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HISTORICAL AND CRITICAL
ACCOUNT

OP THE

LIVES AND WRITINGS

Swmi I. anil Cfiarleis i.

AND OP

THE LIVES

^Wt^tx Ctomtoell anti Cj^arled ii.

AFTER THE MANNER OF MR. BAYLE.

FROM

ORIGINAL WRITERS AND STATE-PAPERS.

BY WILLIAM HARRIS.

^ ,.f -

A NEW EDITION, /! I

WfTH A LIFE OF THE AUTHOR/ a' OBNERAL INIttt; &C.

IN FIVE VOLUMES.

VOL. I.
LONDON :

miHTED ^OR F. C. AND J. RIYINGTON ; T. PAYNE; WILKIE AND
ROBINSON; LONGMAN, HURST, REES, ORME, AND BROWN; CAOELL
AND DAVIES ; J. MURRAY ; J. MAWMAN ; AND R. BALDWIN.

1814. .

■ ■ • • ■ • ■■ >■

v./

"iQODFAii^ Printer, Angel Coort, Skinner Street, Londoq.

:4ii

■ .■--■—.■■. -.-N. .;:m>a->. - ■■ - ■■.:■- ■ ■-... ..v..s.-..^-awH3ai

SKETCH

LIFE OF THE AUTHOR.

Of Dr, William Harris, the writer
of these Lives, few memoirs have been pre-
served, and what is now laid before the
reader, rests on no better authority, than
that of a fugitive pubUcation, except a few
incidental notices from the Memoirs of
HoUis.
' '^f.. Dr. Harris was the son of a tradesman
at Salisbury, who probably was a dissent^*
He was born in that city in 1720, and re-*
ceived his education at an academy kept at
Taunton by Messrs. Grove and Amory , men
of learning and note, as cfissenting teachers.
An early love of books asnd a thirst for
knowledge, rendered apptiattion easy and

YOU I. M

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ii - SKETCH OF THE

profitable, and he was thought quaUfied to
preach before he was nineteen years of age. j^^

He first officiated to a congregation at
St. Loo, in CornwaUy^fUful was afterwards
invited to another in . the city of Wells,
where he was ordained in 1741. Within a
few years, his marriage to a Miss Bovet of
Honiton, occasioned his removal to that
town^ and his ministerial labours, for the
rest of his life, were confined to a very small
congregation at Luppit in the neighbour-
hood. To what denomination of dissenters
he belonged we are not told. The strain of
his discourses is said to have been plain and
practical, but none of them have been pidl^-
lished, and he appears to have soon courted
^%Q[ie in a different pursuit.

His political, if not his religious creed,

■

led him to study the history of the seven-
teenth century, which in his time had re-
ceived few of the lights that have since been
thrown upon it ; and what he read, he read
with the eagCTi^ye of a nonconformist, de-

LIFE OF THE AUTHOR,
sirous to rescue his brethren from obloquy,*
and afford them a larger share in the merit
of perpetuating the liberties of this kingdom.
With this view, he resolved to become the
biographer of the English branch of the
Stuart family, and of Cromwell, and to as-
sign to each their agency in the production
of those great events in the seventeenth
century, the rebellion, the restora-
tion and the revolution.

His preliminary attempt was on a singu-
lar subject, the Life of Hugh Peters,
which as he published it without his name,
has escaped the notice of the collectors of
his works, but is now prefixed, as the first
in the order of time, and essentially con-
nected with one of the subjects of his future
inquiries. In this life he professed to follow
" the manner of Bayle," and it might have
been thought that its appearance in print
would have shown Dr. Harris that his choice
yrsA injudicious ; but, for whatever reason,
he followed the same in his subsequent

SKETCH OF THE
works. The Life of Peters was published in
1751, and in 1753 appeared his Life of
James I ; in 1758, that of Charles I ; in
1761, that of Cromwell; and in 1765,
that of Charles 11: tlxis lasting vols. 8vo.
It was his design to have completed this
series with a life of James II; but he was
interrupted by an illness which terminated
fatally in February 1770, in the fiftieth year
of his age. His degree of Doctor in Divi-
nity was procured for him from the Univer-
sity of Glasgow, in 1765, by his friend
Mr. Thomas HoUis, who had assisted him
in his various undertakings, by many curi-
ous and interesting communications, and
the use of scarce books and pamphlets. Dr.
Birch and other gentlemen in London seem
also to have contributed liberally to his
stock of historical materials. It is indeed
as a collection of such, that these Lives
have been principally valued, for Dr. Har-
ris cannot be ranked among elegant wrifc.
ers. They were all well received on they*

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LIFE OF THE AUTHOR. v

first publication, and the recent demand
has raised them to an enormous price, which
alone might justify the appearance of a new
edition, if their curious and valuable con-
tents had not given them a claim to a place
in every English historical library. That
Dr. Harris is always impartial cannot be
gravely asserted, and that his reasonings are
tinged with his early prejudices cannot be
denied, but his facts are in general narrated
with great fidelity, and the evidence on both
sides is given without mutilation.

•M^

> * •

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HISTORICAL AND CRITICAL

ACCOUNT

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HISTORICAL AND CRITICAL

ACCOUNT

HUGH PETERS.

Hugh peters* bom in the year 1599,
was the son of considerable parents^ of Foy
in Cornwall. His father was a merchant ;
his mother of the ancient family of the
Trefiys' of Place in that town. He was
sent to Cambridge at fomleen years of age;

' The ancient family of the Trefiys of Place.] Thus
the name is spelt in Peters's last legacy : but the same
fionily was lately^ if it is not now in being, in the same
house, whose name is always, I think, spelled Treffry.
However, from hence it is very apparent, that Peters's
parentage by the mother, was very considerable. For
the antiquity of the family is known to most; nor does
it yield in gentility to any of the Cornish ; which is no
mean character in the eyes of those who value them-
selves on birth and descoit.

* Chiefly extracted from m dying Father't lest Legecyto an only Child;
or Mr. Hugh PeterB'a Advice to hiH Diaiighter. London, 1660, 12mo.

X THE LIFE OF

where, being placed in Trinity College, he
took the degree of batchelor of arts in 1616,
and of master in 1622. He was licensed
by Dr. Mountain, bishop of London, and
preached at Sepulchre's with great success'.

* Preached at Sepulchre's with great success,] His
account of his coming to Sepulchre's, and the success
that he met with, will let us see something of the man.
"*To Sepulchre's I was brought by a very strange
providence; for preaching before at- another place, and
a yoimg mau receiving some good, would not be satis-
fied, but I must preach at Sepulchre's, once monthly,
for the good of his friends. In which he got his end
(if I might not shew vanity) and he allowed thirty
pounds per arm. to that lecture; hut his person un-
known to me. He was a chandler, and died a good
man, and member of parliament. At this lecture the
resort grew so great, that it contracted envy and anger;
though I believe above a hundred every week were per-
suaded from sin to Christ: There were six or seven
thousand hearers, and the circumstances fit for such

good work." Great success this! and what few

preachers are blessed with. But some, I know, would
attribute this to enthusiasm, which is very contagious,
and produces surprising, though not lasting effects.
However this be, it is no wonder envy and anger were
contracted by it. For church governors are wont to
dislike popular preachers, cEpecially when they set
themselves to teach in a manner different from them.

1 will only remark further, that Peters was as great

a converter as oui modern Methodists.

' Pettra'a L^Bcy, p.lO),

HUGH PETERS. xi

Meeting wiUi some trouble on the account
of his nonconfonnity', he went to Holland,

' Trouble on the account of hU nonconformity.] Ne-
ver was there any thing in the world more inconsislent
with ChristJaniiy or good policy than persecution for
conscience sake. Yet, such was the madness of the
preJaies, during the reigns of the Stuarts, as to harass
and distress men most cruelly, merely on account of
nonconformity to ecclesiastical ceremonies. Laud was
an arch tyrant this way, as is known to all acquainted
with our histories ; nor were Wren and others much in-
ferior to him. The very spirit of tyranny actuated
their breasts, and made ihein feared and loathed whilst
living, caused them to be abhorred since dead, and
will render them infamous throughout all generations.
I can add nothing to what Locke and Bayle have saiil
on the reasonableness and equity of toleration : to them
I will refer those, who have any doubts about it. Only
as to the popular objections of its being inconsistent
with the good of the state, and the wais and tumults
occasioned by it, I will beg leave to observe, that it is
evident to a demonstration, that those communities are
more happy in which the greatest number of sects
abound. Holland, the free cities of Germany, and
England, since the revolution, prove the truth of my
assertion. And I will venture, without pretending to
the spirit of prophecy, to affirm, that, whenever the '
sects in England shall cease, learning and liberty will
be no more amongst us. So tliit, instead of suppress-
ing, we ought to wish their increase. For they are
corbs to the slate clergy, excite a spirit of emulation,
and occasion a decency and regularity of behaviour
among them, which tliey would, probably, be other-
wise Btrangers to.

THE LIFE OF

where he was five or six years*; from whenctf

he removed to New England, and, after

And for civil wars about religion; they are so far
from arising from toleration, that, for the most part,
they are the effect of the prince's imprudence. " He
must needs (says an indisputable judge) have unseason-
ably favoured one sect, at the expence of another : He
must either have too much promoted, or too much dis-
couraged the public exercise of certain forma of wor-
ship: He must have added weight to party-<)uarrels,
which are only transient sparks of fire, when the sove-
reign does not interfere, but become conflagrations
when he foments them. To maintain the civil govern-
ment wilb vigour, to grant every man a liberty of con-
science, to act always like a king, and never to put on
the priest, is the sure means of preserving a slate from
those storms and hurricanes, which the dogmatical spi-
rit of divines is continually labouring to conjure up'."
Had Charles the first had the wisdom and pradence of
this great writer, he never had plunged his kingdoms
into the miseries of a civil war ; nor by hearkening to
his chaplains, refused terms which would have pre-
vented his unhappy catastrophe.

* Where he was five or six years.] U seems that hc
behaved himself so well, during his stay in Holland, as
to procure great interest and reputation in that couif-
try; for, being afterwards in Ireland, and seeing tbfe
great distress of the poor protestants, that had been
plundered by the Irish rebels, he went into Holland,
and procured about thirty thousand pounds to be sent
from thence into Ireland for their relief. — Ludlow's
Memoirs, Vol. III. p. 75.

' Anti-Machiatel Eng. Trav. p. 328, edit. \1*i. .

HUGH PETERS.

I
I

residing there seven years, was sent into
England by that colony, to mediate for
case in customs and excise. The civil war
being then on foot, he went into Ireland, .
and upon his return, was entertained by the
earl of Warwick, sir Thomas Fairfax, and
Oliver Cromwell, afterwards protector'. He

' Eiitertauied by the earl of Warwick, sir Thomas
Fairfax, and Oliver Cromwell.] Mr. Whillock shall
be my vouclier for this. ' Mr. Peters, says he, gave a.
large relation to the commons, of all the business of
Lyme, where he was with the earl of Warwick. Again *',
Mr. Peters, who brought up letters from sir Thomas
Fairfav, was called into the house, and made a large
relation of the particular passages in the taking of
Bridgwater. And' Mr. Peters was called into the
house, and gave them a particular account of the siege
of Bristol ;— and he pressed the desire of sir Thomas
Fairfax to have recruits sent him. — '' Letters brought
by Mr. Peters, from lieutenant-general Cromwell, con-
cerning the taking AVinchester Castle ; after which he
was called in, and gave a particular relation of it. —
• He came from the army to the house, and made them
a narration of the storming and taking of Dartmouth,
and of the valour, unity, and affection of the army,
and presented several letters, papers, crucifixes,
other popish things taken in the town. — It is }daiB
from these <jnotations, that Peters must have been ii
favour with the generals, and that he must have made
tome considerable figure in the transactions of those

' Wbltlock'B Memorials, p. 92, Land. 1732, folio.
'IbliLp, ni. "Ibid. p. 175. * Ibid. ]

'Ibid. p. 163.

THE LIFE OF
was much valued by the parliament, and
improved his interest with them in the be-
half of the unfortunate*. He was very zeal-
ous and active in their cause, and had pre-
sents made him, and an estate given him
by them^

times. It is not improbable that the distinction witf
which he was treated by them, attaclied him so firmt^
to their interest, that in the end tt cost him his life.

' Improved his interest with them in the behalf of I
the unfortunate.] " At his trial he averred he had si 1
certificate under the marchioness of Worcester's han^
beginning with these words : I do here testify, that iir
all the sufferings of my husband, Mr. Peters was mji' ]
great friend. And added he, 1 have here a seal, (am
then produced it) that the earl of Norwich gave me j
keep for his sake, for saving his life, which I will keep4»*
as long as I live '." And how great the opinion was of"
his interest with the persons in power, we End from
the following words in a letter addressed to secretary_
Nicholas, March 8, 1648. Mr. Peters presenting yes- '
terday Hamilton's petition to the speaker, made many^J
believe he at last would escape''. Indeed, here he was
unsuccessful : but his good-nature, and readiness to
oblige, were manifested, and one would have thought
should have merited some return to hiin when in dis-
tress.

' The presents made him, and an estate given him
by them.] We find in Whillock, that he had 100

' Exact and impartial

ififio, p. ns.

* Ormond'

^t of ihe trial of the resinides. Loud. Mo. >.

publiahwl by Cartp, vol. I, p. 333. Lond. 1 "JaS.

HUGH PETERS. xt

He assisted Mr. Chaloner in his last mo-
ments, as he afterwards did sir Jn. Hotham'.

pouhfls .given him, when he brought the news of taking
IBridgwater ; 50 pounds, when he brought letters from
Cromwell concerning the taking Winchester Castle;
that there was an order for 100 pounds a year for him
and his heirs ; and another ordinance for 1800 pounds a
year. '* To all which we may add, the estate the par*
Hament gave him, mentioned in the body of the article
(if it was distinct from the 100 and (200 pounds per an-
num mentioned by Whitlock) which was part of the
lord Craven's ; and the bishop's books (Laud's, I sup-
pose) vdued, as he tells as, at 140 pounds; and like-
wise the pay of a preacher as he could get it. ^ These
were handsome rewards, and shew the parliament to
have been no bad masters. But, notwithstanding, " he
says, he lived in debt, because what he had, others
shared in^'' From hence, generosity or prodigality of
temper, may be inferred : but as it may as well be at-
tributed to the former as to the latter, I know not why
we should not consider him rather as laudable than
culpable. Indeed, the clergy have been branded, for
their covetousness ; though certain it is, there have
been some among them, who have performed as many
generous, good-natured actions, as any of their ill-
willers.

' He assisted Mr. Chaloner and sir John Hotham.]
Mr. Chaloner was"* executed for what was called Wal-
ler's plot, an account of which is to be found in the
historians of those times. He owned he died justly,
and deserved his punishment. In compliance with Pe-

* See Uie pages before quoted in remark 5» ** Peten's Legacy,

p. 102, 104, 115. ' Id. p. 103. * July 5, 1040.

THE LIFE OF

tem's request, be explained the part he had had in it,
and being desired by him, Peters prayed with him*.
— The business of sir John Hotham is well known.
Peters attended him on the scaffold ^ and received pub-
lic thaolis OD it from him. I will transcribe part of bis
speech, and likewise of Peters's, by bis commaad, ^at
the reader may judge something of his temper and be-
haviour. " I hope," said sir John, " God Almighty
will forgive me, the parliament, and the court martial,
and all men that have had any thing to do with my
death. And, gentlemen, I thank this worthy gentle-
man' for putting me in mind of it."— Then Mr. Peters
spoke again [he had before mentioned the desire of sir
John, not to have many questions put to him, he hav-
ing fully discovered his mind to him and other minis-
ters ; but that he might have liberty to speak only what
he thought fit concerning himself] " and told the audi-
ence, that he had something further to commend unto
them from sir John Hotham, which was, that he had
lived in abundance of plenty, his estate large, about
aoCX) pounds a year at first, and that he had gained
much to it ; that, in the beginning of his days, he was
a soldier in the Low Countries, and was at the battle
of Prague : that at his first going out for a soldier, his
father spoke to him to this effect ; Son ! when the crown
of England lies at stake, you will have fighting enough.
That be had run through great hazards and undertak-
ings; and now coming to this end, desired they would
take notice in him, of the vanity of all things here be-
low, as wit, parts, prowess, strength, friends, honour,
or what else,"

" Then Mr. Peters having prayed, and after him sir

•Ruihw. Hiat Collect. Part IIL fol, II. p. 327, 5SS. Lond. 1692,
fol. " Jm. a, 164*. ' He wai hereunto mliTetl by Mr.

Peters, eajs Rmhwortli.

^ HUGH PETERS.

He could tight ' as well as pray ; though,

JohD, they suog the 38th Psalm; and sir John kneeling
behind the block, spent above a quarter of an hour in
private prayer; after which, lying down, the execu-
tioner, at one blow, did his office',"

We sec nothing here but great civility in Peters, and
the due discharge of his office. Here is nothing irou-
biesoiae or impertinent, but as one would wish to have
it in like circumstances. Let the reader compare the
following account of sir John's behaviour with Rush-
worth's, and judge of the truth of the narration, and
the justness of the epithet bestowed on Petets.

" The poor man (sir John Hothain) appeared so dis-
pirited, that he spoke but few words after lie came up-
on the scaffold, and suS'ered his ungodly confessor Pe-
ters, to tell the people, that he had revealed himself to
him, and confessed his offences against the parliameat;
and so he committed his head to the block''."

Peters, we see, said nothing Uke his having confess^
his offences against the parliament. Tliis, therefore, is
mere invention, like too many other things to be found
in this celebrated history: the charge of interpolations
and additions against which 1 am sorry, for the noble
writer's sake, to find affirmed to be groundless, by so
worthy a man, and so good a judge, as Mr. Bircf. —
As to the epithet ungodly conferred on Peters, the con-
siderate reader will judge of it as it deserves.

' Fight as well as pray.] Let us hear Whitlock.
" Mr. Peters, at the beginning of the troubles in Ire-
land, led a brigade against the rebels, and came off

" Riuhworth, Hist, Cnllfcl. Part III. Vol. IL p. 803, 804. lond. 1 693,
fcl. ' ClBiendoD's History of the pand Rfbellioii, Vol. IL Part

II. p. 633. Oxford, n07, ' Life of Hampiien among the Livnof

illuBtrious Men. A. 7S.

¥01. 1. b

xviii THE LIFE OF

perhaps, in his capacity of a preacher ,

was most serviceable to the cause'".

with boaour and victoijV So thai we see he knffl
how to use both swords, and coald slay and kill, as well '
as feed the sheep ; which, in ihe opinion of Baroniua,
Christ gave Peter authority to exercise equally, as oc-
casion might require*. But, to be serious, this lead-
ing a brigade against the Irish rebels, ought not to be
imputed to Peters as a crime : it being equally as jus-
tifiable as archbishop Williams's arming in rhe civil
wars in England, or Xk, Walker's defending London-
derry, and fighting at the battle of the Boyne(in which
he gloriously lost his life) in Ireland ; more especially
as the Irish against whom Peters fought, were a blood-
thirsty crew, who had committed ' acts of wickedness,
hardly to be paralleled even in the annals of Rome pa-
pal. Against such villains, therefore, it was meritori-
ous to engage, and Peters was'undeniably praise-wor-
thy. For there are times and seasons when the gown
must give place to arms, even at those times when our
laws, liberties, and religion are endangered by ambi-
tious, bloody, and superstitious men. And were the
clergy in all countries as much concerned for these
blessings as they ought, they would deserve the reve-
rence of all orders of men.

'" In his capacity of a preacher he was most service-
able to the cause.] Whitlock tells ua^, that when sir
Thomas Fairfax moved for storming Bridgwater anew,
and it was assented to, the Lord's day before, Mr. Pe-
ters, in his sermon, encouraged the soldiers to the work.

• Whitloeli, p. 486. » Bedel's Life, p. 6, Bvci. Lond. IfiSS.

' S«e a breiiatc of tome of tba aruclties, muidQi?, fto. i»)inniitted by
UiG Iriih popish cebali upon the piotestante, Oct. S3, Kill, ip RusliRorfli,
Part HI. Vol. 1. p. 405. ° Whitlock, p. 163.

i^^

HUGH PETERS.

He was thought to be deeply concerned
in the king'sadeath, and his name has been

And at Milford Haven, the country did unanimously
take the engagement, and Mr. Petere opened the mat-
ter to them, and did much encourage them to take it.

■ He preached also in the market-place at Totiing-

tonS and convinced many of their errors in adhering to
I the king'e parly. — A man of this temper'', it is easily
j^iaeeu. must be of great service to any party ; and fieema
Hbo deserve the rewards he received. For in factions, it
^is the bold and daring man, the man that will spare no
pains, that is to he valued and encouraged; and not
the meek, the modest, and moderate one. A man of
wisdom would not have taken these employments upon
him, nor would a minister, one should think, who was
animated by the meek and merciful spirit of the gos-
pel, have set himself from the pulpit, to encourage the
soldiers to storm a town, in which his brethren and
countrymen were besieged. If storming was thought
necessary by the generals, they themselves should have
encouraged the soldiers thereunto; bal Peters, as a
minister of the gospel, should have excited them rather
to spare the effusion of human blood as mnch as poasi-
He, and to have compassion on the innocent. Peters,
however, was not singular in his conduct. The im-
mortal Chillingwortb, led away with party spirit, and
■forgetting that he was a minister of the Prince of I'eacc,
attended the king's army before Gloucester ; and " ob-
serving that they wanted materials to carry op the
»iege, suggested the making of some engines, after the
manner of the Roman tatvdhies cum piuCeis '." — Indeed,

•Whitlock, p. 4*1. » Ibid. p. 191. ' Maizeaux's Uh of

r Chllliligworfb, p. 880, Lond. n2S, Svo. nod HuJhworth, Part M, Vol.
II. p. 290.

THE LIFE OF
treated with much severity by reason of
it".

the divines of" both sides too much addicted themselves
to their respective parties; and were too nnmindful of
the duties of their fanction.

" Deeply concerned in the king's death, &c.] Eve-
(y one knows he suffered for this after the Restoration.
He had judgment passed on him as a traitor, and as
such was executed', and his head afterwards set on a
pole on London bridge.

Burnet tells us'', " that he had been outragious in
pressing the king's death, with the cmelty and rude-
ness of an inquisitor." — Dr. Barwick says, " he was
upon no alight grounds accused to have been one of
the king's murtherers, though it could not be sufficient-
Jy proved against him'."

And we find in a satirical piece, styled Epula T%esta,
printed 1649, the followiag lines :

" There's Peters, the denyer (nay 'tis said)
He that (disguis'd) cut affbis master's head ;
That godly pigeon ftf apoEtaoy
XkieE bnz about his Emti-monarcby,
liia »caffuld doctrinea."

One Mr. Starkey at his trial swore*, that " he sliled
the king tyrant and fool, asserted that he was not fit to
be a king, and that the oihce was dangerous, charge-
able, and useless."

It was likewise sworn on his trial, that in a sermon,
a few days before the king's trial, he addressed himself
to the members of the two houses, in these terms':
" My lords, and you noble gentlemen, — It is you, we

* OcL IC, 16G0. ' HULofhisownTimeg, DatchediC.iDl2DW.

Ml. I. 1). S64. c Barwick'a life, Eng. trans, p. S96, Lond. 178*.

•Tri«l of the Regicides, p. lift ' Ibiil. p. J66.

HUGH PETERS.
He was appointed one of the triers for

cliiefly look for justice fronii Do not prefer the great
Baiabbas, murtherer, tyrant and traytor, before these
poor hearts (pointings to the red eoata) and the army,
who are our saviours,"

In another semion before Cromwelf and Bradshaw,
he said, " Here is a great distioorse and tallc in the
world ; what, will ye cut off the head of a protestant
prince ' ? Turn to your bibles, and ye shall find it there,
whosoever sheds man's blood, bj' man shall his blood
be shed. — I see neither king Charles, prinpe Charles,
nor prince Rupert, nor prince Maurice, nor any of that
rabble excepted out of itK" — ^These and many other
things of the like nature, were sworn against him at his
trial, and notwithstanding his denial of the most part
of ihem, caused his condemnation. So that there seems
pretty clear proof of his guilt, and sufficient reason for
his censure.

Let us now hear Peters speak for himself: " I had
access to the king, — he used me civilly j [, in requital,
offered my poor thoughts three times for his safety ; I
never had hand in contriving or acting his death, as I
am scandalized, but the contrary, to my mean power V
Which, if true, no wonder he should think the act of
indemnity would have included him, as well as others,
as he declares he did, of which vte shall speak more
hereafter.

That he was useful and serviceable to the king, du-
ring his confinement, there is undeniable proof. Whit-
lock writes " that upon a conference between the king
and Mr. Hugh Peters, and the king desiring one of his

THE LIFE OF

own chaplains might be permitted to come to htm, tof,
his satisfaction in some sciuples of conscience, Dr.
Juxon, bishop of London, was ordered to go to his
majesty'." And "sir John Denham, heing entrusted
by the queen, lo deliver a message to his Majesty, who,
at that time, was in the hands of the army, by Hugh
Peters's assistance, he got admittance to the king''."

These were considerable services, and could hardly
have been expected from a man, who was outrageous
JD pressing the king's death, with the cruelty and rude-
ness of an inquisitor.

And as to what was said of his being supposed to be
the king's executioner, one, who was his servant, de-
posed on his trial, that he kept his chamber, being
sick, on the day the king suffered : and no stress was
laid by the king's counsel on the snspicioas uttered
against him on this head. So that, in all reason, Dr.
Barwick should have forborne saying, " that he was up-
on no slight grounds accused to have been one of the
king's raurtherers."

Certain it is, he too much fell in with the times,
and, like a true court chaplain, applauded and justifi-
ed what bis masters did, or intended to do ; though he
himself might be far enough from urging them before-
hand to do it. He would perhaps have been pleased,
if the king and army bad come to an agreement : but
as that did not happen, he stuck close to his party, and
would not leave defending their most iniquitous beha-
viour.

Which conduct is not peculiar to Peters. Charles
the First, at this day, is spoke of as the best, not only
of men, but of kings; and the parliament is said to

■ Whltlock, p. 370. " Denham's EpisUDedioaL to Charles II.

HUGH PETERS. xxiii

the ministry". And a commissioner for

have acted right in opposing his tyranny, and likewise
in bringing him to the bloclt, by the staunch party-
men of each side respectively. No wickedness is owned,
no errors are ackuowledgcd on the one pari, nor it there
any such thing to be granted as wisdom or honesty on
the other. — Tliese are the men that often turn the world
upside down, and spirit up mobs, tumults and sedi-
tions, till ai length they become quite contemptible,
and perhaps undergo the fate allotted to folly and vil-
lany.

'* One of the triers for the ministry -3 These were
men appointed by Cromwell, to try the abilities of all
entrants into the ministry, and likewise the capacity of
such others, as were presented, or invited to new places.
Butler, according to his manner, has represented their
business in a ludicrous light in the following lines:

" Whufe business U, by cnnuiDg sligbc.
To casl a figure for men's bgbt;
To Gn<l in linu of beard and face,
Tb« phyHOgRtHn; of grace ;
And by ttac soaod aod twang of Qose,
If all be sound vithia disclose ;
Free from a crack or flaw of sinning.
As men try pipkins by the ringing."

However, jesting apart, il must be owned, the thing
in itself was good enough: but instead of examiniog
those who came before them in languages, divinity,
and more especially morality, things of the highest im-
portance, one should think; ihey used to ask them,
whether they had ever any experience of a work of
grace on their hearts*? And according as they could

' Hob's Life, by Calamy, p. at- Lond. 173*. Bvo.

xxiv THE LIFE O^

answer hereunto, were they received or rejected. — ^ftw
mach more intelligible would it have been, to have en-
quired, whether they were " blameless, husbands of one
wife, vigilant, sober, of good behaviour, given to hos-
pitality, apt to teach, not given to wine, no slrikera,
not greedy of filthy lucre, patient, not brawlers, not
covetous P Whether they ruled well their own houses,
and had a good report of them which were without'?"
I say, how much more inleUigiblc and important
would these questions have been, yea, how much easier
and more certainly determined, than that abovemen-
tioned ? But it is a very long time ago, that theKe were
the qualifications required and expected from clergy-
men: for ages past, subscription to doubtful articles of
faith, declarations very ambiguous, or most difEcult to
be made by understanding minds, or the Shibboleth of
the prevailing party in the church, have been the
things required and insisted on. Whence it has come
to pass, that so many of our divines, as they are styled,
understand so little of the scriptures, and that they
know and practise so little of pure, genuine Christian-
ity. I would not be tbouglit to reflect on any particu-
lar persons; but hope those, in whose hands the go-
^iit of the church is lodged, will consider whe-
ther they are not much too careless in their examina-
tions of young men for ordination? Whether very
many of them are not unqualified to teach and instruct,
through neglect of having carefully studied the word
of God ? And whether- their conversation be not such
as is unsuitable to the character conferred on them ? —
It is with uneasiness one is obliged to hint at these
things. But, surely, it is more than time that they
were reformed, and St. Paul's rules were put in practice.

TitB. iii. 2—7.

HUGH PETERS. xxv

amending the laws", though poorly quali-

'fiedforit. ■**

A wise, virtuous, prudent clergy is the glory and
happiness of a community, and there cannot be loo
much care taken to procure it'. But if triers neglect
the means of doing this, and admit all who are pre-
sented to a curacy to orders, if so be they will make
use of the terms in vogue, whether they understand
them or no, they deserve censure, and are answerable
for all the sad consequences which flow from ignorance,
folly and vice,

" Commissioner for amending the laws, though
poorly qualified for it.] He as good as owns this in
the following passage : " When I was a trier of others,
I went to hear and gain experience, rather than to
judge; when I was called about mending laws, I ra-
ther was there to pray, than to mend laws : hut in all
these I confess, I might as well have been spared**,"
This is modest, and very ingenuous ; but such a confes-
sion, as few of our gentlemen concerned in such mat-
ters, would choose to make. They frequently boast of
the great share they have in business; though many of
them may well be spared.— Let us confirm the truth of
Peters's confession, by Whitlock : " I was often ad-
vised with by some of this committee, and none of
them was more active in this business, than Mr. Hugh
Peters the minister, who understood little of the law,
but was very opinionative, and would frequently men-
tion some proceedings of law in Holland, wherein he
was altogether mistaken"." — The ignorance and inabi-
lity of the man, with regard to these matters, we see

* See Hutchinson's Introduction to Moral Flitlosophy, R III. Ch. t.
Socl, 1, ' Petcra'i Lsgacj, p. IDA " Whitlock, p, 521.

i THE LIFE OF

are as plainly described here, as in his own words ;
though how to reconcile his op in ion at iven ess and ac- ■
tivity in it, with his going to the committee rather to
pray than to mend laws, I confess, I know not. Per-
haps he had forgot the part he had acted. — This'
" committee were to take into consideration what in-
conveniences were in the law, how the mischiefs that
grow from delays, the chargeableness and irregularities
in the proceedings of the law may be prevented, and
the speediest way to prevent the same." In this com-
mittee with Peters, were Mr. Fountain, Mr. Rush-
worth, and sir Anthony Ashley Cooper, afterwards earl
of Shaftesbury, and lord high chancellor; besides ma-
ny others of rank and figure. No great matters fol-
lowed from this committee, by reason of the hurry of
the times, and the apposition which the lawyers made
to it. But the parliament had a little before'' passed
an " act that all the books of the law should be put
into English ; and that all writs, process, and returns
thereof, and all patents, commissions, indictments,
judgments, records, and all rules and proceedings in
courts of justice, shall be in the English tongue on-
ly," This act or ordinance (to speak in the language
of the times of which 1 am writing) does great honour
to the parliament, and is an argument of their good
Eense, and concern for the welfare of the people. It is
amazing so good a law should not have been continued
by proper authority after the Restoration ! But it was
a sufficient reason then to disuse a thing, though ever
BO good in itself, that it had been enacted by an
usurped power. Of such fatal consequences are preju-
dices ! But ^aoks be unto God ! we have seen the

■ This committee was ■ppointed Ju. 30, 16^1,
Whitlock, p, 475.

"Oct. 25, 1630.

HUGH PETERS. xxvii

He is accused of great vices ; but whe-
*ther justly, or not, is a question'*.

time when this inostexcellent ordinance has been again
revived, and received the sanction of the whole legis-
lature. — How much were it to be wished, that a com-
mittee of wise and prudent persons were once more em-
ployed to revise, amend, and abridge our laws ! that
we might know ourselves how to act, and not be neces-
sitated to make use of those, who (we arc sensible) live
on our spoils. — This would add greatly to the glory of
our most excellent prince ; and would be the best em-
ployment of thai peace, which his wisdom has procured
for us. But much is it to be feared, that our adversa^
ries will be too hani for us, and that we shall be obliged,
for a time at least, to submit to their yoke. But when-
ever the spirit of true patriotism shall generally possess
the breasts of our senators, I doubt not, but that they
will apply themselves to our deliverance in good earn-
est, and bring it to perfection (as it was long ago done
in Denmark, and very lately in Prussia) in as much as
the happiness of the community absolutely depends
thereon.

■* Accused of great vices; but whether justly, or not,
is a question.] I will transcribe Dr. Barwick at large'.
" The wild prophecies uttered by his (Hugh Peters's)
impure mouth, were still received by the people with
the same veneration, as if they had been oracles; though
he was known to be infamous for more than one kind
of wickedness. A fact, which Milton himself did not
dare to deny, when he purposely wrote his apology,
for this very end, to defend even by name (as far as
was possible) the very blackest of the conspirators, and

Mviii THE LIFE OF

He was executed shortly after the Resto-

Hugh Peters among the chief of iheui, who were by
name accused of manifest impieties by ibeir adversa-
ries." — Burnet^ says likewise, " He was a very vicious
man." And Laiigbaine'' hints something of an "aSaic
that he had with a butcher's wife of Sepulchre's." —
Peters himself was not insensible of his ill charactev
amongst the apposite party, nor of the particular vice
laid to his charge by Langbaine: but he terms it re-
proach, and attributes it to his zeal in the cause. —
" By my zeal, it seems, I have exposed myself to all
manner of reproach ; but wish you to know, that (be-
sides your mother) I have had no fellowship that way
with any woman since I knew heCf having a godly
wife before aiso, I bless God V

A man is not allowed to be a witness in his own
cause; nor should, I think, his adversaries' testimony
he deemed full proof. One loaden with such an accu-
sation as Peters was, and suffering as a traitor, when
the party spirit ran high, and revenge actuated the
breasts of those who bore rule : for such a one to be
traduced, and blackened beyond his deserts, is no won-
der. — It is indeed hard to prove a negative; and the
concurring testimony of writers to Petera's bad charac-
ter, makes one with difficulty suspend assent unto it.
But if the following considerations be weighed, 1 shall
not, perhaps, be blamed, for saying it was a question
whether he was accused justly, or not?

1. The accusations against him came from known
enemies, those who hated the cause he was engaged in,
and looked on it as detestable. It may easily therefore

f &iit.Tol. I. p. 264. ' Dramatie Poeli, p. 339.

f Legacjr, p. IDG.

HUGH PETERS. xxii

ration ; thougli doubtless, he had as much

he supposed, that they were wilting to blacken the
-actors in it, or at least, that they were susceptible of
ill impressions concerning them, and ready to believe
any evil thing they heard of them. This will, if
attended to, lessen the weighl'of their evidence con-
«iderably, and dispose «s to think that they may have
misreprtsented the characters of their opponents. Bar-
wick, at first sight, appears an angry partial writer;
Burnet's characters were never thought too soft; they
were both enemies to the republican party, though
not equally furious and 'violent. Add to this, that
neither of them, as far as appears, knew any thing of
Peters themselves; and therefore what they write
must be considered only as common fame, than which
nothing is more uncertain.

S. The times in which Peters was on the «tage,
were far enough from favouring vice (public vioe, for
it is of tills Peters is accused) in the ministerial cha-
racter. He must be a novice in the history of those
times, who knows not what a precise, demure kind of
men the preachers among the parliamentarians were.
They were careful not only o£ their actioae, but
likewise of their words and looks; and allowed not
themselves in the innocent gaieties and pleasures of .
life, I do not take on me to say, they were as good,
as they pretended to he. For aught I know, they might
be, yea, perhaps, were proud, conceited, censorious, un-
charitable, avaricious. But then drunkenness, whore-
dom, adultery, and swearing, were things quite out of
vogue among them, nor was it suffered in them. So
that how vicious soever their inclinations might be,
they were obliged to conceal them, and keep them from
t the eye of the public. It was this sobriety of behaviour,

i .

THE LIFE OF

ihisstrictnessof converaationjoined with their popular
talents in the pulpit, that created them so much respect,
and caused such a regard to be paid tioto their advice
and direction. The people in a manner adored them,
and were under their governmeol aimoat absolutely.
So that the leading men in the house of commons, and
those, who after the king's death were in the adminis-
tration of affairs, were obliged to court tbeui, and pro-
fess to admire them. Hence it was, that men of such
sense as Pym, Hampden, Holies, Whitlock, Selden,
St. John, Cromwell, &c, sat so many hours hearing
their long-winded weak prayers, and preachments; that
men of the greatest note took it as an honour to sit
with the assembly of divines, and treated them with su
much deference and regard. For it was necessary to
gain the preachers, in order to maintain their credit
with the people: Now, certainly, if Peters had been a
man so vicious as he is represented, he could have
had no influence over the people, nor would he have
been treated by the then great men, in the manner he
was. For they must have parted with him even for
their own sakes, unless they would liave been looked
on as enemies to godliness. But Peters was caressed
by the great; his prophecies were received as oracles
by the people; and he was of great service to Crom-
, well: and therefore he could not surely (at least pub-
licly) be known to be infamous for more than one
kind of wickedness, as Barwick asserts. In short,
hypocrisy was the characteristic of Peters's age: and,

" Hj^pocrit[c zeal

3. Peters's patrons seem to render the account of

his wickedness very improbable. We have seen that

he was entertained by the earl of Warwick, sir Thomas

Fairfax, and Oliver Cromwell, and that he was much

HUGH PETERS. xxxi

reason to think he should have escaped, as
manj^' others".

The charge against him was for compass-
ing and imagining the death of the king,
by conspiring with Ohver Cromwcli, at se-
veral times and places ; and procuring the

caressed and rewarded by the parliament. How im-
probable tlien is it, that Peters should be infamoas fbi
wickedness ! His patrons were never accused of person-
al vices ; they were men who made high pretensions to
religion ; and the cause they fought for, they talked of
(if they did not think it to be)a5 the cause of God. Now,
witb what face could they have done this, if their chap-
lain, confident and tool, had been known to have been
a very vicious man ? Or, how could tbey have talked
against scandalous ministers, who employed one most
scandalous i In short, how could they reward Peters pub-
licly, when they always professed great zeal for godliness,
and were for promoting it to the highest pitch ? Men
of their wisdom can hardly be thought to have acted so
inconsistent a part; nor is there any thing in their whole
conduct, which would lead one to think they could be
gu'dty of it. From all these considerations therefore I
think it reasonable to make it a question, whether Pe-
ters was charged justly with great vices '.

" As much reason to think he should jiave escaped,
as many others], " 1 thought the act of indemnity
would have included me, but the hard character upon
me excluded me'." And no wonder he should think
so, if it was true, " that he never had his hand in any

* Leg»cy, p. loe.

THE LIFE OF

soldiers to demand justice, by preaching
divers sermons to persuade tbcni to take oft'
the king, comparing him to Barabbas, &:c.
To which he pleaded in his own deieuce,
that the war began before he came into
England ; that since his arrival, he had en-

man's blood, but saved many in life and estate'." All
that was laid to Pelers's charge was words ; but words,
it must be owned, unfit to be uttered: yet if we
consider how many greater offenders than Peters
escaped capital punishment, we may possibly think
he had hard measure. Harry Martyn, John Good-
win, and John Milton, spoke of Charles the First
most reproachfully, and the two latter vindicated his
murther in their public ivrltings. As early as 1643,
we find Martyn speaking out plainly, " that it was
better the king and his children were destroyed, than
many;" which words were then looked on as so high
and dangerous, that he was committed by the bouse
to the Tower; though shortly after released and i^e-ad-
mitted to bis place in parliament''. lie continued still
virulent against the king, was one of bis judges, and
acted as much as possible against him. Goodwin jus-
tified the seclusion of the members, which was the
prelude to Charles's tragedy ; vindicated his muriher,
and went in Jo all the measures of his masters; and
being a man of ready wit and great learning, was of
good service to them. And as for Milton, there is no
one but knows, that he wrote most sharply against
king Charles, and set forth his actions in a terribly

' Legscj, p. 104. See r«ai»rk 6,

1 WbUloak, p. ■;

• % ■ '« _Oi.- : - - - - - ■'^■*=

HUGH PETERS. xxxiii

.deavoured to promote sound religion, the
iseformation of learning, and the law, and
employment of the poor ; that, for the bet-
ter effecting these things, he had espoused
the interest of the parliament, in which he
had acted without malice^ avarice, or am-

black light. To take no notice of his writings against
Salmasius and More; what could be more cruel
against Charles, than his Iconodastes ! How bitter are
his observations^ how cutting his remarks on his con-
duct ! How horribly provoking^ to point out sir Philip
Sidney's Arcadia, as the book from whence the '' prayer
in the 'time of captivity/' delivered to Dr. Juxon,
immediately before his death, was chiefly taken'?
One should have thought this an indignity never to
have been forgotten, nor forgiven^ especially as it was
offered by one who was secretary to Cromwell, aad
who had spent the best part of his life in the service
of the antit-royalists. But yet Milton was preserved
as to life and fortune (happy for the polite arts he was
^pf^sePfjddX ai|4 lived in great esteem among men of
wealth .all hiB days. Goodwin had the same good for-
tune;,^ an4. Martin escaped the fate of many of 1|^
fellow judges; though on his trial, he behaved no
way abjectly or pieanly. All this had the appearance
of clemency, and Peters might reasonably have ex-
pected to share in it. But, poor wretch! he had
nothing to recommend him, as these had, and there-
fore, though more innocent, fell without pity. Mar-
tin, as it was reported, escaped merely by his

* Vid. Bayle's Diet. Article MUtm. ATilton's Works, or Tolftnd't
Amyntor^^See also Vol. II. p. 119, of tbt praMnl work.
VOL. I. C

xixi* THE LIFE OF

bition ; and that whatever prejudices or ]
sions might possess the minds of men, y<*'
Uiere was a God who knew these things to
be true.

At the place of execution, when ^chief i
jiustice Coke was cut down and embowelled,

vic«a': Goodwin having been a zealous Arminian,
and a sower ot' divisioD among the sectaries, on these
Recounts had friends: but what Milton's merit with
the courtiers was, Burnet says not. 71iough, if I am
not mistaken, it was his having saved sir William
Davenani's life formerly, which was the occasion of
the favour shewn to him. Merit or iniereat, in the
eyes of the then courtiers these had ; hut Peters,
though he had saved many a life and estate, was for-
gotten by those whom in their distress he had served,
and given up to the hangman, — But the sentence
passed on him, and much more the execution of it,
will seem very rigorous, if we consider that it was
only for words; for words uttered in a time of con-
fusion, uproar and war. I am not lawyer enough
to determine, whether by any statute then in
force, words were treason. Lord Strafford'', in his
defence at the bar of the house of lords, saya ex-
pressly, " No statute makes words treason." But
allowing they were, such a law must be deemed to
have been hard, and unfit for execution : especially as
the words were spoken in times of civil commotion.
For in auch seasons men say and do, in a manner,
what they list, the laws are disregarded, and rank and

' Burnet, rol, I. p. afiS,

HUGH PETERS. xxkv

Hugh Peters was then ordered to be brought
that he might see it ; and the executioner
came to him, rubbing his bloody hands,
asked him how he Hked that work? He
told him, that he was not at all terrified,
and that he might do his worst. And when

character unminded. Contempt is poured on princes,
and the nobles are had in derision. These are the
nataral consequences of wars and tumults; and wise
men foresee and expect them. But were all concerned
ID them to be punished, wliole cities would be turned
into shambles. To overlook and forgive what has
been said on such occasions, is a part of wisdom and
prudence, and what has been almost always prac-
tised. Never were there greater liberties taken with
princes, never more dangerous doctrines inculcated
by preachers, than in France, during part of the
reigne of the third and fourth Henry. " The college of
Sorbonne, by common consent, concluded that the
French were discharged from the oath of allegi-
ance to Henry the Third, and that they might arm
themselves in opposition to him." In consequence
of which, the people vented their rage against him, in
■atires, lampoons, libels, infamous reports and calum-
nies, of which the most moderate were tyrant and apos-
tate. And the curates refused absolation to such as
owned they could not renounce him". And the same
SorbonJEtg decreed all those who favoured the party of
Henry the Fourth, to be in a mortal sin, and hable to
damnation ; and such as resisted him, champions of

* Mumbgurgh's Hialory of tlie League, IranBlated bip DrjdeD, Oct.
ieS4. Loud. [>. 133 and 4S7.

ixxvi THE LIFE OF

he was upon the ladder, he said to the she-
riff, Sir, you have butchered one of the
servants of God before my eyes, and have
forced me to see it, in order to terrify aiid
discourage me; but God has permitted it
for my support and encouragement.

the faith, and to be rewarded with a crown of martyr
dom*. These decrees produced terrible effects: and'"
yet, when Henry the Fourth had fully established him-
self on the throne, I ^o not remember that he called
any of tbese doctors to ah account, or that one of th«m
was executed. That wise prince, undoubtedly, consi-
dered the' times, and viewed these wretches with pity
and contempt^ for being the tools of cunning artful
men, who veiled their ambitious designs under the
cloke of reUgiow.

So that really considering what had passed abroad,
and what passed under his own observation, Peters
had reason to think that the act of indemnity would have
included him. — But setting aside all this, I believe all
impartial Judges .will think be had hard measure dealt
him, when they consider that those who preached
up doctrines in the pulpit as bad as Peters's, and
those likewise who^ though guardians of our laws
and liberties, and sworn to maintain them, delivciEed
opinions destructive of them, even from the bench : I
say,, whoever considers tlie comparatively mild treat-
ment these men have met with, will be apt to judge
the punishment of Peters very severe. . What was
the crime of Peters? Was it not the justifying and

* MaimUourgh's Hittory of the League, trieuislated by DiydeD, Oct,
1684. Load. p. 805.

HUGH PETERS. xxrvS

i^&i0^f the prodigies of those times at-
tended Peters going to the gibbet'* 5 which,

magnifying the kiag's death? And is this worse than
the doctrine of Montague, Sibthorp, and Manwaring,
which set the king above all laws, and gave him a
power to do as he listf Is this worse than the opinion
of the judges in Charles the First and James the
Second's time, whereby it was given for law, that the
king might take from his subjects without consent of
parliament, and dispense with the laws enacted by
it? Far from it. For the depriving of the people of
their rights and liberties, or the arguing for the ex-
pediency 'and justice of so doing, is a crime of a
higher nature, than the murdering or magnifying the
murder of the wisest and best prince under heaven.
The loss of a good prince is greatly to be lamented ;
but it is a loss which may be repaired : whereas the
loss of a people's liberties is seldom or eyer to be re-
covered: and, consequently, the foe to the latter is
much ttMl^ detestable than the foe to the former. —
But what was the punishment of the jastifiers' an^
magnifiers of the destruction of the rightsandlibertfet
of the people? Reprimands at the bar of one or other
of the houses, fines, or imprisonment : not a man of
them graced the gallows, though none, perhaps, would
better have become it. Peters, therefore, suffered
more than others, though he had done less to deserve
it than others, which we may well suppose was contra-
ry to his expectation.

*® One of the prodigies of those times attended
Peters going to the gibbet.] " Amongst the innumer-
able libels which they (the fanatics) published for two
years together, those were most pregnant with sedi-

xxxviii THE LiFE OF

as it may afford some diversion to the read-
er, I shall give an account of.

tioii, which they published coDceming prodigies.
Amongst these, all the prodigies iu Livy were seen
every day; two suns; ships sailing in the air; a bloody
rainbow; it rained stones; a lamb with two heads;
cathedral churches every where set on 5re by light-
ning; an ox that spoke; a hen turned into a cock ; a
mule brought forth; five beautiful young men stood
by the regicides while they suffered; a very bright
star shone round their quarters that were stuck upon
the city gates. — A certain person rejoicing at the
execution of Harrison the regicide, was struck with
a sudden palsy ; another inveighing against Peters as
he went to the gibbet, was torn and almost killed by
his own tame favourite dog; — with an infinite number
of such prodigious lies*." What ridiculous tales are
here! How worthy to be preserved in a work called
an history ! The fanatics, if they reported these
things, undoubtedly reported lies; though pisny of
them, in great simplicity of heart, believed them.
However, it is no great wisdom to relate idle stories'
to disgrace the understanding, or impeach the honesty
of parties. For weak, credulous, superstitious men,
are to be found on all sides. The reader, as he has a
right, is welcome to laugh at these stories. Aad, to
contribute to his mirth, 1 will add the following "rela-
tion^ ofachild born in London with a double or divided
tongue, which the third day after it was born, cried
a king, a king, and bid thera bring it to the king,

' Parker'i Hat. of his owa Time, p. S3, trandated b? ttewYim, Laai,

HUGH PETERS. sxxix

. He was weak, ignorant, and zealous, and

consequently, a proper tool for ambitious,
artful men to make use of. All preachers

The mother of the child saith, it told her of all that
happened in England since, and much more, which
she dare not alter. — A gentleman, in the company,
took the child in his arms, and gave it money; and
asked what it would do with it? to which it answered
sloud, that it would give it to the king," This story
matches pretty well the others, and, I believe, will be
thought equally as ridiculous, and yet the relater of
it, (no less a man than bishop Bramhall) says, he caiv-
not eateem it less than a miracle*. But let us away
with these trifles; tbey are fit for nothing but ridicule,
and can serve no purpose, unless it be to show the
weakness of the human understanding, or the wicked-
ness of the human heart: though these are many
times, by other things, hut too apparent.

" Weak, ignorant, and zealous, and, consequently,
a proper tool for ambitious, artful men to make use ,
of.j Feters's weakness, igaorance, and zeal, appear
from his own confession, as well as the testimony of
Whitlock before quoted. Now such a man as thia
was thoroughly qualified to be a tool, and could -
hardly fail of being employed for that purpose. Fool»«
are the instruments of knaves: or, to speak softer,,
men of small understandings are under the dircctioit
and influence of those who possess great abilities,
Zietaman be ever so wise and ambitious, he nevej
would gain the point he aims at, were all men pos-
sessed of equal talents with himself. For they would

' Ormoml'* Papers, by CarW, ml. IL p. 80»,

■I

iiif I mill -. I |- iiii^'"

xl THE LIFE <afr^^

ought to be warned by his fate, against go-

see bis aims^ and would refuse to be made use of as
tools to accomplish tbem. Tbey would look tbrough
his spacious pretences, they would separate appear-
ances from realities, and frustrate his selfish inten-
tions: so that his skill would stand him in little
stead.

, But as the bulk of men are formed, nothing in the
world is easier than to impose on them. They see
not beyond the present moment, and take all for
gospel that is told them. And of these, there are
none who become so easily the dupes of crafty, ambi-
tious men, as those who have attained just knowledge
enough to be proud and vain. It is but to flatter
them, and you become their master, and lead them
what lengths you please. And if they happen to have
active spirits, you may make them accomplish your
designs, even without their being sensible of it. Those
who have great things to execute, know this; and
therefore are careful to have as many, of these instru-
. ments as possible, to manage the multitude when
there is occasion ; for which end they carefully observe
their foibles, and seemingly fall in with their notions,
and thereby secure them. Hence it has come to pass,
that real great men have paid very uncommon respect
to those they despised. They knew they might be of
use ; and therefore were worth gaining. — Peters must
necessarily have appeared in a contemptible light to
Cromwell: but as his ignorance and zeal qualified him
for business, which wiser and more moderate men
would have declined, he was thought worthy of being
caressed ; and had that respect paid him, ^itih^was
necessary to keep him tight to the cauA. . And,
generally speaking, they have been men of Peters's

HUGH PETERS. rfi

ing out of their province, and meddling

size of understandings who have been subservient to
the interests of aspiring statesmen^ and the imple-
ments of those in power. Were not* Shaa and Pinker
weak men^ in assisting the then duke of Gloucester,
protector, afterwards Richard the Third, to fix the
crown on his own head? Armed with impudence, Shaa
at Paul's Cross, declared the children of Edward the
,Fourth bastards ; and Pinker at St. Mary's Hospital,
sounded forth the praise of the protector: both so
full, adds the historian, of tedious flattery, as no
man's ear could abide them. What was 3ohn Pa-
ri ilia's priest*, who did not fail every Sunday to recom-
mend him, and the sedition of which he was the great
promoter, with a Pater-Noster and an Ave-Maria?
Indeed, ill usage from the rebels caused him to change
his note soon after, and to advise his people to cry out,
Long live the king, and let Padilla perish !

To come nearer home. — Was not Sacheverel a weak,
ignorant man, to be made the tool of a party ? Would
any but such a one, have exposed himself by a non-
sensical sermon, set the nation in a flame, and brought
himself into trouble? — But he was in the hands of
iatriguing politicians, who spurred him on, and made
him the instrument of raising a cry of an imaginary
danger, which served many purposes to themselves,
though detrimental to the nation. — And what cha-
racter have our jacobite clergymen universally deserv-
ed i If we will not be uncharitable, we must impute
their behaviour to ignorance, and, the influence they
have been under. For men of sense and penetration

• Speed's Hist. p. 902. fol. Lond. 1632. ^ Bayle's Diet Article

Padilla (John de).

xlii THE LIFE OF

with things, which no way belong to them ".

could never have set themselves to infuse notions into
their flocks, which have no other tendency than to in-
slave body and soul: and men uninfluenced, would
not run the risk of the gallows, for llie sake of non-
sense and absurdity, as jacobitism really is. But they
have been the dupes of wicked, artful, and ambitious
men, who have blinded their understandings, and by
flatteries and caresses, gained their affections; and
consequently the poor wretches are the objects of
pity.

So that Peters, we see, was as his brethren have
been and are. His faults arose chiefly from his weak-
ness, and bis being in the bands of those who knew
how to make use of him. Had be contented himself
with obscurity, he had avoided danger; which indeed
is the chief security for the virtue, ease, and welfare
of men, in such a noisy, contentious world as this.

'* All preachers ought to be warned by his fate,
against going out of their province.] The business of
the clergy is that of instructing the people in piety
and virtue. If ever they meddle with civil matters^
it ought to be only with an intent to promote peace
and happiness, by exhorting princes to rule witfi j
equity and moderation, and subjects to obey witfr.*^
willingness and pleasure. This, I say, is what alonft
concerns them; and if they confine themselves withia
these bounds, they merit praise. But, if insi
hereof they mix with civil factions, and endeavour to
promote hatred, strife, and contention; if they aspire
to bear rule, and attempt to embroil matters, in order
to render themselves of some importance ; they then
become not only leally coatemptible, but likewise
ciiminal.

