118.

Honest, a. Virtuous, upright, well-disposed, reliable, trusty. Obs..
I, i, 43 ; I, 3, 38o.

Honesty, sb. Formerly in a wide general sense, including all kinds
of moral excellence. Obs. II, i, 78.

Hope, v. trans, with simple object (=hope for). Now chiefly poetic.

IV, 3, I7i.

Horned, a. Cuckolds were fancifully said to wear horns on the brow.
Obs. IV, 3, 263.

Horrid, a. In earlier use, nearly synonymous with horrible. I, 3,
290; III, 3, 2; V, i, 10.

Hors-head, sb. Racing. The length of a horse's head. II, i, 112.

How, interjection. Elliptical for 'How is it'? or 'How say you'?
Modern equivalent is 'What?' or 'What!' Arch. II, i, i; III, 2, 85;
III, 3, 107; III, 3, 125; IV, 2, 19.

However, adv. However much, although. Obs. or Arch. V, i, 13.

Howsoever, adv. Notwithstanding that, albeit = however. Obs. II,

i, 323-

Hunts-up, sb. A song or tune to waken huntsmen. A disturbance,
uproar. Obs. or dial. II, I, 242.

If, con]. If that was formerly in use for the simple if. Now arch.

V, 2, 173.

Imperious, a. Ruling, dominant. Obs. I, 3, 100.

Impart, v. To make known, tell, relate. Arch. IV, 3, 171.

Impute, v. To regard, consider. Obs. V, i, 37.

In, adv. Involved, entangled in (an action, especially an unlawful
one). Obs. II, i, 428.

Innocencie, sb. Now somewhat rare or arch. = innocence. Ill, 3, 74.

Innocent, sb. A guiltless person. Obs. IV, 3, 289; V, 2, 230.

Instruct, v. Construction, clause as object. Obs. Ill, i, 69; III, i,
174; V, i, 138.

GLOSSARY . 187

Intelligence, sb. Agency for obtaining secret information or news.
Obs. II, i, 69.

The communication of spies, secret or private agents, etc. Obs.
HI, 3, 133-

Intercession, sb. Loosely used for a petition or pleading on one's own
behalf. Obs. Ill, i, 15.

Invert, v. trans. To divert from its proper purpose, to pervert to
another use. Obs. IV, 3, 217.

Issue, sb. Med. A discharge of blood or other matter from the
body. II, i, 170.

Jealous, a. Doubtful, mistrustful. Obs. IV, i, 50.

Jerk, sb. A stripe, lash. Obs. Ill, 2, 3.

Jerkin, sb. Arch, or hist. A garment for the upper part of the body
worn by men in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. With " buffe ".
The military dress Obs. Ill, i, 37.

Joy, sb. Paradise, heaven, bliss. Obs. or arch. Ill, 3, 38. Cf. U. C.
II, i (5Qb), "after joys".

Joyne, v. intr. said of the battle. Obs. I, 3, 89.

Justice, sb. Infliction of punishment. Obs. Ill, 3, 27; IV, 3, 287.

Keepe, v. Live, lodge. (Freq. in literary use from c 1580 to 1650;
now only colloquial, especially at Cambridge University and in U. S.)

II, i, 359-

Knave, sb. One of low condition. Now arch. IV, I, 41.

Know, v. To acknowledge. Obs. II, i, 168.

To have carnal acquaintance with. Arch. Ill, 3, 62; IV, 3, 229.

Knowledge, sb. Recognition. Obs. V, 2, 218.

Largely, adv. Liberally, bountifully. Now arch, and with mixture
of extensively, etc. Ill, i, 188.

Late, a. Recent in date. Now Obs. Of persons, chiefly in phrase
of late years. II, i, 123; IV, 3, 208; V, I, 169.

Latest, a. Last. Now arch, and poet. I, 3, 369; V, i, 134.

Leap, v. To leap on. Now upon. II, i, 177.

Leave, v. To abandon, forsake. Now rare or Obs. except in ' to
leave off '. Ill, 2, 107.

To cease, stop. With object infinitive with to. Now only arch.
= leave off. IV, i, 38.

Lewd, a. Low, vulgar, ' base '. Obs. II, i, 225.

Light, Phr. by this light. Arch. Ill, i, 189.

Like, a. Likely. Now somewhat rare in literary use ; still common
colloquially. II, i, 206.