HUGH PETERS. xliii

" The clergy, as the marquis of Onnoade * justly ob-
serves, have not been liappy to themselves or otbers,
when they have aspiied to a rule, so contrary to their
function." — Natuie never seems to have intended ihs
clergy, any more than the gospel, for state-affairs.
For men broiight up in colleges, and little versed ih
the world, as they generally are, make wretched
work when they come to intermeddle with secular
matters,— To govern weil, requires great knowledge
of human nature, the particular inieresis, dispositions
and tempers of the people one has to do with, the
law of nations, and more especially the laws of the
country. Great skill and address likewise are re-
quired to manage the different and con trad ictorjf
tempers of men, and make tliem conspire to promote
the public happiness^ as likewise great practice ia
business, in order to dispatch it with speed and
safety. And therefore it is evident, that the clergy,
from the nature of their education, as well as their
profession, cannot be qualified for it. — They should
therefore seriously weigh their incapacity for civil
affairs ; and how inconsistent they are with the
business, to which they have solemnly engaged to
devote themselves. They should consider how con-
temptible and ridiculous they render themselves in the
eyes of all wise and good men, when they engage ia
parties, and most hateful, when they stir up wars and
tumults. They should have the dignity of their
character before their eyes, and scorn to disgrace it»
by letting themselves out to ambitious, self-interested
men. These things they should do; and a very small
degree of knowledge and redection will enable them
to keep themselves from this, which is one of the great-
est blemishes which can be found in their character. — ■
* Ormande'i Paptn, vol. tL p. 497.

xliv THE LIFE OF

But, perhaps, they are cautioned iit vain''.

If this is not sufficient, let them call to their minds
Peters: who, after having heen sought to, and caressed
by the most eminent personages, was obliged to
skulk about privately; was seized by the officers of
public justice; laden with infamy and reproach, and
embowelled by the hangman. — He that hath ears to
hear, let him hear.

'^ Perhaps they are cautioned in vain.] No men
in the world seem less willing to hearken to advice
than the clergy. Puffed up with a conceit of their
own knowledge and abilities, and being used to dictate
uncontrouled from the pulpit, they with contempt
hearken to instruction, and are uninfluenced by per-
suasion. For which reason, I say, perhaps they are
cautioned in vain. Peters*s fate will not deter them,
but engage in factions they still will. After the Res-
toration, the pulpits sounded loud with the doctrines
of passive obedience and non-resistance; the whigs and
{Presbyterians were represented as villains ; the power
of the church was magnified, and the regal power was
represented as sacred as that of God himself. ITien
Sam. Parker and his fellows arose, full of rage and ve-
nom ; who treated all who opposed them, with ill man-
ners and severity. Then were Englishmen pronounced
slftves, in effect, by Hicks in his Jovian ; and then was
the infamous Oxford decree framed, which was doomed
to the flames, by the sentence of the most august as-
sembly in the world, anno 1710.

The bishops stood firm by the duke of York ; and
the whole clergy)* in a manner, damned the bill of ex-
clusion. In short, such was their behaviour, that they
fell under great contempt, and were treated with much
severityr-*Under James the Second, they acted the same

HUGH PETERS. xU

part; and would undoubtedly have continued his fast
friends^ had he not given liberty to the dissenters,
and touched them in their most tender part, even that
of their revenue, by thrusting in popish persons into
their colleges. This alarmed them: they suddenly
tacked about; wished heartily for the coming of
the prince of Orange, and prayed for his success.
He came and delivered them out of the hands of
their enemies ; but they could not be quiet and thank-
fuL Numbers of them refused to own his govern-
ment; many of them joined in measures to restore
the tyrant James; and a great part did all that in
them lay, to blacken and distress their deliverer. —
Lesly, Sacheverel, &c, worked hard to inculcate on
men's minds the danger of the church ; the designs
of the dissenters; the villany of the ministry, during
the first and glorious part of queen Ai^n*s reign ; in
which they were but too successful. —

When the protestant succession took place, it w;as
railed at, and- even cursed by these men, and many of
them attempted to set up an abjured pretender. Their
attempts however were vain : though for these their
endeavours, parson Paul made his exit at the. gallows,
and the celebrated Atterbury died in exile.---What has
been, and is the temper since, every one koowi^. The
Oxford affair is too fresh ia 'memory, to let as .remain
ignorant of the disposition of BUiny of the clergy. They
are of Peters's busy, meddling disposition ; though, I
hope, they will not merit his fate.

Far be it from me, to point these reflections at the
whole body of the clergy. Numbers of them have
been, and are men of great worth : who not only dig-
Bify their office, but add lustre to the human nature.
He must have lost all sense of excellency, who is not
«?truck with the generosity of Tillotson, the integrity of

xWi THE LIFE OF HUGH PETERS.

Clarke, the Christian sentiments of Hoadley, the worth
of Butler (on whose late advaacement, I beg leave to
congratulate the public) and the piety, humanity, and
patriotism of Herring.

These, and many others have "been ornaments of
the body, to which they belong, and have never
studied to embroil us, or promote a party-spirit among
us. Rectitude and benevolence, piety, and self-
government, have been their themes: these with un-
common abilities they have taught; and those who
tread in their steps, cannot fail of being honoured
now and for ever! — But those who make it their busi-
ness to poison the minds of the people with factious
and seditious discourses; those who censure their
governors for actions, of which tbey are frequently
no competent judges, and traduce and vilify every
thing, right or wrong; those who join with the sworn
foes of the best of princes, and strive to promote an
interest incompatible with the public good, are the
men, who deserve titles, which I do not care to give;
and they may be certain, that though through the
lenity of the present government they may escape un-
punished, yet contempt will be their portion from all
men of sense. For, when men pervert so excellent an
office 39 that of the ministry, to the purposes of ambi-
tion and the lust of power, hardly any censure too
severe can be cast on them.

ySPOSTSCRIPT.

Since transcribing these Papers for the
press, a very learned gentleman' has been
so kind as to impart to me an account of
Peters's writings (his Last Legacy excepted,
from which a good deal has been inserted
in this work) which I doubt not will be
highly acceptable to the curious'.

' Which I doubt not will be highly acceptable to the
curious.] In April, 1646, he preached a sermoa before
both houses of parliament, the lord mayor and alder-
men of London, and the asBembly of divines, which
was printed in quarto. In this sermon he expresses his
desire that " some shorter way might be fomid to fur-
ther justice; and that two or three friend-makers might
be set up in every parish, without whose labour and
leave, none shotdd implead another." He proposed
likewise that the Charter-House should be converted
into an Hospital for lame soldiers.

Id the same year 1()46, he published at london,
in a quarto pamphlet of fifteen pages, in titled, " Peters'*
last Report of the English Wars, occasioned by the im-
portunity of a friend, pressing an answer to some
queries :"

'The Reverend Mr. Bircb, F.R.S.

MtaUl

xlviii POSTSCRIPT.

As likewise a letter from col. Lockhart
to secretary Thurloe, concerning Peters,
which, as very characteristical of tiie^inan,

I. Why he was silent at the sun-ender of Ozfi^ ?

II. What he observed at Worcester, it being the
last town in the king's hand?

III. What were best to be done with the army ?

IV. If. be had any expedient for the present differ-
^^ce?

V. What.^s thoughts were in relation to foreign
states ? [ .,.

VI. How tbefise late mercies and conquests might be
preserved and improved ?

VII. Why his name appears in so many books, not
without blots, and he never wipe them off?

In this pamphlet he observes, p. 14. that he had
lived about six years near that famous Scotsman, Mr.
John Forbes ; " with whom," says he, '* I travelled in-
to Germany, and enjoyed him in much love and sweet-
ness constantly ; from whom I never had but encou-
ragement, though we differed in the way of our
churches. Learned Amesius breathed his last breath
into my bosom, who left his professorship in Frize-
land, to live with me, because of my church's indepen-
dency, at Rotterdam : he was my collegue and chosen
brother to^ the church, where I was an unworthy
pastor."

Jn 1647, he published at London, in quarto, *a
pamphlet of fourteen pages, intitled, " A Word for the
Army, and two Words to the Kingdom, to clear the
one and cure the other, forced in much plainness and
brevity, from their faithful servant, Hugh Peters.''

POSTSCRIPT. slix

and containing some curious particulars re-
lating to him, J cannot forbear giving at
length*.

It appears by a pamphlet, printed in 16^1, written
by R. V. of Gray's-Ipfi, and intitled, A Plea for the
Common Laws of England, that it was written in
answer to Mr. Peters's Good Work for a Good Ma-
gistrate, or a short Cut to great Quiet; in which Mr.
Peters had proposed the extirpation of the whole
system of our laws, and particularly recommended, that
the old records in the Tower should be burnt, as the
monuments of tyranny. —

* I cannot forbear giving at length.]

Colonel Lockhart to Secretary Thurloe'.

" From Dunkirk, July 8-18, 1658.
" May it please your Lordship,
" I could not suffer our worthy friend, Mr. Peters,
to come away from Dunkirk, without a testimony of
the great bene6ts we have all received from him in this
place, where he hath laid himself forth in great charity'
and goodness in sermons, prayers, and exhortations,
in visiting and relieving the sick and wounded ; and,
ip all these, profitably applying the singular talent God
bath bestowed upon him to the chief ends, proper for
our auditory : for he hath not only shewed the soldiers
their duty to God, and pressed it home upon them, I
hope to good advantage, but hath likewise ac-
quainted them with their obligations of obedience'
to his highness's government, and affection to hia '
person. He hath laboured amongst us here with

* Thurloe'B State Papen, vol. Vll. p, S49,

■ >■ I f r ' I I ,,i», _

•* 1 POSTSCRIPT.

much good-will, and seems to enlarge his heart
towards us, and care of us for many other things, the
effects whereof I design to leave upon that providence,
which hath brought us hither. It were superfluous to
tell your lordship the story of our present condition,
either as to the civil government, works, or soldiery.
He who hath studied all these more than any I know
here, can certainly give the best account of them.
Wherefore I commit the whole to his information,
and beg your lordship's casting a favourable eye upon
»uch propositions, as he will offer to your lordship
for the good of this garrison. I am,

May it please your lordship, your most humble,
faithful and obedient servant,

WILL. LOCKHART.

» M [This part is all written with Lockharfs own hand.]

'' My Lord,
" Mr. Peters hath taken leave at least three or four
' times, but still something falls out, which hinders his

return to England. He hath been twice at Bergh, and
hath spoke with the cardinal* three or four times; I
kept myself by, and had a care ^bat he did not impor-
tune him with too long speeches. He returns, loaden
with an account of all things here, and hath undertaken
every man's business. I must give him that testimony,
that he gave us three or four very honest sermons ;
and if it were possible to get him to mind preach-
ing, and to forbear the troubling himself with other
things, he would certainly prove a very fit minister
for soldiers. I hope he cometh well satisfied from
this place. He hath often insinuated to me his

* Mazarin.

m POSTSCRIPT. li

<kqPl to stay here^ if be had a call. Some of the
officers also have l?een with me to that purpose ; but
J have shifted him so handsomely, as, I hope^ he will
not be displeased: for I have told him, that the
greatest service he- can do us, is to go to England,
and carry on his propositions, and to own us in ail
our other interests, which he halh undertaken witli
IXLUch zeal.'*-—

THE END.

HISTORICAL AND CRITICAL

ACCOUNT

OF THE

LIFE AND WRITINGS

3[ames! I.

KINO OF GREAT BRITAIN.

liHWiMi^i

i * ■ -.

AjaatSiJMiUi... . -t.>.4w.. VA'-'^;-.:'..

T .

t ^

PREFACE.

The design of the following sheets is to give
a fuller and more distinct view of the character
of King James the First, than has ever yet been ■
exhibited by any writer. It is readily acknow-
ledged that this character is, in itself, a very
mean and despicable subject; but as it was
attended with very extensive and important 4p

consequences both in his and the succeeding
reigns; so it is humbly presumed that an at-
tempt to illustrate that period of English history
whicff falls within the plan of this subject, will
meet with a favourable acceptance from the
public.

There are inserted in these papers a great
number of curious and interesting facts, entirely
omitted by our historians, who seem to have
very little consulted those original writers, and
state papers from whence the following account
is chiefly compiled.

Tlie author does not think it necessary to
make any apology for the freedora of his reflec-
tions; but only to declare that they were not

made for the sake of pleasing or displeasing any
sect or party in church or state ; but wholly in-
tended to serve the cause of liberty and truth.
He professes himself inviolably attached to the
civil and religious hberties of mankind ; and
therefore hopes the reader will indulge him in
that -warmth of his resentment, that honest in-
dignation, that is naturally raised by every
instance of persecution, tyranny, and oppres-
sion; provided he has not any where expressed
himself in a manner unworthy of the character
of a gentleman or a christian.

For the rest it is hoped that the curious will
find some entertainment, if not information, in
this accounts ^nd that they will pardon the
feults and imperfections of it, for the sake of
its genera] tendency and design.

One thing the judicious and impartial reader
will, at least, not be displeased with, viz. that as
the authorities here quoted are the most au-
thentic in themselves, so the manner of quoting
them is the most unexceptionable and just, that
is, in the very words, letters and points of the
respective authors, by which the reader may be
infallibly certain that their sense is rightly repre-
sented.

HISTORICAL AND CRITICAL ACCOUNT

hLIFE AND WRITINGS

JAMES I.

KING OF GREAT BRITAIN.

James stuart, the sixth of that

name in Scotland, and first in England,
was born June 19, 1566. He was the
son of Henry Lord Darnley (son to Mat-
thew earl of Lennox, by Margaret Dowg-
las daughter to the widow of James the
fourth, who was the eldest daughter to
Henry the seventh of England) and Mary
queen of Scots, the only child of James
the fifth, king of Scots, who was son of
James the fourth and Margaret his
queen, the said eldest daughter of Henry
the seventh of England. The murther of
a favourite secretary ' when she was great

' A favouriJe secretary, 8cc.] This was the fa-
mous " David Ttixto, or Riscio, an Italian, a merry
fellow and good musician, who was takea notice of

THE LIFE OF
with child, in her presence, had such an

first of all on account of bis voice. He was drawn in
(says Melvil) tu sing sometimes with the rest, and
nftcr wards, when the queen's French secretary re-
tired himself to France, he obtained ihe said office.
And as lie thereby entered in greater credit, so he
had not the prudence how to manage the same rightly.
For frequently, in presence of the nobility, he would
be publickly speaking to her, even when there were
the greatest conventions of the states. Which made
.him to be much envied and hated, especiaJiy when
he became so great, that he presented all signatours
to be subscribed by her majesty. So that some of
the nobility would frown upon him, others would
fhoulder him and shut hira by, when they entered the
queen's chamber, and found him always speaking
with her. For those who had great actions of law,
new infestments to be taken, or who desired to pre-
vail against their enemies at court, or in law-suits
before the session, addressed themselves to him, and
depended upon him, whereby in short lime he be-
came very rich'. " Here was great familiarity we see,
and such iis could not be much to the credit of a sove-
reign princess. For 'tis expected that such a one
should maintain her rank, and scorn to stoop to those
who have neither birili nor breeding. But Mary gave
herself up to David, and was advised by him in things
of the utmost importance. This appears from Melvil,
who knew them well, and likewise from Spotswuod.
For both ihese assure us, he was the person, tlie only

• Memuira of Sir Jamei Melvil, p. 54. till. Loud. 16B3. S^e litei
the History of tbe Church of Scolland by archbp. SpoUwooJ, |i. 133, 1
tdit. 3d. fol. Lood, 1663.

JAMES I. S

effect on this her son, that even through his

person who prevailed on the queen to marry Henry
Lord Damiey. She at first disrelished the proposal,
bill thro' means of Rixio, " she took ay the longer
the better hking of" him, and at length determined to
marry him'," No wonder then common fame was not
favourable in her reports of Mary, and that the en-
vious and ill-natured hinted things reproachful to her
virtue, I pretend not to say any thing criminal passed
between the queen and her secretary (though her affair,
after her husband's death, with Bothwell, would in-
duce one to suspect her not incapable of a familiarity
so dishonourable); but I think, all men must allow
that things w ere not so decently managed between
them as they ought. Persons of an elevated rank,
should strive not only to be good, but to appear so ;
and careful to act in so pure and unexceptionable a
manner, that envy itself may not be able to blast their

reputation. However Mary had little regard to

what the world said. She continued her favour to lier
fiddling secretary, 'till a violent death put an end to
it, to her great horror and amazement. Kixio, though
he had procured the queen for Darnley, could not long
continue in his favour; suspicions being put into his
head, he consented to his murther, which was perpe-
trated in the following manner: " At six o'clock at
night, when the queen was at supper in her closet,
a number of armed men entered within the court, and
ing up into the closet (where the king was leaning
the queen's chair) overthrew the table, candles,
meat and dishes. Kisio took the queen about the
waste, cr)ing for mercy, but George Dowglas, plucked

111 Spotawood, p. 189.

4 THE LIFE OF

lite he could not bear the sight of a drawn

out the king's dagger, and stiuck Rixio first with it,
leaviog it stickiDg ia him. He making great shrieks
and cries, was rudely snatched from the queen, who
could not prevail either with threats or entreaties to
eave hiin. But he was forcibly drawn forth of the
closet, and slain in the outer hall, and hei' majesty

kept as a captive'." .-But they had no command-

rnent from the contrivers so to kill him, but to bnng
him to public execution. " And good it had been for
tiiem so to liave donej or then to have taken him in
linotber place, >and at another time than in the qaeen's
presence. For besides the great peril of abortion
which her fear might have caused, the false aspersions
cast upon her fame and honour by that occasion, were
such as she could never digest, and drew on all the
pitiful accidents Uiat afterwards ensued"." The fright
and terror the queen was in at the sight of the drawn
sword, so far influenced the child in her womb, that,
" Sir Keneltn Uigby assures us, he had such an aver-
sion to a naked sword all his life-time, that he could
not see one without a great emotion of spirits; and
though otherwise couragiuus enough, he could not
over-master bis passions in this particular. I remem-
ber, adds he, when he dub'd me knight, in the cere-
mony of putting a naked sword upon my shoulder, he ■
could not endure to look upon it, but turned his face
another way ; insomuch that in lieu of touching my
shoulder, he had almost thrust the point into my
eyes, had not the duke of Buckingham guided his
hand uigbt',"

> HeWM, p. 64.
Sympathy, p. IS 9.

1669.

5*Ford. He was placed in tlie throne after his
mother's forced resignation, July 25, lo67j
being but httle above a year old. He had
the famous George Buchanan for liis tutor,
by ■whom he seems to have profited little,
and towards whose memory he had a great
aversion'. During his minority the king-

* Tbe famous George Buchanan for his tutor, by
whom he seems to have profited little, and towar<ls
whose memory he had a great aversion.] Buchanan'* ,
merit needs not to be celebrated by me. His fame as
a polite writer, and a man of deep learning and solid
judgment, is established On the most lasting founda-
tions". Even those who dislike most of all his prin-
ciples, refuse not to give him his due praise. And I
need not be afraid to assert that his writings will be
read and admired as long as learning in this part of the
world shall live. Melvil says, " he was a man of
notable endowments for his learning and knowledge in
Latin poesie, much honoured in other countries, pleas-
ant in conversation, rehearsing at all occasions morali-
ties short and instructive, whereof he had abundance,
inventing wliere he wanted'." A tutor this, worthy a
great prince, and lit to form the mind to virtue and
politeness! for I doubt not but he discharged with
honour the duty of his trust, and did what in him lay
to inspire his pupil with just opinions, and elegant
sentiments. But hia labour was in vain. For it does
not appear that James improved any thing by his
master, or studied at all to copy after him, for his
writings arc wholly pedantic; his style low and mean ;
his arguments taken irom those baibariaos the school-

» See Thuanua'i judgment of him in Bayle's Dictionary, nrtiule Bu-
i^hanao, note (ii). ' Melvil, p. 125, Sm also Spotjwogd, p, 325.

6 THE LIFE OF

dom had several regents, viz. his uncle

men; and liis method of treating his adversaries was
after the manner of your country controvcrtists, in-
spired with the most fervent zeal. Abundant proof
of these assertions will be found in the extracts 1 shall
give of some of his writings in ihc ensuing notes.
However, not contented to disgrace his tutor by his
want of improvement, he Created him with contempt
idso and reproach. Thus for instance, when the au-
thority of Buchanan, for resisting kings, was alleged
by cardinal Perrou, James replies, " Buchanan 1 reclcon
and rank among poets, not among divines, classical
or common. 1 f the man hath burst out here and there
into Bomc terms of excess, or speech of bad temper;
that must be imputed to the violence of his humour,

and beat of his spirit\" What a contemptible way

of speaking of a tutor is this, more especially of so
great a man as Buchanan i Had Buchanan been ever
so wrong in his opinion, the least sense of decency or
gratitude should have reslrainejd his pupil from speak-
ing of him after such a manner. Kest to parents,
tutors (if they have discharged their parts well) have
•always been thought to have desetvci honour*; and

* Dii maJDruni nmbrig Icrnit m It sipg pondere terrain,
Spirantesque crocos, & in uma pcrpetuum ter,
Qui prxcepiorem BBOcti voluere parentis
Esse loco. Juv. Sat. VII. t. 207.

Ill pesFp, ye shades of oar great grandsires rest.
No heavy earth your eacred hones molest:
Eternal ipiing, and rising flniv'ra adorn
The relicks of each venerable um.
Who pious reverence to their tulors paid.
As parcDlG honour'd anil as Gods abey'd.

Works of the iDOSt high and mighty prince James by the grai
I, be. publiihed by James bishop of Winton, 1616. Lond. ft

TAMES T. 7

the carl of Murray, his grandfather the
earl of Lennox, and the earls of Mar and
Morton; with the latter of whom the no-

those who have refused to give it, have been branded
with baseness and iDgratttude. For to form the mind
to knowledge and virtue, to teach youth prudence,
self-government, and proper behaviour, is a work of
labour and merit; and such as perform it are entitled

to gratitude and respect. But in another place

James plainly discovers his hatred and aversion to the
memory of his instructor; for he stiles his History an
infamous invective : " I vould have you, says he, to
his son prince Henry, to be well versed in authentic

histories, and especially in our own histories : 1

mean not of such infamous invectives as Buchanan's
or Knox's chronicles: and if any of these infamous
libels remain unto your days, use the law upon the
keepers thereof." 1 will leave the reader to make his
own remarks on the baseness of this passage, and the
littleness of that soul that was capable of writing it
concerning a preceptor. I will conclude this note by
observing that the probable causes of this hatred of
the memory of Buchanan were the part he had acted
against his mother; the principles of his history,
whicli were opposite to the notions of regal power
entertained by James ; and the great awe in which he
held him in his youth, according to Melvil". I would
have it carefully observed, that this history stiled by
James an infamous invective, is said by archbishop
Spotswood to be "penned with such judgment and
eloquence as no country can shew a better'."

■^Tbe Wotkiof the most high and mighty prince James by thf grate frf

i.~ _..ki:..i.^i I — I , i.;.i.^p of winton, 161C. Load. fol. p. IIS.

' SpoWwood, p. S^IS.

jcc. publi«1ied b; James bi
" MelTil, p. 125.

THE LIFE OF
bility being dissatisfied, he was obliged to
quit the regency, and James entered upon
the government March 12, 1578. Too
Boon, it may easily be supposed, for his
own honour, or the welfeie of his subject^;
He was greatly in the power of liis favouy-r
jtes the duke of Lennox and the earl of
Arran, through whose instigations he per-
formed many unpopular actions'. "NVliere-

, .' He was greatly in the power of his farpurites, the
iuke of Lennox and the earl of Arran, 8(,c-] The
(Juke of Lennox was cousui-german to James's father,
the carl of Arran was captain James Stuart, ^iromoted
to that dignity at the exponce of the house of Hamil-
too, uiyustly deprived of it. "The duke of Lennox
was led by evil counsel and wrong informations,
whereby he was moved to meddle in such hurtful and
dangerous courses, that tiie rest of the nobility became
jpalous of his intentions, and feared their estates. As
for the earl of Arran, they detested his proceedings,
and esteemed him the worst and most insolent instru-
ment that, could be found out, to wrack king, kirk and
country, The duke had been tolerable, had he hap-
pened upon as honest counsellyrs, as he was well in-
clined of himself: but he wanted experience, and was
no ways versed in the slate of the country, nor brought
wp in our religion, which by time he might have been
brought to have embraced. But the earl of Arran
was a acomer of religion, presumptuous, ambitious,
covetous, careless of the commonwealth, a despiser of
the QobUity and of all honest men'." Hopeful coun-

■ Melvil, p. 131.

JAMES T. g

upon Ijciiig seized by the earls of Mar and
Gowry, witli others of the nobility, as he
relurnud! • firoin hunting, and conveyed to
Kuthv(;n castle, they obtained a charge for
the duke of Lennox to depart the country,
and for the confinement of the earl of
Arran*. This was followed by a proclama-

sellors these for a joiing king ! and admirably fit for
governing a kingdom. And yet these were the men
who carried all liefore tbem, and obtained honours and
estates by wholesale. Arran from a private gentleman
" was made gentleman of the bed-chamber, knight-
ed, made a privy counsellor, and tutor of Arran. A
few weeks after he was made captain of his majesty's
guards, and created earl of Arran '." Lennox " in a few
days after his appearance at court, had a grant of the
lordship of Arbroath, then he was created earl of
Lennox, governor of Dumbai-ton castle, captain of
the guard, first gentleman of the bedchamber, and
great chamberlain of Scotland, and duke of Lennox V'

These sudden promotions to honour, and places

of profit to such men, must necessarily have been very
unpopular and distasteful, and could not but be highly
resented. However 'tis but justice to James, to ac-
quaint the reader that he was very young, and con-
sequently most easily drawn aside by those who had
inBuence. over him ; and therefore more excusable than
he was in misplacing his favours afterwards, as he
almost always did,

* Being seized by the earls of Mar, fitc. they oh-

" Ijves and Characters of the Offlcen of the Crown wui StaXe of Scpt-
land, by Goorge Ciavfurd, Rsqj p. 137. foU Load. 1136. • 10. p. 331.

10 THr LIFE or

tion from the king, discharging the com-
missions which he had formerly given
them, and declaring that in so doing he
acted not by compulsion. However, having
regained his liberty, he turned out of place
those wlio had been enemies to his favour-

tained a charge for tlie duke of Lennox to depart the
country, and for the confitiemeat of the earl of Arran,
&c.] "As the king was returning from stag-hunting
in Athole, in his way towards Dumfeding, he was
invited by the earl of Gowry to his house of Ruthven,
near Perth. Tlie earl, who was at the head of the
conspiracy, instantly seat to advertise his friends of
what had happened. Whereupon several of the dis-
contented nobility, and all those that were in the
English interest at hand, repaired to Ruthven, where
without any ceremony they resolved to detain the
king, and keep hioi prisoner. The next day ° when the
king was essaying to gel out, they stopt him ; where-
fore growing into a passion and weeping, Sir Thomas
Lyon boldly, thongli rndely, told him, it was no
matter for his tears, better that bairns greet than
bearded men'"." After they had him in custody thev
presented a supplication to him, "representing the
false accusations, calumnies, oppressions and persecu-
tioDB they had suffered for two years, hy means of the
duke of Lennox, and the earl of Arran, the like where-
of were never heretofore borne in Scotland." Upon
this representation, the king, sore against his will,
sent orders to the duke to leave the kingdom, who
obeying, died soon after at Paris, and the earl was

>. 332. Spotswood, p. 320.

itcs, and insisted on such of the nobility's
asking pardon as had been concerned in
the affair of Riithven ; which causing a
confederacy and a rising, issued in the death
of the earl of G owry % in revenge of which,

confiaed for a time. Before this a prociatuation liad
been issued forth, " declaring that it was his owo
voluntary act to abide at Perth; aod that the noblemeu
and others that attended hira, had done nothing but
what their duties obliged them unto, and which he
took for a good service performed both to himself and
the commonwealth'." But all this was a mere act of
dissimulation, and the effect of constraint. As sooa
as he was at liberty be returned to the same courses,
and behaved after his wonted manner. For favourites
be must have, and so tbcir pleasure was consulted, no
matter how the kingdom was pleased.

* Having obtained his liberty, he insisted on such
of the nobility's asking pardon as were concerned in
the affair of liuthven, Sec.] James was nevera man of
his word. Wc see just now, that, by proclamation, he
liad allowed what was done at Ruthven to he good ser-
vice, and he moreover had desired the kirk " to find il
good for their parts, and to ordain the ministers and
commissioners of every shire to publish the same to
their parishioners, and to get the principal gentle-
men's subscription to maintain the same"." But no
sooner had be got his liberty, but he acted quite dif-
ferently from what he bad declared to be his sentiments.
Arran was introduced again into court, " was made
Chancellor, captain of the castles of Edinburgh and

* Spotaffood, p. 331, * Me

IE THE LIFE OF

as was said, his son engaged in the conspi-
racy HO much talked of, and variously cen-

Stirling, aod tuled so as to make the whole subjects
to tremble under him, and every man to depend upon
him, daily inventing and seeking out new faults against
diverse, to get their escheats, lands, benefices." He
wrought so far with the Ifing, that a proclamation was
published, "condemning the detaining his majesty's
person at Rutliven as a fact moat treasonable. Yet his
majesty declared, that he was resolved to forget and
forgive that offence, providing the actors and assisters
do shew themselves penitent for the same, ask pardon
in due time, and do not provoke him by their unlaw-
ful actions hereafter, to remember that attempt"!"
Whereupon divers noblemen and others withdrew from
the court, for fear, to some place of security; for they
well knew that their destruction was aimed at. Where-
upon the principal of them were ordered to confine-
ment, which they not obeying, were denounced re-
bels ''. This was shocking behaviour, and enough to
provoke the most patient men to take a severe re-
venge; for the king's word was no security, his pro-
mise could not be relied on, and no man was safe who
affronted his favourite, who made a mere dupe of his
master, and sacrificed his honour on all occasions. A
sure proof this of James's weakness, and a sufficient
indication of what the world was to expect from him
hereafter; for the tempers and dispositions of men are
pretty much the same through life. As they are in
youth, so are they in reality in age, though they may

know better how to gloss and disguise. By this

treatment of those concerned in the Ruthven affair^

■ Qavfurd, p. 139. Spotiwood, p. 336. Id. jb.

JAMES r. IS

sured; which tenninated in the ruin of his
femily.

Severn! of tlie nobility were induced to enter into an
association, for reforming abuses, securing religion,
and the preservation of tbe king's person and estate,
among n'hbm was tlie carl of Gowry, wbo being taken,
tried and condemned, was executed for treason. " His
majesty (says Melvil) had no intention of taking his
life, but the earl of Arran was fully resolved to have
his lands, and therefore to make a party to assist him
in that design, he engaged to divide them with several
others, upon condition that they would assist him in
the design of ruining him j which afterwards he did,
having by this means procured their consent aiti
Totcs"." What weakness and feebleness of government
was this! Arran was in effect king, whilst James bore
the name, and under the royal authority committed
the most unjust actions; for all agree that Gowry had
hard measure dealt him.— —In time the Gowry family
was restored to honour and estate, but, as historians
tell us, nothing could allay the revenge of the two
eldest sons, for their father's blood, but the death of
the king, which they attempted to have taken away at

the earl's own house, August 5, 1600*. But they

both lost their lives in the attempt, and ruined thereby
their family ; for their houses were demolished, their
estates confiscated, and the whole family, by act or
parliament, prohibited to carry the name of Ruthven,
The 5lh of August was likewise ordered to be kept

yearly in remembrance of this deliverance- ;-Wlie-

tber there was any such conspiracy of the Gowrieg

* Hel?il, p. 156. SpoUvood, p. 333. Cuttfurd, p. 9M.
► CtBwTotd, p. 390. SpotswiWil. p. US.

THE LIFE OF

Mary, queen of Scots, having sentence

of death pronounced on her, Oct. 11, 1586,

at Fotheriiighay, by the commissioners of

queen Ehzabeth, notwithstanding her refus^ J

against the king, or whether it was only a pretence, ^
order to palliate the murther of them, has been vi
much debated. Spotswooil believed it: it was gen©-'
rally received as truth by the courtiers at liie time it
happened; and the assisters of the king received ho-
nours and rewards". Burnet (no way prejudiced in
favour of the king) gives credit to it; and Mr. Craw-
furd tells us, that after what the earl of Cromarty hath
lain together in his liistoncal account of the conspi-
racies by the earls of Gowry against king James, he
hopes few or none will suspect, far less doubt its truth
and reality". I hope I shall not he thought to be
" maliciously set against the royal family, or the ' great
king who was more immediately concerned iu this
affair," if I give the reasons that may be assigned for
the doubting concerning the truth of the king's narra-
tion, I could not act the part of a faithful historian
without it, and therefore must beg the reader's pardon
for detaining him a little longer ou ihis subject.

1. We are to observe, that the next day after this
happened, the ministers were called together at Edin-
burgh, and desired to convene their people, and give
thanks unto God for the king's deliverance: but they
by no persuasion could be moved to do it''.

2, Though most of the ministers being hereupon
commanded to leave the city in 24 hours, and forbid

* Bumel>9 History of his own Tlmt), vnl. I. p. 23. Duldi edit, 13mo.

* Cwwfnrd, p. 3S0, ' Crswfiird's epilhet and expraasiona.

' Spotiwood, p. ♦60. Caldprwood, ]). Mi.

JAMES 1. 13

ing to answer and be tried ; and the sen-
tence being confirmed by the English par-
liament, and tlieir desire moreover added;
that it might be put in execution ; James

lo preacli in his majesty's dominions, on pain of death,
complied, owning themseires coii¥iuced of the tnith of
tlie conspiracy; yet we find Mr. Robert Bruce eayiiig,
he would reverence his majescy's reports of that ac-
cident, but could not say he was persuaded of the truth
of it".

3. Oshorn teiis us, no Scotchman you could meet
beyond sea but did laugh at it, aud the Peripatetic
politicians said, the relation in print did murder all
possibility of credit. But I will not {adds he) wade
farther in this business, not knowing hoiv dangerous
the bottom may prove, being by all men's relations
foul aud bloody, having nothing to palliate It but jeal-
ousy on the one side, and fear of the other''. And in-
deed the relation of this affair In Spotawood is confused
and marvellous. The drawing the king lo Perth ;
the getting him from dinner to examine a stranger;
the discourse of Cowry's brother with him; and his
stout and gallant behaviour (which in no other part of
his life appeared); and his causing the two. brothers to
be killed, when he might with tlie-same ease have se-
cured them; the denials of Cowry's servants of their
knowledge of the aftair; and the tale of the ead'i
girdle, are circumstances whicii are not easily to be
swallowed by the inquisitive or sceptical.

4. Burnet himself allows, that this conspiracy was
charged at that time by the puritans in Scotland on the

is Osbom, Ekq; p, 535. Bvo.

I
I
I

]6 THE LIFE OF

ordered it to l3e represented to queen Eli-
zabeth how unjust he held that proceeding
against his mother, and that it did neither
agree with the will of God, who prohibited

king, as acontrivatice of his to get rid of that earl,
who was then held in great esteem ". And afterwarda
he says, it was not easj' to persuade the nation of the
truth of this conspiracy: for eight years before tliat
time, king James, an a secret jealousy of the earl of
Murray, then esteemed the handsomest man in Srot-
land, set on the marquis of Huntley, who was his
mortal enemy, to murder himj and by a writing all
in his own hand, he promised to save him harm)e9s
for it. He set the house in which he was on fire, and
tlie earl flying away, was followed and murdered, and
Huntley sent Gordon of Buckey with the news to the
king. Soon after, all who were concerned in that vile
fact were pardoned, which laid the king open to much
censure : and this made the matter of Gowry to be less
believed.

5. Sir Henry Neville, in a letter to Mr. Winwood,
dated Nov. 15, I6OO, from London, writes, " Out of
Scotland we hear there is no good agieement between
the king of Scots and his wife, and many are of opi-
nion, that the discovery of some affection between
her and the earl Gowry'a brother, (who was killed
with him) was the truest cause and motife of all that
tragedy ''."

And Mr. Winwood, in a letter to secretary Cecyll,

* Burnet, fh S9. See a very hnnonr^le chanictcr of Gowry, from Sir
Hanry Neville, to waetaiy Cecyll, in Wnwood's State Papers, vol. I.
p. 156.

" WJnwood'B MemoriBiB of i&in at State 'm the Reigns of Elizabeth
■Dd King James I. vol. L p,S7<i. fill. Lond. tT35.

JAMES I. 17

to touch his anointed ones ; nor with the
law of nations, that an absolute prince
should be sentenced and judged by sub-
jects; that if she would be the first to give

from Paris, dated 17 May, iGOl, O. S. saya, " The
ambassador of Scotland hath been advertized of a dan-
geroua practice agaidst the Scots king ; that lately one
tailed Glarnet, hath been sent out of Scotland, with
letters to Bbthwell, to hasten home with diligence,
wherS he should find sufficient assistance. The prin-
Gipal party who employed this party is the Queen of

Scotland. And ietteis have been intercepted out of

England from master Gray, that the death of Gowry '
should shortly be revenged"." These passages com-
pared, may possibly give the reader some light in thii
affair. A gallant^ or a supposed one slain, was cause
sufficient to induce a lady to give her husband trouble,
and nothing ao likely as this to excite her to re-
Tenge. — These are the reasons which may induce some
persons to doubt about the truth of Cowry's conspi-
racy ; whether they are sufficient the considerate readec
will determine. However, one reflection naturally
urises from this subject, viz. that the people euter-
tained but a very poor opinion of James's veracity and
honesty. The ministers, we see, could nut be induced
to give thanks For bis deliverance, out of a distrust of
his account, till fear of their own safety brought tbem
to a compliance; and the general belief of the people
•f ihat nation, both at home and abroad, was, that
^'nAwmere contrivance in order to screen himself from

* Spotiwood, p. 336

18 THE LIFE OF

that pernicious example of profaning her
1 and other princes diadems, she should
nember that both in nature and honour
"^U concerned him to be revenged of so great
an indignity; which if he should not do, lie
should peril his credit both at home and
abroad'. — But these threats were not re-
garded by Elizabeth, nor were they of any
service to his mother ; for she was executed
in purssuance to a warrant directetl to se-
cretary Davidson*, the seventh of February

the guilt and iiiPnmy he must otlierwlge have laiit
nndtr. Unhappy situation this! truly worthy of com-
ffiiseration. For a prince believed false, treacherous,
and bloody, most be despised, hnted and contemned,
and can expect nothing but unwilling obedience from
bis subjects. And it must be confessed, James bad
giien hot too mnch reason to them, to view htm in
lhe»e hghts.

* She was executed in pursuance of a warrant, &c.J
The sentence passed on her was approved by the
English parliament, and earnestly pressed by it to be
pat in execution. Nor was any one more earnest in
ihe matter than Elizabeth herself; for she deemed
Mary's life incompatible with her own safety, and
therefore determined to shorten it. But it was b matter
of much delicacy, and what she would have been glad
K> have been excused from appearing in. She would

• SpotiwBoJ, p. 351.

following: though Elizabeth pretended it
was quite contfaiy to her intentions, seemed

fain tlierefore have had her put out of the way by Sir
Amias Paulet, and Sir Drue Drury, and had it hinted
to them by the secretaries Davidsou and AVaUingliam.
But they were too wise to be caught, and too honest
to execute so barbarous a deed, and therefore boldly
refused, to the queen's no small mortification. Mr.
Tindal seems to intimate something of a doubt about
the genuineness of the letters lierc referred to", but i
think without reason. For to me they have all the
marks of genuineness, and are perfectly agreeable to
that dexterity and management for which Elizabeth
was so famous. When these arts failed, the war-
rant in the hands of Davidson, signed by the queen|
Was made use of by the council, the queen being not
openly acquainted with it, and Mary, by means of it,
had her head severed from her body. — So that James's
conduct could not save his mother, nor could Henry
HI. of France, by his ambassador, respite the execu-
tion of her sentence, but a violent death was her fate.
But, if what historians tell us is true, 'tis no wonder
Elieabeth paid so httle regard to the solicitations i
the behalf of the unfortunate Mary. For 'tis affirmed,
that Bellievre, the I'rench ambassador, whatever in
public he pretended, had private orders to solicit the
death of the queen''. And Gray, the Scotch envoy,
on this occasion, is said likewise in private, lo advise
the making her away, saying, a dead woman bites
not'.

• Espin's History of EnglanJ, trauakted by TiniJal, vol, 11. p, 134,
in the natei. fol. Loud. 1733. " Id. <ol. II. p. 133. ' 14. p. 131.

Winnosd'i Stale Paper, toI. I. p H,

c a

THE LIFE OF
greatly grieved at it, and turned out, and
fined tlie secretary by reason of it'.

' Though Elizabeth pretended it was contrary tgr^
her intentions, and turned ouY, and fined the secretary^
by reason of it.] The execution of Mary couM no'tl
be concealed, nor was it thought proper by ElizabetoU
to justify it. She therefore threw the blame upoA j
poor Davidson, and made him suffer for being ai
Etrument in bringing about what she most of all de-'
sired. She denied not, but she commanded hiu
draw a warrant under the great seal for the queen of
Scots' execution; but after it was done, she seemed
angry: however she left it in his hands, without tel£-_^
ing him what he should do with it. Whereupon thtifl
founcii being consulted by Davidson, it was unani-
mously resolved to execute the waiTant, and accordingly
it was canied to Fotheringay, and produced the dti-u
sired effect. Elizabeth, in the mean time, pretenderfl
she had changed her mind ; but none of her counsellors
talked to her upon the subject, or attempted to hinder
the execution, as tUey certainly would have done, had .
they not been satisfied in hel intentions. But wheal
the wished-for event took place, then Elizabeth pre-
tended great sorrow, and professed her disinclinatiOB'
towards it; and to convince the world thereof, she
wrote to the Scotch king, by a cousin of hers, and
had Davidson cited into the Star-chamber, where he
was fined ^10,000, and imprisoned during the queen'i
pleasure. Though " she herself could not deny, but
that which she laid to his charge waa done without
hope, fear, malice, envy, or any respect of his own,
but merely for her safety both of state and person'."

■ Ciibala, p. 333. fbl. Lend. 16e3.

JAMES' I. «

J*. Indeed Elizabeth and licr ministers ma-
naged James as they pleased ; they fully

This sentence on Davidson was very seyere, and car-
ried the dissimultition to a great pitch, for ill e man
Jost his post, ajid lay'd long in prison. So hard and
difficult is the service of princes! So <! an gerous com-
plying with their inclinations, for there is no laying
obligations upon them ; and after you have done all to
please and oblige theui, to serve a turn, or even gratUy
a present humour, ihey will discard or ruin you ; for
they think their subjects made for thi'iu; that 'tis a
favour to employ tliem ; and that they are of no worth,
any farther than they promote their designs. Jf people
therefore knew when they were Avell, they would be
thankful for a peaceable retreat, and strive not to mix
in counsels with those whose aim it is to outwit and
mischief each other; nor would they be desirous of
climbing up so high, as that a fall is fatal. Bnt the
ambitious in vain are cautioned to check their cfn-eer,
Nothing but some sad miscarriage, disappointment or ,
disgrace, will teach them the needful lessons of Im- ,
milily a^id moderation, or cause them to enjoy conr
tentedly the blessings of private life. Before I take
my leave of this affair, I will observe that from the
proceedings against Mary, it appears, that the qneeq
and her parliament had no notion of such a sacredness
in the persons of princes, as to render them unac-
countable to any earthly tribunal. For here is a so-
vereign princess, tried, condemned, and executed,
with the approbation, yea in pursuance of the request
of the parliament ; and though Elizabeth, to save
pearances, feigned sorrow and indignation at the
eution, yet no one has been so hardy aa to pul

THE LIVE OF

understanding his temper, councils, and

designs* : so that tliey acted as they tlrought

her mQUth a sentence tending to condemn ibe la>
ness of it. For she was too wise and understand in^;|
to have done it ; nor could any who knew her chaiac- ,
ter suppose her capable of it. This doctrine was left' 1
to her successor, who had weakness enough to declare
expressly, " that kings were accountable toGod odIj'.
A doctrine big with mischief, and fit for nothing but
to make tyrants. But of this I shall have occasion ta
speak more hereafter.

' Elizabeth and her ministers managed James an
they pleased, and understood his temper, councils and
designs.] Il appears from Melville, that the English'!
were thoroughly acquainted with the temper and beha-
viour of the king, and had those about him who took ',
every opportunity to insinuate those notions into him^-
which were most acceptable to Elizabeth. " Woottoa* 1
the ambassador became one of his most familiar i
nions, waiting upon him at all fixed pastimes'" " AnA
Sir Kichard Wigmore " was particularly instructea'.
by Walsingham, in all the proper methods to gain
upon the Icing's confidence, and to observe and give as,
account of all he saw in him ; which he did very faiths
fully'." And though James little thought it, his moatT
secret actions were known to ihe English ministry,
and all his transactions abroad, how privately soever
they were carried. For Elizabeth's ambassadors hadq
very watchful eye over the Scotch; and what by ad-"
dress, what by considerations of religion, but chiefly
by money, they became acquainted with every thing

• King James's Works, p. *59. " JittWi], p. 161.

* Jtitraeit lol. L p. 5, aod Wilnwni's Mtajoiis, p. 9. Syg. Lond. 111&

JAMES t. e^

fit, without any regard tx> liim, any farther
than mere coraplinxeots. For the tear of

James was negotiating eveiy where. Thus for in-
stance, Sir Henry Neville, though at Paris, had a
watchful eye over the transactions of the Scotch king
at Rome, and made himself master of them, though
ihey were managed with ibe greatest caution' : and he
was apprized also of the negotiation of baron Ogilby
in Spain, who offered in the name of " James to he re-
conciled to the apostolic see, and to enter into a con-
federacy with that crown, in order to rescue himself"
from the dangers he was exposed to from Elizabeth, on
whom he oflered, (upon condition of being assisted with
twelve thousand men armed and paid all the time titt
war shouIB last, and five hundred thousand ducats to
begin It) to make war immediately, and declare himself
her enemy ^." So that from hence it appears that Eli-
zahelh had him fast, and could have exposed him to
the resentments of the English and Scottish nations *
whenever she pleased. For as WaUingham, Uurnel
says, " thought the king was either inclined to turn
papist, or to be ofnoreligion'^;" so these negotiations,
had they been published, would have brought over
multitudes of others to the same opinion ; the conse-
quence of which to him might have been fatal. No
wonder then James's threntnings were little heeded:
he was well known by the English court, and to know
him was to stand in no awe of him; for big as he would
talk on occasion, fighting was his known aversion,
indeed, after he came into England, he was weak
enough to pretend that he had the direction of the

" Winwood'g State Aper, p. 1 4S , I ifi. The letters are *t\\ worlh reait-
utitllarje, ^ Wh<I)<| WL Lf. i, 6, T. ' BumM, vol. I. p. e>

THE LIFE OF
losing Ute succession to the English crown,
and tlie pension he enjoyed from Elizabeth,
de him in a]l things obedient to her

^glish affairs during his predecessor's reign : had this
sen so, they would have been managed like hia owp
n Scotland, and as mattei-s afterwards were by him ia
pngland. Whereas every body knows, never counciU
e better conducted, never more glory by any admi-
jstration acquired, than by Elizabeth's, and therefore
e could have had no hand in the direction. Thai in
B latter part of that queen's reign, he cultivated a
Sorrespondence with some of her courtiers, and endea-
joured by means of them to secure the suatcssioii, is
■true: and he was successful in his applications. But
still he guided not, but was guided, and as carefully
■ (Watched as could be; and, perhaps, a knowledge of his
''weakness, loye of ease, and aversion to business, did
not a little contribute to engage some of the great
ones in his favour; who hoped that under him they
might acquire honours, power, and wealth, iu which
they were not much mistaken. For a prince of great
fLbiJities, how valuable soever to a nation, is not the der
light of self-interested statesmen. He will see witl^
his own eyes, will judge of men as they deserve, and
jceward only the wise and good; and therefore \inder
such an one little is to be hoped for by them.

• The fear of losing the succession to the English

crown, and the pension he enjoyed from Elizabeth,

pade him in all things obedient to her will.] Jame^

fed not Elizabeth, for she kept him under restraint ;

i protected bis nobility against him; fomented divisions

in his kingdom ; and had caused his mother to be put

He was not much regarded in Scotland
9 by his nobihty, which was owing, perhaps,

to death. In short, he looked on her as the cause of
ali his troubles. These things he strongly complains
of in his reasons for hU reconciiement ^ith Home,
and confederacy with Spain', But yet notwithstand-
ing tlic grudge he bore her, he refused her nothing,
*ljor dared to contradict her. For he had a yearly pen-
-sion from the queen, 1 think, ten thousand pounds, the
loss of which he could not well bear ; which was in-
creased in ilie year I601, two thousand more, upon his
request. " Her majesty (says Cecyll) promiKing to
continue it, as long as he shall make it appear to the
world, that he is willing to deserve her extraordinary
care and kindness towards him "." This was a good
round sum at that time of day in Scotland, and there-
fore it behoved James to make it appear thai he de-
■ served ii, by complying with her, whose bounty he so
I largely shared in. But that which kept James most in
^ awe was the fear of losing the succession to the English
1 crown. His being next in blood (though aflerwaids
• much talked of by him) was no security; had he be-
haved displeasingly to Elizabeth, and once made her
,• heartily angiy, 'tis more than probable he would have
■4ied in his own country. For by a statute of the 13th
(year of her reign, it was made high treason for any
person to afHrm, " that the reigning prince with the
authority of the parliament, is not able to limit and
bind the crown, and the descent and inheritance there-
of." This was the rod which was held over James,
made him fear and tremble. For be could never
^ gel himself d eel aied by Elizabeth her successor, and lie

^ Vl'uivooA, vol. I. p. s. * Id. p. 39i.

THE LIFE OF

as much to their restless temper, as his

weakness""; nor had he power to govern

knev full veil what she was capKble of doing when pro-
voked. He therefore aiifled his anger, dissembled hi»
resentments, and did not puhUcly du any thing dis-
obliging to Elizabeth. His private behaviour in bis
negotiations with Rome and Spain, couid not but be
unacceptable. But she piobably despised them, and
took care to frustrate them, and contented herself with
letting the whole world sen that she was mistress of
the Scotch king, and stood in no fear of what he might
do. So that the passion with which he received the
news of his inulher'd death, and the threats he uttered
were but mere words, and he was cooled down present-
ly by Walsingham's letter, " representing how much
his pretending to revenge it, would prejudice him in
the eyes of the ancient nobility, by the greatest part of
whom she was condemned, and of priacipal part of the
gentlemen of the realm, who confirmed the same in
pailiaraent; who woidd never submit to his govern-
ment, if he shewed so vindictive a mind'." Those
Scotch and English therefore were in the right, who
assured the English council, it would soon be forgot;
and " that the blood was already fallen from his m».
jeaty'a heart ^" For he was afraid of consequences,
and therefore durst not attempt to fulfil his threats.

" He was not much regarded by bis nobility, &c.]
He makes it a reason for his joining with S]>ain, that
" queen Elizabeth had always protected his enemies
and rebels, and that by their means she had caused him
to be three or four times taken into custody'." Wh&>

JAMES I. 27

iais clergy, who behaved, as he thought,
djsobediently towards him".

ihei' or no Elizabeth was at the bottom of all the at-
tempts of the nobility against James, ia not my buai-
ness to determine. But 'tis very certain they paid biia
"but little regard, and scrupled not to bring him to
terms, even by rough methods. The affair of Rutbveo
lias been already mentioned : besides nhich we find
the banished lords surprised him at Stirling, and caus-
ed him once more to dismiss Arran, and deprive him
of his honours; aad Botbwell look the same coune
-with him to obtain hia pardon, and hinder his adver-
saries from returning fo court'.

These were instances of disrespect and disregard,
and could arise from nothing but an opinion of the
weaiinesa of the prince to whom they were olTered.
-Though it must be confessed that the Scotch nobility
ill those days were of a bold, restless temper, and were
Beldom quiet any longer than things went just ns they
pleased; and therefore were unlikely to stand in much
nwe of one, whose irresolution and want of courage had
been from his childhood so very remarkable.

" His clergy behaved disobediently, as he thought,
towards him.j " The king perceiving that the death
' uf his mother was determined, gave orders to the mi-
nisters to remember lier in their public prayers ; which
they denied to do. Upon their denial, charges were
directed to command all bishops, ministeis, and other
office-bearers in the church, to make mention of Iiit
distress in thdr public prayers, and commend Iter to
God. But of all the number, Mr. David Lindesay at
Leith, and the king's own minisiera, gave obedieiicii,

SS THE LIFE OF

For this he hated them most heartily ;
but dissembled his resentment, till he could

At Edinburgh, where the disobedience was most pub-
lic, the king purposing to have their fault amended,
did appoint the third of February for solemn prayers
to be made in her behalf, commanding the bishop of
St. Andrews to prepare himself for that day; which
when the ministers understood, they stirred up Mr.
John Cowper, a young man not entered as yet in the
function, to take the pulpit before the time, and ex-
clude the bishop. The king coming at the hour ap-
pointed, and seeing hira in the place, called to him from
his sent, and said, Mr. John, that place was destinate
ibr another; yet since you are there, if you will obey
the charge that is given, and remember my mother in
your prayers, you shall go on. He replying, he would
do as the spirit of God should direct him, was com-
manded to leave the place ; and making as though he
■would stay, the captain of the guard went to pull him
out; whereupon he burst forth in these speeches, thii
day shall be a witness against the king, in the great
day of the Lord ; and then denouncing a woe to the
I inhabitants of Edinburgh, he went down V This be-
haviour seems to savour much of indecency and diso-
bedience, and 1 doubt not but the reader is inclined to
censure it accordingly. But let us not be too hasty,
lest we judge unrighteous judgment. The ministers,
I think, failed more in breeding than any thing else;
for what was required of them, was to pray that God
would illominate her (Mary) with the Vight of his truth,
and save her from the apparent danger in which she
iras-cast. Now this latter they could not in conscicBcc

* Spotsirwd, p. 334.

JAMES I. eg

ahom it with safety ; when he let all men

do : for they looked upon her in the most detestable
light, and wished not for her preserTation, believing it
inconsistent with the good of the state and religion,
-And therefore, says secretary Walsingbam, " it wa<
■wondered by all wise and religious men in England,
that the king should be so earnest in the cause of hia
mother, seeing all the papists in Europe that affected
the change of religion in both realms, did build their
hopes altogether upon her'." If theietbre the Scots
ministers thoiight as all the wise and religious men in
Ungiand did, about this matter, they could not, con-
sistently with sincerity, have prayed for her deliver-
ance. The king therefore should have forborne press-
ing them to do what was contrary to their judgments,
and they should have used civil and respectful terms of
refusal; which, if they had done, 1 apprehend, they
would bave been free from blame. But this was not
the only affair in which the clergy of Scotland behaved
disobediently and irreverently towards James.

For Mr. Robert Bruce, finding the king willing that
Huntley should return into Scotland, boldly totd him,
" I see. Sir, that your resolution is to take Huntley in-
to favour, which jf you do, I will oppose, and yon shall
chuse whether you will lose Huntley or me; for both
you caimot keep''." Mr. Blake was likewise charged
by him with saying, " that he had detected the trea-
chery of his heart; that all kings were the devil's
barns; and that the devil was in the coort, and in the
guiders of it'." — And Mr. John Welch, in the high
church of Edinburgh, said, " the king was possessed
with a devil, and one devil being put out, seven worse

": £^t(wOod, p. 35*. ■ la, p. 417. = Id, p. 423.

so THE LTFE OF

know how much their conduct galled him,

and what ill will he bare unto tfeem

iS^'

were entered in his place''." This was atriujge tall
and what could not but he very displeasing to Jaincs,
though he had not power enough to euib and resiriua
those who were guilty of it.

'* He dissemhled with thein, till with safety hecould
shew his resentment, &c.] Notwithstanding all the
rudeness wilh which he had been Li'eated by bis clergy
in the general assembly at Edinburgh, 1590, he stood
" up wilh his bonnet off, and his hands lifted up to
heaven, and said, be piaised God, that he was born in
the time of the light of the gospel, and in such a place,
as to be king of such a church, the sinccrest [purest]
kirk in the world. The Church of Geneva keep pasche
and yule [Easter and Christmas] what have they for
them? they have no institution. As for our neighboiu
kirk of Edgland, their service is an evil said mass ia
English; they want nothing of the mass but the lift-
ings. I charge you my good ministers, doctors, elders,
nobles, gentlemen, and barons, to stand to your purity,
and to exhort the people to do the same; and I, for-
sooth, as long as I brook my life, shall maintain tbs
same''." And in his speech to the parliament, 1698»
te tells them, " he minded not to bring in papistical
or anglicane bishops'." And in 1G02, he assured the
general assembly, " that he would stand for tlie church
and be an advocate for the ministiy V A mtui would
think by this, that James had a very great regard for
his clergy, and an high esteem of them ; and doubtless

• Spotiwood, p. +30. " Cal^lirnood's Chnrch History of BcotUnd,

f. aa&. 60. Edhdh 1E80. ' U. p. 418. ■ SpoltwooJ, p. 468.

3AMES I. SI

Though we are not to suppose, howe^'er

be himself inteacled they should think so too. ' But
this was mere artifice and dissimutation; forathot-
toin he hated them heartily, and could not bear the
thoughts of them. Ttiis will appear to a demonstra-
tioQ from bis writings. "Some iiery spirited men in
the ministry, be says, oftentimes calumniated him iu
their popular sermons, not for any evil or vice in bira,
but because lie was a king, which they thought the
highest evil." This was theeffecthe thought of parity
iQ the church. Therefore he advises his son [prince
Henry] " to take heed to sucli puritans, very pests in
tlie church and common wealth, whom no deserts caa
oblige, neither oatba nor promises bind, breathing
nothing but sedition and calumnies, aspiring without
measure, railing without reason, and making their own
unaginatious (without any warrant of the word) the
square of their conscience. I protest before the great
God, and since I am here upon my testament, it is
no place for me to lye in, that ye shall never find
with auy hie-Iand orborderthicves,greater ingratitude,
and more lies and vile perjuries, than with these pha-
uatic spirits, and sufier not the principal of them to
brook your land, if ye list to set at rest- except ye
wanld keep them fur trying your patience, as Socriites
dtid an evil wife',"

.And in his premonition to aU cbiistiaa monarchs,
Itc, he tells us " be was ever an enemy to the confused
aturchy or parity of the puritans, as well appeareth iu
his BA2lAUi.0N AliPON." And therefore adds he, " I '
cannot enough wonder with what brazen face this an-
twerer (Belkimine) coidd say, that £ was a puritan ia

• KxBS Jametf Works, p, IflO.

THE LIFE OF

it has been otherwise represented, either
through ignorance or prejudice to the then

Scotland, and an enemy to proteatanta : I that was
persecuted by puritans there, not from my birth only,
but even since four months before my birth ? I that in
the year of God 84, erected bishops, and depressed all
(heir popular parity. I then not being 18 years of age,
[this was the year in which the earl of Gowry was ex-
ecuted, and Arran committed the vilest acts of injus-
tice] " I that in my said book to my son, do speak ten
times more bitterly of lliera than of the papists ; hav-
ing in my second edition thereof affixed a long apolo-
getic preface, only in odium purilanorvm'.^' This was
written in England when the king could speak his
mind, and therefore we may be sure we have his reat
sentiments, especially 6s all his actions were corr&- i
spondent unto them. So that T had reason to say, that "4
James dissembled his hatred and resentment till a pro-'
per opportunity. But how worthy this was of ^ king i
rs not hard to jtidge. For nothing is more unbecom-' i
ing the tank and character of sUch an one, than dissi-
mulation, especially towards his own subjects. It is
setting an ill example unto them, which may be of the"
most fatal consequences ; and depriving princes of that
love, trust and confidence, in which their safety,
strength and reputation most of all consist. But trf
dissemble in the affairs of religion, is vile hypocrisy;
which yet 'tis plain from the king's own speeches and
writings he did. But James was a weak prince, and
lord Bacon has finely observed, " that the weaker sort
of politicks are the greatdissemblers." — "For, adds he,
if a man have that penetration of judgment, as he eaitf

• Kinj James's WorfcB, p. SOS.

Scottish' clergy, but that 'ftiey' had recoveU'

discern what things are to be laid open, and what to be
secreted, and what to be shewed ot half iighta, and W i
whom and when, (which indeed are arts of state, and!
arts of Hfe, a3 Tacitus wcU calleth them) to him a habiV
of dissimulatiou is an hindrance and a poorness. But'
if a man cannot attain to tliat judgment, then it is lefti
to him generally to be a dissembler*." I will conclude
this note witli a passage from honest Montaigne, which
I dare say every reader of like character will applaud.
" As to this virtue of dissimulation, I inoriaily hate it| \
nnd of all vices find none that does evidence so mucti \
baseness and meanness of spirit. 'Tis a cowardly unA I
servile humour to hide and disguise a man's self undetf I
a vizor, and not to dare to sliew himself what he iai I
By that our followers are trained up to treacheiyj ]
Being brought up to speak what is not true, they make 1
no conscience of a lye. A generous heart ought noiS j
to belye its own thoughts, but will make itself seeit |
within, all there is good, or at least manly. Aristotle ]
reputes it the office of magnanimity, openly and pro-^
fessedly to love and hale, to judge and speak with all
freedom; and not to value tlie approbation or disliktf' |
of others in comparison of tnilh. Apolloiiius said, H 1
was for slaves to lye, and for free men to speak truth'/ I
'Tis the chief and fundamental part of virtue, we n

love it for itself. A man must not always tell all; folf I

tliat were folly ; but what a man says, should be whatf-fl
he thinks, otherwise 'tis knavery. I do not know wha* 1
advantage men pretend to by eternally counlerfeiling*!
and dissembling, if not, never to be. believed when they* T
speak the truth. This may once or twice pass upon

' Iiord Racgn'ii Ewy ui

34 THE LIFE OF

provocatious by the king's actions, to be-
have towards him as they did ".

men ; but to profess concealing tlieir tlioughts, ani} to
biog, as some of our princes have done, that they
truiilJ bum their shirts it" (hey knew their intentions,
ami that who knows not how to dissemble, knows not
how to rule; is to give warning to all who have any
thing to do with them, that all tiiey say is nothing but
Ijing and deceitV

,." The clergy had received provocations to behave
towards liim as they did.] I have given an account of
the undutiful behaviour of the clergy towards James
from S pots wood : but bishop Burnet tells us, "there
ts a great defect runs tbrongb archbishop Spotswood's
history, where much of the rude opposition the king
met with, particularly from the assemblies- of tlie kirk,
19 set forth; but tbe true ground of all the jealousies
they were possessed with, is suppressed by hiin'"."
These jealousies were of his being in his lieart a papist,
founded on facts delivered to them by the Englisli
ministry, and from his favouring and employing those
of that religion. Walsingham, as I have already ol>-
served, " thought James was either inclined to turn
papist, or to be of no religion. And when tlie English
court saw that they could not depend on him, thej
raised all possible opposition to him in Scotland, in-
fusing strong jealousies into those who were enougb
inclined to receive them,'." Dr. Birch says, " the king
of Scots was indeed at this time[159y3much suspected
of inclining to poperj' ; and a copy of a letter, offering
obedience to the pope, signed by that king, was brought

' MontaiBqe'a Es&ays, by Cotton, vol. If. p. SOT. 8vo, Lond. 1686.
" Butnet, vol. 1. p. 5. ' IJ. il).

JAMES I. S5

However, I ain far enough from defciid-

■from Rome by tlie master olGtay, and shewn to queeii
Elizabeth; who sent Sir William Bowes ambassador to
liim, to advertise him not to build on the friendship of

Rome*," [This was the letter I'or which lord Balme-

rino was condemned, but pardoned, in the year IG09 ;
it being said he surreptitiously got the king's hand
thereto, wliii^h he himself confessed.] And we findj in
159^, the ministers complaining to the king of " the
ft»(Hir granted to the popish lords; the countenance
given to the lady Huntley, and her invitation to the
baptism of the princess; tlie putting her in the hands
of the lady Levingstone, an avowed and obstinate pa-
pist; and the alienation of his majesty's heart from
the ministers, as appeared by all his speeches public and

■private*." In short, the ministers were jealous of

liis majesty's intentions; they suspected his behaviour,
■and were aftaid that he only wanted an opportunity to
■crush them, and the religion Uiey professed. 'Twas
the belief of this, that made them break out into such
indecent expressions, and undutiful behaviour; and
the knowledge of their own power and influence over
the people, which inspired them with courage and
toldne^s. And, I think, a!] inipartial persons must
allow, that if ever 'tis excuseable to go beyond houods
in any thing, it is in defence of religion and liberty, in
opposition to popery and tyranny. Most of these men
remembered the fires which popish zeal had lighted;
they had seen tlie blood spilt by it, and theretbre it
is not to be wondered at, that they were mure than

' Ilirch's 1
l»nil, Franw
Burnet, p. 6

irlcal View of the Negotiations belweeti the Conrta of En^-
d Bnissels, p. 177. 8vo. Load. 1749. Spo(«»ood, p. iS5.
I nate i3, * .'jpolswoot!, p. 419.

S6 THE LIFE OF

iag their whole ^ behaviour '*. In 158£r,
James married a daughter of Denmark, (af-
ter having objected against the dignity of
that royal house, merely through ignorance
about it " :) and the lady being dciven by a

ordinarily moved at every thing which had the least
^ndeticy to bring them back iato so deplorable a

'* I am far enough from defending their whole be-

I liaviour.] The behaviour of the clergy was very rough,

and bordering upon rudeness. They treated majesty

with too much familiarity. They prostituted their pul-

-^its to affairs of state, and rebuked after such a maa-

Ber as tended more to provoke, than to reclaim. In

Ulese things they were blameworthy. But I should

I ^ot do them justice, were 1 to omit their zeal for what

E-^ey thought truth; their labour and diligence in the

"business of the ministry, and their speaking the truth

jsithal! boldness. These were virtues for wbieh James's

(iergy were eminent; and therefore they were held in

high esteem by the major part of that kingdom, as iviil

all of tliat profession every where be, who imitate them

herein, for they are things praiseworthy, and of good

report.

' He married a daughter of Denmark, after having
objecledagainstthedignityof that royal house, through
mere ignorance about it.] James, notwithstanding all
his boasted learning, was defective in history, the
knowledge of which is most necessary for princes. He
had BO little skill in this, that he knew nat the state
and condition of so Dear a country to him as Denmark ;
nor was he acquainted with the rank the kings of it
bare in Christendom, "He was informed, he said^

JAMES 1. sy

tempest into Norway, he, impatient of the

that the king of Denmark was descended but of jner-
chants, arid that few made account of him or his couin
try, but such ae spoke the Dutch tongue'." 'Ti»
amazing that any oneof James's elevated station should
be so grossly ignorant. Had he never read of the
power of the Danes, their ravages and conquests both
in England and Scotland ? wag he never informed that
marriage hod been contracted between his own family
and that of Denmark ? nor that in the year 146S Chris-
tian I. king of Norway and Denmark, renounced all
1 tight and title for himself and his successors to James
III. king of ycotiand, to the isles of Orkney, upon a
marriage between him and his daughter''? 'Tis plain
he knew none of these things, and therefore was
miserably qualiHed to contract alliances, or enter into

treaties. However Melvil informed him of these

matters, which made him so exceeding glad, " that lie
Baid he would not for his head but that he had shewn
the verity unto him." " Sometime after, as said is,
he called his council together in his cabinet, and told
them how he had been advising about his marriage
fifteen days, and asked council of God by devout prayer
thereon, and that he was now resolved to marry in
Denmark'." The lady whom James took to wife wjis
Ann, second daughter of Frederick king of Denmark,
Our historians give her the character of a courteous
find humane princess, and one in whom there was much
goodness''. It will not perhaps be unacceptable to the
ieader if I give the character she bore among IbreiguerB,

■ Meltil, p. 164.
Load. 1733.

I Viilma'i Ijfu of Kinj

imden'a TirUflnnia, by Oibsor,tdi(.
vit, p. 177. ° SpotaiKoJ,

s,p. Vi9. £)!. Ijjad, 1653.

38 THE LIFE OF

detention of his bride, went thither and con-

who, oftentimes, sppak more iustly than subjects.
*' She was naturally, s:iys the duke of Sully, bold and
enterpiizing : she loved pomp and grandeur, tumult
and iiiti'igue. ^he was acquainted with all ihc civil
factions, not only in Scotland, occasioned by the catiio-
lics, whom she supported, and had even first encourag-
ed; but also in England, where the discontented,
whose numbers were not inconsiderable, were not sorry
to be supported by a princess destined to become their
queen. — In public she affected absolutely to govern
her son (prince Henry) whom it waa said she thought
to inspire with sentiments in favour of Spain: for none
doubted but she was inclined to declareherself absolute-
ly on that side '. Afterwards, he tells us, be received
letters from Beaumont, (the French resident) informing
hitn, that the queen was disposed to pleasures and
amusements, and seemed wholly engaged in them, and
nothing else. She so entirely neglected or forgot the
Spanish politics, as gave rciison to believe she had in
reality only pretended to be attached to iliem, through
the necessity of eventual conjanctures"," Whoever
knows the rank of Sully, as favourite and prime mi-
nister to Henry the Great of France, and ambassador
extraordinary to James, will pay great deference lo bis
account; for it cannot but be sujiposed he had the best
informations. And indeed from Winwood's slate pa-
pers the character of queen Ann will be found nearly as
Sully has given it, but different with regard to her in-
clinations to Spain, from what Beaumont informed
him. I have before pbserved, that while in Scotland

* Memoirs of the Duke of SuJIy, p. 31 1, 313. vol. I.
" Id. vol. IL p. 119.

summated the marriage. From whence,
upon invitation, he proceeded into Den-
mark, where being royally entertained, he

she employed a person lo Bothwell, to hasten him
home, assiii'iiighim of assistance, ia order thatGowry's
death miglit K' revenged ".

And Mr. Winwood, id a letter to the lord Cran-
borne, Sept. 12, i604, O. S. says, "the followers of
the constable (of Castile) in their relation of England,
gave forth that the queen was wholly theirs*"." Mr.
Levinus Muncke (secretary to the earl of Salisbury)
in a letter lo Mr, Winwood, Oct. 29, l605, tells him,
" Mons. Caron (the Dutch ambassador) with much
ado spake first with the queen, and afterward nith the
prince. I was glad, adds he, 1 was made an instru-
ment, under my lord, of his accesses; for otherwise,
without his assisiance, 1 fear me, he had never spaken
with her ; for let me lell you in your ear without of-
fence, she is meerly Spanish, and had promised Areu-
berg (ambassador from the arch-dukes) not to speak
with Caron. Bui thebcst is, shecarrieth no sway instate
matters, and prater rem uxoriam hath no great reach
in other affairs'." However the Spaniards valued her
friendship, and upon a letter from her to the queen of
Spain, "a large pension was granted to one Carre, a
Scott^." Sir Charles ComwalHs, ambassador in Spain,
in a letter to the earl of Salisbury, April 13, l(i09,
writes, that "the [Spanish] ambassador hath advertised
that the queen should say unto him, be might one day
peradventiire see the prince on a pilgrimage at St.
Jago. Whereupon, tho' doubtless she spake in mer-

' See not* 5.

' la. p. 155.

p THE LIFE OF

Bpent the winter, aud returned not into
Scotland till May 20, 1590.
» ^ During the i'<?niainder of his reign in

fimetit, they here much infer, and seem to hope thai
bis majesty will be contented to send him hither to re-
ceive the rest of his education here, yf" the iaclination
pf dhance continuesV So that from these passages
'tis plain Sully did not misicp resent this qneen, in
, saying, " no one doubled -but she ^as inclined to de-
[ ciare herself absolutely on the Spanish side." As to
pomp iind gcaiideur, pleasures and amusements, wlio-
eyer will take the trouble of consulting the pages re-
fcrred to in the margin, will see abundant proof of it''.
!For fi'gm these it appears thai her inclinations were
^uch towards masques and revels, state and grandeur,
which probably ran her in debt, and made her melan-
in ijholy, 'till the king augmented her jointure, and paid
j i»er debts'. Sir Ediyard Peyton represents her indeed
a much wpi'se light. According to him, besides
' Gowry, [it should be Cowry's brother] she had a great
flfumbcr of gallauts, both in Scotland and England*.
I But what be says on t^iis i\ead, is to me so very im-
' probable, that 1 will flct trouble the reader with it.

She died of a dropsy March I, 16I8-I9, at

I Hampton-Court, without much lameutation from the
ifiig, though she was not unbeloved by the people.
' Osborn observes, that he himself saw "James one
^vening parting from the queen, aud taking his leave
St her coach side, by kissing her sufficiently to the
middle of the shoulders ; for so lovy, says he, she went

' Id. p.

3. ' Id. vor. n. p. 44. vol. III. p. IT

7. " PeTton's Dlriiie Calaslruplie c

11. Lond.1731. Bfo.

Scotland, he was engaged in troubles with
his nobility ; in quarrels with his clergy ;
and in writing his paraphrase on tJie Reve-
lations'*. His Daemonologie, stiled a rare

bare all the days I had the fortune to know her ;
having a skin far more amiable than the features it
povered, though not the disposition, in which report
rendered her very debonair"." But notwithstanding
the debonairness of her disposition, she could not in-
fluence her husband, who weakly permitted his fa-
Tpuril:es to ill-treat her". This probably might in time
^Iter her disposition, and cauae her to act with wisdom
and prudeace, and avoid feastings, revels and factions,
for archbishop Abbot, (a worthy venerable prelate)
many years after her death, speaks of her with great
respect, and as of one whose virtue he bad not the
least doubt of, which, I dare say, he would not have
done, had her character, in his eye, been upon the
whole faulty^. I have been the longer upon the cha-
racter of this princess, because it has been little known ;
pur historians contenting themselves to speak one after
the Qther, without examination, whereby, for the most
part, it Cometh to pass, that they tend little to improve
or instruct; and, which is worse, fix such ideas of
things and persons as are difficult to be eradicated,
tho* ever so false.

" In writing his paraphrase on the Revelations.]
"This paraphrase (says Dr. Montague) was written
by lya majesty before he was twenty years ofageV

• Osborn, p- i?6.
p-45G.fol. Load. 1659.
Works.

4S THE LtFE OF

piece for many precepts and experiments

And James, at the end of his epistle lo the church mi-
litant, prefixed tu this paraphrase, desires " that what
was found amiss in it might be imputed to his lack of
years and learning''," A strange work this for a youth
to undertake, and an argument of verj' great weakness.
For who knows not that this book has exercised the
wits of the most learned and understanding men, from
the begimiing of the Christian church; and who is
tliere igcioraiu that the world has been little the wiser
for their lucubrations? Great learning, industry, and
piety have been discovered, it must be owned, in se-
veral commentators on this book, but still it remains
in many parts obscure, as at the beginning^ What
then must we think of a raw young man who shall
wade so fer out of his depth, and set up for an ex-
pounder of the deepest mysteries ? Ought we not to
censure his temerity, and condemn his boldness ?
And much more reasonable will this appear when we
consider that James was a prince, and consequently a
person whose business it was to apply himself to affairs
of government, and consult the welfare of his people.
This was his proper business; the other was out of
his province, and answered no end, either to himself
or others. Indeed, if Montague is right, these re-
flections are ill founded. He tells us "kings have a
kind of interest in this book [the Revelations] beyond
any other ; for as the execution of the most part of the
prophecies of that book is committed uiito them, so it
may be, that the interpretation of it may more happily
be made by them ; and since they are the principal in-

' King James's Worki, p. 3> * SecMede, More, Nenton,

;rAMEs I. 4s

gtminents that God haih described in that book to
destroy the kiogdom of Antichrist, to cuusume hi>
Btate and city; I see not but it may stand with the
wisdom of God to inspire tlieir hearts to expound it *."
This is admirable ! and well worthy of a court cliaplain
who had still hopes of preferment. But, with this
bishop's good leave, I will take on me to afhrm, that
James's work is far enough from being a proof that
the Revelations may be more happily interpreted
by kings than by others ; or that God puts it into
their royal hearts at any time to expound it. For to
speak in the softest manner of this performance, it
must be said to be poor, low, and mean, and iu-
capable of bringing any honour to the composer.
Subjoined to this paraphrase is a " fruitful meditation,
containing a plain and easy exposition, or laying
open of the seventh, eighth, ninth and tenth verses
of the twentieth chapter of the Revelation, in form
and manner of a sermon," Here he plainly inti-
mates his opinion that the church of Rome is Anti-
christ. When this was first printed at Edinburgh it
had this title.— —"Ane fruitful meditation containing
ane plaine and facile exposition of the 7, 8, 9 and 10
verses of the XX. chap, of the Revelation in forme
of ane sermone. Set down by the maist Chriatiane
king and syncier professour and cheif defender of the
faith, James the 6th king of Scottis. 2 Theas. i. 6, 7,
8. For it is ane righteous thing with God. Iinpremit

at Edinburgh be Henrie Chajteris, liSSV James

was fond of meditations on select portions of scripture.
After the destruction of the Spanish armado in 13b8,
he wrote a "meditation upon the a^, 26, 37, St3 and

U THE LIFE OF

«9th verses of the xvth chapter of the first book of
Chronicles of the kings :" in which he compares tlic
proteatants to the " Israelites, and the catholicks to
the Philistines, adorers of legions of gods, and rtded
by the foolish traditions of men\" And long after-
wards [1619] he wrote a "meditation on the Lord's
Prayer, of which I shall speak more hereafter; and a
meditation upon the 27, 28, 29lh vei^ses of the xxvlith
chapter of St. Matthew, or a pattern for a king's in-
aaguration." This was dedicated to prince Charles.
Among several other things we have the following
passage, " telling Buckinghammy intention, [of writ-
ing this meditation] and that I thought you the fittest
person to whom I could dedicate it, for divers reasons
following, he humbly and earnestly desired me, that
he might have the honour to be my amanuensis in thii
work. First, because it would free me from the pain
of writing, by sparing the labour both of mine eyes
and hands; and next, that he might do you some
piece of service thereby; protesting that his natural
obligation to you (next nic) is redoubled by the many
favours that you daily heap upon him. And indeed I
must ingenuously confess to my comfort, that in
making your affections to follow and second thus your
fethers, you shew what reverent love you carry towards
me in your heart. And indeed my granting this re-
quest to Buckingham hath much eased my labour, con-
sidering the slowness, illness, and uncorrectncss of my
hand''." Many of my readers, I doubt not, will be
pleased with such like passages as this ; for they shew
the man more than any thing besides. However, 1
must ask pardoB for running away irom the Revela-
tions, of which James was a paraphrast, to these me-

"s Woits, p. 87.

JAMES I. 45

in divinity and natural philosophy ' '' ;

flitatioQs; but the connexion between thdt annexed lo
that book, and the rest, I hope will be deemed a suffi-
cient excuse.

" His Dtemonologie.] This was printed at Ediu^
burgh, cum privil. reg. 4to. 1597. It is in form of a
dialogue, divided into three books. The occasion and
end of this piece, to do James justice, I shall give in
his own words. "The fearful abounding (says he) at
this time, in this country, of these detestable slaves of

^ the devil, the witches or pnchauters, hath moved me,
teloved reader, to dispatch in post tliis following
treatise of mine, not in any wise (as I protest) to serve
for a shew of my learning and ingene, but only (moved
of conscience) to press thereby so far as I can, to re-
•oive the doubling hearts of many; both that suclr
assaults of Satan are most certainly practised, and

. that the instrument thereof merits most severely to
be punished, against the damnable opinions of two

, principally in our age, whereof the one called Scot,
an Englishman, is not ashamed iu public print to deny,
that there can be such a thing as witchcraft; and so
maintains the old errors of the Sadducees in denying of

, apirits; the other called Wlerus, a German physiciao,
lets out a public apology for all these crafts-folks,
whereby, procuring for their impunity, he plainly be-
wrays himself to huve been one of that profession.
And for to make this treatise the more pleasant and
facile, I have put it in form of a dialogue, which I
have divided into three books ; the first speaking of
magic in general, and necromancie in special : the
secoad of sotcerie and witchcraft : and the third con-

■ Preface to James'i Wutk'.

I
I

THE LIFE OF

tain! a discourse of all these kinds of spirits, mid
spectres that appear and trouble persona: together
with a conclusion of the whole work'." From this
account 'tis plain James believed that there were
witches, &C. and that they deserved a moat severe
punishmeut. And afterwards he tell us, " that witches
ought to be put to death according to the law of God,
the civil and imperial law, and the municipal law of
all Christian nations. Yea, he declares, that to spare
the life, and not to strike when God bids strike, and
BO severely punish in so odious a fault and treason
against God, it is not only unlawful, but doubtless
no less sin in the magistrate, nor it was in Saul's
sparing Agag"." Yea, so zealous was he for punish-
ing these poor wretches, that lie declares it to be his
opinion "thatbarnes or wives, or never so defamed
persons, may serve for sufficient witnesses against
them'." But lest innocent persons should be accused,
and suffer falsely, he tells us " there are two good helps
that may be used for their trial; the one is the finding
of their mark, and the trying the insensibleness thereof:
the other is their fleeting on the water: for, aa in a
secret murther, if the dead carkas be at any time
thereafter handled by the murtberer, ii will gush out
of blood, as if the blood were crying to the heaven
for revenge of the murtberer : God having appointed
that secret supernatural sign, for trial of that secret
unnatural crime : so that it appears that God hath ap-
pointed (for a supernatural sign of the monstrous im-
piety of witches) that the water shall refuse to receive
them in her bosom, that have shaken off them the
sacred water of baptism, and wilfully refused the bene-
fit thereof: no, not so much as their eyes are able to

' Jamei'J Work", p 91.

" Id. p, 134^

■ W. p. 135.

JAMES I.

■hed tears (tlireaten and torture them as you please)
while first thej' repeat (God not permitting tliem to
dissemble tlieir obstinacie iji so horrible a crimel.
Albeit the women-kind especially, be able otherwise
to shed tears at every liglit ocoaaioa when they will,
yea, although it were dissembling like the crocodiles '."
James, we see, was well qualified for a witch-finder;
he knew their marks, and could discover ihein by
swimming, and refraining tears. And acoordingly,he
permitted persona to be executed who were found guilty
thereof. In 1597, "there was a great business in the
trial of witches; amongst others, one Margaret" Atkinsi
being apprehended upon suspicion, and threatened
with torture, did confess herself guilty. Being ex-
amined concerning her associates in that trade, she
named a few, and finding she gained credit, made offer
to detect all of that sort, and to purge the country of
them, so she might have her life granted. Por the
reason of her knowledge, she said, that they had a
secret mark, ail of that sort, in their eyes, whereby
she could surely tell, how soon she looked upon any,

(whether ihey were witches or not. In this she was so
readily believed, that for the space of three or four
months she was carried from town to town, to make
discoveries in that kind. She accused many, and
niany innocent women were put to death. In the end
she was found to be a mere deceiver*"." And most of
the winter of the year 1591, was spent in the discovery
and examination of witches and sorcerers. " In this
year the famous Agnes Samson (commonly called the
wise wife of Keith) was examined,. who confessed she
hada familiar spirit, who had no power over the king,
said, as she took the words to be, il est komme de

* James's Woilis, p. 13fi.

THE LIFE OF

FjbfcwV This speech, I doubt not, flattered James's

r'Wntty, and made him the more stedfast in the belief

. of the doctrine of wiichcs. For believe it, I suppose,

I' he did, or otherwise he would not have passed such a

[ Woody statute, formed out of compliment (as has been

[i-well conjectured)" to him, by both houses of parlia-

L iaent, soon after his accession to the English throne.

■ By this statute it was enacted, "that if any person of

eisoDG sball use, practise, or exercise any invocation,

r conjuration of any evil and wiciied spirit, or shall

■consult, covenant with, entertain, employ, feed or re-

fward any evil and wicked spirit, to or for any intent

Pdnd purpose: or take up any dead man, woman, or

I child, out of his, her, or their grave, or any other

place where the dead body resteth, or the skin, hone,

' or any part of any dead person, to be employed or

' used in any manner of witchcraft, «orcery, charm, or

' inchaotment; or shall use, practise, or exercise any

*icchcraft, inchantment, charm or sorcery, whereby

any person shall be killed, destroyed, wasted, coii-

»nmed, pined or lamed in his or her body, or any part

thereof; that then every such offender nr offenders,

- (heir aiders, abettors, and counsellors, being of any

, the said offences duly and lawfully convicted and at-

ainted, shall suffer pains of death as a felon or felons ;

ind shall lose the privilege and benefit of clergy and

■ sanctuary'." Upon this statute great numbers have

been condemned and executed, to the reproach of

common sense and humanity. And even great and

good men have been the instruments hereby of con*

demning miserable innocent creatures.

A caution to law-makers this, not (in order to please

• Spotswood, p. 381 '■ Hutchioioii'i Historiual Essay conccniinif

Witchcraft, p. 18(1. Lond, 1118, Bvd. ' Stat, anno primo Jacob*

a prince) to enact statutesj especially on the peaalty of

death, unless upon the i
For though the general

<oIid, weighty reasons. —

)pin

I then \

, that there

were witches, am! that they did much hurt and damage,
yet ought the parliament to have weighed well the
foundation on which it was built, and the consequences
of it. Whereas they took the opinion on trust, and
enacted a most dreadful punishment for an imaginary

crime. James tells us," that witches ought to be

put to death, according to the municipal law of all
Christian nations." He spoke as he knew; but had
his learning been as universal as it was proclaimed, he .■
could not with truth have said so. For Dr. Hutebin-
son assures us, that 'tis so far from being true, that all
natious have always had such laws as ours, that he had
some reason to doubt, whether any nation in the world
hath, unless it be Scotland'. And with great pleasure
1 find that there*' was a law in Ethiopia, which pro-
hibited the people to believe that there is any such
thing as witches; the belief whereof, they say, is
founded upon the error of the Manichees, that there
are two independent gods, a good one, and a bad
one*." But I will leave this subject, after having ob-
served that we have reason to be thankful to almighty
God, and to acknowledge the wisdom and goodness
of our government, for repealing the statute aforesaid,
and " enacting, that no prosecution, suit, or proceeding
shall be commenced, or carried on against any person
or persons for witchcraft, sorcery, inchantment, or con-
juration, in any court wtiatsoever in Great Britain'."
This is a statute as much in honour to our legislators

• Historical Discourse of Witchcraft, p
''Geddes Church HisMiy of Ethiopia, i
' Stat, anno aooo Georgii II. regis, c. f
VOL. 1. E

50 THE LIFE OF

his Trew law of free monarchy'"; but espe- i

cialiy his piece so highly extolled, entitled

as any ever enacted, and will transmit their fame down,
to posterity'; it being foanded on reason and justice,
and productive of the safety of the people, whose
welfare is the end of all government. I have said
above, that I supposed James did believe the doctrine
of witches. But, in justice to his character, I must
here add, that after his being in England, liaving met
with a number of forgeries and cheats, they wrought
such an alteration upon his judgment, that at first he
grew diffident of, and then flatly denied the workings,
of witches and devils\

" His Trew law of free monarchy.] This was printed
in September 1598, without his name. " The bent of
it, says Calderwood, was directed against the course
of God's work, in the refonnalion of our kirk, and
elsewhere, as rebellious to kings'*." And it must be
confessed, if the doctrine contained in this treatise is
true, the Scotch and many other of the reformers, will
with difliculty be cleared from rebellion. For he as-
serts the regal power strongly ; allows resistance or
disobedience to it upon no account whatsoever; and
reflects on the " seditious preachers of whatsoever
religion, either in Scotland or in France, that had
busied themselves most to stir up rebellion under cloke
of religion'." In short, he plainly saya, " the king is
above the law, and that he is not bound thereto, but of
his good will, and for good example-giving to his sub-
jects*"." This is the doctrine contained in the law of

• FuUer'i Church Hiat. cent. 17. book 10. p. T*. anil Osborn's Work!,
p. 551. » Calderwood's Church Hist. p. MS. ' James's Works,

1.198. "lip-aOS.

JAMES I. 51

BA2IAIKON AfiPON", for the use of liis
son prince Henry ; which being published

free monarchy, than wbicli notliing can be more vile
and abominable.

" BAIIAIKON AHPONJ This book U dedicated to
his dearest son and natural successor, prince Henry.
'Tia divided into three parts. " The first teachetb your
duty towards God as a Christian ; the next yoar duty
in your office as a king; and the third informeth you
how to behave yourself in indifferent things, says he
to the prince*. It was wrote for an exercise of his
own ingenie and instruction of him, who, he hoped,
was appointed of God to sit on bis tlirone after hint."

" Seven copies only were permitted to be printed,

the printer being first sworn to secresie; but, con-
trary to his intention and expectation, the book was
vented, and set fortli to public view"." This was in
the year 1599- This book contains some tolerabla
things, but int^mixed with strange passages; those
relating to the clergy, whom he opprobriously terms
puritans, L have had occasion before to mention':
what follows, I think, is not less remarkable. " SufTes j
not your princes and your parents to be dishonoured
by any: the inlaming and making odious of the pa- '
rent, is the readiest way to bring the son into

tempt. 1 never yet found a constant biding by

me in all my streights, by any that were of perfil age
in my parents days, hut only by such as- constantly ,
bode by them ; I mean, specially by them that servsd
the queen my mother''." So that princes, even aftw ,
their death, are not to have much truth spoken coo-y

' Works, p. 139.

" Warki, p. I

THE LIFE OF
(though censured by the synod of St. An-
drews) was well accepted in England, and

ceming them, if they have children to reign afteij
ihem; and all their tyrannies, oppressions, and ■*
are to be buried in oblivion, or concealed at least from
the eyes of the vulgar. What monstrous doctrine it- '
this.' how does it take off all awe and restraint from
princes, and give them hope of reputation after deavtaj
how ill soever they may beliave! How m
sensible and judicious were the sentiments of the ?
ttious and amiable " Queen Mary, who whei
tions were once made before her, of the sharpness of
some historians, who had left heavy imputations on
the memory of some princes; answered, that if those
princes were truly such, as the historians represented
them, they had well deserved that treatment; and
others who tread their steps might look for the same ;
for truth would be told at last, and that with the more
acrimony of style, for being so long restrained it was
a gentle suffering (added she) to be exposed to the
world in their true colours, much below what others
liad suffered at their hands. She thouglit also that all
sovereigns ought to read such histories as Procopius ;
for how much soever he may have aggravated matters,
and how unbecomingly soever he may have writ, yet
by such books they might see what would be probably
savd of themselves, when all terrors and restraints
should fall off with their lives'." These reflections are
solid and just, and could proceed only from a mind
conscious of its jown innocency and integrity ; whereas
the advice of James has the appearance of a sense of

• limnet's EtMy on the Memoiy pf Queen Msiy, p. lis. ISmo, Lomi.

JAMES I. 53

raised nn admiration in all men's hearts,
says Spotswood, of his piety and wisdom.

guilt, and ilrcad of shame. But the praise of his
motlier's servants, and the acknowledgment of their
sinj^uJar fidelity to him is most amazing : for who were
they bot most bigoted papists, and enemies to the
reformation r who but they who justified her and
defended her, even in the most iniquitous and shame-
ful actions ? who were they hut men enemies to the
constitution of Scotland, and foes lo law and liberty?
'Tis no wonder, therefore, that the synod of St. An-
drews took lire at a book containing these and like
passages, and asked " what oensure should be inflicted
upon him that had given such instructions to the
prince, and if he could he thought well affected to
religion, that delivered such precepts of govern-
ment' f" These things being considered, I

fancy the judicious reader will not think the judg-
ment of the learned Gataker of this book much amiss ;
which being contained in a piece very difficult to be
got, I will transcribe at large, and with it conclude the
note. " King James, a prince of more policy than
puissance, while he was yet king of Scotland, penned,
or owned'' at least, a book entituled Augov Bam^moir,
which whoso shall advisedly read, though of no very
sharp eye^sight or deep reach, yet may easily descry a
design carried all along in it to ingratiate himself with
the popish side, by commending the fidelity of his
mother's servants, as to her, so to himself; with the

' Spotswood, p. 4i6.
'' Dr. Balcaoqual (who was at the 5ynod of Dort,
BocheBter) is said to have helped king Jamcn Cu wri
Jouraej tlirousb Scotland, p> TO.

Certain 'lis, adds the same writer, that all
the discourses that came fortii at that time
for maintaining his right to the crown of
England, prevailed nothing so much as did
this treatise.

prelatical party, bj' giving them hope of continuing
that government that he should find here established;
with the common people, by allowing them their may-
games, and the like sports; only he had bitterly ex-
pressed himself in high terms against the poor puri-
tans, whom he least feared, and deemed generally
disaffected by those other three parties. Howbeit,
when tl e time drew near of queen Elizabeth's de-
parture, that his quiet coming in might not meet with
any disturbance from that party, he prefixed a preface
lo his book then reprinted, wherein on his honour he
protesteth, that by the name of puritans he meant not
all preachers in general, or others, that misliked the
ceremonies as badges of popery, and the episcopacie
as smelling of a papal supremacie, but did equally love
the learned and grave on either side; intended only
such brainsick and heady preachers, that lesmed too
much to their own dreams, contemned all authority,
counted all profane that would not s\?ear to all their
fantasies*." The reader will be pleased to compare
this with what James says, note 12, of his having writ-
ten a long apologetick preface to the second edition of
this book, only in odium puritanoriim, and then judge
what stress is to be laid on his word.

' Thorn 3E Gataker, B. D. liis Vindication of his AnnMationB, againet
the sciirriloui Aspersions of Uiat grand ItupcMDr Mr. WitUlSl lilfie, p. 15.
Me. Lond. m53. ' ' • '" - ' -ii''

JAMES 1. 55

■However, James was not so much taken

up with these matters, as to neglect making

interest with the great men at the Englisli

court'", to secure to him the right of suc-

" James was not so much tjiken up wilh these
matters, as to neglect malting iDter^st wilh the great
men at the English court,} " He was careful, says
Burnet, to secure to himself the body of the English
nation. Cecil, afterwards earl of Salisbury, secretary
toqueeti Elizabeth, entered iato a particular confidence
wilh him ; anti this was mauaged by his ambassador
Bruce, who carried the matter with such address and
secrecy, that all the great men of England, without
knowing of one another's doing it, and without the
queea suspecting any thiug concerning it, signed
in writing an engagement to assert and staad by the
king of Scots right of succession*." A pleasant story >
or two ft-om Sir Henry Wotton, whose testimony in
this affair is indisputable, will convince us of the pro-
bability of what Burnet has here asserted, and confirm
the truth of the text.

" There were in court [queen Elizabeth's] two names
of power, and almost of ikction, ihe Essexian and the
Cecihan, with their adherents, both well enough enjoy-
ing the present, and yet both looking to the future,
and therefore both holding correspondency with some i
of the principal in Scotland, nnd had received adver- 1
tisements and instructions, either from them, or imu
diately from the king. But lest they might detect one
another, this was mysteriously carried by several in-
struments and conducts, and on the Essexian side, in
truth with iniinite hazard ; for Sir Kobert Cecil, who

56 THE LIFE OF

ceeding Elizabeth, in which he was success-
ful, as the event shewed ; though how wise.

(as secretary of state) did dispose the public addressee
had prompter and safer conveyance ; whereupon lean-
not but relate a memorable passage on either party, as
the story folloiving shall declare. The earl of Essex
had accomiiiodated master Anthony Bacon in a parti-
tion of his house, and bad asBigned him a noble enter-
tainment. This was a gentleman of impotent feet, but
a nimble head, and through his hand ran all the intel-
ligences with Scotland, who being of a provident na-
ture (contrary to his brother the lord viaeount St.
Albans) and well knowing the advantage of a dan-
gerous secret, would many times cunningly let fall
some words, as if he could much amend his fortunes
under the Cecitians, (to whom he was near of alliance
and in blood also) and who had made (as he was not
unwilling should be believed) sume great proffers to
win him away; which once or twice he pressed so far,
and with siioh tokens and signs of apparent discontent
to my lord Henry Howard, afterwards earl of North-
ampton, (who was of the party, and stood himself in
much umbrage with the queen) that he flies presently
to my lord of Essex (with whom he was commonly
prime admimonU, by his bed-side in the morning) and
tells him, that unless that gentleman were presently
satisfied with some round sum, all would be vented.
This toiik the earl at that time ill provided (as indeed
OTtentimes his coftera were low) whereupon he was fain
suddenly to give him Essex house, which the good old
lady W alsingham did afterwards disengage out of her
own store with 2300 pounds: and before he had dis-
tilled 1500 pounds at another time by the same skill.

JAMES L 67

or rather honest, those were who admitted

So as we may rate this one secret, as it was finely car-
ried, at 4000 pounds in present money, besides at the
least a 1000 pounds of annual pension to a private and
bed-rid gentleman : what would he have gotten if he
could have gone about his own businesb i There was
another accident of the same nature on the Cecilian
side, much more pleasant but less chargeable, for it
cost nothing but wit. The queen having for a good
while not heard any thing from Scotland, and being
thirsty of news, it fell out that her majesty going to
take the air towards the heath (the court being then at
Greenwich) and master secretary Cecil then attending
her, a post came crossing by, dnd blew his horn ; the
queen out of curiosity asked him from whence the
dispatch came; and being answered from Scotland,
she stops the coach, and calleth for the packet. The
secretary, though he knew there were in it some let-
ters from his correspondents, which to discover were
as so many serpents ; yet made more shew of diligence
than of doubt to obey ; and asks some that stood by
(forsooth in grieat haste) for a knife to cut up the
packet (for otherwise perhaps he might have awaked
a little apprehenBion) but in the mean time approach-
ing with dke packet in his hand, at a pretty distance
from thequeeDf betelleth her, it looked and smelled
ill favoiR^yi icdming out of a filthy budget, and that
it should be fit first to open and air it, because be knew
she was averse from ill scents. And so being dismissed
home, he got leisure by this seasonable shift, to sever
what he would not have seen'."

* Rfiliqaia WottonianflB, p. 168. Std. Lond. 1673. See also Birch's
Introdoction to bis Historical 1^0*, p. SI.

58 THE LIFE OF

him without any limitations, or restric-
tions, is not over difticult to guess"

»** How wise, or rather how honest, those were whi
admitted him wtthoiil any limitations, or restrictions,
is not over difficult to guess.] No time can be so
proper tor a people to claim their just rights and pri-
vileges, and curb the legiil power within proper bounds,
as the accession of a stranger king, who, it may natu-
rally be supposed, at such a time will do any thing rea-
sonable, rather than disgust those whom he is about to
rule over, or impede his own advancemeut; foi' the de-
sire of rule is so very natural, that few will stand upon
trifles in order to enjoy it; nor will any refuse to gr^nt
the just conditions of it. A people, therefore, when
about to place a foreign prince on the throne, ought
well to consider what grievances they have labouied
under, what exorbitances have been committed, and
what restrictions of the regal power, prone always to
extend itself, aie necessary, in order to secure the hap-
piness of the society. By these considerations proper
laws might be formed, which will be as a rule to a
prince how to behave, and restrain him within the
bounds of equity. Nor will the most ambitious
prince, who has a regard to his own satety, dare
break through what he has consented to, as the terras
of his admission. And therefore the lords and com-
mons, February 13, 1GS8, with great wisdom presented
to the then prince and princess of Orange, a declara-
tion of the rights and liberties of the subject, previous
to the setting the crown on their heads; the several
articles of which they " claimed, demanded, and in-
sisted upon as their undoubted rights and privileges;
and it was declared and enacted, that all and sinsrular

JAMES L 59

zabeth, after having reigned with the highest
glory more than forty-four years, at length

the rights and privileges asserted and claimed in the
said declaration^ are the true, antient, and undubitable
rights and liberties of the people of this kingdom, and
so shall be esteemed, allowed, adjudged, deemed and
taken to be; and that all and every the particulars
therein contained, shall be firmly and strictly holden
and observed ; and all officers and ministers whatso-
ever, shall serve their majesties and their successors,
according to the same in all times to come*." Antf
the event shewed how wisely this was enacted ; for it
produced a reign most happy to the subject, and laid
a foundation for all the blessings we now enjoy. Bat
when the death of the duke of Gloucester^ rendered it
necessary to provide for the succession to the crown,
in order to prevent all imaginable inconveniencies, it
was thought proper still farther to pass an Act for the
better securing the rights and liberties of the subject;
and accordingly many excellent conditions were laid
down on which the stranger prince was to succeed ^
I call them excellent conditions, though Burnet tells
us, '^ King William was not pleased with them, Bup-
posing they implied a reflection on him and his ad-
ministration "^.'^ Tis not improbable the knowledge of
the persons who proposed these conditions, and the
opposition he had many times undeservedly met with
from them, might make that truly good prince have
no favourable opinion of this act enacted by them.

■

* Vid. Stat SesB. aeemid. anno primo Gulidmi & Harts, cap. S. per
totum. ^ July 30, 1700. ^ Statutes anno duodecimo & decimo

tertio Gnlielmi III. regis, c 2. sect 3. * Burnet, vol. V. p. 523.

60 THE LIFE OF

submitted to the stroke of death, March 24,

l603, in the seventieth year of her age, and

But, whatever were the motives of the framers of this
act, I think all iinpaitlal persons must allow that it
was a good one in i tself, productive of much happiness
to these kingdoms. Every particular I approve not,
but, in general, highly applaud it.

These were instances of wisdom, prudence and dis-
crelion, and as such ihey will be admired and praised

through all generations. But James had no li-

mttations or restrictions laid on him ; he without any
a^emooy was proclaimed king, and by that title
thought he had a right to do as he pleased. What-
ever had been done by the prerogative royal in afore-
times, whatever the most enterprizing princes had
attempted on the liberties of the subject, he had
liberty to do likewise; and accordingly exerted him-
self in a very extraordinary manner, as 1 shall hereafter
shew. Whereas had he been tied up, whatever had
been his weakness, whatever bis depravity of heart, he
could have done but little mischief; and the miseries
brought on Uie people by his successoi^s, might have
been prevented. This Sir Walter Raleigh, Lord Cob-
ham, Sir John Portescue, &c. were sensible of, and
therefore desired he might be obliged to articles ; but
Cecil, Northumberland, and others over-ruled them,
and permitted him to eiiter uncontronled ',

To these men then, the nation in a good part owed
the calamities it suffered from the Stuart race. They
might eaBUy b^ve prevented them, but they would
not attempt i|; clQUbtless hoping hei-sby to make their

I
I

JAMES I. CI

thereby made wiiy for James, to the incre-
dible joy of his Scottish subjects, and to
the no less pleasure of his English ones,
who in such crouds hastened to sec him,
that hb issuetl out a proclamation against
their thronging about liim.

In his coming to London he displayed
something of his arbitrary disposition, by
ordering* a cutpurse to be hanged without
any legal process ; as quickly afterwards
he did his revenge on one "'Valentine Tlio-

court to James, and enjoy liis favour, from whence
what they wished tor must flow. Wretched meanness
of spirit this! inexcusable disregard for the public!
'Tig allowable for ministers to avail themselves of their
own services, and their prince's favour; but the man
who sacrifices the interest of his country, or neglects
taking those steps which are necessary to establish its
happiness, when he has it in his power, deserves to be
treated with hatred and contempt, let his abilities Jbe
ever so great. The good of the people is the supreme
law. By this the actions of all ministers are to be
tried, and he, who, to please a prince or obtain wealth
and honour for himself, shall act inconsistent there-
with, merits the highest punlsliments; for he must be
lost to liberty, virtue, and his country.

" Valentine Thomas, Stc] " In the year 1598, tliis
man being in custody for theft, charged the Scots
king with ill designs against the queen. But her ma-

' Coke's Detection, vol. r. p. 5. Bvo. Lond, 16<>6.

■a

C2 THE LIFE OF

mas, who had many years before accused
him of having ill designs against Elizabeth;

jesty (says secretary Cecil, in a letter to Mr. Ed-
mondes) deferred his arraignment, and suppresseth the
matter, to avoid offence to the king of Scots, who hath
very vehemently denied it with detestation. The king
of Scots had wrote to the queen on the 30th of July
1598, upon this affair, in these terms : 'iny suit only is,
that, while ye hear further from me (which shall be
with all diligence) ye would favour mc so far as to
delay the fellow's execution, if he be jet alive, to the
effect, that by some honourable means, whereiii I am
to deal with you, my undeserved slander may be re-
moved from the minds of men." The queen, on the
other hand, sent instnictions to Sir WiUlam Bowes,
her embassador at Ediuburtjh, to assure king James,
that she had stayed Thomas's arraignment, and would
do so as long as the king should give no canse to the
contrary,— — -But that king kept a severe memory
of the accusation cast upon him by Valentine Thomas ;
and upon his accession to the crown of England, and
within a month after his arrival in London, in the be-
ginning of Jwne 1603, ordered him to be brought to
hia trial and executed*." This every one will easily
see was revenge, and a very mean revenge too. Afier
five yeai^s to take away a fellow's life for an accusation
against himself, (for that 'tis easily seen was the cause,
though the former theft was the pretence) could pro-
ceed from nothing but so cowardly a principle. I say
cowardly ; for James himself tells us, " rancor and re-
raige proceeds from baseness and want of courage in

JAMES I. 63

hereby making good tlie observation that
cowards never forgive.

He was attended by great numbers of
Scots in his coming into England, who

men^ and even amongst beasts and creeping things, it
proceeds of a defect and want of courage in them.

And it is a known and undeniable truths , that

cowards are much more cruel and vindictive than qiMi
of courage are : for a coward can never enough secure
himself of his enemy ; insomuch as when he is lying
dead at his feet, he is yet afraid*." Never was the trudi
of this doctrine better exemplified than in the execu-
tion of Thomas ; and therefore I had reason to say,
that James thereby made good the observation, that

cowards never forgive. How much more amiable

ia tl^ character of those princes who have forgot, on
their accession to the throne, personal injuries i how
deservedly famous is the saying of Lewis XII. . of
France, in answer to those who would have perspa4iB4
jiim to shew severity to La Tremouille : '^ God,.forlM^
that Lewis XII. should revenge the quarrels of thf
duke of Orleans^." This was truly great and mag^f^
nimous. But James*s conduct was wholly mean, and
betrayed the poorness of his soul.

— — Quippe minoti

Semper & infinni est animi exigaique voluptas

Ultio^

— — > Revenge, which still we find

The weakest frailty of a feeble mind. Ciebch.

* King James's Works, p. 587. " See Bolingbroke's Letters od

the Spirit of Patriotism, p. 848. 8?o. Ijond. 1749. * Juveni^, Sot.

13. V. 189.

64 THE LIFE OF

were advanced to great hoiiovirs*', and shar-

" He was attended by a large number of Scots, who
were advanced to great honours.] " The persons who
attended hira were the duke of Lennox, the earls of
Marr, Murray, and Argile, the lord Hume, Sir George
Hume, Mr. James Elphinston, Sir David Murray, Sir
Robert Ker, with the ordinary gentlemen of the cham-
ber, besides several of the clergy '." But besides these,
there were a great multitude who came in with him,
and reaped the benefit of his favour. Lennox, Marr,
Hume, and Elphinstone were made privy counsellors
of England, and many of the Scots became afterwards
adorned with some of the highest English titles. Sir
Robert Ker* was advanced to the earldom of Somerset,
Lennox was made duke of Richmond, Esrae Stuart,
his youager brother was created earl of March, the
marquis of Hamilton earl of Cambridge, Sir John
Ramsey viscount Haddington of Scotland, earl of Hol-
derness, and James Hay earl of Carlisle"^. Nor were
they bare honours which the Scots got, for they had
also large lucrative posts, and uncommon donations, as
will appear bye and bye. So that there seems some
reason for the following lines of a satyrical writer,
though they are much too severe.

" Tlie ° royal braiicli from Pictlaocl did sacoeed,
With troops of Scota and scabi from north by Tweed.

The seven fltst years o

D EaglisbmeTi.

' Spotswood, p. *T.

JAMES I. 6«

"rgely in his bounty, at the expence and •,
much to the regret of the Enghsh nation **,

Thick ai the loauits which in Egypt sworm'd,
^L* With pride Bud hungry hopes TOmpkiely arm'd ;

''^* With native truth, diaeaspi, nnti no money,

Pluuder'd our Canaau of the milk ami honey.

Here they grew quickly lords and Eentlemen,

And all their racu are true-bom Engli»hiQen"."

Had there been then an tinion of the two kingdoms, thia
had doubtless been good policy ; but as there was not^
these promotions could serve no other end, but to cre-
ate jealousies among the English, and excite com-
plaints. For why should men of another country have
the power of legislation f why should they whose pro-
perty lay elsewhere, and whose connexions were at a
distance, have a power of enacting laws which they
themselves might easily get out of the reach of, and
their families be wholly free from? But such was the
will oFJames, who, though he seldom considered him-
self, cared nf>t to be counselled, and therefore general-
ly acted unwisely.

** Shared largely in bis bounty, at the expence and
much to the regret of the English.] Osborn observes,
that the " exactions rose on the English were spent
upon the Scots, by whom nothing was unasked, and
to whom nothing was denied; who for want of honest
traffic did extract gold out of the faults of the English,
whose pardons they begged, and sold at intolerable
rates, murther itself noi being excepted*"." The same
writer tells us, " that the earl of Dunbar swallowed at
one gulp, together with the chancellorship of the ex-
chequer, all the standing wardrobe, wherein were more

THE LIFE OF

to whom it 16, with some good

jewels, pearl, rich robes, and princely apparel, than
ever any king of Scotland (if all of them put together)
could call his own before ; all which 1 have since heard
rated by the officers at an incredible sum, whose ser-
did use to shew them for money, it appearing
none of the least rarities in London before this great
disaolution*." Lord Clarendon assures us, "that
James Hay, earl of Carlisle, spent in a very jovial life,
above four hundred thousand pounds, which, upon a

strict calculation, he received from the crown ''."

Robert Ker, earl of Somerset, had such vast favours
bestowed upon him, that even at the time of his fall,
his estate was rated to the crown at three hundred
thousand poundsV And Sir John Ramsay, when
made a viscount, had a thousand pounds land given
him to support the title''. Again, saya Osborn, " the
Scots bong on James like horse-leeches, till they could
get no more, falling then off by retiring into their own
country, or living at ease, leaving all chargeable at-
tendance on the English^." This is likewise confirm-
ed by Frankland. Tlie king's gifts in lands to the
Scots, unthankfully and unfittingly, they sold (says he)
conveying that treasure into Scotland ^ These pas-
sages sufficiently shew how much of the wealth of
England was bestowed on the Scots, and how much
cause the English had to be displeased at it; for there
was not one of these men that was any way useful to
the English nation, though Dunbar and Carlisle were
men of great abilities ; and tlierefore there could be no

•Osborn'i Worki, p- 516. * Clarendon's History of the Rebellion,

»ol. I. p. 62. 8to, Oifbrd, 1713. ' Olboni, p. 517. ' Winwood'i

Memorial, vol. II. p. SI7, " Oiboni, p. S38. ^Annals of

Kiof James, p. 10. Lond. 1681. fbl.