Like, used as conj. = 'like as', as. Now generally condemned as
vulgar or slovenly. Ill, i, 76; III, i, 147, etc.

Lob's pound, sb. Now dial. Prison, jail. Also fig. an entanglement,
difficulty. Ill, 2, 52.

Loose, v. To forget. Obs. II, i, 393.

Lord, sb. A husband. Now only poet, and humorous. II, i, 106;

III, 3,58; 111,3, 132.

188 THE DUKE OF MILAN

Love, construction with to arch. I, 3, 351.

For love's sake, phr. A phrase of strong entreaty. Obs. I, 3, i.
Madona, sb. An Italian lady. Obs. Ill, I, 31.
Magnificence, sb. Munificence. Obs. Ill, i, 221.
Maine, a. Highly important, momentous. Obs. V, 2, 157.
Make, v. To be ' compact ' of. Obs. II, I, 131.

Phr. make a shot. Now arch. IV, 3, 155.

Phr. make up. To attire a person suitably for receiving guests.
Obs. II, i, 172.

Malevolent, a. Astrol. Exercising an evil or baleful influence. Obs.

I, 3, 309.

Marke, v. To observe. Now poet. Ill, 3, 134.

Marrie, int. Obs. except arch, or dial. Originally Mary, an excla
mation of asseveration, surprise, etc. II, I, 225.

Mayd, sb. Maiden. Now only (exc. dial.) arch, or playful. Ill, i,
181 ; V, i, 55-

Meane, a. Petty, unimportant. ?Obs. I, 3, 14; I, 3, 55; II, I, 131.

Meeter, sb. A verse or poem. Obs. Ill, 2, 18.

Melancholy, sb. The disease supposed to result from having too
much ' black bile ' ; in early references its prominent symptoms are sullen-
ness and propensity to causeless and violent anger, and in later references
mental gloom and sadness. Obs. II, i, 124.

Me thinkes, Phr. It seems to me. Now arch, and poet. I, 3, 100.

Minister, v. To administer. Obs. I, 3, 306.

Miscarry, v. intr. To meet with death. Obs. I, 3, 343.

Mischiefe, Phr. with a mischief. Used as an expletive. Obs. II,
I, 234.

Misse, v. To be unsuccessful. Now arch, or Obs. IV, i, 91.

Mistris, sb. A sweetheart. Now avoided in ordinary use except in
unequivocal contexts. I, 3, 38; I, 3, 39, etc.

A woman who has the power to control or dispose of something.
Now rare. V, i, 42; V, 2, 67.

Modesty, sb. Moderation ; self control. Obs. II, I, 65.

Modicum, sb. Applied to a person of small stature. Obs. II, I, 183.

Moneys, sb. pi. Sums of money. Now chiefly in legal or quasi-legal
parlance, or as an archaism. Ill, i, 125.

Monstrous, a. Unnatural. Obs. I, 3, 287.

Moore, sb. A Mohammedan, especially a Mohammedan inhabitant of
India. II, i, 167.

More, a. Greater. Obs. Ill, 2, 33.

Most, absol. (Construed as plural.) The greatest number. Now
usually without article; in early use most and the most were both common.
I, i, 68; IV, 3, 54-

Mulct, sb. A penalty of any kind. See note. IV, 3, 190.

Mushrome, sb. fig. A contemptible person. II, i, 86. Cf. D. F. IV,
i (24ib).

GLOSSARY . 189

Musicke, sb. A company of musicians. Obs. exc. in military use.

II, i, 78.

Musty, a. Ill humored, peevish. Obs. except dial. II, i, 113.

Name, sb. Repute, reputation. Now rare. IV, i, 12.

Nay, adv. Expresses negation. Now arch, or dial. Ill, i, 62; III,
i, 129.

Nectar, sb. Applied in Massinger to the moisture on the lips. I, 3,
205 ; V, 2, 212.

Need, v. Phr. it needs. It is needful or necessary. Obs. V, I, 81.

Neere, a. Intimate with. Obs. IV, 3, 87.

Neerely, adv. In a special manner, particularly. I, 3, 262.

Neighbor, a. In attrib. use, passing into adj. Situated near or close.
(Very common c 1580-1700.) V, i, 123.

Next, a. Phr. the next way. The shortest, most convenient or direct
way. Obs. Ill, 2, 7.