JAMES I. 67

probability, said, that they - behaved with
much rudeness and insolency **.

cause for these excessive donations. ^The king him-
self was sensible that his liberality to the Scots was very
distasting, and therefore apologizes for it in a speech
to the parliament, and promises for the future to be
more sparing. Let us hear his words. " Had I been
over-sparing to them, they might have thought Joseph
had forgotten his brethren, or that the king had been
drunk with his new kingdom. If I did respect the

English when I came first,' what might the Scottish

have justly said, if I had not in some measure dealt
bountifully with them that so long had served me, so
far adventured themselves with me, and been so faith-
ful to me ? Such particular persons of the Scottish

nation, as might claim any extraordinary merit at my
hands, I have already reasonably rewarded ; and I can
assure you, that there is none left whom for I mean ex-
traordinary to strain myself further*.'* iThis was spo-
ken Anno 1607, a little before his majesty received
Ker as a favourite, and heaped on him such immense
treasures and large possessions as I have just mentioned.
Well therefore might the English grumble, despise the
king, and hate his countrymen, by whom they were
thus fleeced.

*' To whom they behaved with much rudeness and
insolency.] " This is attested by the following homel^
lines, which were every where posted.

" Tliey b«g oiir lands, our goods, our liTes,
They switch our nobles, and lie with their wifoj
They pinch our gentry, and sepd for our benchers ;
They stab our sergeants, and pistol our fencers."

^ King James's Works, p. 515. See also p. 54C.

THE LIFE OF
However the English were not neglected
rhy James, for on them also he heaped ho-

Mr. Osborn has explained these in a very entertain-
ing manner, to whose works 1 refer the inquisitive

reader'. Notcoutented to drain the kingdom of its

wealth, and snatch its honours, tbey moreover claimed
precedency of the English nobility of the same rank.

" At a supper madeby the lady Elizabeth Hatton,

there grew a question between the earls of Arijile and
Pembroke, about place, which the Scot maintained to
be his by seniority, as being now become all Britona :
at which our nobility began to startle V And no
wonder, for whatever might be the antiquity of many
of the Scotch nobility, on which probably they valued
tbemseWes; yet that could entitle them to no place in
England, any farther than what courtesy and civility
might require. To set up a claim of right to superio-
rity by reason of it, could be looked on as nothing but
an insult, and as such, doubtless, was resented. In-
deed the Scots seemed so unabie to bear their good
fortune, and the English were so provoked at their in-
solent behaviour, that it was almost a miracle it bad not
issued in torrents of blood ".— — -A lesson this to princes
not to be too bountiful to persons used to low circum-
stances; seeing it will only tend to inspire them with
pride and haughtiness, and excite envy and contempt in
8tanders-by; much more not to enrich aliens at the
expence of the natives, and cause them to lift too high
their heads. There may indeed be exceptions to this
rule, as when distinguished merit and great abilities are
possessed, and these exerted for the good of a coun-

■555

* Osborn, p. ^04. p. 4S3 of the edllion in 1 fiSS.
Memoriib, voL lit. p. 117. ' See Oibom, p. i95.

■ Winwgod's

JAMES I. 09

noui's iu abundance'"; and 'tis certain.

try; but where these are not, or not in a most eminent
degree, it is weakness and imprudence to heap favours,
which will not fail to hringoncomplaiuts, uneastnesseB,
and distresses on the conferrors.

** Honours in abundance were heaped on the Eng-
lish also.] James in his speech to the parliament,
Anno 1609, owns that they saw him at his entrance
into England, "make knights by hundrcths, and ba-
rons in great number'," This acconnt is not beyond
the truth. For Sir llich.ird Baker, who had the honour
of knighthood from him at that time, tells us, that
" before his first year went about, he made God {{nows
how many hundred knights"." And if a certain author
is to be credited, in the two first years of James's reign, .
no less than one thousand twenty-two knigbis were
made by him'. A prodigious number this! and such
as almost exceeds belief. But the authorities already
quoted in this remark, may possibly reconcile us unto
it. For when knights were made by hundreds, a large
sum total must run up in a comparatively short space

of time. But James contented not himself with

dubbing knights; he made barons also, and enlarged *
the peerage to a great degree. In the first year of his
reign he made four earls and nine barons, among whom
were Henry Howard, created earl of Norlhamptun, .
lliomas Howard earl of Sufiulk, and the famous Sir
Kobcn Cecil, lord Cecil, afterwards earl of Salisbury.
These were persona who had dexterity enough to insi-
nuate themselves into James's favour, and obtain al-
most whatever they had a-mind to, for themselves or

• King Jamcc's Works, p. 543. '' BakeHi Cbronicle, p. 4n3.

'Vid.OilKirn'RC»tBli>BueottJie library of Webb, jcc ]i, CIC. 176U

70 THE LIFE OF

tliat a great many particular persons obtain-
ed great wealth, and large possessions from

dependants; these were the persons who transacted
most of the business of state during their lives, and
reaped very great rewards by reason of it, as will
soon appear. So that though James was lavish of his
honours on his own countrj'men, the English could not
say they were slighted ; for be created so great a num-
ber of them peers, that, with the Scots already mention-
ed, no less than 60. were added to that illustrious body
by him*. This occasioned a " pasquil to be pasted
up in St. Paul's, wherein was pretended an art to help
Weak memories to a competent knowledge of the names
of the nobility *." Had these great dignities been
conferred only on the deserving, there would have been
little room for complaint. But '* the honours James
bestowed were in so lavish a manner, and with so
little distinction, that they ceased in some sense to be
honours *^.^ ^This was higbl}' injurious to the charac-
ter of the conferror, and a contempt cast on those
whose birth and great virtues intitled them to such dis-
tinctions. It shewed a want of Judgment in James,
and tended to take off that reverence which ought to
be kept up in the minds of the people towards the
English nobility. For what must men think of the
Understanding of that prince, who could place among
the great council of the nation, John Villiers, Christo-
pher Villiers, and Lyonel Crafifield f In how contempti-
ble a light must the peerage be viewed by those who
knew that these men had no pretence to such an ho-

• Torbuck's Parliamentary Debates, vol. VII. p. 135. Svo. Jjond, 1741.
*• Wilion, p. 7. ' Remarks on the History of England, by Humphrey

QhlcasUe, Esqj p. d35. 8vo, Lond. 1743.

JAMES I. 71

him '% to the impoveriEdiing of the crown,

Dour, but as related to George Villiers, the insolent
prime minister? 'Twere to be wished that the great-
est care at all times was tatcen not to debase so illu^
trious an order of men by undeserved creations, and
that nothing but real merit was the occasion of them.
Then would the prince be applauded, the dignity of the
peers be preserved, and all due deference paid to their
decisioQB. But when it is known publicklj, that und&
serving men are advanced to this devated rank in order
to serve a party or please a favourite, then do men mur-
mur at the crown, and pay tittle respect to those thus
distinguished by it. For the public will judge of per-
sons as they are) titles and coronets cannot bias ita
judgment, or cause it to applaud the ignorant or un-
worthy.

*' Many persons obtained great wealth, and large
possessions from him.] " They that then lived at
court, and were curious observers of every man's ac-
tions, could have afifirmed that Salisbury, Suffolk, and
Northampton, and their friends, did get more than the

whole nation of Scotland (Dunbar excepted). All

the Scots in generaJt«carce got the ty the of those English
getters, that can 'lie satd did stick by them, or their
posterity. Besides Salisbury had one trick to get the
kernel, and leave l;he Scots but the shell, yet cast all the
envy upon them; he would make them buy books of
fee-farms, some one liundred pounds per annum, some
one hundred marks, and he would compound with them
for a thousand pounds, which they were' willing to em-
brace, because they were sure to have them pass with-
out any controul or cliOr^e, and one thousand pounds
appeared to them that never saw ten pounds before, an
inexhaustible treasure; then would Salisbury fill up

72 THE LIFE OF

and the reducing hiutself in a few years to

gi"eat want. He soon shewed his gratitude

this book with such prime land as should be worth ten
or twenty thousand pounds, which was easy for him,
bciag treasurer, so to do; and by this means Salisbury
enriched himself infinitely, yet cast the envy on the
Scots, in whose names these hooks appeared, and are
still upon record to all posterity; though Salisbury
had the honey, they, poor gentlemen, but part of the
wax*." — WilsoQ tells us, " that James being one day
in his gallery at Whitehall, and none with him but Sir
Henry Kich (afterwards earl of Holland) and James
Maxwell, some porters past by them, with three thou-
sand pounds going to the privy purse: Rich whis-
pering Maxivell, the king turned upon them, and
asked Maxwell what says he? what says be? Maxwell
told him, he wished he had so much money; Marry
shalt thou Harry (saith the king) and presently com-
manded the porters to carry it to Iiis lodging, with this
expression, you think now you have a great purchase,
hut I am more delighted to think how much I have
pteasui-cd you in giving this money, than you can be
in receiving it*." And Sir Philip Herbert (afterwards
earl of Pembroke) on his marriage with the lady Susan
Vcre, had a gift of the king of 50Oi. land for the bride's
jointure', — In short, James himself assures us, " that
he had dealt twice as much amongst the Englishmen

as he had done to Scolisfamen''." The truth is, those

of the Enghsh who had the king's ear, and could fall

' Sir Anlbony Weldon"* Court ond Cliaraoler uf King Jaiuci.p, 54, J5.
I^mo. Loud. J651. See also Ralelj^h'; Woikt, vol. 1, p. QUI. 8vu. Lui.d
1751. ' Wilson, p. TG. ' Winwood, vol. II. 4. 43. "King

James's WoikB. p. 542, ^ • ■

JAMES I. 73

to Elizabeth for the crown she had left
him, by permitting no one to appear in
mourning for her ** before him, and even

readily into his humours, and contribute to his plea* .
sures and amusements, were sure of being enriched by
him. The true courtier in this reign had a good time
of it, for James was thoughtless ^nd inconsiderate, and
never knew the value of money till he was in want of
it. But merit, as such, was always neglected or over-
looked by him ; he knew it not, or regarded it not, but
preferred his flatterers to all others.

*^ lie shewed his gratitude to Elizabeth, by permit-,
ting no one to appear in mourning for her before him.]
For this curious particular we are indebted to the duke
of Sully, whose account cannot but be looked on as
most authentic. ** One part of the orders I had given,
(says he, speaking of his English embassage) in regard
to the ceremony of my audience, was, that all my re-
tinue shall appear in mourning ; whereby I should ex-
ecute the first part of my commission, which consisted
in complimenting the new king on the death of Eliza-
beth ; though 1 had been informed at Calais, that no
one, whether ambassador, foreign or English, was ad-
mitted into the presence of the new king in black : and
Beaumont (the f'rench resident) had since represented
to me, that what I intended would most certainly be
highly disagreeable to the courts where so strong an
affectation prevailed to obliterate the memory of that
great queen, that she was never spoke of, and even the
mention of her name industriously avoided. I should
have been very glad not to have been sensible of the
necessity under which I was of appearing in a garb,

14 THE LIFE OF

leaking himself not only without gratitudet

'hich would seem to cost a reproacli on the king and
1 England; but my orders were herenpon positive,
it to mention that tliey were aUo most laudable: and
lis was the reason 1 paid no regard to Beaumont,
4^0 intreatedmeto deferputling myself to thisirouble
4iQd espence, till he had wrote about it to Erskiue, and
some others, who were best acquainted with the court
ceremonial. He wrote accordingly, but received no
answer on Thursday, Friday, nor even all day on Sutur-
~iy; and I still persisted iu my resolution, notwilh-
nding the reasons whitU he continually gave me to
le contrary. On Saturday night, which was theeven-
ig of the day preceding my audience, and so late that
was in bed, Beaumont came to tell me, that Erekine
;d sent to acquaint him, that the whole court consi-
[ered my inientiuii as a premeditated aflVont ; and that
o offended the king by it, that nothing could
Lore effectually prevent the success of my negotiation
'vn its very commencement. This information agree-
ig with that of my lord Sidney, &c. il was impossi-
ile for me to be in doubt about it; and through fear
lest a greater e\il might ensue, I caused all my recinne
to change their apparel, and provide themselves other*
S9 well as they could. Leukoner (master of the cere-
monies) being come the next morning to inform me,
that I should be presented to the king at three o'clock
the afternoon; I perceivefl from the satisfaction
,ich he expressed at the new orders which 1 had
;jven, that it was indispensably necessary to vanquish
tay repugnance: nevertheless, it publicly gaintd me
as much honour as if I had persisted in it throughout,
iHicanse none were igDoouDt I had complied oulj

JAMES 1. 76

respect, or regard of her ; but also with
contempt, to the amazement of standers-

through absolute necessity */' I make no apology for
the length of this quotation ; readers of taste will be
glad to find it here, and wiH not fail of remarking on
the unaccountable ingratitude and weakness of James.
His obligations to Elizabeth were great; she had sup-
plied him constantly with money when in Scotland^
and though she had a power, with consent of parlia^
ment, she gave not away the crown of England from
him ; on her death-bed she declared him her heir, and
in consequence thereof he took peaceable possessiou
of the throne. Ought he not then to have retained a
respect for her memory, and treated her name with ho*
aour ? should he not have owned his obligations, and
celebrated her fame ? should he have forbid his sub-
jects mourning for the loss of so excellent a princess,
or refused compliments of condolence from foreignera
on the account of it ? What ! should the memory of such
a princess be obliterated in a few months, even in her
own court, and the glory of all her great actions be for-
gotten i Must her humbling Spain, her supporting the
protestant interest abroad, and establishing it at bomej
her attention to the national interest and. bonour> anld
raising the English crown to be the envy and admiration
of Europe; must these be unspoken, uncelebrated?
such was the intention of James. But posterity more
grateful, more just than that court, has mentioned her
name with honour, and sounded forth the glories of
her reign. To resemble her has been thought honour-
able to princes, and her government has been set forth
as a model for their imitation. — So that envy, igno-

* SuU/s Memoirs, voL IL p. 19.

7fl THE LIFE OF

by *'. He was excessively addicted to case

Tance, spile, revenge and malice, with their united
foree, avail litile against the rcputaiioiis founded on'
great and beneficent actions; and the true hero, the
patriot prince, may despise their efforts, and rest se-
cure that in the annals of after-ages, their characters
shall shine with the greatest lustre, and their actions
be celebrated as they deserve. A noble motive this to
generous miuds to pursue the public good with ear-
nestness! and a motive, whicli, if well considered, will
cause them to be unwearied, and persevering in the
pursuit.

'* He spoke with eonlempt of her.] Sully giving
an account of his first audience at court, tells us, that
after James had spoken several things to him, " the
lute ciueen (Elizabeth) was mentioned, hut without one
word in her praise V In another conversation he had
with the king, he observes, " that an opportunity pre-
senting for the king to speali of the late queen of Eng-
land, he did it, and to my great regret, adds he, with
some sort of contempt. He even went so far as to say,
that in Scotland, long before the death of that prin-
cess, he had directed her whole council, and governed
all herministeis, by whom he had been better served
and obeyed than her"." 1 doubt not Sully smiled in-
wardly at the vanity of James, and heartily detesied
his baseness with regard to the memory of Elizabeth;
for no one better knew her worth than this ambassador,
set a greater value on it. AVith what indigna-
tion tlieu may wc suppose him tilled, when he heard
her name thus U'CiUed by her successor? and what a

•Sully, vol. n.p. 26.

JAMES I. y:

pleasure '% and indulged himself iu

despicable opinion must he entertalti of him? but he
suppressed his sentiments on this head, and set himself
to please him, of whom 'tis plain from his memorials,
he had but a poor opinion. 1 sliail only add here, that
the highest merit cannot escape the tongues of tht;
ignorant and malicious, though, for the most pari, it is
unhurt by them.

^° He was excessively ^iven to ease and pleasure.]
Sully relates, that " James (luiited the company to go
to bed, where he usually passed part of the afternoon,

sometimes the whole of it '." " .And hia thoughts

were intent on ease and pleasure, says Osborn''."
This would have been far enough from a virtue in a
private man, but in a prince it must be looked on as a
vice, i'or the love of ease and pleasure enervates the
mind, and tends to render it incapable of what is great.
And there are but tew princes wlio have indulged this
disposition, that have made any greater figure in hk-
tory than the prince of whom we are discoursing.
Alexander, Ciesar, and Henry IV. of Prance, loved
pleasure as well «s any men; but then they had no-
thing indolent in their temper, and had so much am-
bition, that they could not possihlyabstain from striv-
ing to render their names glorious. But James not
only loved pleasure, but ease, and therefore was inc»-
" pable of being more significant in life, than arc the
generality of eastern princes, immured in seraglios,
and strangers to every thing but what their viziers or
eunuchs please to inform them of, for their entertain-
ment or amusement. So that princes of this indolent
disposition neglect the alfuirs of government, and are

' SuUy, vol. IL p. 93.

" Oibarn, p. 470.

78 THE LIFE OF

drinking, even so far as to render fiiniself

sometimes contemptible''. And from his

niled by ministers and favourites, a.ud the people are
left to be fleeced and oppressed, to supply die calls of
luxury and pleasure. Unhappy princes ! unhappy
people! the former destitute of true worth, the latter
groaning under vile bondage- — How much then does it
concern those who are advanced to dominion, to exert
themselves, and employ their time and talents in exa-
mining the state of those under them, and promoiing
their welfare ? how much docs it behove them to be
diligent in business, skilful io affairs, and attentive to
the representations and complaints of their subjects?
By these means alone can they answer the end of their
advancement, obtain repuUition, procure success, and
ha\e the love and affection of those over whom tliey
bear rule. To which let me add, that iudoknt princes
are very insecure; they become victims frequently to
the ambition of their own servants, and fall, though
not unpitied, yet quite unlamented. For the people
have sense enough to know, that a life devoted to ease
aiid pleasure, is of no importance to them, and there-
fore, with iiMlifferencc, see it destroyed, though by
those who oughtto have defended it.

^' Indulged himself in drinking, &c.] Weldon ob-
serves, that " James was not intemperate in his drink-
ing;" but he adds, "however in his old age, and
Buckingham's jovial suppers, when he had any turn to
do with htm, made him sometimes overtaken, which
he would the very next day remember, and repent with
tears : it is true, he drank very often, which was rather
out of a custom than any delight, and his drinks were
of that kind for strength, as irontiniack, canary, high-
country wine, tent wine, and Scotish ale, that had he

JAMES I. 79

known love of masculine beauty, his exces-

nol had a very strong brain, might have dRily been
overtaken, aitlioiigii he seldom drank at any one time
above four spoonfulls, many times not above one or

two'." This is very modest in Weidon, But other

anchors go a little farther, and make James shew him-
self beneath a man by his intemperance. " The king
was excessively addicted to hunting and drinking (says
Coke) not ordinary French and Spanish wines, but
itrong Greek wines ; and though be would divide hia
bnnting from drinking these wines, yet he would com-
pound his hunting with drinking these wines, and to
that puqjose he was attended with a special officer,
who was as much as could be always at hand, to fill
the king's cup in his hunting, when he called for it.
I have heard my father say, that being bnnLing with
the king, after the king had drank of the wine, be also
drnnk of it, and though he was youngand of an health'
ful constitution, it sodlEordei-edhisbead that it spoiled
his pleasure, and disordered him for three days after.
Wiieiher it was from drinking these wines, or from
some other cause, the king became so lazy and un- .
wieldy, that he was trust on horseback, and as be was
set so would he ride, without otherwise poising himself
on his saddle ; nay, when his hat was set on his head,
tie would not t^kc ihc pains to alter it, hut it sat as it

iSllpOI

him".

I doubt not but this account is true.

Sully taking notice, that " James's custom was never
to mix water with hie wine'." And tlierefore, though
Sir Edward Peyton he a partial writer, and prejudiced
much against the Stuart race, yet I believe the follow-

• WeWon, p. 1S6. " Coke's Dcuntloi

* Sully, Toi. II.p.9U.

vol. I, p. la.

80 THE LIFE OF

sive favour to such as \vere possessed of it,

^ story from hJiu will not be deemed improbable.
' Wiien the king of Denmiirk [brother-in-law to James]
Uras first of all in England, both kings were so drunk
Wt Theobald's, as our king was carried in the arms of
'he courtiers, when one cheated another of the bed-
mber, for getting a grant from king James, for that
Fould give him the best jewel in England for ajewel
a hundred pound he promised him ; and so put king
Pames in his arms, and carried him to his lodging, and
i^efrauded the bed-chamber man, who had much ado to
Hct the king into his bed. And Denmark was so dis-
;uiaed, as he would have lain with the countess of
{Nottingham, making horns in derision at her husband,
; high admiral of England '." I said just now, this
&tory, I believed, would not be thought improbable;
tad 1 doubt not the reader by the following letter of
tJie countess of Nottingham to the Danish ambassa-
Bor, will readily assent to it, seeing it confirms so chief
impart of it as the rude behaviour of the Danish king to
tlady. 'Tis wrote with spirit, and worthy perusal,
JiicU therefore 1 insert at large.

" 1 am very sorry this occasion should have been of-

r'fered me by the king your master, which makes me

T Jroiibles(flne to you for the present. It is reported to

FiJiie by men of honour, the great wrong the king of

jDHnes hath done me, when I was not by to answer for

'Peyton's DiviniJ Cataalrophe of the Kingly Family of the House of
Sltiana, p. 3t). 8vo. Low!. n31. These quotations from Weldoo, Coke,
ud Peyton, are very oddly and inaccurately expressed; hot the reader
mnst take them in they are, and dot expect them to be altered in order la

JAMES I. 81

nimseemly caresses of them, one would

for if I had been present, I would biive letten
know how much I scorn to receive that wrong at
h\i hands. J need not to urge the particular of it, for
the king himself knows it best, 1 protest to you, Sir,
I did think as honourably of the king your master, as
I (lid of my own prince; but now 1 persuade myself
there is as much baseness in him as can be in any man ;
for although he be a prince by birth, it seems not to
,me that there harbours any princely thought in his
breast; for either in prince or subject, it is the basest
.that can be to wrong any woman of honour. I deserve
as little that name he gave me, as either the mother of
himself, or of his children : and if ever I come to know
what man hath informed your master so wrongfully of
me, I shall do my best for putting him from doing the
like to any other: but if it hath come by the tongue
of any woman, I dare say she would be glad to have
companions. So leaving to trouble you any further, I
/est

" your friend,

" M. NOTTINGHAM*."

There can, I think, remain no doubt but that Pey-
ton's account is true ; and consequently, when consi-
dered with what Weldon and Coke relate, it must be
believed, that James addicted himself to drinking in
such a manner, as to render himself sometimes con-

temptible. " For it is not

for kir

3 drink wine, t

for

princes strong drink ; lest they drink and forget thii
pervert t!

tthej

iidgment
princes t

jf any of the afflicted ".
if tbeir guard, and es-

* SuppJement to
VOL. 1.

bals, p. 96. Ub. Lonil,

THE LIFE OF

be tempted to think, that he was not wliollj
J from a vice most unnatural''.

pses those weaknesses which it most of all behoves
■itbem to conceal ; and it takes off that reverein^ ^r
Vtheir persons, which is necessary to make iheir'ftjb-
ijecls stand in a proper awe of them, and pay a submis-
sion to their commands. It debases the man, sinks the
prince, spoils the politician, and reveals those secrets
which are most necessary to he concealed. " Drun-
kenness, says Montaigne, seems to me to he a gross
and brutish vice. The soul has the greatest interest in
alt the rest, and there are some vices that have some-
, 'thing, if a man may so say, of generous in them.
Jf'There are vices wherein there is a mixture of know-
f'iledge, diligence, valour, prudence, dexterity and cun-
ning: this is totally corporeal and earthly, and the
-thickest skulled nation [the Germans] this day in Eu-
rope, is that where it is most in fashion. Other vices
discompose the undiTstanding, this totally overthrows
it, and renders the body stupid'." These reflections
■eem just and obvious, but they occurred not to the
lind of James, or made liltle impression on him ; for
he seems to have been guided in his whole behaviour
V'<more by will and humour, by passion and inclination,
than by wisdom, prudence, or discretion. So that his
knowledge was of liltle service to lum, and seldom
.caused him to act as a wise man, or an understanding
Iring. It enabled him to talk, but was wholly insuffi-
■■flent to regulate his actions ; and so, in effect, was no
I better than ignorance.
' " From his known love of masculine beauty, SicJ
. I shall give my authorities, and leave the reader ta

■ MonlBigne, vol. 11. p. IS.

Ki^^-L^-MJ^^ »>^ m* A. VSVNW

JAMES I. 83

He used cursing and swearing in his com-

judge what conclusion is to be drawn from them. —
*' Ai no other reason appeared in favour of their [the
favourites of James] choice but handsomeness, so the
love the king shewed, was as amorously conveyed as if
he had mistaken their sex, and thought them ladies ;
which I have seen Somerset and Buckiagham labour to
resemble in the effeminateness of their dressings;

though in w looks, and wanton gestures, they ex-

t*eeded any part of woman-kind my conversation* did
ever cope withal. Nor was his love, or whatever else
posterity will please to call it, (who must be the judges
of all that history shall inform) carried on with a dis- ^
cretion sufficient to cover a less scandalous b^havioirir';
for the king's kissing them after so lascivious a mode
in public, and upon the theatre as it were of the world,
prompted many to imagine some things done in the
tyring-house, that exceed my expressions no less than
. they do my experience; and therefore left floating on the
waves of conjecture, which hath in my hearing tossed
them from one side to another. I have heard that Sir
Henry Rich, since earl of Holland, and some others,
refused his majesty's favour upon those conditions thejr
subscribed to, who filled that place /i|| his affection:
Rich losing that opportunity his curious face and com-
plexion afforded him, by turning aside and spitting
after the king had slabber^ his mouth •."-i-Weldon,
who saw James's parting with Somerset, just before his
commitment for Overbury's murtber, says, " that had
you seen that seeming afft^ction, you would rather
have believed he was in his rising than settiiig. The
earl wl^^n he kissed his hand, the king hung about

;Osboi%>S34

G 2

84 THE LIFE OF

his neck, slabbering his cheeks, saying, for God's sake
when shall I see thee again ? on mj soul I shall neither
eat nor sleep until vou come again ; tlie earl told biin
on Monday (this being on llie Friday) for God's sake
let me, said tlie king; shall I^ shall I? then lolled
about his neck ; then fpr God's sake give thy lady this
kiss for me: in the same manner at the stairs head, at
■ the middle of the stairs, and at the stairs-foot '." The
same writer oh serves, that " he wa? not very uxorious,
for he was ever best when ferthest from his queen"."
i^d ia another place he says, " that James naturallj'
bated women'." Peyton writes, that "James was
more addicted to love males than females ; and that
though for compliment he visited queen Ann, yet he

never lodged with her a night for many years'*."

"The following satire, said to be left on his cupboard,
^111 shew us the sense those times had of this matter.

ADlBprophana, reli^one vans,
%mt> nxore, OanymnliB noiorc.
Luge lublata, prenigativa in^ata.
Tolle libartatem. ineende civiuteoi,

Ducas spodonem
ic

Supaiasti Neroaem ',

I know not well the authority of the book from which
I quote these lines ; 'tis very bitter against the Stuart
race, and written with great partiality. I am informed
by a learned friend, that 'tis thought to be written by
llie above-cited Peyton : But I am of a different opi-
nion. Peyton's Divine Catastrophe, though partial
enough, has many true passages in it ; but the Nonsuch
^harlea aeems chiefly invention, in order to blackeu

* • Weldon, p. 95. 'lip. 168. ' Id, p. US. " Pe^'g Divine
- CMastrapbe, p. U. "The Nonsuch Charles, hii Character, p. 17.

JAMES I.

and defame. Besides, such was the zeal of Peyton
against Charles and liis house, that I fancy be would
have thought it a merit to have been the autlior of any
Work tending to its disgrace, and therefore have set
liis same to it; for he who had been afraid of after-
resentment, would never have publickly owned the Di-
vine Catastrophe. Add to this, that Wood, in reckon-
ing up Peyton's writings, mentions nothing of this
piece, which if it had been his 'tis difficult to account
fur '■ However, as the insinuation in the satire is sup-
ported by other authorities, 'tis of little importance
whether the author who gives it us be of any great

acGOunt, or no, — Let us now return to our subject.

The authors above quoted may be deemed hy some
not quite so favourable to the character of James as
could be wished, and therefore not so much to be relied
on. But what shall we say to Clarendon, who owu9>
that the " first introduction of George Villiers iuto
favour, was purely from the handsomeness of his per-
son ** : and that the king's natural disposition was very
flowing in affection towards persons so adorned." Br.
Birch observes of this same Villiers, that " he had
scarce any other advantages to recommend him to bit
majesty, than those of a most graceful person. Upon
what terms of familiarity, adds he, he was with hia
royal master is evident, not much to the honour of
either of them, from two volumes of original letters
which passed between them, still extant in the Harleian
library, full of the .ob see nest expressions in our lait-
guage, and such (fe Dr. Welwood, who lias given soiHe
extracts from those letters, says, might make a bawd
to blush to repeat. So impure a correspondence la an
amaiiug inconsistency with those theological and de-

■ Wood's Atbena Oionientei, vol. IL c. 1S6. edit. 2. Lood. 1731. folio.

THE EfP^ OF

volional tracis which tliL' king gave tlie world with ao
much pomp among his works, and which he caused to
be translated into and published in botb the Latin
and French tongues ',"

That the reader may have as much light as possible
in this matter, 1 will traiiacribe Dr. Welwood's account
of the letters which passed between James and Buck-
ingham, to xvhich Dr. Birch refers, " The letters,
says he, which passed between the king and Bucking-
ham, are wrote in a peculiar stile of familiarity, the
king for the most part calling him his dear child and
gossip, and his dear child and gossip Stelny; and sub-
scribing him his dear dad and gossip, and sometimes
his dear dad and Stuart ; and once, when he sends him
partridges, his dear dad and purveyor. Buckingham
calls the king, for the most part, dear dad and gossip,
and sometimes, dear dad, gossip, and Stuart ; and sub-
scribes always, your majesty's most humble slave and
dog, Steiny.

" Not to blot these papers with the bawdy thai is in
some of these letters of king James, I shall only ob-
serve, that such was the familiaiity and friendship
between hiin and Buckingham, thai in one of tliem he
tells Buckingham, he wears Sieiny's picture under his
waistcoat, ne.vt bis heart; and in another, he bidshim,
his only sweet and dear child, hasten to him to Bircly
thatnight, thathts white teeth might shine upon him.
But the reader may better judge of the rest of king
James's familiar letters to the duke^^f Buckingham, by
the following short one, which runs'^us trrl/dtim, and
is without date.

■ r-&"i.My only sweet aod dear child,
" Blessing, blessing, blessing on thy heart's roots,
and ail thine, this Thursday morning. Here is great '

" ' Bitch's View of the NegofiatLoni, b.c p. 3B4.

JAMES I. 87

mon conversation"; and- a^k not on oc-

■tore of game as they say, partridges and stoncorleura :
I know who shall get their part of them; and here ia
the fioest compaay of yonng hounda that ever- was
seen. God bless the sweet master of iny harriers,-
that made them to be so well kept all summer; I
mean Tom Badger. 1 afisare myself thou wilt puno
tnally observe the dyet and journey I set thee dowa
in my first letter from Theobald's. God bless thee,
and my sweet Kate, and Mall, to the comfort of thy
" dear Dad,

" JAMES B.

" P. S. Let my last compliment settle to thy heart,
till we have a sweet and comfortable meeting, which
God send, and give thee grace to bid the drogues adieu
this day.

" Now the reason why James gave Buckingham the
name of Steiny, was for his hatidsoineness, it being
the diminutive of St. Stephen,* who is always pain ted
with a glory about hia faceV'

I have now given my attthorities for the assertion in
the text, the infe rente J' leave to the reader, bciug un-
willing lo say more on a subject so disagreeable to the
cars of the chaste and virtuous. I have added nothing,
nor su[tpressed any tiling ; and therefore, as a mere
relator, am liable, I think, to no censure. Had I
Imet with any thing favourable to James in this
matter, I would hare declared it with great pleasure;
but I cannot allow myself to invent, in order to
■vindicate.

'' He used cursing and swearing.] Here follow my
proofs. "He woaM make a great deal too bold-

' Compleal BiHotj of Englud, vol. II, p. <>9T. folio, load. 1706.

88 THE LIFE OF

casion, to utter the most bitter impreca- \

with God in his pa§sion, both in cursing and swear-
ing, and one strain higher, verging on blasphemy;
but would in his better temper say, be hoped God
would not impute them as sins, and lay them to his
charge, seeing they proceeded from passion'." An
excellent reason this! and an admirable excuse for an
acknowledged crime. James, weak as be was, would i

have seen the folly of this plea in others, and would
have censured them for making use of it. But any
thing will serve for an excuse to those who chuse to
do as they have been accustomed, and will not be at [

the pains to reform. That James was a swearer, sp- i

pears from Lord Clarendon, who says " he renounced j

with many oaths the having communicated the prince's !

journey into Spain*"." Oaths are highly indecent in
princes: they are greatly impolitic also, as lessening
the regard which ought to be paid unto them in
pourts of judicature, and leading thereby to perjury.
Princes therefore should shew the greatest reverence
to oaths, in order thereby to keep up their sacredness,
and secure the truth and fidelity of their subjects.
Those of them who will not thus behave, pay generally
very dear for their liberty j for their servants and sub-
jects taking example by them, mn into the same ex-
press, whereby they receive the greatest damage. So
that interest alone, if well understood and considered,
will engage those who bear rule, to set before men
good examples, and abstain from the appearance of
evil ; and such of them as are not induced hereunto
by a sense of it, have no great reason to boast of iheir
understanding.

' WeldoD, p. 172. " CUreuiloDj wl. I. p. 16.

JAMES I. 89

Uons on himself, and on his posterity'*.

" He stuclt not to utter the most bitter impreca-
tions on himaelf, and on his posteritj-,] When the
trial of the murtherers of Sir Thomas Overbutjr was
going forwards, the king went from Whitehall to
Theobald's, and so to Royston, and having sent for
ell the judges, he kneeled down in the midst of liis
lords and servants, and used these words to thejudges.
"My lords, 1 charge you, as you will answer it at
that great and dreadful day of judgment, that you ex-
amine it [the poisoning of Overbucy] strictly without
favour, affection, or partiality; and if you spare any
guilty of this crime, God's curse light upon you and
your posterity; and if 1 spare any that are found
guilty, God's curse light on me and my posterity
for ever'." And in the second year of his reign
"several lords having declaimed in the star-chamber,
that some of the puritans had raised a false rumour
of the king, how he intended to grant a toleratioa
to papists; the lords severally declared, bow the king
was discontented with the said false rumour, and had
made bnt the day before a protestation unto them,
that he never intended it, and that he would spend the
last drop of bis blood before he would do it; and
prayed, that before any of his issue should maintain
any other religion than what he truly professed and
maintained, that God would take tliem out of the
world"." These are deep and horrible imprecations,
and enough to make a man tremble to think on the
profanenesa of the mouth that could utter them;
especially when it is known (that notwithstanding

■ WtMaa, p. 9!

^^0-

S^^oiU, parte, p. 39, Lrad. 1083,

90 THE LIFE OF

And yet notwitliatanding, upon times, he

gave himself great airs of religion ", and

there were sa many witnesses to these hia words) btf '
spared Somerset and liis lady, the principal actors irf '
Overburj-'s tragedy; and that he not only intended^'
tint did grant a toleration to papists, as will be shewrf
hereafter. How far his imprecaiions have affected hit
posterity, Is not, I think for man to say. But, with-'
out h roach ofch.Trity, we may assert, that James wa*'
very rash and iiicoasiderate, and guilty of a great
fault in calling down the judgments of heaven thus oil
himself and his family. 'Tis good advice which the
wise man gives, and which was worthy of the regard
of this British Salomon, in the following words, "B(i
not rash with thy mouth, and let not thy heart be bast/
to utter any thing before God; for God is in heaveuj
and thou upon eanh; therefore let thy words be few*,"
A sense of the omnipresence, power, wisdom, and
majcaiy of the superintending mind, would have re- '
strained James from these rash and horrible wishei;
but he seems to have had little notion of any of these
things, but rather to have been one of those who deal
in holy things without any feeling. ThesS, in lord '
Bacon's opinion, are "the great atheists, who must,
says he, be needs cauterized in the end""." Deplorable
state ! dismal condition ! happy those,- who, by att
uniform course of virtuous actions, can look on this
almighty Being as their friend ! who are careful at aH
times to do what they tliemselves think right, and *

recable tO him : the relis

of a

ch is real, and

their happiness certain.

*' He gtive himself airs of religion, &c.] Here

' Bacotf* Essay on AtheU

JAMES I. 91

talked after such a manner, as to lead those

follows a passage from Sully, tending to verify the
text. " James asked me, says he, whether I went to
the protestant church in London? upon my replying
that I did, then, said he, you are not resolved, as I
have been informed, to quit our religion, after the ex-
ample of Sancy, who thought thereby to make his
fortune, but by God's permission, did just the con-
trary. I treated this report as a calumny, and said,
that my living in France in friendship with so many
ecclesiasticks, and being so frequently visited by the
pope's nuncio, might, perhaps, have given rise to it.
Do you give the pope the title of holiness ? said
James. I replied, that, to conform to the custom es-
tablished in France, I did. He was then for proving
to me, that this custom was an ofienc« against God,
to whom alone tjiis title could justly belong. I re-
plied, that I supposed a greater crime was not hereby
committed, than by so frequently giving to princes
such titles as they were well known not to deserve*.''
Let us add the following memorandum of the illustri-
ous archbishop Usher to Sully, and we shall need
nothing more to convince us of the solemn airs of re-
ligion James, at some times, could put oo. '^ I was
appointed by the lower house of parliament, to preach
at St. Margaret's, Westminster, Feb. 7, 1620. Feb.
13, being Shrove Tuesday, I dined at court, and be-
twixt four and five kissed the king's hand, and had
conference with him touc.iing my sermon. He said,
I had charge of an unruly flock to look unto the next
Sunday. He asked me how I thought it could stand
with true divinity, that so many hundred should be

* Sully*f Memoin/ toI. IT. p. 33.

92 T1[E LIFE OF

who were miacquaiuted witli liim, to be-

tied (upon 60 short warning) to rective the communion
upon a day, all could not be in charity, after so late
coutentioDS iu the bouse: many must needs come
viihout preparation, and ear their ottu condemnation :
that himself required all his whule houahold to re-
ceive the communion, but not all tiie same day, uuiess
at Easter, when the whole Lent was a time of prepa-
ration. He bad me to tell them, I hoped they were
all prepared, but wished they miglic be better; to
exhort them to unity and concord ; to love God first,
and then their prince and country; to look to the
urgent necessities of the times, and the miserable state

of Christendom, with bis dal qui cilo ilal '." This

kind of talk would have suited well enough the mouth
of some honest, well-meaning ecclesiastic, and edified,
no doubt, very much those who Jieard it. But it
sounds strange from James, who was addicted to so
many vices, and whose oaths and imprecatioDs were
so common. Shall we suppose him wholly hypocri?
tical in these speeches, and entirely unconcerned about 1
the things he talked of; though from other partf
of his behaviour, one might be led to make this con-
clusion, yet, pci'haps, we should be mistaken in so
doing. For, however it be, meu's characters are looj
often inconsistent, and they strangely blend what thg
call religion, with the practice of the most odious a
detestable vices. By a concern for the one, they e^. 1
cuse to themselveH the other, and so come at length Uf :
imagine, that they are acceptable to the Weity, though
they break the jnost sacred of his laws. Thus we
read of John Basilides, great duke of Muscovy, the

' Uaber's Life and LeuetB by Parr, p. 11,18. Lotid. 168S. fulio.

iyictew,ijww»towi\

JAMES L 93

lieve that he had a more than ordinary de-r

most wicked of men, the moat detestable of tyrants,
that he would pray and fast in a most extraordinary
manner, and be as devout as possible himself, and
make others so too ^. And, in the same manner, num-
bers of cmel persecntors, and ambitious, selfi^sh, ava-
ritious wretches; are exceedingly zealous and exact
in their devotions, and come not behind, in these
things, the most sincere and virtuoos persons. So
that 'tis not improbable James might be inNeamest
when he talked in these strains, and please tnmself to
think, that he was both so wise and so religious a
king. Amazing delusion! terrible deceit! To the
all-pieroing eye of heaven all is nak^d and &pm, no
disguises can conceal from, no artifices impoise on it ;
and therefore men should look well to it, that they are

what they would 'seem to be. A prince openly

vicious and profane, only hurts the interest of religion,
by appearing, on occasion, its votary. Standers-by
will look with ridicule and abhorrence on his interest-
ing himself in its affairs, and will not be prevailed on
to believe that he is in earnest about it.^— ^^ — Hence
possibly it has come to pass, thiat courts4i4Ve been «o
little famedfor the practice of religion. Tor the man-
ors of the generality of princes being not over good,
those about them think they shall pay their court to
them, more by conforming to their example, than by
obeying, their edict. When they speak therefore of
religion, they are not listened unto ; when they com*
inand; by those about them, they are not obeyed : for
they, are considered as only acting a part, and there

* SeeCa8aubonofEiithi»iasm> p. 279. 8vo. Lond. 1656.

*■ ■ • :«'.

94 THE LIFE OF

gree of sanctity. Hunting*^ was a fa-
fore having.. no real concern about what they seem to
engage in.

^* Hunting was a favourite diversion with him, &c.]
-Let us hear Sully. " From this subject [the insincerity
of the Spaniards] the king of Englapd passed to that
of the chace, for which he shewed me tin extraordinary
passion. He said he knew very well that I was no
.great lover of &e chace ; that he had attributed the
late sodpess of^ft sport to me, not as marquis of
Bosny^tiAt-m^ anikassadoi; from the king, who was
not only the greatest prince, but the greatest hunter
in the world; to which, with the greatest politeness,
he added, that Henry was in the right not to carry me
to the chace, because I was of greater service to him
elsewhere; and that if I pursued the chace, the king
of France could not. I replied, that Henry loved all
the exercises ; but that none of them ever made him
neglect the care of his affairs, nor prevented him from
a close, inspection into the proceedings of his minis-
ters'." Had James jn^itated his brother of France in
attending his affairs, and inspecting the proceeding of
hisminialeri, he might have enjoyed the pleasure of
hunting without censure. For 'tis but reasonable that
princes should have a relaxation from business as w0||||
as other men.

But says Mr. Chamberlaine to Mr. Winwood, in a
letter dated Jan. 26, 1604, " the king finds that feli-
city in that hunting life, that he hath written to the
council, that it is the only means to maintain his
health, which being the health and welfare of us all,

* Sully, vol. II p. 39.

■S^^^mTTii^^TiNi

JAMES L 95

vourite diversion with him, which he prac-
tised so much, as to neglect the great and

he desire9 them to take the charge and burden of
aifairs^ and foresee that he be not interrupted nor
troubled with too much business V A man who pre-
ferred hunting to the affairs of state^ was unworthy of
the crown he wore, and undeserving the regard of his
people. For such a one neglected the end of his ap-
pointment, and therefore merited the contempt he met

with. James never loved business. *' In Scotland,

says Melvil, the earl of Arran desired him to recreate
himself at hunting, and he would attend the council,
and report again at his majesty's return, all our opi-
nions and conclusions V He hearkened to his advice,
or rather followed his own inclinations, and thereby
numberless mischiefs ensued. He was never the wiser
for this we see ; for his aversion to business was the
same, and so was his passion for hunting : so that he
had lived to no purpose, and was incapable of being
taught by experience.

Osborn tells us, he saw " him dressed in colours
green as the grass he trod on, with a feather in his
cap, and a horn instead of a sword by his side*^." A
pretty picture this of a prince, and tending to excite
much reverence in the beholders. But when men's
minds are bent on diversions, they care for nothing
more than their own pleasure and amusement, and are
thoughtless of what standers-by think or say of them.

1 will give the reader some fine observations on

this subject of hunting, from a writer whose great
genius and elevated rank entitle him to be heard with
deference and respect, and with them conclude the

• Winwood, rol. II. p. i6. * Melril, p. 1 39. • Osborn, p. 495.

f^ THE LIFE OF

weighty business of state, and leave every
thing of consequence to be transacted by his

bote. "Hunting is one of those sensual pleasures
^ifliich exercise the bofly, without affecting the mind;
?t is an ardent desire of pursuing some wild beast, for
the cruel satisfaction of destroying it; an amusement
which renders the body robust and active, and leaves
the mind fallow and uncultivated. Sportsmen; per-
il will reproach me here with gravity and preach-
ing, and alledge, that I assume the prerogative of a
priest in his pulpit, who may assert whatever he pleases,
without being alrald of contradiction. Hunting, say
fliey, is the noblest and most antient of all amuse-
ments : the patriarchs and many other eminent men
were hunters; .ind by this we continue to exercise
that dominion over the beasts, which God vouchsafed
to give Adam. But no folly is the better for being
antient, especially if it is carried to extravagance: i

many great men, I own, have been passionately fond
of this diversion; but these had their weaknesses as
well as perfections : Let us imitate their great quali- j

ties, without copying after their little and idle occu- \

pations. The same patriarchs were not only given to
hunting, but to polygamy, nay, would marry their
own sisters, and had many other customs which savour- '

ed of the barbarous ages wherein they lived. They ]

were rude, ignorant, and uncultivated idle men, who,
to kill time, employed it in hunting, and threw away I

those moments in useless amusements, which they had ]

no capacity to employ in the company and conversa-
tion of men of understanding. Let me now ask
whether these are examples to be imitated; whether

iiift

JAMES I. 97

He had a Tehcment desire to be thought
'^learned, and master of the controversies

these barbarous ages, or others that were more refined,
I ought to be the model of the present? To enquire
^ whether Adam received dominion over the beasts,
Tould be foreign to ray subject; but it is well known,
that men have beea always more cruel and ravenous
than the beasts themselves, and make the most tyran-
nical use of that dominion they pretend to. if any
thing gives us advantage over these animals, it ia cer-
tainly our reason ; but professed hunters, for the most
part, have their heads furnished w ith nothing but horses,
dogs, boars, stags, and the like. They are sometimes as
wild and savage themselves as the beasts they pursue;
and it may well be feared lest they should become as in-
human to their fel low-c real u res as they are to their fel-
low-animals, or at least that the cruel custom of perse-
eutiug and destroying these, may take away their sym-
pathy for the misfortunes of the others. And is this so
noble an occupation, so worthy of albinking beingf It
may be objected that hunting is an healthful exercise,
and that those who are given to it live to a great age, as
appears by experienoe ; thatit is a harmless amusement,.
and very proper for sovereigns, as it displays their mag-
nificence, dissipates their cares, and in times of peace
presents them witli an image of war. 1 would be far
from condemning a moderate use of this exercise, but
iet it be remembered, that exercise in general is hardly
accessary to any bnt the ihtemperate. Never prince
lived longer than cardinal Fleury, cardinal Ximenes,
OT the late pope, and yet neither of the three was a
hunter. But is it neceasary to chuse an employment.
Which has no other merit but that of promising long

THE LIFE OF

ti^iea on foot, wlucli made him expose
bimsdU^ much in the conference at Hamp-

life ? Monks commonly live longer than other men }
must a man therefore become a moak? there is no
need of leading an indolent and useless life, as long
as that of Methusalem : the more a man improves ht6
uuderstanding, and the more great and useful actions
he performs, the longer he lives. Hunting, besides,
IB .of all amusements that which is least proper for a
pn^ce: he may display his magniliceace a thousand
ways, that are all more useful to his subjects : and it' it
■bould be found, that the peasants were ruined by the
too great number of wild beasts, the care of destroying
these might be committed to professed hunters hired
for that purpose. The proper employment of a prince
is that of improving his own mind, and governing his
people, in order to acquire more knowledge, and con-
sequently be able to accommodate his government to
their interest. It must not be omitted, that to be a
great general, there is no need of being a hunter,
^uatavui Adolphus, marshal Tureune, the duke of
fr'Jdarlborough, and prince Eugene, whose characters a>
|ble generals and illustrious men, will not be question-
s not hmiters ; nor do we read of the huntings

f Alexander, Cassar, or Scipio. 1 conclude there-

, that it is excusable in a prince to go a hunting,
F^if it is but seldom, and to refresh him after his serious
\ And often melancholy emploj'menta. I say once more,
I object to no honest pleasure ; but the care of render-
ing a state flourishing and happy, and of protecting
and encouraging arts and sciences, is unquestionably
S much superior pleasure, and much fitter employ-
nent tor a prince ; and whoever betakes himself t»

JAMES I. 99

ton-Court", between the episcopalians aiid

aay other, neither consults his pleasure nor his in-
terest'."

^^ Wbich made him expose himself much in the
<»nfereBce at H amp ton-Co urc, Etc,] This conference
was begun Jan. 14, l603, in pursuance of a proclama-
tion for that purpose, dated Oct. 24, of the same year.
The professed design of it was to examine into the ob-
jections of the puritans, against the doctrine, govern-
ment and discipline of tlie establislied church, and rec-
tify abuses crept into it. But the khig had little of
this at heart ; his design was to shew his learning, and
mortify the puritans, which he did as well as he could.
He talked therefore of the name and use of confirma-
tion, and the occasion of its being first brought in ;
of absolution, private baptism, and excommunication ;
points well worthy the study of a king, and coming
with great propriety from his mouth, " Absolution,
he declared, was apostolical, and a very good ordi-
nance, in that it was given in the name of Christ to
one that desired it, aud upon the clearing of his con-
science ''." He maintained " the necessity of bap-
tism, where it might be lawfully had, id est, ministered
by lawful ministers, by whom alone, and by no private
person, he thought it might not in any case be ad-
ministered. After which he learnedly observed, that
though the minister he not of the essence of the sacra-
I mem [of baptism] yet he is of the essence of the right
and lawful ministry of the sacrament'." These dis-
courses passed between the king and bishops alone on

■ Anti-MacliiBvcl, p. 155—164. Bvo. Lond- IW.
Acmunt of Che Conference Bt HamptooXqurt, in vA- I. of tl
p. US. Svo, Load. 17(17, ' Id. p.ut

100 THE LIFE OF

the puritans, where he set up for a dispu-

the first day, greatly, I dare say, to their rejoicing.
On the second day, the ministers wlio were to proposfe
the demands of tbe puritans being called in, viz. Rey-
nolds, Sparks, Kuenstubhs, and Chadderton, together
with Patrick Galloway, sometime minister of Perth
in Scotland ; and their objections being all reduced
into four heads, the king took on him to dispute the
matters contained in them, with the ministers. It
would be endless to relate all he said, for he loved
speaking, and was in his element whilst disputing.
Two or three instances of his ostentatious pedantry
shall therefore suffice. " His majesty taxed St, Jerom
tor his assertion, that a bishop was not divhite ordina-
tionis; which opinion he much distasted, approving
their calling and use in the churchj and closed it up
with this short aphorism, no bishop, no king'.'

" Dr. Reynolds having made it an objection against
the Apocrypha (ordered by the Common Prayer to be
read) that the author of the book of Ecclesiastic us,
chap, xlvili. 10. held the same opinion with the Jews
at this day, namely, that Rlias in person was to come
before Christ; and therefore as yet Christ, by that
reason, not come in the flesh : I say Dr. Reynolds
having made this objection, his majesty calling for a
bible, iirst shewed the author of that book ; who he
was, then the cause why he wrote that book ; next
analized the chapter itself, shewing ihe precedents and
consequences thereof; lastly, unfolded the sum of that
place, arguing and demonstrating that whatsoever
Ben Sirach had said there of Elias, Etias had, in his

' Barlow's Account of the Coorereace at HamptOQ- Court, in voi, 1, of
lb* Pbeaix. p. 153. Bro. LuO. HOT.

JAMES I. lOT

tant, and behaved with a great and visible

own person while he lived, performed and accomplish-
ed'." He moreover declared, " that he had never seen
a bible well translated into English; that the transla-
tion of Geneva was the worst of all ; that pains should
be taken about an uniform translation of it, under cer-
tain restrictions, and more especially that no marginal
notes should be added, having found, said he, in
them which are annexed to the Geneva translation,
some notes very partial, untrue, seditious, and savour-
ing too much of dangerous and traitorous conceits^."
Thus James shewed his learning in the midst of the
lords of the council, and the bishops and deans who
attended. I doubt not, though Reynolds was awed by
tlie presence, and made not the figure he was capable
of, that he heartily despised the prince who could talk
after this rate, and dictate in matters out of his pro-
vince. Let us now see how his majesty endea-
voured to mortify the puritans.

After expounding the chapter of Eceleslasticusjust
mentioned, he addressed himself to the lords, and
said, " what trow ye, make these men so angry with
£cclesiasticusf by my soul I think be was a bishop,

or else they would never use him so'." In answer

to a question started how far an ordinance of the church,
Tvas to bind, without impeaching Christian liberty?
' James said, " he would not argue that point, but an-
swer therein as kings are wont to do in parliament,
le roy s'avUera; adding withal, that it smelled very
raokly of anabapttsm, comparing it to the usage pf a

• Barlow's Acconnt of the Conference at Hampton- Cowt, in tqI. I.
of Uie Phenix, p. 162, 163. Svo. Lend. HOI. * li p. 151.,

• Id. p. 163.

103

partiality.

THE LIFE OF
Indeed, his conduct in tliis

beai-dless boy (one Mr. John Black) who the last con-
ference his majesty had with the ministers of ScotlansJ
in Dec. 1602, told him, that he wouM hold conformit^
with his majesty's ordinances for matters of doctrine:, i
but for matters of ceremony, they were to be left in
Christian liberty to every man, as he received more
and more light from the illumination of God's spirit,
even till they go mad, quoth the king, with their ow&
light. But I will none of that, I will have one dooi
trioCj and one discipUne, one religion in substancd I
and in ceremony; and therefore I charge you neve* j
to speak more to that point (how far you arc bouHa |
to obey) when the church hath ordained it V Aftefi J
wai'ds 5peaking_to the lords and bishops, he said, "I ^
will tell you, I have lived among this sort of men
ever since I was ten years old ; hut I may say of my-
self, as Christ said of himself, though I lived among
them, yet, since 1 had ability to judge, I was nevet"
of them*"."— Thinking by somewhat Dr. Reynolds
said, that the puritans aimed at a Scotch presbytery,
the king observed, " that it agreed with a monarchy,
as God and the devil. Then .Tack and Tom, and
Will and Dick shall meet, added he, and at their plea-
sure censure me and my council, and ail our proceed-
ings. Then Will shall stand up and say, it must be
thus ; then Dick shall reply, and say, nay, marry, hnt
we will have it thus'." Afterwards asking if they had ,
any thing further to object ? and being answered no,'
he said, " if this was all, he would make them con-

* Barlow's Aceount of the Conference at HampUm-Court, io toI. L oF
the Phenix, p. 166, Svo. Lond. 1107. *■ Oampaie thii with ttie notw

ISandia. 'Id, p. !69, "' ' ,

I affair was such, as has been severely ceu-

ifbrm, or would hurry them out of the land, or else do
worse'." This was the behaviour of James in thii

celebrated conference; a behaviour contemptible and
' ridiculous, and such as must expose him to stantlera-

l hy. What then must we think of archbishop

f "Whitglft, who said " that undoubtedly his majesty
I spake by the special assistance of God's spirit?"
I "What of bishop Bancroft, who on his knee protested
" that his heart melted with joy, and made baste to
acknowledge unto almighty God, the singular mercy
I in giving them such a king, as, since Christ's time,
the like had not been '"." Or what of the temporal
lords, who could applaud his majesty's speeches as
" proceeding from the spirit of God, and from an un-
derstanding heart'." May we not say, that they knew
well how to dissemble, and to maintain the character

of good courtiers better than of honest men? •

parlow thought he had done a great piece of service
to James, by publishing tliis conference; but a worse
office, in reality, could not have been done him.
Posterity, by his account, see James's pedantiy; and
to see it, is to despise it. The puritans, therefore,
needed not to have complained so much as they have
done of Barlow"'. If he has not represented their ar-
guments in as just a light, nor related what was done
by the ministers as advantageously as truth required,
he has abundantly made it up to them by shewing,
that the bishops, their adversaries, were gross flacter-
ers, and had no regard to their sacred characters ; and

' Bsilon'i AcMtant of the Conference at Hamptuii -Court, in vol. I, ot

<• Id. p. 174. 'M. p. no.

.17. p. SI. Lond. less.&ljo.

■ 6m Fuller's Chutch Hitt. book 10. c(

104 THE LIFE OF

sured on almost all hands '', as it well de-

that iheir morta] foe James had but a low understand-
ing, and was undeserving of the rank he assumed in
the republic of learning. This he has done efiecttially,
and iherefore, whatever was his intention, the puritans
should have applauded his performance, and appealed
to it for proof of the insufficiency of him who set
himself up as a decider of their controversies.

" His conduct was such, as has been severely cen-
sured, &c'.] I say nothing of the puritans; they were
too much parties to be looked on as impartial judges;
and James's conduct towards them was such, as must
necessarily give them but a poor opinion of bis under-
standing and justice. Nor will I give the opinion of
■Barlow or Heylin : the first had his court to make, the
oUier was a bigot in the greatest degreca man of sense
(for such he was) could be ; and therefore the judgment
of neither of them is much to be regarded. I will give
the sentiments of a clergyman, zealous enough for the
church ; and a statesman, who cannot be thought par-
tial to the puritans, when lis known that he most zeal-
ously promoted the occasional conformity, and schism
bills. "Had there not been too stiff an adherence
(says the reverend writer) to some few tilings at this
conference at Hampton-Court, which, without danger,
might have been altered, had not the bishops then had
such an ascendant throughout the whole conference
over the king, which he was well pleased withal,
havingby the contrary party in Scotland been so roughly
handled all his time ; 1 say , certainly that conference had
terminated in a great advantage to the church of Eng-
land ; for the puritan party was not so numerous, nor
eonsequently so strong as afterwards; nor yet tlieir dis-

JAMES I. 106

served. In the year I6O0, on tlie fifth day
of Nov. was that most detestable conspi-

afTectionB so greataa they have been since, a very little
and easy condescension liad spoiled the market of the

designing men, both gentry and ministers loo'."

"Learning, says the other writer, was the part npon
which James valued himself; this he affected more than
became a king, and broached, on every occasion, in
such a manner as would have misbecome a school-
master. His pedantry was too much even for the age
in which he lived, Jt would be tedious to quote the

part he took in ihe conference at Hatnp ton-Court.

Let us only observe that the ridicule which arose from
hence, and which iixed on him was just, because the
merit of a chief governor is wisely to superintend the
whole, and not to shine in anv inferior class, because
different, and in some cases perhaps, opposite talents,
both natural and acquired, are necessary to move, and
to regulate the movements of the UKichine of govern-
ment; in short, because as a good adjutant may make
a very bad general ; so a great reader, and a writer
too, may be a very ignorant king''." And in another
place, the same fine writer observes, " that in haste to
shew his parts, he had a conference between the bishops
and the. puritan ministers at Hampton- Court, where

he made himself a principal party in the dispute.

But surely such a conference, however it might frighten
and silence, could neither instruct nor persuade, and
the king was so far from trusting, like his predecessor,
to the force of truth, and aid of time, that i n this very
conference* he threatened to employ another kind of

■a Viniiicatiun of their MajertlraWWom in tile nomination to the va-
Gsnl bisbopricks, p. 1, iw. liiad. USl. * Oldcutle's I^mArlw, p. 337.

THE LIFE OF

racy against the protestant religion, known
by tho name of the powder-plot, discovered;

force, if be did not meet with compliance in a. time lo
be limited. The bishops were at first to admonish
paternally, and to confer amicably; but lest they
should not succeed by preaching, writing, living men
into conformity, (the sole means they ought to desire,
or, if they desired others, the sole means they ought to
be suffered to employ) they were to have recourse to
compulsion afterwards. On these principles he pro-
ceeded, and the consequence of this conduct was, that
those sects who were not dangerous at first, became so
at last. They became so, in some degree, from the
very moment the declarations we have mentioned were
made; for nothing is found more true in nature and
experience than this, that they who are oppressed by
governments, will endeavour to change them; and
that he who makes himself terrible to multitudes, will

have multitudes to fear'." " If those of them [the

puritans] who were friends to order, had been once
incorporated with the establislied church, the remain-
ing sectaries would have been but of little moment,
either for numbers or reputation ; and the very meani
which were proper to gain these, were likewise the
most effectual to hinder the increase of them, and of
the other sectaries in the mean time. Upon the whole
matter we think it plain, that king James I. had an
easy and secure opportunity of preventing any bad
consequences, which might be apprehended from the
divisions of his protestant subjects; and that the im-
provement of that opportunity consisted 'in giving
neither alarm to the well affected, nor pretence to the

' Oldcastle's Bemvki, p. U7B, 379.

which, though disowned and disbelieved by

factious'." That the reader may the better be able to
judge of the justness of these censures, I will add what
was requested by the puritans at this conference; and
this was,

1. That the doctrine of the church might be pre-
served in purity, according to God's word.

2. That good pastors might be planted in all
churches to preach the same.

3. That church government might be sincerely mi-
nistred, according to God's word,

4. That the book of Common Prayer might be fitted
to more increase of piety*. This was all that was
asked, and one would have thought, as the difference
in doctrine was little, that it had been a very easy mat-
ter to have reconciled things. But James's hatred of
the puritans, the slifiriess of the bishops, and their un-
willingness to own any thing in the constitution of
the hierarchy to be wrong, though seen to be such by
all indifferent observers, hindered a coalition of parties^
and produced the troubles and persecutions of a great
number of honest, well-meaning men. May the same
temper never agaiii prevail! but may it be the ambi-
tion of princes and prelates, to reform whatever is
amiss in the ehurch ; that it may be so pure and spot-
less that every honest and sincere Christian may be
looked on as a member of it, and entitled to all its
privileges. Then will our church indeed be the bul-
wark of the reformation, the glory of the nation, the
promoter of truth and virtue. Infidelity will fail;
schism and heresy, those ecclesiastical scarecrows', be
no more heard of among us, but peace, unity, and

" BbtIdv, p. 149,

lOS THE LIFE OF

many, yet cannot, I think, reasonably be"

love flourish and prevail among all ihose who profess
the religion of tbe meek and holy Jesus.

'' The powder-plot cannot, I think, reasonably

be doubted of.] The history of this is so well known,
that 'tis needless to relate it in this place. I will only
observe, that the writers of the narratives of this affair,
pay a compliment to James's understanding at the
expcnce of truth; for it was not he that guessed from
the expression in the letter to lord Monteagle, " that
they should receive a terrible blow this parliament,
and yet they should not see who hurts them," 1 say,
it was not he who guessed that it should be some sud-
den danger by blowing up of powder, but the earl of
Suffolk, lord chamberlain, and the earl of Salisbury,
as the latter himself relates in a letter to Sir Charles
Cornwallis, dated Nov. g, l603'. However, the wri-
ters on this subject are excusable, having authority to
rely on. For such was the flattery of James's cour-
tiers, that they g t it inserted into the preamble of the
act for a public thanksgiving to almighty God, every
year on the fifth of I^ovember, that " the conspiracy
would have turned to the utter ruin of this whole king-
dom, had it not pleased almighty God, by inspiring
the king's most excellent majesty with a divine spirit,
to interpret some dark phrases of a letter shewed to his
majesty, above and beyond all ordinary construction,
thereby miraculously discovering this hidden treason "
This appears to be gross flattery, and 'tis amazing how
any man, who knew it to be such, could thus publicly
receive it, much more the most great, leained, and reli-
gious king that ever reigned in this kingdom, as in the
said preamble James is stiled. But the drawers of this

• WiniTMcl, vol. JI. p. IT!.

JAMES I. 109

doubted of. Every body knows, that in
consequence of the discovery, several of the

Rct, I dare say, knew his taste, and were willing to
gratify it, thougli thereby they exposed him to the
laughter of those who were in the secret, as great
numbers mtiBt have been. However, by ihe way, it
ought never to be permitted to recite falshoods for
truths in statutes; for these being enacted by the
highest authority, the facta in them declared should
be strictly true; otherwise whatever obedience may
be yielded, the enactors will have little esteem or
regard from the people, to whom the dealers in un-
truths seldom appear in an amiable light. 'Tis

well known, that many of the papists then and now
have denied the fact, and imputed the whole of the
affair to the artifice of Salisbury; and we are told, that
others of opposite principles have confidently asserted,
" that there never was any such thing really as the
gunpowder plot, but that it was a plot of king James's
contriving, to endear himself unto the people'," But
whether this is not all idle talk will appear, it" we con-
sider a few confessions of Roman catholics themselves.
That worthy good-natured man. Dr. Tillotson, speak-
ing of this horrid affair, says, " Sir Everard Digby,
' whose very original papers and letters are now in my
hands, after he was in prison, and knew he must suffer,
calls it the best cause; and was extremely troubled to
hear it censured by catholics and priests, contrary to
his expectation, for a great sin. Let me teU you (says
he) what a grief it is, to hear that so much condemned
which I did believe would have been otherwise thou^t
of by cathoUcs. And yet he concludes that letter ia

' CatanlMii of Creilulitrand InCreilulitj, vol, L p. 302, 8vo. Lond. l$6i.

;

THE LIFE OF

chief conspirators were executed, and an

annual tlianksgiving ordained. And in

these words : in liow full of joy should I die, if I could
do any thing for the cause which I love more than
my life. And in another letter lie says, he could have
•aid something to have mitigated the oditun of this
business, as to that point of involving those of his
own religion in tlie common ruin. I dare not, says
he, take that course that I could, to make it appear
less odious; for divers were to have been brought out
of danger, who now would rather hurt them than
otherwise. I do not think that there would have been
three worth llie saving, that should have been lost.
And as to the rest that were to have been swallowed
up in that destruction, he seems not to have the least
relenting in his mind about them'." Dr. Burnet tells
us, he had the same papers in his possession, and gives

the like account from them'', But to put the matter

beyond all dispute, I will give port of a speech of lord
Stafford at the bar of the house of lords, Dec. 1, 1680.
which, as far as I know, has never been quoted by any
writer. Every body almost knows that this unfortu-
nate nobleman was strongly attached to the Romish
religion- and that upon the evidence of those times he
was convicted and executed for the popish plot. It
may well enough therefore be supposed, that he would
not blacken his own side on this occasion, or endea-
vour to render his prosecutors more apprehensive of
the etiterprizing spirit of the catholics, than the truth
compelled him to do. His evidence therefore being
unexceptionable, let us attend unto it. " My lords,

•TilhiUoo'i SEtmon before the House of Commons, Nov. 5, 1678.

JAMES I. Ill

order the better to secure the obedience of
the catholics, the oath of allegiance*, by au*

•aid be, I have heard very much of a thing that was
named by these gentlemen of the house of commons,
and that very properly too, to wit, of the gunpowder
treason. My lords, I was not born then, but some
years after heard verj- much discourse of it, and very
various reports; and I made a particular enquiry,
perhaps more than any one person did else, both
of my father, who was alive then, and my uncle,
and others ; and I am satisfied, and do clearly be-
lieve, by the evidence I have received, that that
thing called the gunpowder treason, was a wicked
and horrid design (among the rest) of some of the Je-
suits, and I think the malice of the Jesuits, or the wit
of man, cannot offer an excuse for it, it was so exe-
crable a thing. Besides, my lords, I was acquainted
with one of them, that was concerned in it, who had
his pardon, and lived many years after : I discoursed
with him about it, and he confessed it, and said, he
yras sorry for it then ; and 1 here declare to your lord-
ships, that 1 never beard any one of the church of
Rome speak a good word of it: it was so horrid 8
thing it cannot be expressed nor excnaed. And God
almighty shewed his judgments upon them for their
wickedness ; for hardly any of the persons or their
posterity are left that were concerned in it; and even
a very great family too [Peiroy, earl of Northumber-
land, I suppose] that bad collaterally something to do
in it, is in the male line extinct totally; and I do think
God almighty always shews his judgments upon such
lik actions V What will any one say to this? needs

* 9taL anna tenioJacobi regis, c. 4. Beet. 13.
; lord SUJfcri's Trial, p. 53. Lond. 16S0-1, f^k

THE LIFE OF

thority of parliament, was enacted, whereby
the power of the pope to depose the king,

there any further witnesses when a popish lord de-
clares the ihing to lie fact, and that he himself was
ncquaiiited with one concerued in it, who confessed it?
must not those be past conviction who will still dis-
pute it, or obstinately deny it i 1 will add, that it ap-
pears from Dr. Birch's view^of the ncgotiaiions be-
tween England, France, and Brussels, that many
catholics abroad were acquainted with it, and that the
English regiment in the arch-duke's service, was de-
signed to be transported upon the execution of it".
Indeed, says Sir Thomas Edmonds, ambassador with
the archduke, in a letter to Sir Charles Comwallis,
dated Dec. 27, 1605, O. S. "It was long ere I conld
persuade them here to believe the truth of the said
conspiracy, because the catboliques were interested
therein; but sometimes they would ^ave it to be an
artifice of the puritans against those sanctified per-
sons, and then a design of the Hollanders (which are
enemies to monarchy) to have reduced our estate to
the same condition as theirs is of a commonwealth.
But now lastly, when they see they can no longer dis-
pute the doubtfulness and incertaintie thereof, they
report to this consideration, that it is a work of tbo'
devil's expressly to banish and extirpate the catholiqufr
religion out of England. For my own part, adds be, I
will freely confess, that I do effectually desire (whatso-
ever judgment they make thereof) that we make that
vse of it, as we have just cause so to do''." These
things considered, 1 believe the reader will think with
Dr. Birch, " that the papists of later times ail'ord an
instance of amazing scepticism, and equal

* Sm Bircb'a Ncsotiatiom, p. 233,3^6. ■■ Winiroad, rot. [I. p. 185.

JAMES I. lis

or dispose of any of his majesty's dominions,
^^\ , was to be disowned, and true faith and al-

who affect, without the least shadow of probability, tp
represent so complicated and deep laid a conspiracy,
as a meer ministerial and political contrivance, formed
by the earl of Salisbury, for the disgrace and ruin of
the Roman catholic religion in England*." However,
though their scepticism and assurance are thus amazing,
yet it is not to be wondered at, that they are unwilling
to avow a fact, which admitted, must cast the greatest
odium on a church whose ministers not only counselled
it, but were actors in it; and though by the judgment
of their country pronounced conspirators and traitors,
and as such treated; yet have been deemed by her
infallible self, saints and martyrs, and reckoned among
their miracle workers^, A proof this, that zeal for

* Negotiation?, p. 255. In the Calendar! nm Catholicum, for the year
1686, among the memorable obsenratiuns is the following.

Si nee the horrid powder-plot, suspected to be politickly contrived*^
by Cecil, bnt known to be acted by a few desperadoes of a religion f yeart
that detests such treasons, though ambition and discontent madeC 0081
them tray tors. •^

Consult 'bishop Barlow's Genuine Remains, p. 368. Lond. 1693. Svo.
where is a censure of a passage of a like nature in the Calendarium* Ca*
tholicum, or Universal Almanack for the year 1662, which the bishop
says, was writ by a man of some parts and quality.

•» See Osbom, p. 485. Fuller's Church Hist. cent. 17. book 10, p. 40,
and Winwood, vol. ii. p. 500. Monsieur S. Amour tells us, that among the
several portraits of Jesuits, publickly sold at Rome with permission Of ^btt ^
iuperiour, he saw one of Garnet, with this inscription. Pater HenricusG€n-"
nettus Anglus, Londini pro Jide catholich suspensus df^§etiUf 3 Mail 1606.
Father Henry Garnet hanged and quartered at T4MMito» for the catholio '
faith ; by which we see that treason and catholic Ikith mn all one at Rome;
for nothing can be more notorious, than that Gamat tuffiBred oilly mi the
account of the gunpowder treason, of which, as M. ft Amour observes, he
, acknowledged himself guilty before he died. Stillingfleet's Idolatry of the

Church of Rome, p. 345. SnK Lond. 1G76.

VOL. 1. I

mimUmM

114 THE LIFE OF

legiance to him promisedj notwithstanding
any excommunication or deprivation made
by the pope. This oath the cathoHcs, for
the most part, complied with, as thinking
it lawful, and among the rest the arch-priei?t
BlackwelL At this the pope was alarmed,
and on the 10th of the calends of October
1606, issued out a brief, forbidding the tak-
ing the oath ; but the catholics apprehend-
^g it a forgerj^, paid little regard to it,
whereupon the next year his holiness sent
them another^, in which he plainly told

mother church will sanctify the greatest villanies, and
raise men to the highest honours, though ever so un-
worthy. May all men have in abhorrence this spirit!
may they guard against all attempts to revive it, and
look upon it as their greatest happiness, that they are
not under the rule of those who are actuated by it.

*^ His holiness sent them another brief, &c.] In his
first brief the pope [Paul V.] tells the English catho-
lics, " that the oath of allegiance could not be taken
without hurting the catholic faith, and the salvation of
their souls, seeing it contains many things flat con-
tnir^ to faith and salvation*; and therefore he admo^
nishes them u^erly to abstain from taking this and
the like oiaiffil?.'' Mr. Rapin therefore should haver
said, dilkt the pope in this first brief, plainly told the

• King James's Works, p. Q5U

tiiein, that they were bound fully to observd
the things contained in the former, and to*- ,
reject all interpretations persuading to the
contrary. Bellannine also writ a letter trf ]

catholics, " if they took the oath tliej forfeited all •
hopes of salvation':" I say, he should have said this
of the first, and not the second brief, as he has done] .
though forfeiting all hopes of salvation, is very di& I
ferent, in my opinion, from hurting the salvation <

their souls, which are the words of ihe brief. But

holiness's commands were not obeyed. The ciitlioIi<|
pretended that" his brief was issued not of his ov*
proper will, but rather for the respect and insligatio
other men." This he assures them was false in his
cond brief, dared the lOth of the calends of Sept. 160?^,"^
and lets them know" that his former letters concerning
the prohibition of the oath, were written not only upon 1
his own proper motion, and of his certain knowledge^ j
tut also after long and weighty deliberation used coibk4
oeming ail those things which were contained in thetn^ 1
and that for that cause they were bound fully to ol
serve ibero, rejeeting all interpretation persuading I
the contrary''." Strange sort of mortals these popesif
who pretending to be vicars of" Jesus Christ, who owned !
bis kingdom was not of this world, intrude into the '
alfairs of foreign nations, and pre»<cribe laws to th«
subjects of them. This Paul V. was possessed of t
true spirit of Hildebrand. He laid the Venetians ui3d
der an interdict, raised Ignatius Loyola to be a sainl
and talked and acted io such a manner, aaif he haA^
indeed thought himself superior to all that "is called f
God, or is worshipped." And had he happened to hav»'

' KapiD.-vo'. ir.-p, 174, ^ King J«mei"t Works, p. SiB.

■5

116 THE LIFE OT

Blackwell, against the oath, and exhorted
him to repair the fault he had conunittcd, by
taking of it, even though *' death should be
the consequence. Hereupon James dreWj J

lived ia those ages when the spirit of croisading for d
lake of what was called religion, prevailed, I doubt '
not but he would have made as vile wort: as ths |
worst, and most enterprisiog of his predecessors,
the times in which he lived permitted him not ti
agreeably to his wishes. Princes had more wisdoEU <
than to become his dupes, and excommunicaiions v
of little signiticancy, for learning and good sense iioi9~l
begau to prevail, and where these are, ecclesiastical aa^ i
thority will be little regarded. However, this pop% ]
we see, talked big ; his briefs have an air of authority^ .'
sad he did what in him lay lo dispose the EngU^ J
catholics to behave contrary to their own interest an
the laws of their country, and consequently to keep u
a party dependant on himself, and subservient to hii 1
will, a thing of the worst consequence, and therefor* j
loudly complained of by James, as we shall soon s

*' Bellarmioe also writ a letter to Blackwell agaiaat J
the oath, &c,] Tliis letter begins with retnemberin|f 4
Blackwell of the long friendship that had been betweett ,j
them; expresses his grief for Blackweli'a sufferingaj 1
but more especially for his having, as it was fearet^ 1
taken the oatli, which he says teiids to this end, that 4
(he authority of the head of the church in Englal«|1
may be transferred from the successor of St. Peter to 1
the successor of king Henry VIII. He declares that ^
for this one head of doctrine, Fisher and More led the
way lo martyrdom to many others, to the exceeding
giory of the English nation. And then he concludes
with desiiiog him " not to prefer a temporal liberty to

JAMES I. iir

his pen, and published his apology for the

the liberty of the glory of the sons of God : neither for
escaping a light aad momentary tribulation, lose an
eternal weight of glory, which tribulation itself doth
work in you. You have fought a good fight a long
time; you have well near finished your course; so
many years have yoH kept the faith ; do not therefore
lose the reward of such labours; do not deprive your- .
self frf that crown of righteousness, which so long ago
is prepared for you ; do not make the faces of so many
yours both brethren and children, ashamed ; upon yoa
at this lime are fixed the eyes of all the churcli; yea
also you are made a spectacle to the world, to angels, to
men; do not so carry yourself in this your last act, that .
you leave nothing but laments to your friends, and joy
to your enemies: but rather on the contrary, which,
we assuredly hope, and for which we continually
pour forth prayers to God, display gloriously the ban?- ,
ner of faith, and make to rejoice the church, which
you have made heavy; so shall you not only merit ■
pardon at God's hands, but a crown, Tarewcl ; quit
you like a man, and let your heart be strengthened.
This letter is dated from Rome, Sept. 28, 1607'."
Bellarmine mistook the sense of the oath about which
he writes, as we shall see by James's answer. But not
to insist on this, for the present, I would ask whether
(here is not something very odd in this peisuading *
men to undergo martyrdom, when we ourselves are in
ease, and like to continue so? does it come with a
good grace from the mouth of a rich cardinal, who had ■
aspired to the papacy, and even now enjoyed the great-
est plenty of all things. When we see men under suf-
ferings, triumph and rejoice in them, and coateutedly

f Kinj James's Works, p. 361.

*MiiMi

31^

.118 THE LIFE OF

.4)ath of allegiance, against the two briefs of

bear tiiem themselves, and exhort others to do so like-
vise, their exhortations >vill have great force and effi-:
cacy; their propriety is seen and acknowledged, and
all virtuous men are edified. But to persuade others
to submit to what we ourselves are strangers to, and
.which probably we should shrink at the undergoing,
is not quite so well in the eyes of the world. But Bel-
larmine was at ^ distance; Blackwell's reproaches
.could not have made bijn blush ; and so the authority
of the pope ^as maintained, it mattered not who suf-
fered. Modest man! good friend! happy for him to
Vrhom he writ, that he knew what was right, and for
his own interest, or else probably tribulation would

Jiave been bis portion. One would be apt to wonder

how it com^s tp pass, that those men who were so for-
ward tQ serid others on dangerous expeditions, to
promote the interest of the church, and make mea
proselytes aa|ong infidels and heretics, and encourage
jhem so much with the prospects of the highest rewards
hereafter: I say one would be apt to wonder why
hardly any of these persons ever set out on these expe-
ditions themselves, and strive to obtain those glorious
prowns they set before the eyes of others. . We see
^ey chuse themselves that part of the vineyard where
is the richest spil, and the least ^wk to be done. In
. this they take their ease, and enjoy tlvemselves comr
fortably, and never change unless it be for the better.
What are we to conclude from hence? do not they
believe what they teach to others? are they disposed
to procure their own advantage by th^ 9Weat, labour,
?axd blood of the honest, the simple, the credulous ? the
ynWi^^ii^g race would say so ; and those who belong
not to that tribe of men, would yet be glad to know
how^ on this head^ to confute them.

JAM£S 1. 119

pope Paulus Quiiitu8*',and theletter of car-

*' James published his apology for the oath of all**-
giance against the two briefs, Ecc] Take the follow-
iug account of the occasion of this apology from
bishop Mountaguc, James's prefacer, " After the pope
had put forth liis brMs, and the cardinal had sent his
letters to the arch-priest; the one to enjoin the people
not to take the oath of allegiance, affirming that they
could not take it with safety of their salvation : the
other to reprove the arch-priest for that he had taken
it, and to draw him to a penitency for so foul a lapse.
His majesty, like as become a prudent and religion^
prince, thought it not meet, that these things shoald
pass for current, but that it was expedient bis people
should know, that the taking this oath was so far from
'endangering their souls, as that it intended nothing
but civil obedience, and without touching any point
of their conscience, made the state secure of their alle- ,
giance. To peifoiia thii work, his majesty thought
the bishop of Wi^^ttsKc' [Dr. Bilson, if 1 rightly re?
member] that tliAb-waB>a very lit man, both for bis
singular leamlitg) U ibr that he had long laboured in
an argument, not much of a diverse nature from this;
whereupon his majesty calling for pen and ink, to give

'This Biahop was Dr. T. Bili^an, who was adtsneed to that see In 1397,
and died ia 1516, TUe book uf liis referred lo by bishop Moata^e, mu
probably that |iriii(edat Oxford 1 j'.S, in4lo. andiiititled, ' The true differ-
ence betveciiecdristiansiibjeetinn niidantichriitisa rebellion; whcreio ths
priDEes lanfull poner unci ciimmniid For tniEth, aod imIepriTeabte ri^ht to
liKire the Kvoril ore defendciJ again^i the papist ceniara, and Uip jptoitt
tiiphismea uttered In tbeir spnlogir and defence of Edgliah cathnlikea with
a .kinnnrtratioD, tliat tfcethinai rel'ocirmed in the cbiiTCb of England by the
liiivcsof this rcaline are truly cat hoi ike, notwithstanding the vajne abev
made to the contrary in their late Rhemisb Tuatament, by Thorn a « BLltoa,
warden of Winchester. Penned and allowed bf publike autboritie.'

■5

THE LIFE OF
dinaJ Bellarminc to G. Blackwell tlie arch- J

my lord of Winchester directions how and in what 1
mauntr to proceed in this argument, I know not hoWf |
it came to pass, but it fell out true that the poet saitivJ

" Amphora roepit

" for the king's pen ran so fast, that in the compass of ,
six days, his majesty had accomplished that which hft i
now calleih his apology; which when my lord of Catv-
terbury [Bancroft] that then was, and my lord of Eiy-
[Andrews] had perused, being indeed delivered by hi^ J
majesty but as brief notes, and in the nature of a n
nute to be explicated by the bishops in a lai'gervo-i j
lome; yet they thought it so sufficientan answer both;,!
to the pope atid cardinal, as there needed no other.
Whereupon his mnjesty was persuaded to give way tOi
the coming of it forth, but was pleased to conceal hit i
name ; and so have we the apology beyond his man '
jesty's own purpose or determination'." Tlie readeris
welcome to believe as much or as little of all this as hQ' i
pleases. For my own part, I doubt not, but James
was well enough pleased to engage in a controversy in
which he was almost sure of success. For the pope,
with all his in fallibility, had urgud nothing material .
against the oath of allegiance, and the cardinal ha^ I
quite mistook the sense of it ; as every one upon con
paring the briefs of the one, and the letter of the olh^^l
with the oath, will plainly see, as James in this pieis^ f
has fully shewn. Indeed all objections of the latter 1
are pointed against the oath of supremacy, which is a
very difFerent thing from the oath of alle'giance. 1h

■ Preface to King James's Works.

JAMES I. lei

priest. Though James had not set his name
to tliis piece, no one doubted but he was the

this piece James, after mentioning the powder pla^
takes notice of the intention of the oath, whicji hit
says, " was specially to make a separation between JD
many of his subjects, who although popishly affectd^
yet retained in their hearts the prints of their natural
duty to their sovereign ; and those who being carried
away with the like fanatical zeal that the powder*
tray tors were, could not contain themselves within the
bounds of their natural allegiance, but thought diver-
sity of religion a safe pretext for all kinds of treasons
and rebellions against their sovereign*." He thea
mentions the good effects the oath had produced;
the mischiefs yf the pope's briefs ; the incivility of the
pope in condemning him unheard ; and after that pro-^
ceeds to a formal examination of them. In this part
of his work he sets forth his great favour to the catho-
lics, in admitting them to his presence, dubbing many
of them knights, freeing recusants from their ordinary
payments, and bestowing favours and honours equally
on them with the. protestants. He then formally eiH
ters into the discussion of the pope's briefs, and by
scripture, fathers, and councils, attempts to coofate
them* He proceeds to attack Bellarmine ; and shiews
that he had mistook the oath of supremacy for the o&A
of allegiance, and on this mistake had proceeded in
his letter to Blackwell. He asserts the oath of allegi«
^nce to be confirmed by the authority of ancient coun-
cils : shews that no decisiop of any point of religion
is contained in it; that Bi^armine had contradicted

^ King James's Works, p. 24A,

122 THE LIFE OF

author of it. It remained not long without
feplies*^ containing such things as highly

Ibis fonner writings; and that his authorities from the
Others were insufficient. This is the substance of this
.ijpology, in which, though there is nothing in it of
gjreat merit, we may justly say James came off con-
queror. However, we may remark, that though his
favours to the catholics might manifest them guilty of
ingratitude towards him, yet could they be no great
recommendation of him to his protestant subjects.
They shewed an indifferency with respect to the two
religions, which, I suppose, was not so well digested
by them. But James was not one of those who fore-
saw consequences. What made for his present pur-
pose he catched hold of, without reflecting that one
day or other it might be made to serve against himself.
An imprudence which controvertists frequently are
guilty of. The least shadow of an argument they
make use of; weaken, or endeavour to invalidate the
most important doctrines which at any time stand in
their way; and blab out those things which it is most
their interest to conceal, and which hereafter they,
bitterly repent of, when they find the uses made of
them by able or artful opponents.

*' It remained not long without replies, containing
^ch things as highly displeased him.] Tliough James's
name was not prefixed to the first edition of his apo-
logy, yet he made presents of it to the foreign ambas-
sadors in his own name, and his arms were put in the
frontispiece thereof, as hinaself tells us *. This was suf-.
ficient to put the author out of doubt. But notwith-
standing his adversaries treated him without ceremony.

» Works, p. 990.

JAMES L 193

displeased him. Whereupon he writ his

-The famous Robert Parsons began the attack> in a
book called the Judgment of a Catholic gentleman,
concerning king James's apology for the oath of alle-
giance. Qu. S, Omers, 16O8 *. Bellarmine continued

it, under the feigned name of Mattheus Tortus, and
gave his majesty the lie in express terms, and seven
times charged him with falsehood, which was thought
by him equivalent to a lie ^. The king is here told^
that pope Clement thought him to be inclined to their
religion ; that he was a puritan in Scotland, and a per-
secutor of the protestants ; that he was a heretic and
po christian. His majesty was also let know, ^' that
^ome of bis officers of estate put the pope and cardh?
nals in hope that he would profess himself a catholic,
when he cauie to the crown of England ; yea, that he
himself had written letters full of courtesie to the two
cardinals Aldo-brandino and Bellarmine, wherein he
praved, that one of the Scottish nation might be created
cardinal; that by him, as an agent, he might the more
easily and safely do his business with the pope*^." — — r
This must have veiled James pretty much, I suppose^
OS the reader, by comparing what is contained ip note$
8 and 13, will be apt to think there was some truth in
it. A third answerer ,of this apology ^as Francis
Suarez, well known in the learned world. Sir Henry
Saville, whose i&dition of St. Chrysostom has perpe-
tuated bis fam^, being prevailed on, I know not. by
what motive, to help translate James's book into Latin;
it soon got to Rome ; froni thence Suarez was com-

■ Wood's AthcnaB Oxoni^sep, vol. I.c.362. *» King James's Works,p,294.
* Caldcrwood, p. 600. See the letter itielf in the sanoe writer, p. 427.
|t is addressed to the pope ; but there are instructions aftfirKards added>
for applying to the cardinals. See also Roshwotth, vol. I. p. 162.

THE LIFE OF

premonition** to all most mighty raonarchg.

mandcd to answer it, who performing hia taste, it WM
published, and as soon as the copies came into England^

one of them was burnt*. Nicolaus CfsffeteafyM

bishop of Dardanie, preacher to Henry IV. of FrancejT
answered James, as he said, very moderately and nio» 1
destly, " But llie king was nothing pleased with hi* i
fawning, nor t6olt it in better part than if (as he said)>
he should have bid a t — d in his teeth, and then erf j
Sir reverence ".", Let us observe here by the way,
mistake of Mr. Perrault, in speaking of Cceffeteau, I
saj's he, " the king (Henry the Great) committed 1
him, at the solicitation of Perron, the answeringof llw
king of England's book on the eucharist, which lie d
with a great deal of cogency'." Now James ne\
writ on the cuchariat. The book Cceffeteau answer*
was his apology ; consequently Perrault is mistakea- I
Nor can 1 persuade myself he speaks truly, when h* j
says, the then iTench king cominitted to him the an- ]
swering James's hook. The doctrine contained in ^. j
could not he displeasing to Henry, and I believe h^l
would have been sorry it should have been subverted, f
I know of no more answers to James's apology; and |
whether I am as exact as I should be in my account ■
of these, I cannot well determine ; being far removed
from libraries, firom which help might be expected ■■." '

** Whereupon he writ hia premonition to all most .
mighty monarchs, Etc.] " After the apology was out^ J
says Dr. Mountague, his majesty divers times would be ]
pleased to utter a resolution of his, that if the pope^fl
and cardinal would not rest in his answer, and sit down f

■Wood, yol. I.e. 468. «■ Win wood, vol. III. p. 1 17. ' Ch

Historicat and raiiegytical, vol, II p. ) 1. Sto. LonJ. 1'05.

I
I

JAMES I. 125

kings, free princesj and states of Christen-
by it, take the oath as it was intended for a point of
allegiance and civil obedience, he would publish the
apology in bis own name, witli a preface to all the
princes in Christendom; wherein he would publish
such a confession of his faith, persuade the princes so
to vindicate their own power, discover so much of the
mystery of iniquity unto them, as the pope's built
should pull in their horns, and himself wish he had
never meddled with this matter. The cardinal con-
tending against the apology, his majesty confirmed
Lis resolution, and with the like celerity in the com-
pass of one week, wrote his monitory preface ; and being
so written, published it and the apology in his own
name, and made good his word, sent it to the emperor,
and ait the kings and free princes in Christendom'."
Great dispatch this! but as we have a bishop's word
for it, we cannot refuse to subscribe to the truth of it.
In his dedication to the emperor Rodolph II. and the
princes and states of Christendom, be stiles himself
professor, maintainer, and defender of the true, chris-
tian, catholic, and apostolic faith, professed by the
antient and primitive church, and scaled with the blood
of so many holy bishops, and other fiiithful crowned
with the glory of martyrdom ^ Ue^en in a particu-
lar manner addresses himself unto them, and tells them,
" that the cause iu which he is engaged is general, and
concemeth the authority and privilege of kings iage*
neral, and all super-eminent temporal powers^," He
proceeds to give reasons fur printing the apology with-
out his name ; shews why he thought now proper to
avow it, and goes on to shew the occasion of it. He

amei'i Worki. ' James's Works, p. B3S, ' IJ, p 2S9.

126 THE LIFE OF

tlom, published it, and the apology in hisi

lets them know, that the publishing his book had'
brought such two answerers, or rather railers, upon hira^
as all the world might wonder at. He then tails foul-
on Parsons, for whom he says a rope is the fittest an-
swer; and proceeds to Mattheus Tortus, who called'
himself llellarniine's chaplain. "An obscure an thory
says he, utterly unknown to me, being yet little knowa*
to the world for any other of his works ; and therefor*
must be a very desperate fellow in beginning his ap-
preniisagc, not only to refate, but to rail upon a king "."
One would ihiok by thia James knew not that in th«^
republic of tetters no man holds any other rank thani
what he can procure by his own industry and abilities/
For which reason if the greatest prince commences w.
member of it, be is to expect, injustice, no other re-
gard than what his fellow-members shall judge he
really merits, if he would not be treated like an au-
thor, he should not commence author. The moment
he acts publicly in that cliaracter, he is liable to hft
refuted, ridiculed, or exposed; nor has he any bod j5
but himself to thankforii.—Butletusgo on without!
subject. James, from some passages, concludes that
Bellavmine was bfs real answerer, under the feigned-
name of Tortus, aiid as such he speaks of him. After
ffliantioning the epithets bestowed on himself by hi»
^HWerer, lie asks the princes whether this be mannerly' .
diBaJing with a king ? and he doubts not but that they
will resent such indignities done to one of their qua^
lity. He then shews the insufficiency of the cardinal's
reply to his apology, aggravates the power he gives to'
the popes, shews that they formerly were in subjection.'

JAMES I. 187,

oWn name, and sent it to the emperor, and
princes, to whom it was addriessed. The^

to christian emperors^ and that their assent was necet;
sary to their elections, and that they had been deposed
by them. Kings also, he says, have denied the tempo-
ral superiority of the popes, more especially his own
predecessors. Apostate he shews he is none, and he-
retic that he cannot be, as believing all the three
creeds, and as ^' acknowledging for orthodox all those
other forms of creeds, that either were devised bj^
councils or particular fathers, against such particular,
heresies as most reigned in their times*.'' He then
gives a long-^winded confession of faith, with reasons^
such as they are, of his belief; and afterwards spends
no less than twenty folio pages on the subject of Anti-
christ, which he thus concludes, " Thus has the cardi-
nals shameless wresting two of those places of scripture,
pasce oves mens, Is tibi dabo claves, for proving the
pope's temporal authority over princes, animated me
to prove the pope to be the antichrist out of the book
of scripture; so to pay him his own money again.
And this opinion no pope can ever make me to recanjty
except they first renounce any farther meddling witli
princes, in any thing belonging to their temporal jurise
diction V Returning then to Bellarmine's reply, he? .
complains loudly of the lies contained in it, and of the
ill-manners wherewith it abounds ; and after a gr^at
deal of heavy stujff about the powder-plot, oath of alle-
giance, the villany of Gamer, &c. he addresses himself
to the kings and princes, and prays God that he and
they may not suffer the incroaching Babylonian mo-

? Works, p. 302, * Id. p. 328.

THE LIFE OF

prefacer of liis majesty's works tells us of

the great effects produced by this premoni-

narch to gain ground upon them. It is very remark-' J
able, that in this answer to Bellarmine, contained irf^
the premonition, James takes not the least Dotice of
the BccoUDt given by him of his having formerly v
ten to the pope, and begged a cardinal's hat for oneof'_-l
his subjei'ts, in order that through him he miglitbtf'l
the more able to advance his affairs in the court oPI
Rome. This, I say, is remarkable, and argues iff',,
James a convlctiou of the truth of what w!;s allcdged ' i
against him. Indeed, with no face could he preteiMPB
to deny it: for it was well known to bis own and foreignj^J
ministers, that his ambassador at the French court hatf J
frequently solicited it, and thereby had reflected on hii '
honour and judgment'; and that he himself had nego-
tiated with the pope by means of cardinal Aldo-bran-
dini, in order, as was thought, to his becoming catho-
lic". He had not the face therefore to deny, in a
work addressed to foreigners, a fact which could so'
easily have been made good against him. However,*.
iii order to amuse his own subjects, he pretended the
letter written to the pope, produced in this controversy "i
was surreptitiously obtained by lord Balmerino; an^^l
accordingly that lord, following the direction in i
things of lord Dunbar ', after having confessed that bt' '
himself drew the letter without his majesty's know-'

isent, and got him ignorantly to sign i^*J
had sentence of death passed on him for this bis ae-"'
tion. No doiibt of it, James thought hereby to have
cleared himself in the eyes of hia subjects of all cor-

lemorUli, toI I. p. 3S8.
ici Caltlcniwid, p. 604. u

"Biich'i N«gotiati
I Spot. wood, p. 501.

>,p.3>.

(

JAMES I. 139

tion*% but> if we deal impartially, vrt mtKt

respondeace with the pope. " But when BnlmSHno
was presently pardoned, and, after a short confinement,
restored to his liberty: all men, says Bimiel, believed
tfaattlie king knew of the letter, and that the pretend-
ed confession of the secretary was only collusion to
lay the jealousies of the king's favouring popery,
which still hung upon him, notwithstanding his writing
on the Revelations, and his affecting to enter on all
occasions into controversy, asserting in particular that

the pope was antichrist V So that his artifice was of

no avail, the covering was too thin; and all who had
eyes must see that there was but too much truth in
what had been said concerning him. Such are the ef-
fecta of dissimulation ! whereas honesty, integrity, and
fair-dealing, appear openly and above-board, and al-
ways on examination are honourable to those by whom
they are practised, and generally profitable.

" The prefacer to his majesty's works tells us of the
great eifccta produced by this premonition.] He Ob-
serves, " that upon the coming forth of that boot,
there were no states that disavowed the doctrine of it
in the point of the king's power; and the Venetian* _
maintained it in their writings, and put it in execu-
tion; the Sorbons maintained it likewise in France." ^ *

Gdly, "That their oivn writers that opposed it, so
overlashed, as they were corrected and castigated by
men of their own religion."

3d!y, "That his majesty's confession of faiih had
been so generally approved, as that it had converted
many of their party ; and that had it not been for the
treatise of antichrist, he had been informed many more

130 THE UtE OF

acknowledge that it met but with a very

would easily liave been induced to subscribe to all id
ihat preface." i

4thly, " That kings and princes had by his majesty^
premonition a more elear insight, and a more perf'eQ
discovery, into the injury offered to them by the popffi '
in the point of their temporal power, than ever they
hiid, insomuch as that point was never so thoroughly
disputed in Christendom, as it had been by the occa-
sion of his majesty's hook."

Laatly, " That for the point of antichrist, he had
heard many confess, that they never saw so much light
given into it, as they bad done by this performance.".
So that, adds he, " though controversies he fitter subi- 1
jectB for scholars ordinarily, than for kings, yet whea
there was such a necessity in undertaking, and such a
success being performed, I leave it to the world tOi
judge, whether there was not a special hand in it of
God or no *."

And I will lea\e the world to judge of the gross flat-
tery, not to say impiety, of this prelate in talking after, ■
this rate. What! mast we attribute the squabbles of'
pedants to God ? must his hand be concerned in usher-
ing into the world the dull heavy performance of a, ,
king? far be such thoughts from us! when God acts,-
he acts like himself; all is wise, good and successful;
nor can we more dishonour him than by calling him in .
as an encourager or assister of our whims and extra-
vagancies. But this bishop had no sense of propriety;
as long as he could praise he was sutisfled, let it be in
ever so wrong a place; by which his own character
suffered, and his master was despised.

* Prefacs to J>me>'« Workii.

JAMES I. 131

indifferent reception abroad, especially from

It is pleasant enough, however, to see such effects at-
tributed to this work of James's. The Venetians, up-
on the coining out of this book, maintained the doc-
trine of the supreme power of temporals in princes and
free states. It is true they did j and they had done it
before ever James had put pen to paper on this sub-
ject; for the quarrel with the pope, which produced
the interdict, arose from thence; now this commenc
Anno 1606, and James's Apology was not printed 1
the year 1609, and consequently neither it nor llie prej
monition which came after it, could be the cause i
their holding this doctrine". As to theSorbonne, ever,
since the extinction of the civil wars in France, they: '
had taught itj nor could be expected any sovereign
state would disavow it: so that whatever the bishop
might say,itis certain nothing this way was produced.
As for James's adversaiies being opposed by men a':
their own religion, it is not to be wondered at. There
are every where men who love controversy, and there-
fore that will oppose, if only for a shew of their parts
and learning. How many were converted by his ma-
jesty's confession of faith I cannot say, I remember to
have read but of one, the archbishop of Spalatro '' ; but
I know very well that within a few yean of this con-
troversy, great numbers of the British protestant sub-
jects revolted to the Romish communion, none of
which, I believe, were induced to return by this per-*

formance. If many were converted by it, why had

they not been pointed out ? we know Waddesworth,

'Fatber Paul's life, by Lwkman, prefixed to Ms traatiK of ecclesiat
rnl beneOcei, p.4S. Sro. Load. 1136. and Bircb's NegatiBfions, p. "199.
'' Fraaklond's AnnalB, p, S7.

THE LIFE OF

most of the princes and states to whom

it was addressed ** ; though tliere were not

chaplain to Sir Chailes ComwalJia, ambassador i
Spain, was reconciled lo the church of Rome, b
several of the said Sir Charles's kinsmen': We kno^
likewise that Toby Matthews (afterwards Sir Tohj)^
son to tlie archbishop of York, went over to il like-
wiBc''; but their return is never mentioned, nor i
there any conversions by means of his majesty's book," '
except that one I have spoke of, recorded, and which,
if true, was of no consequence: for it is well known
that Spalatro went off from the protestants, and came "
to a most nnhappy end at Rome: so that the bisho^H
has been very unhappy in his assertions witli respect^
to the consequences of the premonition, and cannofe'
but be put down as an inventor. As to the fourth and
last things mentioned as following from this book, C
have nothing to say to them : they are before the
reader, and he may view^liiem in. what light he
pleases.

** It met with but a very indifiereot reception I
abroad, &c.] Let us hear a zealous hugonot : " Thi»
work [the apology and premonition prefixed] served
for no more than to shew the little account the catho-^
lies made of the author. It was not looked upon id
Spain; 'twas burnt in Florence; the inquisition at
Rome put it in the number of prohibited books; 'twa»
ill received in France by the catholics, and the king
forbad it should be translated or printed. 'Twas only
at Venice where the reading of it was not prohibited*."

' tliitary of the Ediat of Nantes, >oL ].

n. 4to. LoDil. 1694.

JAMES i. 133

wanting those at home who applauded and
defended it.

Arminius dying Oct. 19, 1609, Conrad
Vorstius was invited to succeed him in his

There is some truth in this, though the account given is
not very exact. Let us correct it as well as we can
from Winwood's State Papers. Lord Salisbury, in a
letter to Sir Charles Cornwallis, dated June 8, I609,
tells him that "his majesty had thought fit to send
his book to the Emperor, to the French king, who hath
received it, and all other christian kings and princes,
as a matter which jointly concerns their absolute ju-
risdiction and temporalities'." But though it was
acnt to all other christian kings and princes, it was uot
received by them. The arch-dukes would not accept
of it""; and even the state of Venice, " after they had
received the king's books, they did by public ordi-
nance forbid the publishing of the same; which (says
Sir Thomas Edmondes) Sir_ Henry Wooion took so
tenderly, as thereupon he charged them with the breach
of their amity with his majesty, and declared unto
them that in respect thereof he could not longer ex-
ercise his charge of a public minister among them.
This protestation of his was found so strange by that
state, as they sent hither^ in great diligence to under-
stand whether his majesty would avow him therein,
which did very mnc^ trouble them here to make a
cleanly answer thereunto, for the salving the ambassa-
dor's credit, who is censured to have prosecuted the
matter to an over great extremity V This must have

*Wlnwoi.d,v^Siui.p.5l. "Id.p. 68.

londw, Oct. i. 1609. " WipwooJ, toL III. p. T

' This ii written from

ft*

THE LIFE OF

professor's chair of divinity atLeyden : after
a year's deliberation he accepted of it. But
James, in the mean time, having seen some
of his writings, sent orders to his ambassa-

been a great mortification to James, bad he had much
sensibility of temper; but yet, even this was nothing
to the slight which was put upoQ his piece by the Spa-
niards ; for it was no sooner known in Spain that ■
James was about to write against the pope, than the
secretary of stale sent word to Sir Charles Cornwallia,
" that the king his master did much grieve at it, and
marvelled that the king of Great Britain (the pope in
no sort meddling with him) would put his own hand
into such a business V But though the ministers of
state in England knew this, yet, when Sir Charles
Comwallis received his majesty's letter of revocation,
" he also received a book of his majesty's, together
with a letter to the king of Spain." But for fear of an
indifferent reception, or rather a refusal of both the
one and llie other, he was ordered by Lord Salisbury,
from the king, to " present the letter and the book to
the king of Spain himself, as speedily and conveniently
as might be, without giving any foreknowledge that
he was to present any such matter ; for which purpose,
adds his lordship, the letter for your revocation may
serve you for a good pretext of access ''." They saw
there was need of dexterity to get the book accepted ;
indeed they could not help it ; for the Spanish ambas-
sador at London had refused the book, when sent him
by the lord treasurer' ; and what he had done, it was to
be feared, his master would do. An,d Bt^it fell out ; ^

' WiDVOod, ToL IL p. 4

Id. vol, III. p. 51. ■ Id. tdI. IIL p. 55.

JAMES I. 135

dor, Sir Ralph Winwood, in Holland, to re-
present the vileness of his doctrines, and de-
sire that he might not be admitted to his

for just before Sir Charles had his last audience of the
king of Spain, the duke uf Lerma let him know plainly,
that he was informed that he intended at his taking
leave of his master, to present his Britannic majesty's
book to him; that he was surprised that it could be
imagined it would be received; and therefore gave
him fair warning to forbear presenting the bookj
" whereby, said he, might be avoided a refusal that
would be so unpleasing to the one lo give, and so dis-
tasteful to the other to receive." Cornwallis replied to
Lerma with zeal and understanding; but it was all in
vain ; he was told positively, " the king of Spain '
would never receive, much less give reading to any
book containing matter derogatory to his religion and
obedience lo the see of Rome." This silenced him ;
he took his leave of the Spanish king, and was obliged
to carry back the book with him'. What an affront
this ! how provoking to one so full of his own abilities
as James ! he thought, doubtless, that his fellow kinga
with attention would have read his works, applauded
his talents, and magnified his art and dexterity in con-
troversy. But he was mistaken, few foreigners spoke
well of his writings, and we see with what contempt
he was treated by some of those to whom his book was
addressed. However his flatterers at home kept up his
spirits. Most wise, most learned, most understanding
were the epitheu bestowed on him by the designing .
courtiers, and aspiring clergy. These he was so long

.1. Itl, p. 6'

136 THE LIFE OF

place. The states returning an answer not
satisfactory, he renewed his application ( .
aftd in order the more effectually to exclude

need to hear, that it ig not improbiible he might coh^
at length to think he deserved them. It would b«
useless to take notice of the several writers of thf
English nation who appeared in defence of Jamoi
»gaiasl his adversaries. Their names may be seen ifl
Fuller'; but for their works they are almost out of re-
membrance I ODg ago, the reverends and right reverend^
by cruel fate, were doomed to be

Martyrs of pics, aad reliqUES of the bum.

But all writings are not formed to abide any coi>.'
siderable spate of time : and well were it for the world,
if the dread of oblivion would restrain the zealot, the
pedant, the half-thinker from troubling its repose by
tlieir controversieB.

I will only observe before I conclude this note, that
Gaspar Scioppius, that man of great reading and mudi
learning, who had parts superior to most, and severity
and ill manners equal to his abilities, published two
pieces against James's apology and premonition; the
one entitled Ecclesiaslicus auctOTitatt ieieiiissimi D. .fa^
cahi MiigntE Brllttiiiiia regis oppositia, printed in l6l 1 j
and llie other siiled Cnllyriam regiiivi Brilumria regi
gratiter ex ocuiis laborauli muneii vthtum, printed the
(ume year. It may be supposed no great regard could
be paid James by a writer of such a character; btit it
had been better tor him to have used a little mote dc-

* Cbkuch Historj', cent, !''. book lO-Pi 43.

JAMES I. 137

Vwstius from the place to which he had
been chosen, and also had accepted, he pub-
lished a declaration *' concerning the pro-

cency.forhe had well near lost liia life by the iKiaiiU^
some of the English ambassador's aervaiils at Madrid,
for his want of it*. The truth is, no men deaerre
paDishmeiit more than writers of ScioppiuB's temper.
He railed, he reviled, he reproached, he uttered a tliou-
sand falsehoods against his adversaries, and stuck at
nothing in order to defame. Men's reputations he
valued not, nor cared he who was hurt by his calum-
nies. He deserved chastisement from the hand of the
magistrate ; and it wou d have been no more than jus-
tice to have treated him as a criminal. For there is a
great deal of difference between refuting and defaming
an adversaiy, between shewing the inconcluBJveness
of his reasonings, and inventing lies in order to blast
his characier; and 1 cannot help thinking that he who
does the latter, ought to be looked on as a wretch who
is a disgrace both to learning and humanity, and ex-
posed to the punishment of calumniators.

" He published a declaration concerning the pro-
ceedings in the cause of Vorstius.j This declaration
is " dedicated and consecrated to the honour of oui'
Lord and Saviotir Jesus Christ, the eternal Son of the
eternal Father, the only ©EANQPHnOZ, mediator and
reconciler of mankind, in sign of thankfulness, by his
most humble, and most obliged servant, James, &c. ^"
If this dedication be thought extraordinary, the decla-
ration itself will be judged more so ; for he declares it

• S«e Bayle's 1

' James's Worki, r

teioppiiia, notes (o) and («).

138 THE LIFE OF

ceedings with the States General of the Unit-
ed Provinces of the Low Countries in the
cause of D. Conradus Vorslius, in which,

to be the duly of a christian king to extirpate heresies; .
professes ihat it is zeal for the glory of God which
alone induces him lo move for the hanishmeat of Vor-
stius, vvhom he stiles a wretched heretic, or rather
atheist, out of the State's dominions; and then goes
on to give an account of what he had done in that af-
fair. He gives us a copy of his first letter to Sir Ralph
Winwood, in which he orders him to tell the States,
that "there had lately come to his hands a piece of
work of one Vorstius, a divine in those parts, wherein
he had published such monstrous blasphemies, and
horrible atheism, as he held not only the book worthy
to be burnt, but even the author himself to be most
severely punished;" and withal he commands him to
" let them know how infinitely he shall be displeased
if such a monster receive advancement in the church ;
and that if they continue their resolution to advance
him, he will make known to the world in print how
much he detested such abominable heresies, and all
allowers and tolerators of them ;" and that the states
might not want proper information, he sent a catalognt

of his damnable positions'." But the states weiB "i

not so furious as James; they iiad more knowledge^ ^'
and consequently more discretion. All the answer. J
he could get amounted to no more than a represents i
lion of the good character of Vorstius, his great abili- fl
ties, the rea»oaab1eness of allowing him to defend '
himself against his adversaries, and an aBSurance thit

' World, p. 350.

JAMES r. J39

among other things, he declares, that only
for the title of one of his books, viz. de
Jiliatione Christi, an author so suspected as

if upon examination lie should be found guilty, be
should not be admitted to the professor's place*. Be-
fore the receipt of this answer J»mes was determined
to shew his zeal, and manifest his indignation against
the heretic. He ordered his books to be burnt in St.
Paul's church-yard, and both the universities; by this
means confuting them in the shortest manner. Buthe
stopt not here; ho renewed his instances to the states
for the setting aside Vorstius, and again represented
his execrable blasphemies, and assures them never any
heretic better deserved to be burnt than he; and lest
they should hearken to his denials of what was charged
on him, he asks them, "what will not he deny, that
denieth the eternity and omnipotency of God. He
concludes with threatening them that if they should
fail of that which he expected at their hands, and suf-
fer such pestilent heretics to nestle among them, he
should depart and separate himself from such false and
heretical churches, and also exhort all other reformed
churches to join with him in a common council, how to
extinguish and remand to hell those abominable here-
tics"." — But notwithstanding these threatcniugs, Vor-
stius came to Leyden. This caused Winwood to pre-
sent himself before the States, who in a set speech back-
ed his master's letters, and gave in a catalogue of Vor-
Btius's errors. But the States answered coldly, and no-
thing to James's expectation. Winwood therefore,
according to his orders, protested against the Stales re-
ceiving Vorstius; and at length an answer was given

■ Works, p. 35a, 353.