Nor, conj. Introducing both alternatives. Chiefly poet. II, i, 356;
V, 2, 10.

Obdurate, a. The regular accentuation. I, 3, 292. Cf. U. C. IV, I
(S6b) ; Ren. V, 3 (i6ia) ; C. M. V, 3 (455a).

Observe, v. To treat with attention or regard. Obs. Ill, 3, 47 ;
IV, 2, 4.

Of, prep. For. Arch. II, i, 109.

On. Phr. on thy life. On a capital charge. Obs. IV, 3, 165.

One. indefinite pronoun. Some one. Arch, or Obs. IV, 3, 290.

Or, conj. Or ... or is sometimes used in the sense of either . . . or.
This is now poetic. II, I, 189-90; III, 2, 89; V, 2, 167.

Order, v. To treat, manage. Obs. Ill, 2, 120.

O're, adv. Poetic and dialectical contraction of over. V, 2, 61.

Organ, sb. An instrument, a tool. Arch. V, 2, 57.

Ought, sb. (pron.). Form of aught. Arch. I, 3, 115.

Outside, sb. Outer garments, clothes. Obs. I, 3, 2.

Owe, v. To acknowledge as belonging to oneself. Obs. I, 3, 24.

Oyle, Phr. oil of angels. Gold employed in gifts or bribes. Obs.

III, 2, 24.

Panicque, a. In panic terror, etc. ; such as was attributed to the action
of the god Pan. I, 3, 167.

Pardon, v. Now excuse me. II, i, 266.

Parts, sb. pi. Abilities, capacities, talents. Now Arch., rare in speech.

IV, i, 21 ; IV, i, 34; IV, 3,48.

Partie, sb. Now shoppy, vulgar, or jocular, the proper word being
person. Ill, 2, 51.

Passage, sb. Incident, event. Obs. or arch. Ill, i, 212.

Peice, sb. Piece of eight, the Spanish dollar, or peso, of the value
of 8 reals, or about 45 6d. It was marked with the figure 8. Ill, i, 34-

Perforce, adv. Forcibly, by violence. I, 3, 257.

Peruse, v. To examine or consider in detail. Arch. Ill, 2, 63.

190 THE DUKE OF MILAN

Phrensie, sb. Mental derangement. Now somewhat rare in its lit
eral sense. V, 2, 77 ; V, 2, 258.

Physicke, sb. Medicine. (Now chiefly colloq.) II, 1,123; HI, 2, 31;
IV, 3, 97-

Picture, sb. The portrait or likeness of a person. Now rare. V,
i, 123.

Pistolet, sb. Name given certain foreign gold coins in i6th c. rang
ing in value from 55 lod to 6s 8d; in later times = Pistole. Ill, i, 240.

Pittie, sb. Clemency, mercy, mildness. Obs. Ill, 3, 50; III, 3, 72.
Construction of Obs. V, 2, 100.

Plague, sb. spec. The oriental or bubonic plague. IV, 2, 73 ; V, 2, 227.

Please, v. Phr. please you. May it please you. Obs. IV, 3, 172.

Poore, a. In modest or apologetic use. I, 3, 268; II, I, 58, etc.

Poorely, adv. Meanly, shabbily. Obs. IV, 3, 74.

Port, sb. A gate, or gateway; from I4th c. usually that of a city.
Now chiefly Scotch. IV, 3, 166.

Post, sb. A courier (now chiefly Hist.). I, 3, 81 ; I, 3, 137.

Posterie, sb. Obs. rare. Posterity. IV, 3, 131.

Posture, sb. Mil. A particular position of a weapon in drill or war
fare. Obs. I, i, 24.

Power, sb. PL Forces, i. e. distinct hosts. Now rare or arch. I,
3, 256.

Poxe, sb. In imprecations, or exclamations of irritation or impa
tience. Obs. Ill, 2, 101.

Practice, sb. An action, a deed. Obs. Ill, 3, 2.

Prayse, sb. transf. Merit, value, virtue. Arch. Ill, I, 129.

Preferre, v. With before, construction Obs. II, i, 405-7.

Preserve, v. To keep alive. Arch. V, 2, 139 ; V, 2, 180.

President, sb. Obs. fQrm of precedent. I, 3, 318.

Pretend, v. Phr. pretend to. To put forward as an excuse. 1,3,315.

Prethe, archaic colloquialism for '(I) pray thee '. Ill, I, 263; III, 2,
35, 48, 94, 107, etc.

Prevention, sb. A means of preventing, a preventive, a safeguard.
Obs. IV, 3, 45-

The action of forestalling another person in the execution of his
designs. Obs. V, 2, 30.

Prittie, a. Having the proper appearance, qualities or manners of a
man. Now Arch. IV, I, 21.

Privacy, sb. pi. Private or retired places ; private apartments. Now
rare. I, 3, 219.

Private man, Private Soldier. I, i, 25.

Prize, v. To value. Obs. I, i, 107; I, 3, 203; II, i, 318.

Propertie, sb. A tool, a ' cat's paw '. Obs. IV, 3, 295.

Propound, v. To set before one as a reward. Obs. Ill, 3, 159.

Prove, v. To try, test. Arch, except in technical uses. IV, 3, 257.

Provide, v. Construction of Obs. V, i, 113.

Pulpet man, sb. A preacher. Obs. Ill, 2, 30.

GLOSSARY . 191

Pulses, sb. Formerly sometimes construed erroneously as a plural.
V, 2, 65.

Punie, sb. A junior or recently admitted pupil or student in a school
or university or in the Inns of Court ; a freshman. Also fig. or allusively.
Obs. IV, i, 107. Cf. P. L. Ill, i (i/sa).

Push-pin, sb. A child's game in which each player pushes or fillips
his pin with the object of crossing that of another player. Ill, 2, 47.

Put, v. Phr. put in. To intervene. ?Obs. Ill, i, 15.

Phr. put on. To put on one's hat, 'be covered'. IV, I, 15.

Quallitie, sb. Rank or position. Now rare. Ill, i, 187; III, 2, 13.

Question, v. To dispute with. Obs. I, 2, n.

Quick, a. Alive. Now dial, or arch. I, 3, 315.

Raise, v. To erase or raze. Obs. V, 2, 122.

Rampant, a. Lustful, vicious. Obs. Ill, 2, g.

Rarely, adv. Finely, splendidly, beautifully. (Frequent in I7th c )
IV, i, 32.

Recide, v. Obs. form of ' reside '. I, 3, 357.

Record, sb. The regular accentuation. IV, 3, 130. Cf. M. H. IV, 3
(273) ; C. M. II, 3 (4363) ; Bash. L. V, 3 (558a) ; Bel. II, 2 (6o3a).

Remission, sb. Pardon for a political offence. Now only Hist. Ill,
i, 152.

Remove, sb. Departure to another place. Now rare (very common
c. 1590-1760). Ill, i, 52.

Resolve, v. To free from doubt or perplexity. (Common in I7th c.)
Obs. II, i, 15.

To inform, tell a person of a thing. Obs. II, i, 74.
To convince one of something. Obs. II, i, 370.

Restrayn, v. intr. To refrain from something. Now rare. V, 2, 29.

Rouse, sb. Now arch. A bumper, full draught of liquor. A ca
rousal or bout of drinking. I, I, 33.

Sadnesse, sb. Soberness. fObs. II, i, 103.

Say, v. In perf. tense = I have finished speaking. Obs. Ill, i, 188.

Scholler, sb. A pupil of a master. Now arch, or rhetorical. Ill,
i, 234.

Search, v. To probe a wound. Obs. IV, 3, 28; V, 2, 92.

Seas, sb. pi. poet, or rhetorical like ' waters '. I, 3, 340.

Sect, sb. Class or kind of persons. Obs. IV, i, 9.

Sectarie, sb. In i7-i8th c. commonly applied to the English Protestant
Dissenters. Now chiefly Hist. Ill, 2, 25.

Secure, a. Feeling sure or certain. ?Obs. I, 2, 26.

Sensible, a. Cognizant, conscious, aware of. Construction of. Now
somewhat rare. V, 2, 91.

Sensuall, a. Not so darkly colored then as now, more nearly ap
proaching sensuous. Ill, 3, 61.

Shew, v. With complement. To look, seem, appear. Obs. with sb.
IV, 3, 165. Arch, with adjective complement. II, i, 128, 246; IV, 3, 220.

192 THE DUKE OF MILAN

Shift, v. intr. To manage matters, to make provisions for. Obs.

IV, 3, 261.