"Id. p. 356.

THE LIFE OF
^ is worthy of tlie faggot ; and that if hc
*1iad been his own subject, he would have

by them more satisfactory to James. This pleased
him, hut still in his writings be went on to expose the

professor, and entered into a very tedious and insipid

reply to his apology for his writings. This was the

treatment which a man of piety, parts, and learning
met with from James, uponaccount of some metaphy-
sical reasonings on the nature and attributes of God,
and an error which he held with some of the fathers,
concerning the corporeity of deity'. I should not
wonder to hear an inquisitor talk after the manner he
did ; it would only be in the way of his profession.
But, I own, 1 can hardly tell how to bear such language
firom a professed protestant, and a temporal prince.
And it excites iny indignation to behold a man who
made no scruple of breaking the laws of the gospel,
and living in defiance of God himself, by acting
counter to his commands : 1 say it fills me with in-
dignation to hear such a one making a loud cry about
heresy, and stirring up men to punish it. Bnt thus it
has been, thus, perhaps, it always will be. The great-
est persecutors have been some of the most wicked and
abandoned of men. Without a sense of God, or re-
ligion on their minds, they have pretended to he actu-
ated by a great zeal for them; and covered with this
pretence they have gone on, even with the applause of
the superstitious and bigotted, to glut their ambition,

their pride, their revenge. James is said to have

been excited to declare against Voratius, by Abbot,
archbishop of Canterbury " ; and it is not unlikely.

* See Dupln'i HlEt. of EoulesiBitical Writers, voL I. p. 93. fal. LDOd.
1693. " AbrKlgmcDt of Bpndt's Hist, of ihe PeTarmiitloii of Ui<

Low Countries, wl. 1. p. 3IB.W*o. Load. 1725, and Winwood, vol. ill.

•I' JAMES I. Ml

«d him to hare confessed those wicked
heresies that were rooted iii his heart; and

Most of the ecclesiastics of that time abounded with a
fiery zeai, wbich frequently hurried them into actions
not to be justified. But had not James had' an incli-
nadon to the work. Abbot would not have been able
to have prevailed upon him to undertake it. He
thought, doubtless, that he should acquire fresh ho-
nour by his pen ; that his people would applaud his
zeal, and hold in admiration his piety ; and it is not to
be doubted but many were imposed on by him. How-
ever Sir Ralph Winwood did not escape censure at
home, for what he had done in this affair. He had
protested, as I had just observed, against the States
receiving of Vorstius ; but he added also, that he pro-
tested against the violence offered unto the alliance
between his majesty and those provinces, which, said
he, "being founded upon the preservation and main-
tenance of the reformed religion, you have not letted
(so much as in you lies) absolutely to violrite in the

proceeding of this cause V James, when he first

heard of this, said, Winwood hath done secumlum cor
tneum: but soon afterwards he changed bis note, and
said " the protest was made at an unreasonable time,
when he was to receive kindness (namely reimburse-
ment of money) at the States hands ; and so calling
for the copies of bis letters, found that the ambassador
had exceeded his commission, in protesting against
the alliance which should have been but against the
religion*." This it is to serve weak princes; they take
up their resolutions without consideration, and aie
Boon turned from them. To-day their servants are

• King Jan

' Wmimod, vol. III. p. 319,

THE LIFE OF

I doubt not but he would have been aii \

good as his word ; for soon after he caused^ \

commended, to-morrow blamed for followiag their in-
structions. So that little reputation is to be got itf <
their employment. Winwood received notice of thi^ ■
"but the wiser part of the world (says his friend Mr.
John More to him) considering the tenor of his ma^*
jesly's sharp letter to the States, and how often, ifl'
open discourse, he hath threatened not only to write
hut to fight against them, rather than Vorslius shouW
rest at Leyden, will more readily conclude that i '
majesty varieth in himself, than that you have eTred'.l
At length, however, Winwood had the pleasure
hearing that his majesty held him in his favour, j
spoke well of him ; but for Vorstius, he was oblig
through these solicitations of James, to renounce) I
provisionally his employment, and leave Leydenp J
and expect elsewhere a definitive sentence conceriW ^
ing this dispute. He retired to Gouda about May:
1612, where he lived quiet till the year 1619, when be
was forced to leave Holland ; for the synod of Doit:
having declared him unworthy of the professor's chair,
the states of the province deprived him of that em-
ployment, and condemned him to a perpetual hanisb-

ment *■. So sad a thing it is for private men to have

princes for their adversaries ! right or wrong they .
must submit, and cannot make resistance. Thoi
how honourable it is for princes to attack sach,
reader will determine.

I will conclude this note with observing that this d
claration of James against Vorstius, was printed in

' WinxoDd.Tol. Itl. p. 331.

* Bayle's DictioaaTj, article Vtintius (Conrad.)

two of his own subjects to be burnt for
heresy **.

French, Latin, Dutch, and English, and consecinently
his monstrous zeal, his unprincely revilings, and his
weak and pitiful reasonings were known ihroughout
Europe". Bui after all, I presume, it was held in
small account. For Mr. Norton, who "had the print-
ing of it in Latin, swore he would not print it, unless
he might have money to print it ''." ^

" He caused two of his own subjects to be burnt ,
for heresy.] The names of these two were Bartholo-
mew Legate, and Edward Wightman. The first of
these was n man of great skill in the scriptures, and
his conversation unblameable. His errors were some-
what of the same kind with those attributed to Soci-'
nus ; and withal he had the hardiness to say, that the
Kicene and Alhanaaian creeds contain not a profession
of the true Christian faith. James caused him to be
brought to him, and attempted his conversion; but
when he found that he was intractable, he dismissed
him with a contemptuous speech; and afterwards by
the bishops being declared an incorrigible heretic, he
gave orders to direct the writ de h/eretico combtirendo Do
the sheriffs of London, and in Sraithfield he was
burned to ashes. What Wightman was, or what his
errors, is hard to say. The heresies of Ebion, Cerin-
thus, Valentinian, Arrius, Macedonius, Simon Magus,
Manes, Manichceus, Photinus, and the Anabaptists,
were reckoned up against him in the warrant for his
burning; but probably, he knew not what they meant
thereby, any more than they themselves did who insert-
ed them m his accusation. They were hard words, and

III. p. 33^. " D9ber'9 Leiten, p. 13.

14* THE LIFE or

It is very remarkable, that in this decla-

they thought, it may be, that they would terrify atri
alTright. However, this is certain, that for his errorft
whatever they were, he was burnt at Litchfield'.i
These executions were in the year l6l 1.

James had another heretic to exercise his zeal on
also ; but seeing those that suffered were much pitied,
he very mercifully let him linger out bis life in New-
gate. Had I not reason then to say, that I doubted
not James would have been As good as his word,
in making Vorstius confess his heresies, had he been
his subject ? I make no doubt but that he would have
used his endeavours; and if these had failed, would
have treated him as bad as he did Legate and Wight-
man. For he had the spirit of an inquisitor : no pity,
no compassion was within him: he had no sense of
tlie worth of those men who preferred a good con-
science before all things ; be thought it was only obsti-
nacy in them, and therefore deemed them worthy of
punishment So easy is it for men who have no prin-
ciples themselves, to censure and condemn those who
are truly honest and sincere. 1 wish for the honour of
human nature, for the honour of Christianity, and the
honour of the reformation, that no such instances of
persecution had been to be found; but, as we cannot
blot them out, we ought to set a mark on those who
occasioned them, that so their names may be treated
with that indignation they bo justly merit.

Since the writing the above, by means of a very
worthy friend, I have got sight of the commissions
and warrants for the condemnation and burning of
Legate and Wightman. The commissions are directed

JAMES I.
ration against Vorstius, he tails foul on the,

to Thomas lord Elsmere, chancellor of England. Thd
warrant for the burning Legate ia addressed to the
sheriffs of London, the other for Wightman, to the
sheriff of Litchfield. By the commissions the chan-
cellor is ordered to award aud make out, under tlie
great seal of England, writs of execution ; and ihe
sheriffs by the warrant, are required to commit the
heretics to the fire. The heresies of Legate are (as I
have represented them from Fuller) reckoned up as tb«
reason for putting him to death. As for what is charged
to Wighiman's account, if it be true, (for great doubt
is to be made of the truth of persecutors) he was cer-
tuiuly an enthusiast, but, for aught appears, a harm-
less one; for he is charged with holding, that "he was
the prophet spoken of in the eighteenth of Deutero-
nomy in these words, I will rise thein up a prophet,
&.C. and that this place of Isaiah, I alone have trodden
the winepress; and that other place, whose fan is in
his hand, are proper and personal to him the said Ed-
ward Wightman. He is also accused with believing
llimself the comforter spoken of in St. John's gospel,
and the Elias to come ; and that he was sent to perfonn
his part in the work of the salvation of the world.'.V
But for his holding the opinions of Manes, aud M^
nichees, (as with great learning and judgment they'll
are distinguished in the warrant) and Simon Magus,
nothing at all appears even from the enumeration of his
adversaries. So that I guessed right, that the inseriingp*"
of these hard names was to terrify and affright*. I'
will insert a paragraph from the warrant for the exe-'

146 THE LIFE OF

Dame of Amiinius**; antl that afterwardsr

cution of Legate, with the reader's leave, which will
sliew U3 pretty much the temper of James, and so
conclude. "As a zealot of justice, and a defender
the catliohc faith, and willing to defend and mainti
the holy church, and rights and liberties of the
and the catholic faith, and such heresies and errors
every where what in us lieth, to root outand extirpate,
and to punish with condign punishment such heretic*
BO convicted, and deeming that such an heretic in
form aforesaid, convicted and condemned according to
the laws and customs of this our kingdom of England,
in tljis part occasioned, ought to be burned with fire,
we do command, &c. '."

** He falls foul on the name of Arminius.]

Anniniuswas aman of sense; he saw the consequences
of tlie calvinistical doctrines, and set himself to op-
pose them ; bnt he did it with candour and modesty.-
Whether his scheme be in all parts of it defensible, of
whether he in any place has ruft into one extreme in,'
order to avoid another, and needlessly made innova-
tions in the received doctitaes of the refonuedchurche^
1 leave to divines to be considered. It is sufficient
here to observe tliat his doctrine was received by many)
men of great understandings, and that his manners
were Irreproachable, His memory tlierefore ought to
liave beeB dear lo every good man, and his reputation,
should have remained unsullied. But James attacked)
hiin ; he calls him a " seditious and heretical preacherjj
an infector of Leyden with heresy, and an enemy of.
God* :" and W.itljal he complains of his " hard hap not

, beidg B

;ingJ.m,

JAMES I. 147

^^e^onwibut^d iniiCli to the condemnation
of his followers, by sending liis diviiles to

to hear of him before he waS dead, and that all the
reformed churches in GeVinanj had with open mouths

complained of hio

-Hard hap indeed .' to be ,

ignorant of the senlimenta of a professor of divinity,

and unable to enter the lists with him; for this pro^ 1

bably he would have done, had he found any ihiug tS "

have fastened on. But James's anger against Armti

nius soon declined. Though he here branded him fc(f
an enemy to God, "yet having seen the opinion of '
his followers, and their adversaries, and thcarguiDentiJ i
by which they were supported, discussed at large, hti ]
tells the States General, it did not nppear to him that
either of them were inconsistent with the truth of the
Christian faith, and the salvation of bouIsV This
letter is dated March 6, I6l3, and is plainly contradic-i
tory to what I have just cited from his writings. But ]
a contradiction was nothing to him, A man shalt
be an enemy to God, or the contrary, just as he takes'
it in his head; for it was a smalt matter with him t<l^ ]
accuse, revile, and rail: he was a king, and he ex- I
pected his word should be taken, though he renderecl (
not a reason. However James's fit of good-humout ^
lasted not long, with respect to the followers of Armi-' '
nius in Holland; they soon again were bad men, helif J
wicked doctrines, and such as were worthy of his cart^ ]
to extirpate, as we shall presently see. He joinCti (
with their adversaries, and contributed to their und*- 1
ing; so that he had no stability of judgment, or reeo- 1
lution, but was various as the wind.

* Snoa'a Works, p. 350, 334, 3.!5. * Abridgment of BrandlMfl

Hut. of the Rebrmitin, vol. L p. 39^ Mia^inwood, vul. Ill, p. *

■-"■■-•^-

148 THE LIFJa OF

the synod of Dort '% where their doctrine
was rejected, the contrary thereunto con-

^ He contribotcd much to the coodemnatioii of his
foJIowerSy by sending his divines to the syood of Dort.}-
The end and design of this synod was to condemn the
remonstrants; it was called by their professed ene-
miesy and composed of such as were most of all set
against them. They took an oath indeed, ** that in
examining and deciding, they would use no human
u|4Dg> hut only the word of God. And that during
all their discussions, they would aim only at the glory
of God, the peace of the church, and especially the
preservation of the purity of doctrine ■.•* But this
was no guard ; every thing was determined according
to their preconceived opinions, and the contrary was
judged false and heretical. For it is the manner of
these assemblies to assume to tliemselves somewhat
more wisdom than the writers of the New Testament
ever pretended to. They know better how to express
doctrines, how to guard against heresies, how to secure
the peace of the church, and above all how to silence
and convince gaiusayers in the most effectual manner.
But, somewhat unluckily, it has happened out, that
where they have once done good, they have ten times;
done hurt. Where one breach in the church has been
made up by them, many have been caused ; and where
one heresy, as it is called, has been suppressed, numbers
have been occasioned by them. So that it would be a
very difficult matter to say what good purpose they
have ever answered. To tlie members of them, in-
deed, they have been useful. They have established
their reputation for orthodoxy with the unthinking"

* Abridf meat of Brandt, >oL XL p. 41 T.

firmed, and they themselves stigmatized as
introductors of novelties, obstinate and dis-

vulgar ; given them an opportunity of gratifying their
ambition andloveof power ; and above all of satiating
their revenge on those who have eclipsed their reputa-
tion, and hindered them from making the figure they •
were inclined to. But too sad a truth is it, that they
never have promoted peace, unity, and love among
Christians, or the practice of those other virtues
which are so strongly inculcated in the gospel'. And
therefore well were it for the world, if it had an as-
surance of tbeir never more coming into reputation ;
for the mischiefs they always cause are innumerable.

No wonder then that the synod of Dort turned

out as it did. It had beep a miraclp if peace had been
%he consequence of it. For whatever has been the
pretence, I believe it liardly ever was the real end of
the meetings of this sort. But let us see what hand
James had in this synod, and how he contributed to -

llie condemnation of the followers of Arminius.

The synod began to meet Nov. 13, 16I8. It consisted
of thirty-six ministers of the United Provinces, and
five professors, together with twenty elders; to these
■weic added twenty-eight foreign divines, among whom
were the following sent by James, George Carleton
bishop of Landaff, Joseph Hall dean of Worcester,'
John Davenant -^ofeasor of divinity and master of
queen's college at Cambridge, and Samuel Ward arch-
deacon of Taunton, head of Sydney college at Cam-
bridge, and sometime after, Walter Balcanqual, a

' Sec Andrew Marvel's Hist. Essay touching gcnoral councils, creedi,
^c. and Jortin'e Preface to liis Remarks oa Ecclaissbcil Hiilory, toI. !•

150 THE LIFE OF

obedient, preachers of erroneous tlQcjtrine,
and corrupters of rdigion ; and as such

Scotch divine, wot added to them, to represent the
churches of his country '. [The ever memorahle John
Haleg also alteuded the syaod, not as a member, bul
vraa sent by Sir Dudley Carleton, the English am-
bassador at Holland, whose chaplain he was, to give
him an accouot of what passed in the synod''.] These
divines sent by James were not as furious in iheir be-
haviour towards the remonstrants, as their own coun-
trymen ; but they performed the eiTand forwhicb they
vere sent, the condemnation of the opinions of Anni-
nius, and establishment of those of Calvin. For this
purpose these gentlemen, though one of them a bishop,
and most of the other dignified in an episcopal church;
the*e gentlemen, I say, took on them to handle the
controverted points, and to engage against the errors of
the Armioians, in a synod made up of mere presbyters,
and the president of which was only one of the same
character'. They made speeches to overtiirow certain
distinctions framed by the remonstrants, for the main-
tenance of their positions, and evasion from the con-
tra-remonstrant s arguments^. They differed among
themselves*, and fell into heals with some of tli^
other members'; hot they agreed in approving the
Belgic confession of faith, and the Heidelberg cate-
chism '. In short, they dispatched tbe work intended,
and contributed to the woes which followed soon after

upon the poorArminians.' It isremarkablealso that

Geven years did not suffice to allay t)ie wrath of James

• Abrklgmcnt of Brandt, rot. II. p. 106. ■> Halt^ Coldea Re-

ITBins, p. 454. Bto. Jond. 16R7. ' H, ib. « Id. p. W3.

• lA p. tTP. ' Jd. p. 484, >ad 506. • Abridfieeiit of Bi»wlt,

■»ol.Il.p.511.

condemned to be deprived of all ecclesias-
tical and academical functions.

against VoiBtius : for almost at the conclusion of the
synod, his clergy read an extract of that professor's
errore; they called those errors blasphemies against
the nature of God, and said that the sale of Vorstiua's
book should be prohibited. Lastly, they demanded
that his book de Dee should be burned in a solemn
manner; and they produced a decree of the university
of Cambridge, by virtue of which that book had been
burnt publicly". The effect of these representations
I have mentioned iu note (45). If it be asked why
the part the English clergy took in the affairs at Dort,
is attributed to James ? the answer is, that they them-
selves owned, that they had been deputed to thesynod
by the king, and not by the church of England".
And so intent was he on the business of the synod,
" that he commanded them to give him a weekly ac-r
count of all its memorable passages, with the receipt
of which he was highly pleased'." " Yea, they were
instructed at all times to consult with the English
ambassador [Sir Dudley Carletou] who was acquainted
wilhtheformof the Low countries, understood well the
questions and differences amongst them, and from lime

to time received James's princely directions'*." So

that he was properly the actor iu this place, and the
condemner of the opinions held by the enemy of God '
and his followers. Whoever calls to mind the depri-
vations and baniehment which followed the decisions
of this synod, of such great men as Episcopius, Uyten-
bogart, Corvinns, Btc, and the persecution which en-

i- lit p, 501. Tulle.'*

THE LIFE OF

But severe as James was against the Ar-
minians abroad, he favoured them much at

sued throughout the United Provinces, against th^ ,
^riniiiirins; whoever coosiders tbese, wiil be apt t(f J
entertain but a poor opinion of those men who were 1
actors in it. Some of the divines might possiblj
mean well ; but the kings, princes, and great men '
concerned therein, had, undoubtedly, worldly views,
and were actuated by iheni. For though purity of
doctrine, peace of the church, extirpation of heresy,
were pretended, the state faction of the Anniniang
was to be suppressed, and that of Maurice prince of
Orange cxalied. A synod was judged necessary for
these purposes, and it extremely well performed what
it was intended for. The remonstrants were rendered
odious to the populace; their men of parts sent into
exile; iheir strength was exhausted; and they could
no longer oppose the measures of their adversariea.

0r. Heylin observes, that "as king James had

formerly aspersed the remonstrant party, so he con-
tinued a most bitter enemy unto them, till he had
brought them at the last to an extermination. Ba.t
he seems at a loss to tell what shoold^nducc him herer
nnto. Some suppose, says he, llial he was drawn in-
to it by Abbot and Mouniague; others imputed it to
his education in the church of Scotland : one thought
that he was drawn into it by his affection for priuce
Maurice; another ihathe was moved by reasons of Etate,
for the preventing a dangerous and incurable rupture,
which otherwise was like to follow in-the state of the
Welherlands." This last reason he thinks most pro-
bable. He afterwards adds, " thi^t James sent such of
his divines as were must likely to be sufficiently active

JAMES I. *■ 153

home *% and advanced several of them to

ia the condemnation of the Arminians*." Reasons of
state might have had some influence on James^ though
he had little knowledge of it, and generally was little
influenced by it. But I fency it was a regard to his
own character which chiefly induced him to act as be
did in this afl*air. For we have seen how he had treat^
the name of Arminius, in a writing dispersed through-
out Europe. Had be failed on such an opportunity to
extirpate his errors, his zeal for orthodoxy might have
been thought to have been lessened, and he to have
failed in that which he had declared to be the duty of
a king, tl^e extirpation of heresy.

'* He favoured tlie Arminians much at borne.] The
articles of the church of England are plainly calvU
nistical, as will appear to every one who will read them
attentively . They were " agreed on by the archbishops
and bishops of both provinces, and the whole clergy,
in the convocation holden at London, in the year 1562,
for the avoiding of diversities of opinions, and for the
establishment of consent touching true reIigion^''
The avoiding of diversities of opinions, and the estab-
lishment of consent was the professed design of them,
and doubtless the compilers of them imagined that
they should effectually accomplish it, by requiring all
who entered into the church to subscribe to them.
But they were" very much mistaken. Diversity of
opinions soon arose, and men who subscribed the same
articles, held contradictory opinions. Nor could it
.possibly be otherwise ; for while men are inquisitive
they will see things in new lights - and those who are

* Ileylm's Hist, of the Presbyterians, p. 402. fol. Oxford, 1670.
^ Vide the Articles of Religion, «nd Constitutions and Canoos Eciilesiaf-
tical, Canon 36. and Statute 13 Eliz, c 12. sect. 1. and 3* '

154 THE LIFE OF

the greatest dignities. So amazingly inrJ

consistent was his conduct.

honest and sincere, will not speak contrary to tha
Gentiments. Subscriptions then are only clogs and in-
cumbrances; they answer no good end, but may oc-
casion many mischiefs. Yea, many there are who
believe that " the imposing articles has given occasion
to almost all the uncharitableness and persecutions,
the devastations and destruction of christians, that

have ever been since articles first were made'," In

the time of Elizabeth there was a pretty great uni-
fonnity of belief in the doctrinal points of religion
among the clergy; they in general were Calvinists,
and so were their successors in the reign of James.
Bancroft indeed was very diiTerent in his opinion.
But Ahbot, Mountague, and almost all the rest of the
hishops adhered to the doctrine of the church in
like manner as their predecessors. Thus things con-
tinued till about the year iClG, when James being
acquainted with what dangers would proceed from
training up of young students in the grounds of Cal-
vinism, dispatched some directions to the vice-chan-
cellor, and professors of divinity at Oxford, which
was " the first step, says Dr. Heylin, towards the sup-
pressing of that reputation which Calvin and his wri-
tings had attained unto in that university''." And
in the year l622, instructions were drawn up and sent
to the archbishops, and by them to tlie bishops, ip
which they were required to see lo it, " that no preacher
of what title soever, under the degree of a bishop or

* Kisiy en impuEing >nd subscribing Articles of Religiun, by Pbileleu-
tbenis CniilahrigienEis, i<. 31. Loiud. 1719. 8io. '' Upylin't Lif* qf

Laud, p. 'i2. Lond, i6CS. to).

Cardinal Perron having pronounced in
the chamber of the third estate at Paris,

dean at the least, do henceforth presume to preach in
any popular auditory, the deep points of predestina-
tion, election, reprobation, or of the universality, effi-
cacy, resist! bihtj-, or irresistibility of God's grace'."
Laud had a hand in drawing this up, and what his in-
tent was thereby, is not difficult to guess. However
so it wasj that the Calvinists continually lost ground
in the king's favour, and the Amiintans had credit
with him. Laud, Howson, and Corbet were advanced
-to bishopricks by him, though publicly known to be
j\miiniaDs: Neile, of the like opinion, was in great
favour, and received many promotions from him:
and Richard Montague, one of the most Tiolent Armi-
tiians of the age, received his open protection and ap-
probation of all the opinions contained in the book
for which he was afterwards questioned in parliament''.
What shall we think of such a conduct as this? are
the same doctrines hercsiesabroad, and truths at home?
are men in Holland to be deemed enemies lo God,
and worthy of synodical condemnation for holding
particular opinions, and in England fit for the highegt
ecclesiastical promotions ? what must the world judge
of the man who behaved so very contradictory ?——
But James had his reasons for favouring the Arminians
in England. They were supple and fawning, they
knew how to flatter artfully, and, above all, they
seemed very zealous in preaching up

The rijlit fliviiic of kings to govern wroojt,

f ihyWi Ijfc of Lfliirl. p. 98. TjniiJ. 1668. tal. " Id. p. 12i. a

Cabala, p. 1 1 1. ^ Pope's Elba; on Man, ep. a, !. 913.

135 THE LIFE OF

Jan. 15, l6l5, an oration, and sent it to

James, he soon after published liis remon-

Nothing could be more acceptable to liiin tliati this, it
atoned for their errors, yea made tliem most orthodox
in his sight. For he was either indifferent as to all
religious principles, or believed juat nothing at all
about thetn ; or otherwise he cpiild not lii^ve acted aii
we see he did.

The fullowing account from Mr. Waller's life will
make a proper supplement to what has been said con-
cerning the artful flatter;', and high prerogative notions

of the Anninian clergy at this time. "On the day

of the dissolution of the last parliament of king
James I. Mr. Waller, out of curiosity or respect,
went to see the king at dinner, with whom were Dr,
Andrews the bishop of Winchester, and Dr. Neal
bishop of Durham, standing behind his majesty's
cliair. ThCTe happened something very extraordinary
in the conversation those prelates had with the king,
on which Mr. Waller did often reflect. His majesty
asked tbe bishops, My lords, cannot I take my sub-
jects money when I want ii, without all this formality
in parliament? The bishop of Durham readily answer-
ed, God forbid. Sir, but you should; you are the
breath of our nostrils : whereupon the kjng turned
and said to the bishop of Winchester, well, my lufd,
^hat say you ? Sir, replied the fjishop, I have no
■kill to jtidge of parliamentary cases, llie }iing
answered, no pnt-offn, my lord, answer me presently.
Then, Sir, said he, ! think it is lawful for you to take
my brother Neal's money, for he offers it. Mr. Wal-
ler said the company was plejised with this answer,
and the wit of it seemed to affect the kingV

I oT the Life anAh^ritings of Mr. Waller, prefhed to bis
pMBU, p, C7. edit. Land. \'!i2. Umo.

JAMES I. U7

strancc '" tor the right of kings, and the
iudependance of their crowns, against the

" He published his re monstrance for the rights of ■
kings.] This piece is written with much more de-
cency than the other controversial tracts of James. ■
He (tcknowledgetli Perron to be a prelate in great au-
thority, and of no leas learning', and owns his cour-
tesy in sending him a copy of his oration''. But at
the same time he insinuates that in the cardinal's
speech, his lips looked one way, and his conscience
iiaother: and professes, "his rest is up, that one of
the maynes for which God had advanced him upon
the lot'tie stage of the supream tlirone, was, that his
words uttered from so eminent a place, for God's
honour, most shamefully traduced and vilified in his
own deputies and lieutenants, might with greater fa-
cility be conceived'." Then he gives the reasons for
his engaging in this controversy : which were first,
" the common interest of kings."

Secondly, "The cardinal's speaking as one repre-
senting the clergy and nobility."

Thirdly, " Because he himself had been represented
by him as a sowerofdissention, and a persecutor, under
whom the church is hardly able to fetch her breath;
yea, for one by whom the catholics of his kingdom
are compelled to endure all sorts of punishments."

Lastly, " By reason that l-'rancc was reduced to ao
miserable terms, that it was become a crime for a
iVenchman to stand for his king, it was a necessary
duetie of her neighbours to speak in her behalf."

These aie the reasons alledged by James for en^

gaging against Perron. After tliis he proceeds to his

■ King Jamts'b Work., p. 383. 'W.p.OSG. ' Id. p. 1S3. Mil.p, S^a

158 TITE LIFE OF

oration of the most illustrious cardinal of

Perron. This was his last controversial

defence of the right of kings, and endeavours to shew
<' that what the cardinal had advanced in support of hia
doctrine, that it was absurd and incongruous to con-
demn, or wrappe under the solemn curse, the abetters
of the pope's power to unking lawful and sovereign
kings : he endeavours to prove that what was said by
the cardinal in behalf hereof, was meer nullity, matter
of imagination, and built upon false presuppositions'."
To enter into a minute detail of James's arguments
would be tiresome to the reader. Let it therefore
sufRce to say, that he quotes fathers, councils and
schoolmen ; and that history and scripture are allcdged
by him, and sometimes not impertinently. It ap-
pears from this defence of the right of kings, that
James had had a correspondence with Perron for years
before; that he had sent him a discourse in writing,
to which in three years the cardinal had not replied,
which 18 attributed not to a want of capacity, but to
" well advised agnition of his own working and build-
ing upon a weak foundation''." If one knew nothing
more of James than what might be gathered from this
book, one should be tempted to imagine that he was
a most zealous proteslant. For he attributes all the
miseries of Ffnnce and Great Britain to the Romish
clergy', whom he paints out in no very agreeable co-
lours; and at the same time praises the French pTo~
testanls in an extraordinary manner. He tells us he
could never " learn that those of the religion in France,
look arms against their king. In the first civil wars,
says he, they stood only upon their gnard; they armed

» Id. ji. 470. 'Id. p. 393.

JAMES I. ]5g

work. But besides the pieces already

not, nor toot the field before they were pursued witlv
fire and sword, burnt up and slaughtered. They were
a refuge and snccour to the prhices of the blood ; ia
regard of which worthy and honourable service, the
French king hath reason to have the protestant» ia
&is gracious remembrance. He then sets forth their
great merit with respect to the third and fourth Henry,
to whom they stood ia all their battles, to bear up the
eronn then tottering and ready to failV This is a
very remarkable testimony to the tideliiy and loyahy-
of the Hugonota, as it comes from one who hated'
their principle of parity in the church, looked on such
AS held it as very pests in church and commonwealth,
and who spoke more bitterly of them than of the pa-
pists ". For the French protestants differed nothing
at all from the English and Scotch puritans, either in'
discipline or doctrine. This remonstrance against
Perron, was written first in French by his majesty, af-
terwards by his leave translated into English, as also
into Latin, Anno iClfi, in 4to. for I remember to have

seen such an edition of it in that language. Perron

though he had neglected James's private writing re-
turned an answer to this public remonstrance, for ia
riie account of the said cardinal's writings in Perrault'*
characters', and in Collier's dictionary'', I find a work-
intitled, "a reply to the king of Great Britain's an-
swer." Whether this is the whole of the title I know
not, any more than I do what the answer contained^
for both these authors are by much too superficial in' "
their accounts of the most eminent writers, and their

' King James's Works, p. *30. " See nole 12. ' Character*

Hi5loricol and PaQegyrical, vol. H. p. 5. " Great Histoiical Dictio-

mry, article Psrron (Jamei Davj da.) ^

160 THE LrFE OF

mentioned, he published also a counters

performances'. As this remonstrance is the I

poicmica] work of James which we have to menlioi
Lord Shaftsbury's descri pt ion of him as a prince-write
will not improperly conclude this note. An to which,
from what has been seen by the reader already, he may
in a good measure be able tojudge of its truth and
propriety. "A prince of a pacific nature and fluent
tliought, submittiDg arms and martial discipline to the
gown ; itnd confiding in his princely science and prt>^
found learning, made his style and speech the c
and sinew of his govc-rnnicnt. He gave us his w
full of wise exhortation and advice to his royal son, i
well as of instruction to Ids good people; who <
not without admiration observe their author-
thus studious and coutempiative in their behalf. '
then one might have seen our nation growing younj
and docile, with that simplicity of hciirl which qu«j
lifted them to profit like a scholar- people under t
royal preceptor, l-'or with abundant eloquence I
graciously gave lesions to his parliament, tutored
ministers, and edified the greatest churchmen ■
divines themselves; by wbose suffrage be obtained tl
highest appellations which could be merited by t
acutest wit, and truest understanding. From hent^
the British nations were taught to own in common J
Solomon for their joint sovereign, the founder of thei
late com pleated union''." Whether this deacriptia
of our author-soveieign, as his lordship styles bin
too soft or severe, I leave entirely to ihejudgmeHt t
the reader : nothing doubting but be will be pleased to
see it, whatever he may think of it.

•Vide Appendix.

^tts, vol. I. p. 192. eJiU 12iiii>. 1146.

'''JAMES L 161

ilaste to tobacco ", began a trahslation of
the psalms of king David ; and writ a

" He published a counterblaste to tobacco.] This
was first printed in quarlo, without name or date. It
is a wretched performance both for matter and manner.
In it he sets forth how dishonourable it is in us to imi-
tate the beastly Indians in so vile and stinking acustom
as using tobacco; how unreasonable the pleas alledged
in defence of it are; and the mischievous consequences
flowing from the use, or fiUhy abuse of it. Here he
tells us chat by using tobacco men are guilty of sinful
and shameful lust; that it is a branch of the sin of
drunkenness ; that it enervates the body, and ruins the
estate; for, adds he, "some gentlemen bestow three,
some four hundred pounds a year upon this precious
stink "." If this is true it is very amazing. Though it ia
certain James laid a most heavy duty on it, in order
to hinder its consumption. "For there is extant hia
warrant to the lord treasurer Dorset, Anno l604, for
laying a good heavy imposition on tobacco, that less
quantity, may be brought into the realm, and only suf-
ficient for the better sort, who will use it with mode-
ration for their health; wherefore he authorizes the
said treasurer to order, that from the 26th of October
ensuing, the proper officers should take of all who
import tobacco, the sura of six shillings and eight
pence upon every pound weight, over and above the
custom of two pence per pound usually paid hereto-
fore''." Excellent policy this!- to discourage the taking
of that which has since proved one of the greatest re-

' King James's Works, p. 231, * RymeHi Ftedera, lom,

XVI. fol. eoi. apud Olijs'a Life of Rakigh, p. 39. noted. fi>L Land.
I-rsa >Dddi:tsRegi>,p. 51B.ft>l.Loiid. n34.
VOL. 1. H

THE Lte Sf

few sonnets and epitaphs'*. So I'ond wa»

he of shewing his parls, instnictiiig aiid

Venues of the crown, and has produced vast benpfit t
Britain, and her plantations. Por two of our coloiiiB^
are supported by it; great numbers of sLipB and sea-
men are employed in bringing it over; and the custom •
duties of it are counted, on a medium, to amount to.,
169,0791, Os, lOd. per annum. But it is no vrondel
" that such a philosopher, as eould magnify the powei
of witches, after the manner he has done in one of hii-l
learned pamphlets, should be such a politician as to-'
discourage the Caking of tobacco in another," says Mr<,J
Oldys'. " But those who have not admired," cond'
nues the same gentleman, " at his prejudice iu this
tempt to dispel the fumes of that herb with greater _
his own, if I may allude to the witty title of bis per-'^l
formance without imputation of irreverence to his
memory, may yet applaud his policy, in so far con-
ducing to its suppression, as to exclude it from the
body of his works, when tins royal pamphleteer re-
solved to become an author in folio." If I understand
this paragraph aright, it is asserted in it that the coun-
terblast to tobacco, makes no part of James's folio
volume. But tins is a mistake, and could proceed
from nothing but trusting, I suppose, too much to
memory, in a thing ofsmall importance. A fault, tliat
even the most exact authors are liable to fall ioto.

'* He began a translation of the psalms of king
David, Scc.j In lord Anglesey's catalogue, I find
king James's translation of the psalms to be simg after
tbe old ttines, I6SI''; and I am assured by a learned

» OUp, p. 35. ' BibliDllieci Angleutoa, art«ile [Divinity, i
Si«. Ilmo. kc. p. 19.) Loih]. 1686. il*

entertaining his good subjects, and over-
coming his adversaries in literary contests!

friend, from one who has seen it, that such a transla-
tioa was published in his name, though I have not yet
been so fortunate as to meet with it. But this traiisia-
tion was only begun by James, as we may learn from
the following quotation. " This translation he was ia
hand with, says bishop WiHiama, (when God called

him to sing psalms with the angels.) He intended ta i

have finished and dedicated it to the only saint of his *l
devotion, the church of Great Britain, and that of •
Ireland. This work was staied in the one and thirty ('
psalm'." ' We have two sonnets of his in hii^
works ** ; an epitaph on the chancellor of Scotland, ia
Spotswood'; and another on that valiant, polite, and
learned gentleman. Sir Philip Sydney, in Collier's die*
tionaiy. This latter, being but short, I will give ta
the reader, as a specimen of James's poetry.

When Venus san !he noble Sydney dying,

Sho thought it her belored Mara had been ;
AtmI wilb the thouKbt thereof she Wl a crying,

And cast anaj her rings and carkuets clean.
Be, that in death a goddess nu>ck'd and griat'd,
What had be done (Jrow yon) Lf be had lived*.

This, 1 think, is one of the best of his poetical conb- ''
positions. The reader, after this, need not be told that
James's talents for poetry were not extraordinary. Be-
sides the pieces of poetry 1 have mentioned, I am in-

* Qreit Britain'! Salomon. A lermoa prtaobed at the magniliceat
funenl of Ihe most high and mighty king Jamw. By John lord bishop
of Lincolne, lorj keeper of the great scale of England. London, printed
for John Bill, priater to the king's mtxt eicellcnt majesty. 1635- p 4i.
4to. •• Jamea'j Works, p. B9, 137. ' Ch. Hist, p, til. "Great
Hbt«iical Dietionary, artt^ Sidjkey, (Si^Pbill^)

THE LtFE OF
but he had an absolute aversion to war".
This led him hastily to conclude a peace

formed by (he very worthy and learned Dr. Bircb, that
there is (.-xtatit ia James's name, another iiititled,
" His Majesly's Lepaiito, or Heroical Story, being
part of his poetical esercises at vacant horns, Loar
don, l603. ia 4lo." A sight of this, perhaps, might
afford some diversion. This book being burnt among
titose of the honourable Cbarles Yoric, Esq. at Lio^
ct^n's Inn in the late fire there, Mr. Birch conid give
no further account of it.

" He had an absolute aversion to war.] " I know
not by what fortune the dicton of Pacilicus was added
to my title, at my coming into England : that of the
lyon expressing true fortitude, having been my dictoti
before: but I am not ashamed of this addition; for
king Solomon was a figure of Christ in that, that he
was a king of peace. The greatest gift that our Sa-
viour gave his apostles, immediately before his ascen-
sion, was, that he left his peace with ihem ; he himself
having prayed for his persecutors, and forgiven his
own death, as the proverb is"." In the first au-
dience the duke of Sully had of James, he told him,
" that ifhe had found the English atwarwith the French,
his endeavours would, nevertheless, have been to live
ID peace with a prince, [Henry the fourth] who, like
himself, had been called from the crown of Navarre to
that of France : it being always commendable, said he,
to overcome evil with good''." These are good senti-
ments enough for private persons; but they may be
carried much too far by princes. Forgiveness and im-
punity from these only draw on fresh injuries; and he

• King Jamej's WorU, p, S90. ■■ SuUj's Meini»re, vol. ii. p. la.

JAMES I. 155

with Spain'^ to the amazement and great

wl» will not at any time avenge wrongs received, Will
be sure to meet with enough of them. Princes owe
protection to their subjecis ; but this cannot be af-
forded many times, unless chastisement be inflicted on
those who injure them. Wars therefore are sometimes
oecessar}'; and a warlike prince will be always respect-
able to his neighbours. But the known coward will
be looked on with contempt. He will be affronted
perpetually, and every opportunity w'iil be taken to ri-
dicule and oppress him. So that though the love of
peace in princes be commendablCj yet, when it is car-
ried too far, it degenerates into a fault, and gives just
ground for the subjects' complaints. Happy the people
who have a prince who neither loves nor feare to draw
his sword! They may be sure of being defended in
their j ust rights by him ; of being guarded from unjust
invasions, and secured by his valour from the evils
which threaten them. His power will make him con-
siderable in the eyes of his neighbours; they will at-
tend to his reasons, and be influenced by his persua-
sions. For they will not slightly provoke one known
not tamely to put up injuries. So that the profession of
fortitude and resolution, of courage and magnanimity,
becomes better the mouths of princes, than that of
meekness and forgiving of injuries; for the former
may, possibly, he of-ufle aad service, but the latter can
answer no good purpose in the present slate of die
world.

, "' This led him to conclude a peace with Spain,
&c.] The peace was concluded Aug. IS, 1604. But
before this, in a few weeks after Jame:^ came into Eng-
land, he revqliei^.tbe letters of reprisal on the subjects
of Spain, which had been granted by Elizabeth, with-

166 THE LIFE OF

advantage of the Spaniards ; who thereby

<Mt atsjine to be nti<nted od that bead, or to be com-
pluneated oo his accession to the throne^ by the king
of Spain*. So that he disarmed his subjects before he
iMd proTided for theii better sectuiiy. He sto|>ped
dmu in the course of doing ihemselTes jastice, before
be was sore of obtaining reparation for their past
losses. ^Tlie king of Spain had now reduced him-
self to a very lev ebb, by bis wars with England and
the Netherlands, in which, for the most part, he had
been unsuccessful. Tte king of Spain, says Sir Wal-
ter Raleigh, in his discourse touching a war with
Spain, written before the conclusion of the peace, and
intended to be presented to James. " The king of
Spain, says he, is now so poor, as he employed his
Je&tiita to beg for him at every church-door in Spain.

" His revenues are mortgaged in such sort, as of
twenty-five millions, be has but five millions free;
his ships are worn-out and consumed, and his people
io general exceeding poor.

" He hath of late received many affronts and losses ;
and in Peru many of the chiefest and best towns are
recovered from him by the natives.

" And commonly, when great monarchies begin
once in the least to decline, their dissipation will soon
follow after,

" The Spanish empire hath been greatly shaken, and
haxh begun of late years to decline; and it is a prin-
ciple in philosophy, that omnis diminutio at preparatio
ad corrupliojtem. That the least decay of any part is a
forerunner of the destruction of the whole.

* Oldcmtlr'sBcaacki go the ICtt of England, p. 93B, ud Acla ScEia,

.TAMES I. 167

had an oppovtiiuity given them of retriev-

" And though it may be awhile upheld, aa the state
of Rome was by Vespasian and Trajnn ; yet following
the former declination, relra slatim mblapsa fertur
usque diiin plane stihtena f'uit. h prpseiitly fell back
again, and never left declining till the Roman stata'
was utterly overthro^vn.

" But if now the king of Spain can obtain peace
upon any condition reasonable, so as lie may fortify his
weakness, both in Europe and the Indies, and gather
again sulTicicnt riches, putting tiie English from the
exercise of war in those parts, and so make us to for-
gethis Indies, till those be consumed that know them;
he will soon grow to his former greatness and pride;
and then if your majesty shall Icaietbe Low Countries,
and he- finds us by ourselves, it will not be long e'er be

remembers bis old practices and attempts'." But

no such consideralions as these could have any influ- '
ence on James, He had revoked the letters of reprisal,

and a peace be was determined to have. You shall

now understand (says lord Cecyll to Mr, Winwood, in
a letter dated Ap. 12, 1604.) " that the constable of
Castile is come to Dunkiric, and resolved presently tp
take his passage; so as there is now nothing so cer-
tain as a treaty, and in my opinion nothing more Jikely
than a peace. For as it \s must true, that his majesty's
mind is mo^ irKJioabJe thereunto, and that in C0I^-
tejnplation thereof, ^ings have been so carried her^
as if a war were now somewhat unseasonable, so yoij
may see by the king of Sp-ain's great descent from liie^ j
lieighth of bis ^riss towards other princes, aa be is'

' The Wnrtu of Sjr Waltar Raleigh, Kt. political, ooiniBercial, nad phl-
Ig-opliii-Bl, by Tho. Bircli, M. A. vol, II. p. 11. Bva Loud. 17il,

16S THB UFE OF

ing iheir almost desperate affairs, and of

determined to go throagh with it; being novt it seenu
confinned in the French position, qui a leprofit a Fhon-
luur. A matter I do confess to yoo I do clearly fore-
«c he will have, unless the estates of ibose poor c
tries [the Netherlands] have some more adjuvance*J

towards their auhsistiug'." The treaty was soon J

concluded, of friendship and amity, and mutual trade .;

to each other's dominions ^ It is very remarkably J

that low as the Spaniards were, depending on James'l^
pacific disposition, tbey stiffly denied the English fref
trade aad commerce with the East and West Indies'; J
and got it inserted in the articles that do aid or assist-^
ance whatsoever should be given to the enemies or r
bels on either part ; yea moreover they had the Engli^
in Spain subjected to the power of ihe inquisition *-
CecjU indeed said it were vanity to have expected
more than they had concerning the matter of trade to <
the Indiis, cind the inquisition. Bat it does not ap-
pear that he had rt-ason'for his afhrmation. For the )
.Spaniards were in so much want of a peace, that they J
would have submitted to almost any thing to obtaiog
it; and they themselves were surprised to find that iU
was made on so advantageous conditions. Sir CharleaJ
Cornwullis, in a letter to the same Cecyll, lord viscounl
Cranborne, principal secretary to his majesty, froffl
Spain, dated June 2, 1605, has the following remark-J
able expressions. " I find here by many argument* J
that this peace came opportunely for this kingdoin, J
and is admired of all Europe, yea of thia kingdoni itself,
how it was possible with m advontiigeous conditions

*n'iD««tM],10l. II. p.18.

' w. p. aa.

pushing on the war witli the Dutch, against

to them, and so little profitable to our realm it could
be effected. The duke of Anera discoursing with one ' i
of great privacie and trust with him, after he had heard
that the peace was in such forme concluded, said iib
plain termes, that the king and counsellors of England|K 1
had not their senses when in such sort theyagreei' j
upon it. And some Spaniards have lately reported,' *
lliat the king of Spain's money purchased this quiet;
ollieiwise peace, with so good conditions could never
have been obtained. I know thac besides yourlord-i
ship's exceeding wisdom, your lordship out of your
true noble disposition, hath ever equalled the care of
the saftie and honor of yoar countrie with your own
life. I verily persuade myself that the king's owa
christian and earnest inclination to peace, lead on the

treaty with speedy feet. But by those collections

that I have made, and relations of others well practised
in this state, I Bnd that England never lost such an
opportunity of winning honor and wealth unto it, as
by relinquishing the war with Spain. The king and
kingdom were reduced to such an estate, as they could
not in all likelihood have endured the space of two
years more; his own treasurie was exhausted, his rents
and customs sussigned for the most part for the pay-,
ment of money borrowed, his nobility poor and much
indebted, his merchants wasted, his people of the
countrie in ail extremitie of necessity, his devices of
gaining by the increase of the valuation of money, and
other such of that nature, all plaid over; his credit in
borrowing, by means of the incertaintie of his estate
during the war with England much decayed, the sub-
jects of bis many distracted dominions held in obedi-
ence by force and feai'e, oot by love and dutie ; aad

170 TilE LIFE OF

whom thej' were, in a manner, iiuplacable,

therefore rather a care and burllien, th:tii a relief and
strength to him. Himself very young, and in that t«4
gftrd with his people iii no great veneration; and tb^
less for suffering himself to be wholly governed by V
man generally hated of his own counlry; his strciigtfat
at aea not ahle to secure his ports at liouie, niueh iesfi
bis Indies, or his treasure honiewnrds '." This is rather
a stronger picture of the deplorable state of Spain thaai.
Sir Walter Kaieigh':!, and from it, it cleurly nppcaiRk
that we needed not have been afraid to have insisted
on ahnost any thing from it; and eonseqiientiy inu(^.,
less have submitted to a. deprivation of the Indian trad«)<
and to the inquisition. But James's earnest iiicltnali
for peace, and the Icing of Spain's money procured ttiit'
treaty: tbnnoney was distributed in abundance among-
the English conrtiers who promoted the pe.ice, as ap**
pears not only from what is asserted by Sir CharlcB'
Cornwallis in the above letter, but from other uniiueg*'
tionable authorities. In the memoirs of Sully we rea^'
'• That no sooner was the Spanish ambassador arrivetj'
in London, than he multiplied ihe number of his ere»-^
lures, by his extraordinary liberalities to all those whoia-
he considered as necessary to be gained ''." And Sir
Henry Neville in a letter to Mr. Winwood, date^
Aug. 19, lti04, writes, " We say liie Spanish ambsa?'
sadors have taken up many jewels here (we suppose «»
bestuw upon our grandees ; so not to leave any advaO''
tage to the I-'reoch, who began that angling fashion
unto them) with the king's privity and all men'«
wouilcr ',"-—— And after the peace was made, the eart

* Wianood, »ol, II, p. 1,1, <• Sully's Memori.ls. ml. IL f. 181.

' WiiiBOod, TOl. IL p. 36,

JAMES I. 171

on account of their revolt for religion and

of Nottingham, lord admiral, ambassador extraordinary
into Spain, had bestowed on him at his departure, in
plate, jewels and horses, to the vdue of twenty thoot
sand pounds, by that king. And to some other of llM
principal attendants were given chains and jewels of '
great value". And it appears from Sir Charles Corn*
wallis's letter to the earl of Salisbury, out of Spaing '
that there were many pensions given in the court of ,
England ''. Osbom, therefore, seems to have reasoS
for saying, " that James cast himself as it were blind* .
fold into a peace with Spain, far more destructive to
England than a war; for it hath not only found that
prince an opportunity to recover his strength (muc^ 1
abated by the queen's happy successes at sea) but gaV«' .
him a fair advantage to establish himself in the king^
dom of Portugal, and quiet the distempers of his owH
people. And as this peace, adds he, was of infinite i
consequence to tlic Spaniard, so he spared for no cost
to procure it: and to prevent the inserting any articit
that might obstruct his recourse to or from the Indies
(the magazine of strife) either on this side or beyond
ihe line (thought by the English eommissioners not io*
eluded, however the contrary was after pretended, and
no farther disputed by king James, than with patienoft
and a quiet submission of his subjects to their sense,
not rarely punishing such as transgrest, at their coming
home) he presented ail, both Scotish and English witll
gifts, and those no small ones ; for by that the earl of
Northampton, brother to Suffolk, had, he was alon* '
sble to raise and finish the goodly pile be built in thA

• Wiowood, vol. 11. p. 39 and Birch's

J, p. 293.

172 THE LIFE OF

liberty. But notwithstandiDg, the articles ]

■tnind. — Nor are there a few others no less bra«e houses
fresh in my memon', that had their t'oundatioti!, if not
their walls and roofs, plastered with the same mortar.—*
Hiis I shall add as no improbable conjecture made by
many in those days, that his Catholic inajesiy was so
frighted by the apprehension of a possibility that our
king, according to the nature, no less tlian the obliga-
tion of bis country, might fall into a conjunctiou with
France, that he would scarce at that time have denied
him any thing, lo the half of his Indies. Aad from
hence all princes may calculate the vast difference that
lies between a council suborned, and one free fi-om cot^ '
ruption '." This last reflection, appears to me vetjf 1
judicious. " A gift blindcth the wise, and penertefil
the words of the righteous," says the great Hebre# i
legislator". No prince can ever be safe who permit "
his counsellors to take presents from foreign princesj i
For their judgments will be biassed, their affections be '
engaged, and they be disposed to serve others, mocft*
than their own master; so that of the utmost conseJ"'
quence is it to hare ministers depend wholly on th^
prince, if tliey rece'tve presents from others, they mun
earn them; by giving counsel suitable lo the instruo-^
tions they receive, or by divulging those resolution* J
which ought most of all to be concealed. They must 1
be spies to those who bribe ihem, and unfaithful to ^
their master by whom they are intrusted. So that it ii.l
amazing that James should consent to his grandees re-^
ceiving the Spanish presents ; for a moment's reflection *
would have set before him the pernicious consequences
of it. The prince who would preserve his reputation,

' Osboni'B Works, p. 470. >• Eiod. 23, 8.

of the peace were but poorly observed by
them ", and produced not the effect ex-

and accomplish his ends, should keep his counsels se-
cret. He should have a strict eye on the ambassadors
sent to him, that they gain not the weak by their ad-
dress, the proud by their fawning, or the interested by
their bounty. For nothing is more certain than that
by flattery, cunning and seduction, they endeavour to
delude ministers into a discovery of the secrets of state.
In short, as a great writer expresses it, " they do all
the mischief they can ; their profession allovra them to
transgress ; they sin out of duty, and are sure of impu-
nity: 'tis against the wiles of those spies that princeft ,
ought to be chiefly on their guard '."

" The articles of the peace were but poorly observed
by them, &c.] My authorities for this wiil not be dis-
puted. Sir Henry Neville, in a letter to Mr, Win-
wood, dated London, December 8, l604, writes, " It
is commonly reported that our merchants are ill-used
in Spain by the inquisition; and besides that, that the
trade proves nothing so beneficial as was expected;
pai'tly by reason that the merchants there are become
poor by these wars, and not able to buy but upon days, ■
and many of those that have been trusted, have played
bankrupts, insomuch as some of ours have brought
back their commodities, rather than they would sell
upon credit; and partly, by reason, that in this time
of long restraint of trade, they have been forced to
betake themselves to the making of cloth there, and ■
do make it now in that quantity, as they care not'
much for ours, which was wont to be our chiefest trade
thither. And as for corn, the French, both by reasoa

> Anli-MachiaTel, p. 316i

THE LIFE OP

H pectcd in point of profit, by the English, to

■ whom the peace soon became very disagree-

^ of their nearaets and abundance, will ever furnish thetn

better cheap than we can. So as there appears little
hope of any fruit of oar peace in that regard; which
joined with some other considerations of state, that
have reference to your alTairs there, [Holland] begiiu
to cool that ardent affection which cairied us so strong- ,
ly to that treaty, and begets some discourses, (even
amongst our greatest governors) that this will be but a
short peace".

And Sir Charles Cornwallis in a letter to the earl oft
Salisbury, dated Valladolid, October 18, 1605. O. S. ^
tells him, " the Spaniards had made a geucral stay or
justice to all or any of the king his masters subjects'',"
And the same gentleman, in a letter written from Ma-r
drid, in May 1006, tells lord Salisbury also, " that 'ti|
written to him from Sevill, that Don Lewis Firardo, i
his voyage, met with certain ships from England,
loaden with corn and bound to Sevill. That he firaf
took tile masters, and first set their necks In the stocks;
after removed them to the admiral, and there with hif
own hands did as much to their leggs; revileiug thenu
and calling them heretiques, Lutheran dogs, and ene^
mies of Christ, ihreatning to hang them; and in conr
cluiiioii having taken from them what he thought fit,
returned them into their own ships. Besides the cruelty
(le shewed to those of Mr, Edward's ship in the IndieSj
he holdeth still in the gallies all the mairiners of Mr.
Jlall's and Mr. Eldrid's ships, also those of Mr. Brom-
ley V The letlers of Sir Charles are full of the wrongs

" Winwood, vol. If. p. 38. and Cabala, p. 199. " IViqwood, «ol. ilt
p. 1^3. ' I''., p. SIS. KB bIm Calais, p. 'JOl.

«^aM

JAMES I. 17^

able, by reason of the ill treatment they re-

tlie English received, and the endeavours he used in
order to get satiafaction, though many times in vain.
When he compiained to the duke of Lerma, prime
mititster of Spain, of the behaviour of Firardo with re-
gard to confiacatitig the merchants' effects, and sending
the mai'iners whom he took in tlie Indies to the gallies;
Lerma very sharply answered, " that Firardo shall be
failed to account for that he did not instantly executs
tfaein '." In short, But.'li was the iil-treatment the sub-
jects of the British Crown received from the Spaniards,
that Sir Henry Neville, in a letter to Mr. Winwood,
dated June 4, 1606, writes, " that upon Sunday last
divers merehants and mwchaiits wives were at the
court, and made grievotis complaint unto the king, the
one of their servants, and the other of their husbands,
ifupriEoned and put to the gallies in Spain, and of much
injustice and oppression dune there to our nation; be-
sides some particular contumely to the king pcrsoor
ally; the like complaint was made before to the lords.
I hem it hath moved much, and this I will assure you,
that the kingdom generally wishes this peace broken,
but JacobuB Paeifictja I believe will scarce incUne to
thftt tilde ''." At length the patience of the merdiantA
began to fail. They saw uo relief from James, and
therefore applied to the house of commons, to be a
meaus for them to obtain letters of mart. The coo^
mens received favourably their address, and desired the
assistance of the upper house. But this was i-efased. ,
Though this gave occasion, saya lord Salisbury, in a jet-
t«r to Sir Charles Comwollis, dated July 15, IS07, " to
the lords of the cuuncil yesterdiiy, to call the mcr-

'WiiwBod, VdLII. |k33I.

' w. p. in.

176 THE LIFE OF

caved. But James's pacific disposition

chants before them, and to acqnaint them with th«
substance of thrae answers sent from Spain ; and to
advise them (if they find such a general ill usage in
Spain as they complain of) to be more moderate in
their trade thither, and to withdraw their stock and
factors from thence, that so his majesty might grant
them letters of reprisal, without prejudice to others
that have large stocks there. Otherwise it would prove
a most preposterous course, to grant letters of marte,
where the king of Spayne hath so great occasion to re-
venge himself upon, and we scarse a ship or man to
requite him in itV But letters of mart and reprisal
were never granted ; though the Spaniards continued
treat the English extremely ill, even when they pre-
tended great friendship. For Sir Walter Raleigh
(peaks of it as a known fact, in a letter to king James
himself, " that the Spaniards murlhered twenty-six
Englishmen, tying them hack to back, and then cat-
ting their throats, when they had traded with them a
whole month, and came to them on the land, without
so much as one sword''." — Surely the Spaniards must
have had a very great reliance on the pacific disposi-
tion of James, to act after this manner, in their circum-
stances ! and most amazing is it, that the national
spirit had not exerted itself, in its own defence, more
than it did. — Before 1 leave this subject, ! cannot help
remarking that almost all our treaties with Spain, seem
to have been but badly observed by her. This first
arose from tlie negligence of James, in making the
peace. He contented himself with concluding a treaty
of amity, and mutual Irade to each other's dominions ;

A'lnwood, vol, IL p. 3fl6.

» Baleigh'f Worki, lol. IL p. 376.

JAMES I. - 9?7

continued ; nor could the distresses of his
only daughter, and her numerous progeny,

Jiut trade and commerce being dented to the East an4
West Indies, and tlie Spaniards lookingoii all America
as their own, it came to pass that tbey seized all vessels
tSiey found in those seas, thongh going only to those
colonies which ivere indisputably discovered by the
English. So thai there was a continual war thtre,
when there was peace Jn Europe, In 1668, and I671,
treaties were again, made with that nation, whereby
the right of commerce and navigation, and the bounds
of the several territories possessed by the two croons
in America, were fixed. But these treaties wfere but
in observed likewise; and great complaints werC madS
l^ the English, of the hardships they suffered from the
Spaniards'. In 171^, a new treaty was made at,
Utrecht. But this was observed like the others. Com-
plaints soon followed it; as they did" that made at
Seville, in 1729- The representation of our merchants
with regard to their ill-treatment by the Spanish guard'd
coatas; the imprisonment of our brave sailors to th/
number of seventy ; the cutting off Jenkins's ear, atiS
many oilier things still fresh in memory brought on
the late war, which was ended by the peace at Aix la'
Chappelle, the effect of which must be left to time to

discover; What can be the reason that our treaties

with Spain have been thus ineffectual for the maiwte^'
nance of peace and friendship? Are they niore false
than others, or we more incroaching 'in order to' obtain
those riches tbey so carefuliy guard'frtnn tisr'are not *■.
the treaties suiheienlly plain and ^^pIicU"? dft tbey'

1 of the board of ti

fciick's Parlinnjeiitary tj^batc^' vol. IX. p, 4

lo K. Gcmi^ I. ID Toe

i7(i THE LIFE OF

excite him to enter into a war '* for their

defence : But he suffered them to lose their

admit of diSerentsenaes, and bear divers constructions F
or hare we nOt capacity sufficient to negotiate advan-
tageoasly with them? — These things must be deter-
mined by those who have opporiunities and abilitifis
for their discussion. For my own part, I must say

" Nor could the distresses of his only daughter, and
her numerous progeny, excite him to enter into a war,
8tc.] This his daughter was Elizabeth, married to
Frederick the fifth, elector Palatine, Feb. 14, 1613,
N. S. to tlie great joy of all true protestants". The
marriage was celebrated widi great pomp, and the
prince gained the love and good-will of the English by
bis affability and great generosity'. The Spanish am-
bassador, and the ambassador from the arch-dukes,
were not present at the marriage, being greatly enraged
at it, " fearing indeed thereby," says Mr. Trumbull to
Sir Ralph Winwood, " that we do akn at wresting th«
empire out of the Austrian's hands, which they say
shall never be effected, so long as the conjoyned forces
of all the catholiques in Christendom, shall be able to
maintain them in tliat right, which now they have ia
9 manner gotten by prescription^." But they had no
reason for this their fear, for James so far from think-
ing to wrest the empire out of the Austrians' hands, did
not so much as seriously resolve to support his otva
daughter, and her children, in their possessions. — I
need not enter into a detail of the reasons which is-

• Vir. E. 3. 1, lOS.
•lip.«I,

"WmwwxI.nLm.p.tM.
' Id. p. 43a,

JAMES I. 179

territories, and be exiles in a foreign land,

duced the Bohemians to shake off the Austrian yoke,
&Dd assert their own just privileges hy electing Frede-
rick for their king, Aug. S8, IS19. Our historians will
satisfy the curiosity of such as want information in
this matter. Let it suffice to say, tlifit after the elec-
tor of Saxony, and the duke of Savoy, had refused iha
kingdom of Bohemia, Frederick accepted of it, without
waiting the advice of James, his fathei-in-law, which,
by his ambassador, he had asked '. In consequence of
this he was crowned king of Bohemia, and at first met ^
with great success. For Silesia, Moravia, Lusatia, and "-
Austria had taken up arms against the emperor Ferdi- -
nand ; as did likewise Bethlem Gabor, a prince of great
credit at the Otioman porte, valiant, courageous, and ■■
already master of the greatest part of Hungary. — But:
his success did not last long. On November 8, 1620,
was the battle of Prague fought, which proved fatal to
Frederick, and his brave Bolieuiians. His army was
icattered and routed ; himself and queen obliged lo flj
with precipitation from that country; and his people
were subjected to all the insults and cruelties of an en-
raged conqueror, and a bigotted prince; and withal
he was censured for having engaged in an aflair, with-
out probability of success, the consequence of which
was like to be fatal to him. Gut this censure seems to
have been ill founded. Things turned out very differ-
tmt from what might have been reasonably expected,
and therefore though the elector Palatine was unfor-
tunate, he was not to be deemed unwise.

" For who could have believed that the protestanti
of Germany would have abandoned him, they who un-

Vt'i

• RuBhwortb, vul. L p. 13.

ISO THE LIFE OF

to the great amazement of strangers, and

dcr the name of correspondents had engaged from ilie
year ]609. to maintain lilterty and the protestant reli-
gion in the empire ? They who believed that the via-
peror was an enemy to both ? They, in short, w^
haviag been consulted by Frederick, iheir chief, in tbe
assembly held at Rotlenbiirgb, Septem. 12, 1619, an-
swered that he ought to accept the crown of Bohemia,
not only as being a new dignity, but also as what was
necessary tor the pnblic good of Germany, and that of
tlidr allies, and advised him to set out immediately
lor Bohemia ; Who could have believed that France,
which in those times exclaimed so loudly against
princes that are too powerful, and solicited all Europe
to make leagues against the house of Austria, would
neglect so favourable an opporlunity of weakening it?
who would have believed that France would aide with
Ferdinand, against those who aimed at depriving hiia
of a part of his power ? who could have believed that
tielhlfun Gabor, after such fortunate beginnings, after
nil the reputation he had acquired, and all the interest
he had with the Turk, would be of no service to the
Palatine ? Let us therefore say, that Frederick was de-
ceived by a train of events so singular, that the most
refined prudenw could never have suspected it. Le(
us not believe those who pretend that the vanity of the
duke of Bovillon, his uncle, joined witli that of the
electress, threw him into an imprudent undertaking,
Thej say, thai the duke wrote to his friends at Paris,
that while the king of France was making knights at
Fountaiablean, he was making kings in Germany.
He might have said^so ; but as he was one of the ablest
men of his age, it is not probable that he would have
advised hts nephew to accept a crown, if he ought io

JAMES I. 18i

the grief of his own subjects; who most

prudence to have refused itV But let us return to

our history, No sooner hnd Frederick lost the battle

of Prague, and with it the kingdom of Bohemia, but
almost all his allies forsook him. He now found him-
self proscribed by the emperor, attacked by the Spa-
niards in his own country the Palatinate, and had at
length the misfortune to become an exile in Holland,
deprived of his patrimony, together with his regal and
electoral dignities; and reduced to great necessities;
from which it never was his fortune to get free. In
his fate his wife and children were involved, and con-
sequently he was an object of great compassion.

Let UH now see how his father-in-law behaved towards
him in these circumstances. No sobner had Frederick
accepted the crown of Bohemia, but he shewed his dis-
like of it, and would never suffer the title of king to'
be given him in his presence'*. Yea, he ordered his
ambassador. Sir Henry Wotton to make it known " to
all princes, whom it might any way concern, that in
the election of his son-in-law to the crown of Bohemia,-
he had no part by any precedent counsel or practice'."
And in pursuance of his instructions, the said Sir
Henry Wotton assured the emperor, " that his majesty-
bad not given the title of king to his son-in-law, or of
queen to his daughter, in any letter either public or
private; nor had permitted the same title, in any ser-
tnons within his kingdom''." Indeed he declared, that
"though he was resolved to suspend his judgment-
ahoul the differences between the emperor and the Bo-"

' Bayle'i Hirtnrical Discourse on the Life of GusUvuB Adolphua at tli«
•nd of the last editioa of hia dictionary, p, 61B. " Rushworth, vol. I.

p. 13. ' Reliquis WatlonianiB, p. *96. ' Id. p. 503.

isa THE LIFE OF

readily and willingly would have assisted

heraiaus, yet he found himself tied both by nature and
by reason, not to Jeave the patrimonial inheritance of
hiis own descendants, that is, neither the inferior, nor
superior Palatinate in the hands of any alien usurper'."
Accordingly when Spinola was about to inarch into the
Palatinate with thirty thousand men, he sent one regi-
ment thither under the command of Sir Horatio Vere^
for its defence, who performed good service *■, But
even this he meanly npoiogized for to the emperor,
and declared tliat " the troops sent towards the Pala-
tinate, were mcerly voluntaries, without his m^eities
contiibution, and defensively intended, before any:
noise of the invasion V After Frederick's misfor-
tune before Prague, and when his own territories begaa
to be seized, James sent the princes of the union thirty
thousand pound to keep them in arms, but withal re-
solved at the same lime to treat of peace''. In shorl^
though an order of council was made for raising money
by way of free gift, for the support of the PaJatinat^
and afterwards the parliament gave a supply for the rei j
coveryof it; and the people were disposed zealously t^ j
engage in its behalf j yet James contented himself wit)t {
sending embassies to recover it when it was attack64
on ail sides; and weakly imagined that princes flushei^
with victory, would hearken to his iotrcaties, or per-
suasions. Doncaster, Wotton, Digby, Weston and <
others were sent from time to time, who though mea
of sense, and able negotiators, could prevail nothing:
the Palatinate was taken while they were treating, and
they had the mortification of finding themselves laugh-

" RusbwOTt]), TOL I. p- 14.

■' Rushwortb, vol. L p. 18.

JAMES I. IS5

them with all their power. Yea so strongly

ed at, and contemned, as well aa their maater who sent
them, That I have not exaggerated matters will ap-
pear from the following extracts from James's own let-
ters- In a letter to the earl of Briatol, dated October 3,
1622, he writes thus: "There is none knows belter
than yoMrself how we have laboured, ever since the ba-
ginning of these unfortunate troubles of the empire,
notwithstanding all opposition to the contrary, to
merit well of our dear brother the king of Spain, and
the whole house of Austria, by a long and lingering
patience, grounded still upon his friendship, and pro-
mises that care should be had of our honor, and of our
children, patrimony, and inheritance. We have ac-
quainted you also, from time to time, since the begin
ujflg of the treaty of Bruxels, bow crossly things there
have proceeded, notwithstanding the fair professionfi
made unto us, both by the king of Spain, the Infanta,
and all his ministers, and the letters written by him
unto the emperor, and them effectually, (at the least,
as they endeavoured to make us believe.) Butwh^^
fruits have we of these, other than dishonor and scorn?
whilst we are treating, the town and castle of HeideU
bergh taken by force, oiiv gairison put to the sword,
Manheim besieged, and dl the hostility used that 19
within tlie power of an enemy'." And in a letter to
the emperor Ferdinand, dated November 13, lG31, h«
complains " that whiUl treaty was in hand, his sou-in-.
law was wholly despoiled and robbed of his hereditwy
patj'imony that remained unto him, excepting the lower
Palatinate, which was all, says he, by con)l»ajidiaent
•f your imperial majesty, taken and ppsse?s^ by th^

' CitwlB, p. £39.

■was tKis dispositron'to peace rooted wJthm

duke of Bavaria, according as himself confessed^ with
■ ■ strorig hand and force of arms, and that fur such reasons
as' are mcerly new, and such as the' like were never
hitherto once heard of." He further represents unto
■him, " that notwithstanding it plainly appeared, by
'the answer given to his ambassador, that his Imperial
■majesty had caused the suspension of the bann or pro-
'scription in those countries, yet he permitted the taking
of arms again in hand, whereby tliere had been raised
a most cruel war, and most part of the country taken
in by the Spaniards powerful strength*." And as
-James complained, so did his ambassadors likewise;
"whilst things (says Sir Dudley Carleton to the duke
of Buckingham, in a letter dated Dec. 13, 1623,) have
teen held sonietlmcs in terms, always in talk of accom-
inodation, the electoral is given to Bavaria by the em-
■fteroT, and avowed by a congratulatory embassage froii
■Brusels ; the upper Palatinate is settled in his possep.
■sion, with some portion to Newburg, for his contenta-
tion and engagement. A principal part of the lowef J
Palatinate is given to the elector of Mentz, with the |
consent of those of Bruxels, where he (was lately ill I
person to obtain it) though they grossly dissemble iC ,
and promises of parts of the rest are made lo other
princes'" ." And Sir Richard Weston, in a letter froin
Bruxels to Buckingham, dated Sept. 3, 1(522, has the
following expressions. " Notwithstanding his majesty'
hath followed them in all their desires, and the prince
elector hath conformed himself to what was demanded;
that the count Mansfelt, and duke of Brunswick, the
pretended obstacles of the treaty, are now, with alt

' CsbalB, p. 260.

"Id. p. 192.

.him, that tliough he met with scorn, and
derision from those ^vith whom he treated
about the restitution of the Pahitinate, and

their forces removed; no face of an enemy in the Pa-
latinate, hut his majesty's power in the garrisons;' aO
other places repossessed which Mansfelt had taken;
■no cause of continuing any war now, nor any cause of ■
jealousy or fear, for the future, considerinf^ his ma^
jesty's fair and honourable offers; yet are they so fajr
from a cessation, that they are fiJIen upon Hcidef-
bergh, and either want the will or power to remove the
siege. And all I can get, is two letters of intreaty
from her highness to the chiefs of the emperor, to pro^
ceed no further ; and after some eighteen days since,
I made my proposition for the cessation, I have yet
no answer; so that being able to raise no more doubts,
they make use of delays. I have said, and done, and
■used ail diligencics within my power to bring forth
■better effects, and can go no further; and therefore, I
humbly beseech your lordship that I may have leave tb
return, when I shall hear that they will not remova
the siege at Heidelbergh. For their pretending to re^
store all, when all is taken, is a poor comfort to me^
and as little honour to his majesty : and how far they
&re to be believed in that, is to be examined, more
exactly than by writing* by weighing, how the weak
hopes given me here, agree with the strong assurances

given by my lord Digby out of Spain"." Thus

was James treated, as he himself says, with scorn and
dishonour; but yet he made no efforts to avenge him-
self or his family, till the breaking off the match with'

■ Cabal>, p. MU.

166 THE LIFE OF

found himself deceived by the emperor,
Spaniards, and arch-dukes, he still went on
to treat with them, and thereby rendered

Spain, when twelve regiments were rose, and pat iid-
dei the command of the gallant Mansfield : but these,
by an unaccountable weakness or neglect, having had
no passage stipulated for tbem through France or Hol-
land, through famine and pestilence mouldered awaj^
and the design of recovering the Palatinate came to

nothing '. Thus did James suffer hia son-in-law, hia

daughter, and his grandchildren to be driven out from
their dominions, without affording them that relief,
and assistance which were necessary. Strange conduct!
unheard of behaviour! but James dreaded war, and
would submit to any thing rather than engage in it.
For even the breaking off the Spanish match, and the
raising the regiments under the command of Mansfield,
were things greatly displeasing to him, and brought
about contrary to his inclinations by his son, and bis
great favourite Buckingham ^ And, then he was out-
witted by the Spaniards, who made him believe that
notwithstanding Frederick was overcome, and his af-
fairs in a very desperate condition, yet he need but
signify his pleasure about his restitution, and he should
be obeyed '. Nor did James in the least suspect, but
that upon the conclusion of the marriage of his son
with the Infanta of Spain, the restitution of the Pala*
tinate would follow, though he had made no terms ia
that treaty about it ". "The count de Gondomor, the
Spanish ambassador, who had an absolute ascendant
over him, gave him to understand, that the king of

■ HuihwoTtli, vol. I. p> 154. ^ See CUieudoD, toL L p. 34.

* RMhwortb, TOl. I. p. IB. ' Id. p. 91.

JAMES I. 187

the affairs of the unfortunate Frederick his
son-in-law desperate and deplorable.

Nor was his conduct better in other

Spain being on the point of giving his daughter to the
prince of Wales," (which, by the way, he never in-
tended, though his successor probably was sincere in
the treaty for the match) " would look on the interest
of the Palatine prince as his own, and not suffer him
to lose the Palatinate, that even though the emperor
ahould be master of that country, there was a good
way for both sides to come off with honor; for, by
favour of the marriage, the emperor might make a
present of the Palatinate to the Infanta, who would give
it the prince her husband, and then the prince might
restore it to his brother-in-law. James took all this to
be gospel, as if indeed he had had a positive promise
from the emperor and the king of Spain, that every
thing should be done as the ambassador had proposed.
This was the reason he was more and more intoxicated
with the notion that the best way to save the Palati-
jiate, was to live in a good understanding with the
court of Vienna, and Madrid"." In short, such was
the management of Gondomor in this affair, and such
the weakness of James, that in a letter to the duke of
Lerma, we find the ambassador boasting, " that he had
lulled king James so fast asleep, that he hoped neither
the cries of his daughter uor her children, nor the re-
peated solicitations of his parliament and subjects la
their behalf should be able to awaken him *',"

I shall only add that the Palatine family remained
in exile till the year 1648, when, by the treaty of
Munster, they were restored to the best part of their
dominions, without having received any considerable

' Acta Regis, p. 54f>.

190 THE LIFE OF

it with impunity, and he contented himi

self with remonstrating, when he ought to

a foul macder upon his majesty's subjects in Ireland,
that were under protection •." — But for tiie honour of
the English nation let it be observed, that till the dis-
position of James was known bjhis subjects, the com-
manders of our ships acted very differently. For on
his accession to the throne, " the duke of Sully being
chosen by Henry the Great of France, for an extraor-
dinary embassy into England, embarked at Calais in
a French ship, with the French flag on the main top-
mast ; but no sooner was he in the channel, than meet-
ing with ayatch which came to receive him, the com-
mander of it commanded the French ship to strike.
The duke thinking his quality would secure bim from
■uchan affront, refused it boldly; but his refusal being
answered with three cannon, shot with bullets, which
piercing his ship, pierced the heait of the French,
force constrained him to do, what reason ought to have
secured him from, and whatever complaints be could
make, he could get no other reason from the English
captain, than that as bis duty obliged him to honor
his quality of ambassador, it obliged him also to com-
pel others to pay that respect to his master's flag,
whidi was due to the sovereign of the seaV Thus
ip^ks the famous cardinal Richlieu ; and Sully him-
self, though be tells the story somewhat diff'erently,
owns that the English commander fired on the French,
and obliged him to take down his flag''. It is pity

■ OUcastle'a Rfmarks, p. 239, io the note. " CudioBl lUchlieB!*

PoIilicalWilUndTeslBmenC, partad. p. B2. flro.tond. 1695. ' Sally'i

M«Dioin, vol. I. p. 174 — !73. It is Eurprkmg that Qui [illant acQon '

has been overloako! I)y aur histonani, aad even by Burchet, in hit naval

have required in a proper manner satis-
faction. But notwithstanding this treat-

the name of this English captain has not been handed

down to posterity, 1 have said in the text that

James suffered not only the British flag to be affronted,
bot his merchant ships to be taken by the Dutch, when
trading to the ports of Spain or Flanders. In order to
understand tliis, it is necessary to observe, that though
James had made a peace with the Spaniards, the war
Waa continued several years after between them and
the Hollanders. Such therefore of the Enghsh ships
as were found carrying goods to the Spaniards and
trading with them, were frequently seized under a
pretence of their being contraband ; when they them-
«elves connived at their own subjects doing the same;
and consequently were guilty of the greatest insults.
Here follow some of my authorities. Lord Cranhome
[Cecyle] in a letter to Mr. Winwood, dated Oct. 23,
1604, tells him, " we are credibly informed, that the
States have not only sent new orders to their men of
war on the coast of Flanders, to impeach our trade to
the arch-dukes ports by all means possible, but also to
bum all such ships as they shall take of foreign
princes. And withal are advertised, that many of
their own people are daily resorting (under colour of
private licences) to the said ports with ail kind of
victuals and commodities. And that tltesebe no vain
reports, their daily practice maketh demonstration;
for on Monday last was seven-night, five of their ships,
laden with wine and salt, were seen peaceably to go
into Newport, their men of war riding before the
faffi:bour; and since likewise, his majesty's admiral of
the DWTOW seas, being upon occasion of service upon

19fi THE LIFE OF

ment, he delivered up to them the cau-
tionary towns ^, which the}' had deposited

»he coast of Flanders, did see two UlissiDgersput into
Ostend, in sight of four of their men of war, who
aever oStred them violence. Besides, there arc fifteen
small fly-boais and pinks of Holland laden with fi=h,
gone this last spring-tide from Yancouth towards
Newport, with private licences as they gave out from
the admiralty there'." And it appears from a variety
of other letters of the same secretary to Winwood
ambassador in Holland, that the Dutch sliips never
made any scruple of violating the nenirality of our
ports, and treating even the £nghsh after such a man-
ner as produced complaints infinite and unsupport-
able^ But all these things J^mcs bore with patience.
He contented himself with remonstrating, and the
Dutch understanding his humour, went on pillaging
his subjects, often times their utter undoing'. To
such a contemptible pass was this nation brought, in
a short time, by the cowardice and pusillanimity of its
Spvereign!

,*■ He delivered up to them the cautionary towns,
'&c.] In the year 1385, the States of the Isetherlands
were so greatly distressed by the Spaniards, that they
renewed the applications they had formerly made to
Elizabeth, to accept of the government of the United
Provinces, and take them into her protection. The
queen heard their deputies with favour, but at first re^
fused both their protection and government. But
"Antwerp being taken by the prince of Parma, she soon
afterwards, by the advice of her council, determined
to assist thetn upon condition, among other things,

^ ■ WinBwi(l,vot, I(. p.3*, Mci. p. 971. .-^ W. p. 31, '

JAMES I. 19S

fti the hands of queen Eliaabeth, for the

that Flushing and the caatle of Rammekins in Walket-
iii, and the [sle of Hrill, with the city and two forts,
should be delivered into the queen's hands, for caution,
to pay back the money which she should expend on
her forces, with which she might assist them during
(ire war. It was moreover stipulated that the said
fdaees, after the money was repaid, uhould be restored
again, to the estates, and not delivered to the Spaniards,
or any other enemy whatsoever. And also that the
goVemov-general, and two Eniriishmeii whom the
queen should name, should be admitted into the coun-
cil of the estates". Accordingly Elizabeth sent the
earl of Leicemer to their aid, had the towns put into
her hands, and her governor had a piace among the
Stated-general; whereby the English had a share ia
their councils, and they were kept in dependance oa
them. It is well known with what valour and conduct
the Dutch resisted tlie Spaniards, and by the help of
their auxiliaries, rose themselves to an admired and
envied state of power, wealth and liberty. Spain
weary with endeavouring to enslave them, was con-
tented to treat with them as Free-States, and con-
cluded a truce at Antwerp, March 29, 1609- It was
then Holland lifted high its head, and looking on the
cautionary towns as manacles and shackles on tbeni,
and fearing that James, whose meanness of spirit, con-
■exion with the Spaniards, and great want of money
Were known, might one day deliver them into their
enemies hands, as by them he had been requested ;
it was then, I say, that they determined if passible to
get them from him, but upon the easiest terms. But

' CsDiden't nuu at Q. Eliiab. ia rannpleat Elst. vol. II. p. Xt.

)

10* THE UFE OF

money she had Scorn time to time expended

this was Dot to be Aoae in a hnrrj', they look time, and
acted afia soch a Mianner, as ^i; aceamplished theis
purpose; Tboagb the towns wen gaxnsooed bj ilw
E^nhfthe gairisoa was paid by tkcDvtch. In oidet
Ifaerefore to brio; aboat what they had in view, tbey
ceased, all at once, to pay the English garrison, as by
treaty tbey were olAgcd. Complainta were berenpM^
made to Sir Noel Caion, the Dutch ambassador q/^ ^
London. He excased it by the poverty of hisaiasUs^
bat withal iuiDnaled as from himself, that H^a^Mm
tannic maja^ would dc:Ure ii of the States, ihey, oat
of their regatd fibi him, would take up moaey at higb
interest, and at once discharge the whole debt due ta
tbe crown of England. James listened to the proposal^ i
and wrote about it to the States. By them Baraevdl^
WW sent over, who B<^otiated go ably, ibxt ^ kim_
^reed to deliver up the towns tor less than three mj|||
lions of fktrins, in lieu of eight million^! that were dat^ '
and about 18 years interest'. Tlus was in May l6lft
Whot the opinion of the world was on this aflnir
appeikr front part of a letter firom Sir Thonias .
roundes, written from Paris the same month, to Sis'
Ralph Winwood. In it he observes that the agre&r
meat for the rcaConng the caulionaiy towns, was
thgiBght strange by the principal persons in the French
council, and particularly by Moiis, Villeroy, wiio wa^
of opinion, " that no consideration of utility oughtfi^jT
have ouide his majesty quit so great an interest as he
hiid, for the retaining thiit people, bj iliat means, in.
devotion to bim ; alled^iig i'or example that they her(\

I, mt. t. p. 1^ Cabila, p, sne. Acta tUiph, p. SiS,
Coke, vol I.p.39i HcnrelfiUtMmip. 16. Load. nU. Sio.

p troops in theii' service, for compara-
tively a trilling sum ; and thereby lost the

without any such gages, do tlisburae yearly unto the
States, the sum of a00,000 crowns, besides tl»e abso-
lute remittal of twelve or thirteen Ditllions of livres,
which they had disbursed for them in the last wars,
only to draw that i>eople to a like depeedence on this
UBie, as they do on his majesty. Adding ttlso there-
imto, that his majesty having ordinarily a greater
power over the atfections of that people, by the more
natural love which they bare unto him, than they here
oan promise themselves, but oiiiy in respect of the
jtresent great faction, which they liave mad*' by the
means of Mons. Barneveh; it seemetli, by the oonrse
which we have now taken, that we absolutely quit
the advantage to them. Sir Thomas then adds, that
those who be his majesty's zealous servants, are sorry
to see such a divorce, as they interpret it, between his
majesty and Uiat people: and after mentioning tlie ne-
gotiation for a match with Spaiu, he concludes with
saying, I am sorry, that our necessities (if that be the

cause) should carry us to these extremiliesV

Coke, and Burnet in speaking of this affair are guilty
of a great mistake. The former supposes it was con-
trary to the seventh article of the peace maiie with
the Spaniards in the year I6'i4 " : And the other says,
that James, after his coming to the crown of England,
bad entered into secret treaties witli Spain, in order
to the forcing the States to a peace; one article of
which was, that if they were obstinate, he would de-
liver these places to the Spaniards '. But in fact there

' Birtii'a NegoiiatiaDS of Sir Tho. Eilmondcs, p. SSe.
p. 53. ■ Buraet, vol. I. p, IT.

THE LrpE or

dependence those provinces before had on
the EngUsh crown. Nor did the cruelties

isJQSt nothing at all in this. The Spaniards, in making
the treaty in lG04, insisted on having ihe cautionary
(owns delivered up to ihem, npoa pajnent of the.
monies due from Holland. This was stiffly denied.
Whereupon says secretary Cecyll, in a letter to Mr.
Winwood, dated June 13, 1G04, "They are descended
to content themselves with some modification, whidi
we have delivered in fomi of sa article, (wiuch may be
seen in Coke;) wherein, as we do forbear (at their
motion) to express that his majesty meaneth not to
deliver the said cautionaries, to any other but fite
States united, so if the modification be well examined,
yon see itcannotany wise prejudiceelthei his majesty,
in honor, or the States in their interest in the towns;
for as long as the election of good and reasonable con-
ditions for the States pacification, is referred lo his
majesty's judgment, there can arise no incoDTCniency
of it ; it being always in his majesty's hands, to allow
or disallow of that, which shall not be agreeable to the
concurrency of his affairs with the united provinces ',**
Thus speaks lord Cecyll who had the chief hand in this
treaty; and upon a car^l perosal of the article re-
ferred to, I am persuaded he is right; and consequent-
Jy the above-cited historians, as I said, are greatly
mistaken.

The following remark was communicated to me by
the reverend Dr. Birch. The account given by Burnet,
vol. i. p. 15. Rapin, &c. of Bamevclt's coming over to
England to negotiate the purchase of the cautionary
towns from king James I. in IfilG, is absolutely fal«^

J Wiowiwd, voU IL p. 33.

JAMES I. 197

exercised by the Dutch on the English, at

as I cannot find the least tface of it in a series of MS.
letters, which I have read, between Sir Dudley Carlet on,
who went over ambassador to Holland, in March \6\5-
16, and the two secretaries of state. Sir Ralph Wiu-
wood and Sir Tliomas Lake. The former, Sir Ralph
Winwood, in his letters from Whitehall, to the ambas-
sador, of the lOth of April I6l6, mentions, that the
lords had delivered their resolutions to the king, that
it was more for his majesty's service, upon honourable
conditions, to render up the towns, than still to retain
them ; and that his majesty had taken some days to
advise of it. Sir Dudley Carleton, in his letter to Sir
Rich. Winwood from the Hague, of May 3d, com-
plains, that a matter of that great consequeuce (though
" it had," says he, " the beginning, before my coming
hither, yet since ray arrival, hath had some subject of
further treaty) is altogether managed by the minister
of this state, (Sir Noel Caron) resident with his ma-
jesty, without my having any hand therein." The
lung's commission to the lords to treat with Sir Noel
Caron concerning the surrender of the cautionary
towns, is dated May 21, l6lG, and that to Sir Horace
Vere, to deliver up the Brill, on the SSd. — Sir R. Win-
wood, in a letter to Sir Dudley, from Greenwich, on
the 23d of May, gives him a particular relation of the
proceedings in this treaty, that some years before, dur-
ing his employment in Holland, Sir Noel Cai'on, in the
name of his superiors, made an overture to the king
for ihe reddition of these towns, upon seasonable aqd
honest composition ; which being not hearkened uqto,
itiay asleep, until the month of December, I6l5, at
which time, Sir Noel being newly returned troiu bis
superiors, revived that motion with earnest instance,

19i THE LIFE OF

Amboyna*', and the deprwing them of

Koi for that purpose expressly demanded audwacc of
bU maJMty. It iiappeiied at the self-same time, th«t
the governor of these towns (ktivered to Sir Ral^
WiBwood, to be exhibited (o the lords, a complaint,
that the garriWB had not received their pay for mimj
weeks: the danger whereof the lords talcing into their
eons [deration, the question was moved by a great coim-
adlor of eminent place, whether it were not better fm
Iris majesty's serrice to render Hwac towns, itian stiti to
bold thera at so great a charge. Keport being made
to the king at the nsing of ihc lords, that this questicHi
had been moved in cormcil, he acquainted themwiA
ihe instance of Sir Nod, and tbeti gave ifaem charge
■B advise and consult thereof, to deliver to him their
Judgment and resolutions; with which he, afte* Ae
deliberations of ten or twdve days, concurred for the
Sale of the towns.

This account is absolutely inconsistent with the sup-
position of Barnevelt's journey to EoglDnd, on the af-
fair of the pcrchase.

Sir Thomaa Lake maitioDs the resalt of the treaty,
in a letter to Sir Dudley, from Greenwich, of the <E8lh
of May, in these words ;

" We have now debennined of the return of the cau-
tionary towns, a matter vulgarly ill taken here, and
witb many of the best. Bnt necessity is of the coun-
cil. I think your lordship will hear of it by those
that have more hand in it thmi L**

•' The cruelties exercised by tbc Du^cb <« the Eng-
lish at Amboyna, &c.] Amboyna ifl an i&land in the
East-Indies, and is the principal place where nutmegf,
friace, cinnamon, cloves and spice grow. In the year
1619, a treaty was concluded between James and tha

their share of the spice trade, cause him to
attempt the vindication of the rights of his

Datch, with regard to the trade of the East-Indies, in
consequence whereof, the English enjoyed part of the
Bpice trade, and greatly enriched themselves. This
made them envied by the Dutch, who were determined^
if possible, to deprive them of the advantages they
reaped. A plot iherefore was pretended, in which the
English, with the assistance of a few Japonese soldiers,
were to seiae on the fortress, and put the Dutch to the
Bword: whereupon they were seized and examined;
but stiffly denying the fact, they were tortured most
barbarously. This produced (what the rack almost al-
ways does produce) a confession ; hereupon ten English-
men, seven of whom were agents, factors, and assistants,
were ordered to be executed, Feb. 1623, six Japonese,
and three natives, who all uniformly denied their know*
ledge of the plot to the last moment. The Dutch ac-
count transmitted to the English East-India corap&ny,
in vindication of this aflnlr, admir« that all the evidence
they had was obtained by tortnre, and that those who
Suffered professed theif innocency, a clear proof thi»
that they were condemned wrongfully; for when men
of different countries and interests are accused of joint
conspiracy, the denial of every individual at the article
of death, amounts with me to the clearest proof of their
innocency. However, these executions so terrified the
English, that they thought they could not safely abide
in Amboyna; they departed thence, therefore, and the
Dutch very honestly took their effects, to the value of
400,000 pounds. After this the neighbouring spice
islands were seized by them, and the English wholly
dispo9«essed of their factors and trade, to their incredi-

«00 THE LIFE OF

people, or punish those who had so vilely

treated them.

Ue loss and damage '. It may well be F^npposed, that
an affair of this nature conld not long remain a secret.
The news reached England, and sufficient proof was
made of the treachery and cruehy of the Dutch in it ;
aad, no doubt, it was expecled that reparation would
be demanded and obtained. And had James made pro-
per representations to the States-General, justice pro-
bably would have been done; for no stale would openly
have abetted such villatiies. But he pocketed up the
affront; submitted to the injury even without recjuiring
satisfaction ; and contented himself with barely telling
the Dutch ambassador, " that be never heard, nor read,
a more cruel and impiaus act, than that of Amboyna.
But," added he, " I do forgive them, and I hope God
will ; but my son's son shall revenge this blood, and
punish this horrid massacre V Wretched must be the
people who have a prince thus pusillanimous! What
can they hope for from tlioap about thpui, but oppres-
sion, insults and injuries ? Princes owe to their subjects
protection ; if they afford it not, they have no reason
to expect allegiance, nor should they murmur if it is
refused.

By the way, we may obseiTe that James was a false
prophet; neither his son, nor his son's son, revenged
this bloodshed at Amboyna, or puuished this horrid
massacre. But Cromwell, born to avenge the wrongs
of the British nation, and restore her lost glory, effec-
tually did it; for among the conditions on which be

* See the Hist, of the barbarous Criieltifs Committed by the Dutfhintli
East-Indies, Bvo, I^oiid. 1713. Coke, vol. I. p. 96. Wilson, p. 281. Bol^J

veCaJlftMIliit. p. 309. foL lond. 1720, » Coke, roL L j^ ST.

-»

JAMES I. 201

To all these instances, if we add his per-
mitting his only son to go into Sp^n, to
bring to a conclusion the match '' with the

gave peace to the Dutch, in April, l654, it was insert- .
ed, " that they should deliver up the island of Polerone,
in the East-Indies, fnhich they had taken from the
English in the time of king James, and usurped it ever
sincet into the hands of the English East-India com-
pany again; and pay a good sum of money [300,00CiJ
for the old barbarous violence, exercised so many years
since at Amboyna; for which the two Jast kings could
never obtain satisfaction and rep.iration''." It were to
be wished all princes had tlie honor of their countiy
so much at heart, as it appears from this, and many
other instances, Cromwell had ; then would their cha-
racters truly shine in history, and instead of the disa-
greeable task of censuring, writers would be emulous
of pointing out their excellencies, and iheir fame would
be as lasting as letters. Whereas most princes have
been contentetl with the incense offered thera by flat-
terers, and therefore have seldom endeavoured to pro-
cure that solid reputation, which alone results from
great and benevolent actions; hy which means their
weaknesses or wickednesses fill up their annals, and
cause their names to be treated with indignation and
contempt.

" His permitting his only son to go into Spain, ficcj
James had treated both with France and Spain, for a
match with prince Charles, though he knew well the
inconveniencies which wouid arise from his marrying
a lady of a different religion; for in his Basilicoii

' aaiendon'i HiX. vul. VL p. 4S9. and Tiaial'^
p. 591.

Ill RaiUp, vol. II.

502 THE LIFE OF

Iii^nta, we shall perliaps be tiitly satisfied

of the Treakness of his conduct.

Doron, addressed to prince Henry, he has ihe follow-
ing ronarlcable pass;^e : " 1 wonld ratherest bav« you
to marrie one tbat was fuUj of your own religioQ ; ber
rank and other qualities being agreeable to your estate;
fur although to my great regrate, the number of waj
priucea ot' power, anrl accounts professing our religion,
be but very siBfiii ; and th;it therefore this advice
seems to be the more >trait and didicile : yet ye have
deeply to \veigh, and consider upon these doubts,
how ye and your wife can be of one fiesh, and keep
uiiitie betwixt you, being members of two opposite
churches : disagreetsent in rehgion bringeth ever with
it disagreemcat in manaers; and tiie disseniion be-
twixt your preachers and hers, will breed and foster a
dissentiou among your iiubjects, taking then- example
from your family ; bcaidts the peril of the evil educa-
tion of your children. Neither pride you that ye will
be able to make her as ye please : that deceived
Solomon the wisest king that ever wasV There is
Ecuse in this passage ; and yet the writer of it never
attempted to match either of his sons with a pro-
testant princess. The eldest, prince Henry, he en-
deavoured to marry with a daughter of France or
Savoy ; the youngest, prince Cliarles, as I have just
observed, with France or Spain. With France the
negotiations were broke off for that purpose, and
those with Spidn commenced about the year ItjlS".
But for several years the Spaniards had no other end in
entertaining the negotiations, hut to aoiase James and

*&JteWork9, p. I7e. " Diicli'i Vjpwof IbeNefoiiBtioits.&c.

JAMES I. £03

No wonder then that he was burlesqued,

hindn him frain concerning litmself in the business) of
Cleves, or eflectually succouring the Patatiiiate. This
appetrs plainly from the king of Spiiin'tt lebbor to
C<m3t Olivarea, dated Nov. 5, lC23'. However, it
BCemB probuble, thai afterwards the Spaniards' ioten-
tioDs were sincere for the match, and that a short space
of time wou|^ have completed it. For matters hiid
been t:am«d to such a length, and James bad yielded
to tH tfceir proposals so readily, thai they could not
well ixfuieto conclude it. This match was odious to
the body of the Englieh nation, and the parliament
advised the breaking off the treaty''. But James gave
them ft severe re|>rimand for then- advice, and deter-
mined not to comply with it. He longed for the
Spanish goJd, (two millions, bat of what value appears
not) which the Infanta was to bring with her, and was
in hopes of getting the restitution of the Palatinate;
and therefore proceeded with zeal and earnestness.

■ While things were in this stale, the prince,

perstiaded by Buckingham, had an inclination to see
and woo his misUess. Tltej opened it to the king,
and he, after much opposition, being bullied into it
by Sleney", complied ; to the amazement of the whole
world. For it was an unparalleled thing to see " the
only son of a king, the heir of the kingdom, hazard
himself in such a long voyage, and carry himself rather
as an hostage than a spouse, to a court of contrary
maKims of religion and state, humbly to supplicate
for a wife*"." What was this but exposing him to the
danger of impiisonment, the soHcitations of Jesuits,

' RoallVDrfh, wifi, ^/^ tl. if IiL p. 42. ' See lord Clanncinn,

nL l.p. li— 1^< » 'Naai'«H»t.»£Venioe, p. 196. fol. Lond. 167.1,

«04 THE LIFE OF

ridiculed, and exposed abroad, by those

the importunities of tUe Komish clergy, and thereby
exciting fears and terrors in the minds of the subject,
and UAhe them draw (he n-orst conclusions possible i
}-ea,-what was this but to put it in the power of the
Spaniards, to insist on what terms they thought fit,
and cause him to execute them, they having the person
of llif prince thus in tlieir power ? And how weak and
imprudent must it be, to take a step of this nature,
without su moch as communicating it to the council,
and taking their advice on it! What was easily to be
foreseen happened. " The change of his religion
(prince Charles's) was muth hoped for by the court of
Spain, at this first coming thither. To perfecl which,
be was plied from lime to time wifh many persuasive
arguments, by many persons of great honor about the
ting : and many of the most learned priests and Jesuits
made their addresses to him, with such rhetorical ora-
tions, with such insintiating artifices, and subtile prac-
tices, as if they had a purpose rather to conquer him

by kindness than by disputation. The pope also

addressed his lines' unto the prince, estolUng the piety
of his predecessois, their zeal unto the catholic clmrcb,
and to the head thereof the pope, inviting bin by all
the blandishments of art, to put himself upon followiof;
of their brave examples. Never a prince had a harder
game to play, than prince Charles had now. He found
himself under the power of the king of Spain, and
knew that the whole business did depend on the pope's
dispensation, wilb whom if he complied not iu some
Imndsoue wsy, his expectation might be frustrate, and
all the frniis of that long treaty would be suddenly
blasted, lie therefore writvs unto die pope in such
general leam, lu teemed to give his holiness soma

uch •

}ma I

JAMES I. 20i

^i^o obsrireed his conduct; and that he

assuraiicea of liim : but being reduced into particulars,
signified nothing else but sume civil ctMnplemcnts,
mixt «v>tl) some promises of hh endeavouta to make
up the breaches in the church, and re stOire Chris tendom

to an happy aad desirable peace. In England the

king liad as hard a game to play. For having left snch
a pawn in Spain, he was in a manner bound to his
good behaviour, and of necessity to gratity the popisb
party in this kingdoa vrith more than ordinary favour.
He knew no marriage could be made without the
pope's dispensation, and that the pope's dispensation
could not be obtained, without indulging many graces
to his catholic subjects. To smooth his way therefore
to the point desired, he addressed several letters to the
pope and cardinals, in which he gives him the title of
most holy father'; and employs Gage as his agent in
the court of Rome, to attendtlie business. At home
he discbargeth all such priests and Jesuits as had beea
formerly imprisoned; inhibiting all processes, and su-
perseding all proceedings against recusants; and in a
word, suspends the execution of 3uc:h penal laws as
were made against them.

" The people hereupon began to cry out generally
of a toleration, and murmur in all places, as if he were
resolved to grant it^.*"- Sec here some of the effects of
this weak expedition. The same prince who was for
proving to the duke of Sully, that it was an oil'eiice
against God, to give the title of holiness to any other
than him, now very freely gives it to the pope'^; and
the man who had pfoclaimed aloud in his writing, that

■ See B leltcr in Cabala, from Jumot. to Ocegocy XVtb, on thii occi-
iD.p.412. * HeylAt'iIifs-of LauiV9«I«9, 111. f See note 3V

THE LIFE OF

Fi of' most coDteinptuon^ even by

lihr fx^pcwas Siitt-cfanst, now dignifies him with the
ntk' «t' ami boly t'atiier. But James, 1 fancj, \aA
kv^M DO bhuh, or he couid hardly have thus pubHo^
vatndictQd himfiell'. However, fortune favoured prince
C l wri cs, in freeing him from the dangers into wklch
dtt* absurd and romantic voyage bronght him. H*
jriH tlirougli France, thouo^h pursued after; and by the
boBorand genero!>ity of the Spaniards, was periTiitled
to return saie into England, where, by the iniitigatioa
of Buckingham, he »el himself in an abrupt and uitgrah
ciuDs manner to break oif the treaty of marriage, aod
earnestly endeavoured to engage the aatiuu in a war
Vtth Spain, in which he was successful. liut it is very
otieervRble, " that the reason given for bieakiag the
match was not tlie true one. The restitution of the
Palatinate had beea very coolly pressed, not to say
flegiected, even whilst the prince was at Matlrid ; and
yet after he came from thence, the king of Spain had
signed an act by which he engaged for this restitution ;
so^iat on the principles on which this negotiation had
been conducted, there seemed to have been no reason
for breaking it off, given by Spain at the time, when it
was broken'."— I will conclude tills note by observing,
that I do not remember any one writer, who has thought
<hi« journey of priuce Charles info Spain prudent or
ju«liti«L>ie, and consequently James could not but be
blameworiliy for permitting it. For he ought not to
have been overcome by the solicitations of liis son,
wiK-h lesj by the rudeness find insolence of Bncking-
hwiu >le- iliould have adhered to what be cx>Bld not
Wl see iw be for the interest of the State, and not

' OUcMlte'fl Remsrks, p. M9.

^'.

JAMES I. lOQf

Ikis best firiendsy Maurice pinnee of Orange,
and Henry the Great of France^', as well

ghren it up to please soa or favourite. But he
wedcfy gBTe way to them, and thereby exposed those
w^ dear to him to the greatest dangers, and inyolved
iMnftelf m such difEculties as exposed him to the ridi-
cule of fovsigHers^ and the coBtenpt and ill-wiU ^ hia
adbjeett.

^^ He was TMKtflded abroad^ and contemptuovsly
spoken of, bjr^Manrice prince of Orange, and Henry
the Great of jHanc*.} In Sir Walter Rawleigh's G bost^
written in iSfiO^ [not 16M^ as in the printed copy,]
we find him intiodiiccd speaking to Gondomar, a friar
and a jesoity eoncesning the cruel representations that
batd been made of soim of our princes^ isince the refor*
mation, by the Spaniards in their pictures. And aftet
having spoken of thekr painting Henry VIII. naked^
without a grave, as if a heretic were not worthy to be
buried; of the picture of EKasabethy iriio was used as
bad by them for the same reason^ and because she was
their mortal fbe; after having spoken of these, he adds,
'' but to come to his m^esty, (king James) what have
you done by him even of latft^ days ? in one place yoit
pictui*e him with a scabbard without a sword; in anoN
ther, with a sword so fast in his scabbard, that no bod^
eould draw it. In Brussels you made him in, his hose
doublet ; his pockets hanging out, and nev«r a penny
in his purse. In Antwerp you painted the qneen of
Bohemia like an Irish Giibbin, her hair dishevelled^
a child at her back, and in a mantle, with the king^'
(her. father) carrying the cradle for herV— *-^in the-

* Sir WaherKawleigh's Ghost, in Morgan's Phoenix BrilttBlciui, p. 323*
tond. 1732. 4to. and Wilson, p. 192. Oldys, p. 111.

«IB THE LIFE OF

as by his subjects, who could notwithoat

indignation behold the empty, insignificant

year 1609, was the truce conclnde<j between Spain and
the L'aited Provinces ; under ihe mediation of James
and Henry the fonnh of France. During the nego-
tiations great coioplainis were made of tbe partiality
of JamCT towards the Spaniards, by the French mi-
tiiatcrs to their master; how justly 1 shall not deter-
mine. But in answer to a letter from one of his am-
bassadors, Henry writes, " that he knew James's ill
intentions tow^irds the States; and withal tells him,
his carriage did not break his sleep ; ending his letter
with this word of contempt, rarely used among princes
of that rank, I know his capacity and the inclinations
of his snbjects '." And the same Henry, when one
called " James a second Solomon, replied, that he

hoped he was not David the fidler's son V Nor had

Maurice prince of Orange any better opinion of him,
than the most christian king, as will appear from the
following curious relation.

Sir Ralph Winwood being present in the council of
State, where the sincerity of the courts of Madrid and
Brusstls in the treaty [for the tiuce] was questioned by
the prince, told his highness, that, notwithstanding he
thought it the interest of the republic to go on with it,
because if the archdukes should at last refuse to com-
prehend the king of Spain, as well as themselves, an
eternal dishonor would light upon them, and the two
kings of England and France would have more reason
to assist tbe States. The prince took him up briskly
with these words, we will not go plead a process before

■ Comptrot Hist. toL !L p. 683, i

' Osborn, p. ill.

JAMES I. 209

figure the nation was reduced to by his ma-

ihe king's : and le Roi vostre maistre n'ose pas
parler au Roi d'Espagne, (and the king your master
dares not speak to the king of Spain.) Sir Ralph an-
swered, Monsieur, vous avez tort : le Roi mon maitre
a &. resolution de se ressentir, & puissance de se re-
vencher du Roi & prince qui se soit. (Sir, you are
mistaken. The king, my master, hath both spirit to
resent an injury, and power to avenge himself on any
king or prince that shall ofier it.) The prince replied.
Comment s'est-il resscnti de la trahison du poudre?
(How did he resent the gun-powder plotF) Sir Ralph
rejoined. Comment scavez-vous, qui le roi d'Espagne
s'y soit mele? (How do you know that the king of
Spain had any hand in that affair?) Owen en il 6t6,
(Owen had) said the prince, Lequel on a demand^ ; &
le Comte de Tyrone est soutenu par le roi d'Espagne.
(Whom they have in vain required the king of Spain
to deliver up; and the earl of Tyrone it is not6rious is
supported by him.) Sir Ralph replied, Quant k Owen,
ce n'est pas a vous, a qui le roi mon maistre en rendra
conte: &, pour Tyrone, tout le monde scait qu'il est i
Rome, & non pas en Espagne. (As for Owen, his ma-
jesty is not accountable to you for his behaviour in
regard of him ; and for Tyrone, all the world knows
he is at Rome, and not in Spain.) Owen ^, here spoken
of by the prince, had been demanded of the archdukes
and the king of Spain, to be delivered up by SirThomas
Edmondes, being charged with being privy to the gun-
powder plot ; and Tyrone, who had fled out of Ireland,
upon account of his attempting a rebellion, had been
asked of them likewise, but both unsuccessfully. In-

* Birch^ View of the Negotiationi, a^c p. S8£.
VOL. I, P

210 THE LIFE OF

nagement, and the scoffs and jeer? where-

deed they were bot]i caressed by the Spaniards ; ai]id
Tyrone in particular^ though he resided at Rome, a$
Wipwood said, had a pension of six hundred crowns a
month from the king of Spain, and therefore the in-
terest of James was justly deemed insignificant at die
Spanish court, by prince Maurice \ It is true, upon
GC^mplaint of the English court, prince Maurice, in a
very respectful letter, endeavoured to mollify James'f
.anger; and afterwards, in a second letter, he acknpvr-
ieij^ed his offence, and cleared himself in the beat
manner he could, from any malicious ii^tention to ini-
peach his majesty's service, or ^perse his character.
But it is easy enough to see, that his apologies arose
from the situation of his affairs, and that what in
warmth he had spoken, he indeed thought. — Let U9
tbftQ conclude, that Jaines's best friends, as I obaeryed
i^ the text, spoke most contemptuously of him ; for
such Henry ^d Maurice were. — If we would know
further in what e^iteem James was with his neighbours,
the following epigram made in France will, in some
measure, perhaps satisfy us.

** Tandis qu* Elisahotb fut Roy,

L'Anglois fut d*Epp9gne Peffrojr.
' Maintenaaty devise et caqaette,

Regi par la Reine Jaquette.**

Thtit is literally in English,

Wfailft ElM»th was king,
The English were of Spain the terror^
Bat now governed by Qneen Jaquet,
They only talk and prattle.

Or, if the reader likes it better in rhyme, it is given in
English, thus :

* See Bn«h*s N^otiations, p. 249, 375.

JAMES I. 211

with they were insulted by thdr neigh-
bours. But ho^vever weak and pusillani-

WhUe Elizabeth was England's King,
That dreadful Dame itbroogh Spfun did ring.
How alter'd is the case,— —ad sa' me I
These jaj^Iiog days of glide Queen Jamie * !

And that it may not be imagioed that libellers and
satyrists only contemned James^ and represented him
in a more ridiculous light than they ought, I will add,
that the grave and knowing duke of Sully tells us,
that Henry, in derision^ called James captain of arts
and clerk of arms ^; and that he himself, and his bro-
ther, had spoken in terms not very respectful of him.

Nor did his own people come behind in ridiculing
and censuring his conduct. '^ They mouthed out that
(jreat Britain was become less than little England ;
that they had lost strength by changing sexes, and
that he was no kiug, but a fidler's son, otherwise he
would not suffer such disorders at home, and so much

dishonor abroad. And they say further, why

should he assume to himself the title of defender of
the faith, that suffers the protestants of Germany and
France to be extirpated. That he might almost have
purchased such a country as the Palatinate, with the
money spent on ambafl^ges ; and that his promising
the French protestants assistance (by their agents that
interceded for them) made them the joiore resolute, and
confident to their ruin : So that they might well call
England the land of promise. And all that he got by
his lip-labour assistance from the French king was, that
(&U ambassador, Sir Edward Herbert, was snapt up by

* Rapin, vol. 11. p. 236. and Morjiran's Phcpoix Britairaicus, p. 324.
* Sully's Memoirs, voL I. p. 209. Edict of Nantz, vol. L p. 452.