Shot, v. Of a vessel to receive a shot causing a dangerous leak; also
slang clapt or poxt. Ill, 2, 67.

Skilles, v. To make a difference, matter. In negative interrogative
clauses. Now arch. I, i, 25.

Sleepy, a. Inducing sleep, soporific. Now rare. V, 2, 90.

Smother, v. To conceal by keeping silent about, to hush up. (Now
with up.) Obs. II, I, 25.

Sooth, sb. In good sooth. Truly, now arch. Ill, 2, 95.

Sooth, v. To support or back up a person in a statement. Obs. V,
2, 156.

Stale, sb. A dupe or laughing stock. Obs. or arch. IV, 3, 294.

Star, sb. Destiny. Rare. I, 3, 50; V, I, 160.

Store, sb. Abundance, plenty. Used archaically without the indefi
nite article. Ill, 2, 49.

Straight, adv. Narrowly, closely. Obs. V, I, 40.

Submission, sb. Admission, confession. Obs. Ill, 3, 20.
.Taint, v. To accuse of crime or dishonor. Obs. I, I, 107.

Tax, v. To_accuse. Const, -for. Obs. (Now with.) II, i, 330.

Teeming, vbl. sb. Breeding, with child. Obs. V, I, 59.

Then, con/. Originally same word as Than, conj., which in both
senses varied in M. E. and i6th c. between then and than. I, i, 45, 112,
122; I, 2, 30, etc.

Think, v. Phr. think on. Now usually of. I, I, 26; II, I, 415; V,
2, 16; V, 2, 34; V, 2, 200.

Tis. A contraction of it is. Now chiefly used in poetry. Ill, I, 190.

Touch, v. To concern. Obs. Ill, i, 207.

Towse, v. To pull a woman about rudely, or indelicately. Obs. Ill,
i, 30.

Tract, sb. Path, way, route. Now rare or Obs.; usually expressed
by track. V, i, 95. Cf. M. H. V, 2 (2823).

Travaile, sb. Exertion, trouble, suffering. Arch. I, 3, 67; V, i, 159.

Travailes, sb. in pi. Labors. Obs. I, i, 27.

Triumph, sb. A public festivity or display of any kind. Obs. Ill,
i, 14.

Trode, Pa. t. of trod. Arch. IV, 2, 54.

'Troth, sb. Colloq. for in troth as is shown by the apostrophe here.

V, 2, ii.

Trunke, sb. In literary use, the body. V, 2, 142, 225.

Undertaker, sb. He who undertakes any action. II, i, 252. Cf. Ren.
Ill, 3 (I49a) ; N. W. V, i (4i6b).

Unto, prep. To ; now somewhat antiquated, but much used in formal
or antiquated style. IV, 3, 307; V, 2, n, 69.

Use, sb. Construction with of. Obs. IV, 3, 177.

Want, sb. Time of need. ?Obs. Ill, i, 123.

•GLOSSARY 193

Weed, sb. Costume. Now commonly in the plural and chiefly in the
phrase widow's weeds. Ill, i, 150.

Whether, adv. An obsolete form of whither. Ill, 2, 86; V, i, 153.

Wind, v. To twist one's self or worm one's way into or out of some
thing. Obs. I, 3, 75.

Witty, a. Clever, skillfully devised. Obs. V, 2, 250.

Writ, pa. pple. Obs. or arch, for written. I, 3, 238; III, I, 74.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

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194

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Quellen. 1905.

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deutschen Litteratur. Massinger, Fenton, Hebbel, Stephen
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yeares under sundry Kings and Princes, together with the
variations and accidents of the same, deuided into twenty
bookes : . . . Reduced into English by Geffray Fenton 1579.

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196 THE DUKE OF MILAN

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by Thomas Lodge, 1620.

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Massingers. 1897.
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1895, 1896.
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Poets. 1691.
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lewe's. Faithfully translated out of the Latine, and French,

by Tho. Lodge, Doctor in Physicke.
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Inlarged and Corrected by Thomas Lodge D. M. P.
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who were at Work in England, Scotland and Ireland from 1641

BIBLIOGRAPHY . 1Q7

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den Dramen. . . . Massinger's. 1912.
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bethanischen Zeitalters. 1907.

2704

1918

Massinger, Philip

.xn edition of Phil
Massinger ' s Duke of Milan

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