P 2

■£.-•

512 THE LIFE OF

mous James's conduct was abroad, at hora«i|
he behaved very haughtily. He valuo

Luynes the young constable, and favourite there, wii
n hat hath your master to do with us and our business,
Whereas the English fleets, the glory of the worlti
-mployed) would have taught the French pridi
tnow, that a looker-on sees more than the gamesi
and be that strikes with passion, will many times th
them that take him off" by friendly admonici
discourses as these flew up and down from I
that it was almost treason to hear, much
speak '."—How weakly, how imprudently must a prmi
have behaved, to have drawn on himself such hiltw
reflections and cutting sarcasms, both at home and
abroad ? How mean a figure must he have made, and
with what conicmpt must his promises and threat)
ings be received ? It couttl not be ill-will, it could
be malice, or the love of slander alone, which coi
bring on a regal character so much contempt wh<
living : there must have been foohsh wretched mana;
ment, as we have seen there was, to render it pas
But of all things, princes should dread falling
contempt: seeing that thereby their reputation, ani'
consequently their power ceaaea> and they are rendered
incapable of executing any great design. For, as Car-
dinal Richlieu has well observed, " reputation is the
_ more necessary in princes, in that those we have a

^h good opinion of, do more by their bare words, than

H those who are not esteemed with armies. They are

^& obliged to value it beyond life; and they ought sooner

^B to venture their fortune and grandeur, than to suJIer

^^L tti« least breach to be made in the same, since it is

d^A

himself much on his hereditary right, and
lineal descent **, to the crown, and talked

most certain that the least diminution a prince re-
ceives, though never so sUght, is the slep which is of
most dangerous coiiseijuence for his ruin. In consi-
deration of which I declare freely, that princes ought
never to esteem any profit advantageous, when it re-
flects the least upon their honour; and they are either
blinded or insensible to their true interests, if they re-
ceive any of this nature. And indeed history teaches
U8, tliat in all times and in all states, princes of great
reputation are always happier than those, who being
inferior to them in that point, have surpassed ihem in
force and riches, and in all other power*-" Pity it la
but princes knew what was said of them! If they had
any thirst after fame, any desire of real glory, it v.'ould
excite them to direct their actions to the good of tlie
public, and it would make them weigh and consider
things so, as that their resolutions might appear- to be
the result of prudence and discretion. If they will not
act thus, hut blindly follow their own whims and hu-
mours, or submit to be led by weak, ignorant, self-
seeking men, as was the case of James, they may de-
pend on it, that though flattery niounts up their ima-
ginary excellencies to the clouds, and represents them
as demi-gods for powei' and wisdom, slanders by will
laugh at them, and posterity expose and condemn
them.

"* He valued himself much on his hereditary right-
and lineal descent,] In his first speech to the parlia-
ment, March 19, l603, he tells them, that the first rea-
son of his calling them together was, " that they

' Tljclilieu'f Political Teslanient, part 8il. p. 4S,

ei4 THE LIFE OF

oi' it in most pompous terms, though no-
thing could be more absiuxJ and chimerical.

might with theiirortii ears hear hiiu cieJiver unlo ihem
the assurance of his ihankfulnesa, for their so joyfnl
and general applause, to l^ie di'ctai ing and receiving of
him in ihat siiat, whtdi God, by his birth-righl and
lineal descent, had in the fulness of time provided for
him*," And in other piirli of the same speech, he
speaks of his lineal descent oat of the " loins of Henry
the seventh;" and of his being " lineally descended of
both the crowns''" (of En^and and Scotland.) One
should have thought an £Bglish parliament should
have stared at hearing such an unusual language frora
the throne. But such was the complaisance they had
for their new kinp, and so williog were they to make
their court to hioi, that tliey spoke in like terms with
him, and echoed back, not as has sometimes been done
iti ao address, but in an act of parliament, his words
and sentiments on this subject. For in the first aet of
parliament passed in this reign, intitled a " most joyful
and just recognition of the immediate, lawful and un-
doubted succession, descent and right of the crown,"
we find the following expressions: " Your majesty's
xoyal person, who Is lineally, rightfully, and lawfully
descended of the body of the most excellent lady
Margaret, eldest daughter of the most renowned kin^
Henry the seventh, and they therein desim it may be
published and declared in the high court of parliament,
and enacted by aulhorliy of the same, that they (being
bounden thereunto both by the laws of God and man)
do recognize and acknowledge that immediately upon
the dissolution and decease of Ehzabedi, late queeaof

I'l Works, p. WS.

' 14 11,481,438.

JAMES I. ei»

consequence hereof he entertained*

England, tlie imperial crown of the realm of England,
and of all the kingdoms, dominions and rights belong-.
ing lo the same did by inherent birthright, and laWfiil
and undoubted succession, eJeseend and come unto hifir
most excellent majesty, as being lineally, jastly, and
lawfully, next and sole heir of the blood royal of this
realm'." This was complaisance indeed! And thia,
together with tiieir ascribing to bim in the same act,
" the rarest gifts of mind and body," and acknowledg- ■'
ing " his grciit wisdom, knowledge, experience, and '*
dexterity," could hardly help rivetting in liis mind 1;
kbsnrd opinions, and high self-eatimation.

I call his notions of hereditary right and lineal d
Icent, absurd. For I know of no right that any persod
has to succeed another in wearing a ciown, but what
the laws give him; if he is by law appointed the next
heir, his right to succeed is built npon the most Stable
foundation. But the laws relating to the succession
may be changed, according as the exigencies of the
State and the public good require; and if, by such a
change, any person or family is set aside from succeed-
ing, the right they m^ight before have had vaniabea>
and without usurpation cannot take place. When that
political law {says a justly admired writer) which has
eatablisbfd in " the kingdom a certain order of succes*
sioii, becomes destructive to the body politic for whose
•ake it wa3 established, there is not the least room to
^onbt but another political law may be made to change
thii order; and 90 far would this law be from opposing
fhe first, it Would in the main be entii-ely conformable
to h, since both Would depeild on this principle, tha^

• Vr* fltst. AoDD Pril

1. [tcr tot urn.

ZM^i^mm

216 THE LIFE OF

high notions of the prerogative, and car-

the safety of the people is the supream law *."— And
indeed this hereditary right to the crown, here boasted
of by James, was " a raeer chimera ; contradicted by
the general tenor of custom from the Norman invasion
to his time ; by the declared sense of bis immediate
predecessors; by many solemn proceedings of parlia-
ment, and by the express terms of law, ^Two fami-
lies (for the race of Plantagenet was grafted on the
Norman race, and they may be reckoned properly as
one) had furnished, indeed, all' our kings; but this con-
stituted no hereditary right. When a prince of the
royal family, but in a degree remote frop the succes-
sion, comes to the crown, in prejudice to the next heir,
hereditary right is violated, as really as it would be if
an absolute stranger to this family succeeded. Such a
prince may have another, and we think a better right,
that for instance, which is derived from a settlement of
the crown, made by the authority of parliament ; but
to say he hath an hereditary rigbt, is the grossest abuse
of words imaginable. This we think so plain, that we
should be ashanied to go about to prove it. — Our kings
of the Norman race were so far from succeeding as
next heirs to one another, and in a regular course of
descent, that no instance can be produced of the next
heirs succeeding, which is not preceded and followed

by instances of the next heirs being set aside.'

Thus Edward the first succeeded his father Henry the
third ; but his father Henry the third, and his grand-
father John, had both been raised to the throne, in
plain defiance of hereditary right : the right of Arthur,
nephew to John, and the right of Arthur's sister, cou-

* Spirit of Lavis, vol. II. p. 318. Lond. 1750.

*•

JAMES L ai7

»in-germaii to Henry. Edward the second suo

eeedcd his father Edward the first; but Edward the
third deposed Edward the second ; the parliament re-
nounced all allegiance to him; and Edward the third
held the crown, by a parliamentary title, as much as

William the third. If we go up higher than thia

sera, or descend lower, we shall find the examples uni-
form. Examples, sufficient to countenance this pre-
tension of hereditary right to the crown of England,

are no where to be found. The British race began

in Henry the seventh ; and from him alone king Jame&
derived that right, which he asserted in such pompoua
terms. Now surely, if ever any prince came to the
crown without the least colour of hereditary right, it
was Henry the seventh. He hfMi no pretence to it,
even as heir to the house of Lancaster, His wife,
might have some as heir of the house of York ; but ithe
title pf his wife had no regard paid to it either by him
or the parliament, in making this new settlement. He
gained the crown by the good will of the people. He
kept it by the confirmation of parliament, and by his
own ability. The notional union of the two roses was
a much better expedient for quiet than foundation of
right. It took place in Henry the eighth ; it was con-
tinued in his successors; and this nation was willing
it should continue in James and his family. But nei-
ther, Henry the eighth, nor his son Edward the sixth,
who mifght have done so with much better grace, laid
the same stress on hereditary right, as king James did.
One of them had recourse to parliament on every oc-
casion, where the succession to the crown was con-
cerned ; and the other made no scruple of giving the
crown by will to his cousin, in prejudice of his sisters
right. This right, however, stich as it was, prevaileci ;
but the authority of parliament was called in aid by

THE LIFE OF

Mary, to remove the objection of illegitimacy, whicli
lay against it. Elizabeth had so little concern about
hereditary right, thiit she neither held, nor desired to
hold her crown by any other tenure than the statute of
the 35 of her father's reign. In the 13th of her own
reign she declared it by law high (reason, during her
life, and a Priemunire, after her decease, to di^iiy the
power of parliament, in limiting and binding the de-
scent and inheritance of the crown, or the claims to it;
and whatever private motives there were for putting to
death Mary, queen of Scotland, her claiming a right,
in opposition to an act of parliament, was the founda-
tion of the public proceedings against her.

" Such examples as we have quoled, ought to have
some weight with king James. A prince who had
worn the crown of Scotland, under so many restraints,
and in so great penury, might have contented himself,
one would think, to hold that of England, whose pen-
sioner he had been, by the same tenure, and ro establish
hra authority on the same principles, as had contented
(he best and greatest of his Predecessor's ; but his de-
signs were as bad as those of the very worst priirces,
who went before him'." The good sense and nnan-
swerable reasoning in this quotation will make ample
»mend« for the length of it, and therefore needs no
apology. But it is amazing to consider, th.it, nolwilh-
»taiiding such facts and reasonings, there should yet
be found people weak enough to hold this doctrine of
hereditary right, a doctrine absurd in itself, and big
with mischief, Did men bnt think and consider, did
they weigh and examine, were they honest and impar-
tial, they soon wonW see irs folly and ridicule it. But

■ OldaHtle's HemMki, p, 2*1. Sae ali-o the Brief History of the S.ic-
temm, in the Stala Tnela, relatiog to [he times oT Chmres the 2d. and
Sir JabllHtioleS'9 Spnch >t the Trial of Saoheveral. ^

JAMES I. ai9

ried the doctrine of the regal power*', to

such Is the laziness of mankind, ihat they are at 4U
times inclined more to believe on trust, than to take
the pains to consider; and therefore run into the most
whimsical and ridieulous opinions. Prinees may tliink
it their interest to have such a doctrine as this incul-
cated ; but the teachers of it ought to he looked upon
as tlie foes of mankind, and had in abhorrence by those
to whom liberty and virtue are amiable.

" iJe entertained high notions of the prerogative,
and carried the doctrine of the regal power to a very
great pitch.] James, as I have observed, was bred up
under Buchanan, whose hatred of tyranny is well
known, and who, like a very honest man, endeavoured
to inspire his pupil with a detestation of it; and he
seemed to have had some hopes, that his labours would
not have been wholly vain. Por in the conclusion of
bis short dedication to James, of his Bapthles, sive
cahtmni tragadia, among his poetical wtwks, there are

the following expressions : " lUud auteui peculia-

rius ad te videri potest spectare, quod tyrannorum cru-
ciatas, St cum florere maxime videntur, miseriaa dihi-
cide expoDat. Quod tc nunc intelligere non conducibile
modo, sedetiam neccssariumexistimo: ut mature odisse
incipias, quod libi semper est fugiendum. Volo etiani
hiine libcilum apud posteros testem fore, si quid ali-
quando pravis consultoribus iuipulsus velregni licentia
rectam educationem superante secus committas, non
prwceptoribus, sed tibi, qui eis recte monentibus non
sis obsecutus, id vitio vertendum esse. JJet Domimis
Qieliora, & quod est apud tuum Salustium, tibi bene
facere ex consuctudine in natnraui vertat. Quodequi-
draa cum multisSt spero, & opto. Sterlino, ad Caleod
MoT^anbris, 1^76." i. e. " But this more especiallj

-.'«'

«20 THE LIFE OF

a pitch was amazingly great, and bordering

seems to belong to you, which explains the torments
and miseries of tjTants, even when they seem to be in
the most jflourishing state, which I esteem not only ad-
vantageous, but even necessary for you now to under-
stand: that you may begin early to hate, what you
should always avoid. I desire also that this book may
be a witness to posterity, that if at any time you act
otherwise, by the influence of wicked counsellors, or
the wantonness of power getting the better of educa-
tion, you may impute it not to your preceptors, but to

yourself that slighted their good advice. God grant

you a better fate, and (as your favourite Sallust has it)
render beneficence natural to you by custom. Which
I sincerely wish, and hope with many others."

James was little more than ten years of age when
this was written to him. Two years afterwards Bu-
chanan dedicated his celebrated piece, in titled, Dejure
Regni apud Scotos, to James, in which he tells him,
'' that he thought good to publish it, that it might be
a standing witness of his affection towards bim, and
admonish him of his duty towards his subjects. Now
many things, adds he, persuaded me that this my en-
deavour should not be in vain : especially your age
not yet corrupted by prave opinions, and inclination
far above your years for undertaking all heroical and
noble attempts, spontaneously making haste thereunto;
and not only your promptitude in obeying your in-
structors and governors, but all such as give you sound
admonition ; and your judgment and diligence in exa-
mining affairs, so that no man*s authority can have
much weight with you, unless it be confirmed by pro-
bable reason. I do perceive also that you by a certain
natural instinct do so much abhor flattery, which is.

JAMES L 221

on impiety. Nor could he with any pa-

the nurse of tyranny, and a most grievous plague of a
kingdom ; so as you do hate the court solecisms and
barbarisms, no less than those that seem to censure all
elegancy, do love and affect such things, and every
where in discourse spread abroad, as the sauce thereof
those titles of majesty, highness, and many other war
savoury com pellations. ^ow albeit your good natm'al
disposition, and sound instructions, wherein you have
been principled, may at present draw you away from fall-
ing into this error, yet I am forced to be something jea-
lous of you, lest bad company, the fawning foster-mother
of all vices, draw aside your soft and tender mind into
the worst part ; especially seeing I am not ignorant,
bow easily our other senses yield to seduction. This
book therefore I have sent unto you, to be not only
'your monitor, but also an importunate and bold ex-
actor which, in this your flexible and tender years,
may conduct- you in safety from the rocks of flattery,
and not only may admonish you, but also keep you in
the way you are once entered into: and if at any time
you deviate, it may reprehend and draw you back, ,the
which if you obey, you shall for yourself and for all
your subjects, acquire tranqoiUity and peace in this
life, and eternal glory in the life to come. Farewel,
from Sterveling, Jan. 10, 1579*."

I have been forced to give this in the words of a
translation, for want of an opportunity of turning to
the original: which the good-natured reader, I hope^
will pardon. In these dedications we may see the en-
deavours and hopes of Buchanan, which I have just

*■ Dedication of Bncbaoao de jure regni apud Scotos, in Rojlisb. 4to*
XoBd.]689.

t22 THE UFE OF

tience bear that any should assert its being

mentioned, of inspiring his pupil with a detestation of
tyranny. But bis hopes were ill-fonnded, his endea-
vours were ineffectual. James hated the man who
connselled him, and spoke a doctrine directly contrary
unto that taught by him \ What he writ on this sub-
ject when in Scotland, weiiave before mentioned^. He
there inculcated the doctrine of tyranny, and in England
he continued to avow it, and that even before the par-
liament itself. In his speech to the lords and commons
at Whitehall, Anno I6099 we have the following pas-
sage: ^' Kings are justly called Gods, for that they
exercise a manner or resemblance of divine power
upon earth: for if you will consider the attributes of
God, yon shall see how they agree in the person of a
king. God hath power to create or destroy, make or
unmake at his pleasnie, to give life or send death, to
judge all, and to be judged, nor accomptable to none;
to raise low things, and to make high things low at
his pleasure, and to God are both soul and body due :
and the like power have kings : they make and unmake
their subjects; they have power of raising, and casting
down; of life and of death; judges over all their sub-
jects, and in all causes; and yet accomptable to none
but God only. They have power to exalt low things,
and abase high things, and make of their subjects like
men at chess ; a pawne to take a bishop or a knight,
Bsad to cry up or down any of their subjects, as they
do their money. And to the king is due both the af-
fection of the soul, and the service of the body of his
subjects V And in the same speech are the following
words : ** I conclude then this point touching the

• See note 2. Mn note 41. «K. James's Works, p. 529.

JAMES I. 823

liable to -be contradicted or controuled. He
treated his parliaments in many cases most

[)ower oF kings, with tliis axiom of divinity, that as tu
dispute what God may do, is blasphemie; but quid
salt Dtns, that divines may lawfully and do ordJaarily
dispute and disciisse; tor to dispute a posse ad tsse ia
both against logicke and divinitie: so is it sedition in
subjects to dispute what a king may do in ihe heiglit
ofhispowei'V These passages shall suffice to shew
James's notions of the regal power ; tbeir opposition to
those of his preceptor; and that lord HoJinghroke was
very mucli ralstakea in saying that " James retailed
the scraps of Buchanan''." I thought to feave con-
cluded this note here, but I find it proper to add that
James had the ntmust indiguation against those who
lield tliat princes were accountable, or contronlable.
This appeared from his citing a preacher before him
from Oxford, who had asserted that the inferior ma<
gistrate liad a lawful power to order and correct the
king if he did amiss; and who for the illustration of
bis docti'ine, had used that speech of Trajan's uuto iho
c^^tain of his guard; Acdpe huiic glatliuta, quem pro
me si bene imperaveru distriitges ; sin minus cottlra me;
i, e. receive this sword, which I would have thee me
for my defence if I govern iveli ; but if 1 rule tfte
empire ill, to be turned against me. The preacher of
tbi» doctrine being strictly examined by the king con-
cerning it, laid the blame on Pareus, who iti his com-
mentary on the Romuns, had positively delivered all

which be had vented in his sermon, even to that

very

spying of the emperor Trajan. Whereupon the king.

■ K.James'j Works, p
p. Sift,

fi24 THE LIFE OF

contemptuously^^ both by words and ac-
tions ; giving himself extraordinary airs of

though he dismissed the preacher, ou account of his
youth, and the authority he had produced, gave order
to have the book of Pareus burnt in Oxford, London
and Cambridge; which was done accordingly*. So
high was James's opinion of regal power, so ill could
he bear opposition to it, though in a foreigner, and
one with whom he had nothing to do !

^ He treated his parliaments in many cases most
con tern ptuouslj'] Here follow my proofs. In his
speech to the parliament in 1605, speaking of the
house of commons^ he tcHs them, that *^ that was not a
place for every rasli and hair-brained fellow to propose
new laws of his own invention,'* lliat " they should
be warie not to propose any bitter or seditious laws,
which could produce nothing but grudges and discon-
tents between the prince and his people; and that it
was no place for particular men to utter their private
conceits, nor for satisfaction of their curiosities^ and
least of all to make shew of their eloquence, by tj-ning
the time with long studied and eloquent orations V
And he adds just afterwards, " that men should be
ashamed to make shew of the quickness of their wits
here, either in taunting, scoffing, or detracting the
prince or state in any point, or yet in breaking jests
upon their fellows, for which the ordinaries or ale-
houses are fitter places, than this h(jnourable and high
court of parliament."

In his speech to the parliament at Whitehall, in the
year l609, he " wishes the commons to avoid three
things in matters of grievances.

» Heylin's Life of I^ud, p. 95, ^ K. James's Work?, p. 506, j07.

JAMES I. ■ 225

trisdom and authority, afad undervaluing

- " First," says he, " that you do not raedtHe with the
main points of government ; that is my craft : tractent
fabrilia/abri; to meddle with that were to lesson me :
I am now an old king; for six and thirty years have I
governed in Scotland personally, and now have I ac-
complished my apprenticeship of seven years here 5
and seven years is a great time for a king's experience
in government. Therefore there would be too many
Phormioa to leach Hannibal: I must not he taught
my office.

" Secondly, I would not have you meddle with such'
antient rights of mine, as I have received from my
predecessors, possessing them, more majorum: Eucb
things I would be sprrie should be accounted for
grievances.

" And lastly, I pray yoii to beware to exhibit for
grievance, any thing that is established by a settled
law, and whereunto (as you have already had a proof)
you know I will never give a plausible answer: for it
is au undntiful part in subjects to press their king,
wherein they know before-hand he wilt refuse them'."

Had James stopped here he might have been ex-
cused. Elizabeth had set him an example of directing
the commons to be cautious in making use of their
liberty of speech; and they complained not of it".
But he went farther. For in the year 1031, the com-
mons having drawn up a petition and remonstrance to

the ki

'ng.

a; the danger of the protes

ligion at home and abroad, and advised him to aid the
protestants in the wars in which they were engaged;

■ K. Jam»s'fl Works, p. i37. ' See He)-wooa Townshmd'f Historical

(MllectioDs, p. 37,53, G3. fol- Lond. 1680.

THE LIFE OF
their power, skill and capacity. And not

I
I

' Ineak with the king of Spain, end marry bis ton to a
|iriocesa of tlie reformed religion, with eome oiher
things : the commons having drawn np this petition
and remonstrance, and it coming to the king's ear*
that they were about to present it, the following letter
B writtea by htm (o tlie speaker, from Newmarket.

" MR. SPEAKEB,

" We have heard, by divers reports, to our great
grief, that our distance from the houses of parliament
caused by our indisposition of heallh. Lath emboldned
some fiery and popular' spirits of some of the house of
commons, to argue iuid debate publickiy of the matters
far above their reach and capacity, tending to our high
dishonor, and breach of prerogative royal. The»e are
therefore to command you, to make known, in oor
name, unto the house, that none therein shall presiUne
henceforth to meddle with any thing concerning our
government, or deep matters of state, and namely oot
to deal with our dearest son's match with (be daughter
of Spain, nor to touch tite honour of that king, or any
other our friends and confederates : and also not to
meddle with any man's particulars, which have their
due motion in our ordinary courts of justice. And
whereas we bear, that diey have sent a message to Sir
Edward Saadys, to know the reasons of his late re-
srTiunt, you sliall in our name resolve them, that it was
not for any misdemeanor of his in parliament. But to
pot them out of doubt of any question of that nature
that may arise among them hereafter, you shall resolve
them in our name, that we think ourselves very free
and ahie to punish any man's misdemeanors in pailia-
uicnt, as well during ibeir sitting as after; which w*

JAMES I. 22?

contented herewitli he openly and avowedly

mean not to spare hereafter, upon any occasion of any
tnan's insolent behaviour there, that shall be mJnistred
unto US ; and if they have already touched any of thew
points, which we have forbidden, in any petition of
theirs, which is to be sent unto us, tt is our pleasure
that you shall tell them, that except they refurm it
before it come to our hands we will not deign the
hearing, nor answering of it"." Hereupon the com-
moDs drew up another petition, which they sent ac-
companied Willi ihe former remonstrance; to which
the king answered amnng other things, " that he must
use the first words which queeo Elizabeth had used, is
as answer to an iasolent proposition, made by a Po-
lotiian ambassador unto her; that is, legntum expecta-
ftamiis, heraldiini accipimus; that he wished them to
rem.eiaber that he was an old and experienced king,
needed no such lessons as they had given him; that
they had usurped upon the prerogative royal, and
meddled with thing? tar above their reacb, and then in
the conclusion protested the contrary ; as if a robber,
says he, would take a man's purse, and then protest he
meant not to rob him. After tliis he asks them how
they could have presnmed to determine about bis son's
match, without committing of high treason i These
are unfit things, (the brealitng of the match with Spain,
ftad concluding one with a protestant) to be handled in
parliament, except your king should require it of you;
for who can have wisdom to judge of things of thaC
nabire, but such as are daily acquainted willi the par^
tlcolars of treaties, and of the variable and fixed con-
nexiou of affairs of state, together with the knowledg*

^ rrinklin's Aiiiule cf King Junca's, p. £1Q, and RuihnorCb, tol. I. p. 4S.

THE aVE OF
violated - their privile^, by impruoning}

of the secret ways, €i>ds, and inientioiis of princes in
tbdr several negotiatioas f otherwise a small mistaliing
of maners of ibis nature may produce more efferti
than can be imagined : and therefore, jk tutor ultra
trtfidam." He coociiules with saying, " we cannot
allow of the style (\a the peiitioa and renons trance)
calliag it vour antient and andonbted right and talie^
rttance; but could rather have wished, that ye had
said, that TOUT prlTJle^cs were derired iVom the grace
and pennission of our ancestors, and us ; for most of
ihem erow from precedents, which shews rather a tole-
ration than inheritance."

At this the commons were alarmed ; and thereftnv
solemnly protested ihat the liberties, franchises, privli*
l^es and jurisdictions of parliament, are the antient
and undoubted birthright and iuheritauce of the sub-
jects of England; that the affairs of church and state
arc proper subjects of counsel and debate in parlia-
ment; that in handling of ihcm every member ought
to have freedom of speech; and that they are not to
be impeached, molested or imprisoned for the same,
without the advice and assent of all the commoos
assembled in parliament. But this protect bad no'
effect on the king. His anger was not abated, be'
grew hot more calm or considerate, but in full as->
sembly of his council, and in the presence of the^
judges declared the suid protestation to be invalid,.
Toid, and of no effect; and did further manu sua
jtrafiria, \Bitt the said protestation out of the journal
book of the clerk of the commons house of parlia-
ment' -With reason then did I say, that Jamea

,^^ ;'.Ft«ii4.lin,p. ea— EG. RwUttoith, v

JSMES I." 829

aiid otierwise.-grievnig such of their-memi-

treated hrs parliaments, in many cases, most contempt-
-xuously; and even a parliament, concerning which be
himself had declared, that a part of it, "the house (rf
«otnirions> hud shewed greater lijve, and used him with
more respect in all their proceedings; than ever any
house of commons had hitherto done to him, or, as he
thought, to any of his predecessors"," Their love aiid
respect were requited by langui^e destitute of all
civility and politeness, and they were threatened, bui*
lied, and insulted. Yea, what was more extraordinary
■was, that a new doctrine was broached by Jamea, that
the privileges and liberties of parliament, with respect
to the commons, were derived from the crown, and
were. rather matters of toleration, than inherttoncei
This struck directly at their rights and privileges, and
was. that which they had the greatest reason to resents
For if they were derived from the crown, and were
things barely tolerated by it, they might be abrogated
and destroyed; and consequently the constitution
might be altered, and despotism take place. But
James was mistaken with regard to the foundation of
the privileges and rights of the house of commons
They flowed not from the grace of our kings; but
were coeval with our constitution; as some of our
best writers" have shewn in opposition to those ecclfc
aiastical, or court parasites, who vainly strove to pen
suade the world of the contrary. May they be per-
petual! may all our princes think it their duty and

'RnAworth, vol. I. p. 25. • See Sir Rob. All,yiis"s Pi>wer. Jurisdie-

tkm, and Privileges of Fnrliamept, fbl. Loud. 1669. S;dnsy cm Goifeni-^
meat, p. 379. ib[. Umi, 1&9B. See hEsq Spirit uf Lam, vol, 1. p. £30.
and Townehend'lColleclioOT, p. 45,

THE Liftf OF

as had''' dared to speak contrary to

%iterest inviolably to preserve them; and mn^ they be
-(tted so as to secure the liberties, the rights and the
Welfare of the meanest individual.
* *' He violated the privileges of parliament, fay im-
prisoning and otherwise grieving such of the memberB
as had acted in the house disagreeable to his will.]
We have heard James in the foregoing note, declaring
that he meant hot to spare punishing any man's beha-
viour in parliament, which should be insolent. By
insolent, I suppose he meant nnacceptfible, or disa-
greeable to himself or minister, how beneficial Boever
it might be, or intended to be to the public. For it is
the manner of princes bent on establishing (heir owa
wicked wills, in contradiction to taw and the common
good, to give odious names to the actions of the sons
of liberty, and brand them with ignominious titles.

However, James fully made good his threats. He
punished those who were for assisting the proiestanta
abroad, for breaking with Spain, and making a mar-
riage for prince Charles with one of iheiv own religion.
Por soon after his tearing the protestation of the com-
mons out of t!ie journal book with his own hand, be
dissolved ihe parliament, and " committed Sir Edward
Cook, and Sir Robert 1 hilips to the Tower; Mr. Set-
den, Mr. Pym, and Mr. Mallory, to other prisons and
cOofineraenia. Likewise Sir Dudley Diggs, and Sir
Thomas Crew, Sir Nathaniel Rich, and Sir James
Perrot, for punishment were sent into Ireland, to en-
quire into sundry matters concerning his majesty's
service'." This was a direct breach of the privileges
of the parliament as every one must see. For if ibe

" Rushworib, voL t p. JJ. Franklin, p. fB,

JAMES I. 931

his mind in the house ; to their no small
loss and damage. Nor did he be-i

members of it are liable to be called to an account and
punished for what they may have spoken, by any but
the body to which they belong, tlie freedom of it
ceases, and it no longer has that power and iiidepen-
clency which is allotted to it by tEie constitutioo- But
the Tiolating the privileges of parliament was no new
thing to Jnmes, For having dissolved the parliament
in 1614, "it pleased him the very next morning to
call to examination, before the lords of his council,
divers members of the house of commons, for some
speeches better becoming a senate of Venice, where
the treaters we perpetual princes, than where those
that speak so irreverently, are so soon to return,
(which they should remember) to the natural capacity
of Gubjeets. Of these examinants four are committed
close prisoners to the Tower: 1. Sir Walter Chute.
2. John Hoskyns," (a man of great pEirts, learning and
merit, who lay in prison a full year, where he was in-
timate with Sir Walter Raleigh, and revised his his-
tory, and where he wrote the following lines to bis
little child Benjamia.

Sweet Bei^amin, since thou art young.

And bast not yet the use of toaguc.

Make it U\f iIbvc while tbou art free.

<e.)

" 3. One Wentworlh, a lawyer. 4. Mr. Christopher
Nevil, second son to my lord of Abergaveny '." In-
deed the principle on which James set out was that of
crushiDg the freedom and privileges of parliament.

232 THE LIFE OF

lia%'e better with regard to his other subjects.

Those who opposed his will, surely smarted.

For in his prodnmation for calling hiu first parliami
"he gave order what sort of men, and how
should be chosen by the commons ; and concludes,
nolil'y by these presents, that all returns and certificates.
of knights, citizens and burgesses, ought, aad are to
be brought to the court of chancciy, and there to be
filed upon record; and if any be fouud to be made
contrary to this proclamation, the same is to be re-
jected as unlanfi]], and insufficient, and the city or
borough to be fined for the same; and if it be found
that they have committed any gross or wilful default
or contempt in the election, return or certificate, that
then their liberties, according to the law, are to be
seized as forfeited: and if any person take upon htna
the place of a knight, citizen or burgess, not being
duly elected and sworn, according to the laws and
statutes in that behalf provided, and according to the
purport, effect and true meaning of this our proclama-
tion, then every person so offending, to he fined and
imprisoned for the same^ ." As soon as the members
were chosen, James shewed his authority by vacating
the election of Sir Francis Goodwin, knight of the
shire foe Buckingham, (under pretence of his having
been outlawed) and sending a new writ, in virtue whereof
Sir John Fortescue was chosen, " notwiihstaiiding (says
lord Cecyll, in a letter to Mr. Winwood, dated April
12, 10D4) the lower house having had notice that
he was once chosen^ and having found that the out-
lawry was .pardoned in effect, by his majesty's general
pardon upon his inauguration (although in true con-

ted. ^J

fied>-^H
, we

' Coke, ToL I, p. 20.

JAMES I. 233,

for it, and very light and trifling, or even.

stinctioii of law he ia not rrctus in curia, until he hath
sued out his Scire fucian) they somewhat suddenly,
fearing some opposkion (which was never intended)
allowed of him, and rejected the other; which form of
proceeding appeared har^h to the king rather in form
than matter. And therefore being then desirous that
the higher house might have some conference with the
lower house, (which as we of ourselves did intimate
unto them) they grew jealous of that proposition, aa
a matter which they misliked to yield to after a judg-
ment; and therefore did rather chuae to send to the
king, ihat llicy would be glad to shew himself the
reasons (to whom they owed all duty as their sovereign)
rather than to any other, taking it somewhat derogative
from tiieir house, to attribute any superiority to the
higher house, seeing both houses make but one body,
whereof the king is the head. This being done after two
conferences, in the presence of the king, the council
and judges, the matter was compounded to all men's
liking; wherein that which is due is only due to C;esar;
for, but for his wisdom and dexterity, it could not
havehad any conclusion, with so general an applause ;
this being found by debate, to be most certaine,
namely, that neither of them both were duely returned,
and . therefore resolved of all parties, that a new writ
should go forth by wiurant from the speaker, wherein
none of ihcm should stand to be elected ; and so much
■for the truth of that cause*." This is the representa-
tion of a courtier. I will givetliereaderthe judgment of
the house of commons on this same affair, and leave
it with him to form his opinion. "For the matter

^^^B ' Winvood, vqL II. p. 19.

THE LffE OF

innocent actions were most rigOT'ousIy pun-

of Sir Francis Goodwin chosen for Bucks, (say they)
we were, and still are of a clear opinion, that the
freedom of election was in that action extreamly in-

" That, by the same right, it mtgbt be at all times
in a lord chancellor's power to revecae, detest, erect,
m substitute, all the eieciiuns and persons elected,
Ofer all the realm; neither thought we that the judges
opinions (which yet in due place we greatly reverence)
being delivered what the common law was (which ex-
tends otdy to inferior and standing courts), ought to
bring in a prejudice to this high court of parliament,
whose power being above the law, is not founded on
the common law, but have therein rights and privileges
peculiar to themselves.

" For the manner of our proceeding (which your
majesty seemed to blame, in that the second writ going
out in your majesty's name, we seemed to censure
it, without first craving access to acquaint your high-
ness with our reasons therein) we trust our defence shaD
appear just and reasonable. It istbc form of the court
of chancery (as of divers other courts) tliat writs going
out in your majesty's name, are returned also, as to
your .majesty, in that court from whence they issue.
Howbeit, therefore no man ever rcpaireth to jour
majesty's person, but proceedeth according to law,
notwithstanding the writ.

" This being the universal custom of this kingdom,
it was not, nor could be admitted into our councils,
that the difference was between your majesty and us:
but it was and still is conceived, that the controversy-
was between courts about preheminencies and privi-
leges ; and that the question was, whether the c^^n^

ishcd *

JAMES I. 235

Justice he seems indeed to have

*:ery, or our house of commons, were judge of the
members returned tor it ? Wherein tho' we supposed
the wrong done to be most apparent, and extreamly
prejudicial to the rights and privileges of this realm;
ytt fiuchj and so great was our willingness to please
your majesty, as to yield to a middle course proposed
by your highness, preserving onlj' our priviJeges, by
a voluntary cession of the lawful knight.

" And this course (as if it were of deceiving our-
selves, and yielding in our apparent rights, whereso-
ever we could but. invent such ways of escape, as that
the precedent might not be hurtful) we have held
toore than once this parliament, upon desire to avoid
that, which to your majesty, by misinformation,
(whereof we had cause to stand alway in doubt) might
be distasteful, nor not approvable ; so dear hath your

niBJesty been unto us'." From these instances, and

many more might be produced, of James's treatment
of his parliaments, we may be able to judge of the
knowledge, or honesty of fathffl: Orleans, who speaks
of his "extraordinary complaisance towards the par-
liament, from his first accession totlie ilirone, which he
elways consulted," says he, "not only in the weighty
aJlairs of state, but even in most of those that con-
cerned his family; condescending to their advice; pre-
tending a mighty regard not to infringe their privi-
leges ; asking few extraordinary supplies, and choosing
rather to be streightened in his way of living, than
to administer occasion of complaint by filUug his
coffers ^"

"" Light and trifling, or even innocent actions \yere

' CommonB' prntHrtBtion : Addo prime Jac primi, id Motgan'i Fhccnix
SritaDDiciu, p. ISO. See also Oldcutl«'i Remarks, p. S18. > D. Or-

leans' RevolutiHwia Eagland, p. t. 8to. Loml. 1711.

THE LIFE OF

had little or no regard to, as appeared by

most severely punished by him.] A few instances wiU
be sufficient to prove this. In j^pril l6l5, Oliver St.
John, afterwards lord Graudtsen, and lieutenant of
Ireland, was fined five thousand pounds in the stan-
chamber, for opposiiigthat benevolence moved in the
foregoing session of parliament, nliich was so abruptly
dissolved, though that kind of benevolence us he

shewed was against law, reason, and religion *. r-

And Sir Robeit Mansfield was committed to the Mar-
shaisea, partly for having consulted with Mr. Whitlock
the lawyer, about the vahdily of a commission drawn
for a research into the office of the admiralty; and
partly for denying to reveal the name of the aaid lawyer
his friend; the point tonching a limb of the king's
prerogative and aiilhority ''. And a vast sum of money
was exacted, says Camhden, in I(j17, of tlie citizens
of London, not without murmuring'. What shall I
say more? James's reign was full of rigour, severity,
and hard dealing. Witness the earl of Northumber-
land, who was fined thirty thousand pounds, and conr
fiued from the year l605 to the year Jfi\Q in the
Tower, upon a mere enspicion, without the least proof
of his having had knowledge of the powdw-plot, at
Cecyll himself confessed in a letter to Sir Thomas Gtf
monds, dated Dec. a, 1605''. Witness Sir Bobert
Dndly, who was not allowed to make use of the de-
positions of his witnesses to prove himself the legal
heir of his father, the great earl of Leicester; and who
was also deprived. of his honours and estates most ini-
quitously, as appeared to prince Henry, and to king

■ Cab»b, p. 361. and OWys'i Life of Ealpjgh, p. 180. bote'. » Rejj.

quia WuttonianiB, p. 418, ' Annals of K. Jama in Compleat HIiL

p. 6«. * Bitch's View of Ibc Negotiations, p. 545. See alto Osboti^

p. 500. ... . ... ...

-■-JAJVrEST." !!37

lu8 unparalleled treatment' ofSii* Walter
Raleigh*',- the glory of hisageand nation,

Charles the first'. And witness Sir Thomas Lake,
and many others whose fines were vastly beyond their
apposed crimes, and such as ought not in justice or
equity to have been inflicted on tfaem. In short, such
43 displeased James, he had no nieroyon, butmade
(hem feel the weight of his sore displeasure.

*• His unparalleled treatment of Sir Walter Raleigh.]
Raleigh was a man in point of bravery and conduct,
of wit and understanding, of prudence and ability, of
learning and judgment, inferior to none of the age in
whicli he lived, and superior to most. What werehis-
^etious before the accession of James, those who have
curiosity may see admirably described either by Mr,
Oldys, or Or. Birch, in their respective lives of this
wonderfnl man, prefixed to his history of the world,
and his political, commercial and philosophical works.

Queen Elizabeth knew his merit, and valued bim-
highly. James on the contrary was prejudiced against
bim ; had little sense of his worth, imd soon ill treated'
bim by taking from himhiapOKtofcaptain of the guards,
and giving it to Sir Thomas Erskin, a Scotisli favourite.
Injuly, 1G03, be was confined on account of a plot in
which he was said to be engaged with the lords Cobham
and Grey, and several pricsrs, and gentlemen, in order
to extirpate the king and his issue; set the lady Aft-
bella on the throne; give peace to Spain ; and tolerate
the Romish religion. On the 15th of November the
same year he was arraigned at Winchester for these

* See the Patent of K. ChailM T. fur ocentitig Alice, lady Dudly, a
iliic1i«is of Enj^land, in ihe appendix M Lcii'ij:^!
1-127. Bra.

438 THE LIFE OF

whom he caused to be executed aftera res-
pite of a great number of years, without the

things ; and after having had the civil and polite appel-
lation* of viper, traitor, and odious man, who had s
Spanish heart, and was a spider of hell, bestowed on
him by the famous Coke, attorney-general: after having
been dignified with these titles, he was brought in
guilty, though not the least shadow of a proof was
brought against hirn. I say not the least shadow of a
proof; for whoever will read his trial, or any impartial
accounts which are given of it, will not help standing
amazed to find how it was possible, after the defence
he made, upon such wretched allegations to convict
him. But he was out of favour at court ; like Sydnsy,
he was talked to death by the luivycrs; and in those
times when the crown was iigainst a man, he was al-
most sure of being condemned- When 1 consider the
bitterness, severity, and almost malice which appeared
in the council for the crown, against the slate pri-
soners in this, the foregoing, and some of the subse-
qitent reigns, 1 cannot help thinking, that the gentle-
men of that profession are very much altered for the
better. They have more regard to truth, justice, and
humanity; and conseqaeiitly, though they may not
have as many cases, precedents or statutes to cite, or
pervert as Coke had, yet are they vastly more Taluahle,
I hope the reader will pardon a digression, into which
indignation at Raleigh's vile treatment drew me. I
now go on with the narration. Upon Sir Waller's
condemnation, all his lands and offices were seized,
and himself committed close prisoner to the Tower.
But the iniquity of his sentence was visible to all,
Ilie king of Denmark, queen Anne, prince Heiiry<

i^^^lfi

least'

JAMES I. 2^9

' of a pretence; and likewise

all thonght him innocent, after having examined into
his crimes'; and even James, I believe, did not deem
him guilty. He respited his seatence, and suffered
him to enjoy his fortune sevun years after. Then Sher-
bum castle was thought a thing worth having by Ker,
(afterwards earl of Somerset) and though it was en-
tailed on his children, means were found, for the want
of one single word, to have the conveyance pro-
nounced invalid, and Sherburn forfeited to the crown.
After sixteen years imprisonment. Sir Walter proposed
his voyage to Guiana; got his liberty, gave in his
scheme of his intended proceedings to James, ivho
after having given him power of life and death, and a.
proper commission, revealed his designs to Gonda-
more, and thereby rendered them, abortive. LTpon his
returning unsuccessful through the fault of his master,
and other causes, at the instigation of tlie Spanish
ambassador, he was seized, imprisoned, and, to the
admiration of all men, on his old sentence beheadetl.
In charging James with betraying Kaleigh to the
Spanish ambassador, I do him no injustice; as will
appear from a letter of Sir Waller's to secretary Win-
wood, " It pleased his majesty so little to value us, aa
to command me upon ,niy allegiance, to set dowa
under my hand the country, and the very river by
which 1 was to enter it, to set down the number
of my men, and burthen of my ships, and what ord-
nance every ship carried, which being known to the
Spanish ambassador, and by him sent to the king of
^ Spain, a dispatch was made, and letters sent from
Madrid, -before my departure out of the Thames ; for

■ Ealei jh's Woil

1. II. p.3C?,

by his saving Somerset, and hiaJady '

his first letter sent by a bark of advice, wasdated the
19th of March, 1617, at Madrid, which letter I have
here enclosed sent to jour honour; the rest I reserve,
not kiiovviiig whether they may be intercepted or not'.'*
The reader, no doubt, is shocked at such vile treatment
of so worthy a mRn, and cannot fail of being filled
with horror at it. Tiie sentence in the first place was
unjust; his imprisonment was a monstrous hardship;
but theexeeution of his sentence cruel and abominable.
'° He saved Somerset and bis lady from the punish-,
menr which the laws had justly doomed lliem to, for
their crimes.] I'lobcrt Ker had been first one of the
Icing's pages ; being dismissed from this post, he went
into France, and from thence returning, through ac-
cident he was taken notice of by .lames, and quickly
was made gentleman of the bed-chamber, and became
sole favourite. In 1613, he was advanced to be lord
high treasurer of Scotland, and the same year was
raised to be a peer of England, by the stile and title
of vjscount Rochester Soon after he had the garter,
and was created earl of Somerset, and made lord cham-
berlain of the household. A little before this, he hud
become intimate with the wife of the earl of Essex,
Frances Howard, daughter of the earl of Suffolk, who,
in order to make way for her marriage with him, got
H divorce from her husband. Soon after ihcy were
married; and soon after one of the .most iniquitous

actions was done, that we read of in history. Sir

Thomas Overhury, the friend of Somerset, and one to
whom he owed, as Sir Thomas himself says, "more
than to any soul living, Tsoth for his fortune, under-

■ Ralf igh'a VTotU, vol. II. p. 367.

JAMES I. S41

&Djn' that punishment which the laws had
justly doomed tiiem to, by reason of their

standing and reputation":" he, I say, endeavouring
to dissuade him iVom the match, thereby incurred the
hatred of him, and his lady. For refusing t» go as
ambassador abroad, which Soinci^sct advised him to
refuse, he was clapt up into the Tower, and there
confined many months ; and by a variety of poisons,
made use of by the agents of the earl and his lady,
which cruelly tormented him, was at length put an end
to,'and it was given out that he died of the pox^
liut the truth could not be long concealed. Villiers
now began to supplant Somerset, and soon got the as-
cendancy. Everyman endeavoured to raise the one,
and pull down the other. The murder was discovered.
James eamo to the knowledge of it, and uttered the
deepest imprecations against himself and posterity, if
he spared any that were found guilty*. But his reso-
lution remained not. The instruments were brought to
their deserved end; but those who made use of them
escaped. On the24lh of May, 1616, the countess of
Somerset was brought to her Irial, and the earl the
next day; the first, after some denials in the court,
confessed the fact, and begged for mercy; the other
stood upon his inuocency, and was found guihy ; as
there can be no doubt but that he was. All mankind
expected upon this, that the judgment against them
would have been executed. But on the contrary, a
pardon was granted the lad}', " because the processe
and judgment against her were not as of a principal

• WinwooJ. voMll. p. 473.
iC arraignment of Ihe pari of;
ine, p, S3. Lond. Iti51. *to.

■■ .See Sir Francis Bacon's Sp«f rh at
3t, and Tnith brou^t toLigbt by

THE LIPE or
abominable crimes. Somerset, indeed, had
favourite; ■

and io ills favourites.

(says the pardon) biit as of an. accessary before the
fact"." As for the earl he had a. remission under the
great seal of England, Oct. 7, l(i2l, and was suffered
to enjoy the greatest part of hig estate, and thought
himself but ill-used that he was not restored to the
whole ^ i\iid si)«:h waa jthe favpur shewed unto him
by James, that though lie waa convicted of felony,
his arms were not permitted to be removed out of the
chapel of Windsor; and upon his account it was
ordered "that felony should not be reckoned amongst
the disgraces for those who were to be excluded from
the order of St. George; which wai without prece-
dent'." — ;— This was the justice of James. One of the
best of his "subjccis was executed for no real crime ;
two of the worst of ihem escaped punishment for the
blackest and most detestable. It is the duty of kings
to protect the innocent, and punish the guilty. It 19
the p^t of a just king, as well as of an honest man^
to render unto every one his due. Honour and praise
should be bestowed on the deserving; igDominy,sl]ame
and punishment should follow those who trample under
foot the sacred laws of society, and humanity. But
James permitted not these to follow (as far as he could
help it) the crimes of Somerset and his lady, though
none were more deserving oftliem. Princes it must
he owned have a right to relax the rigour of the laws,
or suspend their execution in some cases. But then
there ought to be a just reason for it. Whereas in the

* Sep the PmJ&n in Trath brought (d Light by Timf, p. raa, * Craw-
Turd'* Uvea, p. 4()Q. and Cab&ta, p. Q2], ' CauiUdcn's Annala of
K JauKB ID the Cooiiileat Hut p. 64S.

^, JAMES I. S49

James was kind in all things ; condescend-
ing to what ^' was below his dignity in order

case of Sotnersel, as well as of his lady (though a
respect to her father, friends and family ai-e raentioued
as a motive to the pardoning of her) hardly one of
those causes of relaxing punishment mentioned by the
civilians are found '. But there certainly was a reason,
whatever it was, for this favour shewed to Somerset.
Mr, Mallet has quoted some passages from the original
letter of Sir Francis Bacon (a name always to he valued
by the lovers of learning) then attorney- general, and
particularly employed in this very affair, from nhence
it appears that James shewed an extreme solicitude
about the earl's behaviour at his trial and the event of
it ; that he was afraid lest by his insolent and con-
temptuous behaviour at the bar, he should make him-
aelf incapable or unworthy of favour and mercy;
which, together wilb the letter written by him after
his condemnation to the king, in a stile rather of ex-
postulation and demand, than of humility and suppli-
cation, makes him conclude, and, I think, not unjustly,
that there was an important secret in his keeping, of
which the king dreaded a discovery ". Some have
thongbt the discovery dreaded, was the manner of
prince Henry's death, which was believed to have been
by poison ; but if I may be allowed to offer a conjec-
ture, for I deem it no more, it was the revealing of
that vice to which James seems lo have been addicted*,
that was the object of his fear. Whether in this con-
jecture I am right, the reader will determine.

'' To his favourites James was kind in all things;

' See PnffendorT, b. 8, c. 3. sect. IT and Grotiua de jure belli ic pacii,
Tib. a. tap. aO. wc. 45, 36. ■■ Mallet's Life of Lord Bacon, p. 6i— 79,

Bro-Lotid. 1740, and Cabila, p.33. 'Seenote^t.

TirELtFElOF

' to pbase-or serve them in almost any mat.

ters;;- sabmittinc' even to be affronted, and

l*>n.

Goddescending to whatwas below liisdtjinity, in ordef
io please or serve them ] I have already taken notice
James's favour to Lennox and Arfan when in Scot-
id", to Kerand others alter his coming into England*^;
id now I must inform my reader, thai he promoted
leorge Vilhers from the rank of a mere private gentle^
lati, on the account of his beauty, to the degree of a
light, and gentleman of the bedchamber ; master of
le horse; baron, viscount, carl, iiiarf|nis, and duke
Bucliingham, and admiral of England, within the
space of a very few years'. This man, who seemt M.
Tiave had no great capacity, and less knowledge, rul*(t
'every thing ; he advanced bis relations to some of the
highest honours, and greatly enriched himself; for aX
the time of his death he was possessed of near 4000
^lounds a year, and had 300,000 pounds in jewels,
l^bough he owed 60,000 pounds *. I do not think this
■account of his jewels, beyond the truth. " For it was
immon with hira at an ordinary dancing to have his
loaths trimmed with great diamot}d buttons, and to
iiave diamond hat-bajida, cockades and earrings ; to be
f^ked with great and manifold ropes and knots of
ijiearl ; in short to be manacled, fettered and iinprisoneei
■in jewels ; insomuch that at his going over to Paris, in
;1625, he had 27 suits of cloalhs made, the richest
,that embroidery, lace, silk, velvet, gold and geniE
-coold contribute ; one of which was a white uncut
velvet, set all over, both suit and cloak, with diamonds,

, : t.Note 3. '■ Note) 23 and 3i.

^JfffOf, in tlie Com pleat Jtiilury.

'»oi. n.p'.Bi6.' _ , _ ^ .

' Geo Camtiden'stAonak nf
" See Tindal'B Kotfs oa Rapui,

insulted by them ; and yielding to their de-t

valued at fourscore thousand pounds, besides a great
feather stuck all over wiih diainondij ; as were also his
sword, girdle, hat-band and spurs," This account in
taken from a MS in the Haiieian library, B. H. 90.-
c. 7. fol. 642. as I find it quoted by Mr. Oldys'. A
man who in the midst of pleasures could find money
for such monstrous extravagancies, and yet at the
same time grow rich, must have had a very kind an4
bountiful master indeed! — But James was not only
kind to his favourites in respectof giving them wealth
and honours, but he studied by all possible methods IQ
please and serve ihem. For Somerset had no soone;;
determined to marry lord Essex's wife, than the king
yielded him all possible assistance in order to accom-j
plish it. For he got oyer the bishops of Ely and Co-
rentry, (Andrews and Neal) who had been vehemently
against the divorce from Essex, for alleged, ami, in-r
deed, confessed impotency on his part with respect to
her *. And when the archbishop of Canterbury, (Ab-
bot) could not be prevailed on to change sides that h;:'
might please, his majesty himself undertook to ansvvfi:
his reasons, and to shew that there was-^'wanaut in
scripture for pronouncing a nulliiy propter frigiJitalem^
and that all the means which might make Wimfrigldus
versiu banc must be included therein * ■" in prosecution
•LiftofBaleigh. p. 145, in the Dftte c " WinwooU, vol. m;

p. 475. ' Truth brought to Light by Time, p. lUl. FrBnUiii,p,,3.

WeldoQ, p. 71. Aiiliooa CoquimriK, p. 113. Lou4 1650. iSBiQ. Tho;
referring to Aiitkii Caqainatia, gives nie an upljnrliinUy of pqialing out
to the puhlic its true author ; of which both Woml, Tindal, aud OJdTs, aM
well BB Dr. Grey, and all the writers ( Uitg hitherto seen, ' B«em Ot btf
igoorant. The writer of this piece is no other than Will.- Sauiid«i9D,
author of the History of Jameo I. deservedly tri'iiled with etintempt, on ac-
count of. the poorness ofitG eompositioii, and grai.^ partiality. SeeiSamider-
son'sproemetotbeSecondPartuflliC'lliswryurjainesI.folio, laai. 165ii,

THE LIFE OF
even sometimes contrary to his own

of which he made tise of many obscene expressions.
Jjowever, he carried the cause, 1 he latly was divorced,
tad soon aiier married Somerset; and then they per-
orated the crime for which they were condemned, and
I have spoken of in the note preceding ^With
fegard to Buckingham his next favourite, James was
stil] more obliging. In his speech to his pariiameot
in the year l(i20, among other things he tells ttem,
''that he had abated uiucli in his navies, in the charge
of his munition ; and had made not choice of an old
beaien soldier for his admiral, but railier chose a young
man, [Buckingham] whose honesty and integrity he
knew, whose care had been to appoint under him su£--
cient men, to lessen his charges, which he had done "."
■— ^In another speech to the lords, in the year l621,
in order to recommend his minion to their esteem, be
tells them, " that he hath been ready on all occasions
of good ofBces, both for the house in general, and
every member in particular V And in an answer of
his to both houses of parliament, Anno 1623, be stiles
him " his disciple and scholar, and a good scholar of
his'." The^e expressions sound odd enough, but they
are tolerable when compared with those we find in his
preface to his meditation on the Lord's Prayer. Foi in
this James tells Buckingham, that be may claim an
interest in it for divers respects. " First," says he,
"from the ground of my writing it ; for divers times
before I meddled with it, 1 told you, and only you, of
some of my conceptions upon the Lord's Prayer, and
you often solllcitcd me to put pen to paper : next, as
the person to whom we pray jt, is our heavenly fotheij

■ Biubworth, VDt. L p. 33. and Franklin, p. 49. * lU. p. SS.

' Id. p. 131.

■M_^tf

JAMES I. 247

sense of things.— — He professed himself

so am I that offer it unto you, not only your politike,
but also your ceconomicke fatLer, aod that in a nearer
degree than unto others. Thirdly, that you may make
good use of it; for since I daily take caie to better
your understanding, to enable you the moie for my
service in worldly affairs, leason would that God's part
should not be left out, for timar Domtm is milium sapi-
intia. And lastly, I must with joy acknowledge, that
you deserve this gift of me, in not only giving so good
example to the rest of the court, in frequent licaring
of the word of God: But in special, in so often r&-
(9 ceiving the sacrament, which is a notable demonstra-
tion of your cliaritie in pardoning them that offend
you, that b^ng tlie thing I most labour to recommend
to the world in this meditation of miij£ ; and how godly
and virtuous all my advices have ever been unto you,
1 hope you will faithfully witness to the world '." Hot
godly and virtuous all his advices were to this his dis-
ciple, the reader will easily judge by looking back to
whatis contained in note 31. But had they been such
as he would liave the wojld believe, it was very mean
in a king to trumpet forth his own, and his favourite's
praises. Possibly, however, James may be excused
on account of his age, as he himself seems to think he
should be for uttering trifles. " 1 grow in years," says
he, " and old-men are twice babes, as the proverb is "."
But if they are babes, ^nd pretend to act the part of
men, to reason, dictate and command, though they
may be borne with, they will be laughed at: For there
Ik. is not a more ridiculous object, than that which is com-
J pounded of ignorance, conceit and vanity.' ■- -Ijet 113

• King James's Works, p. S13-
4

? ikp-sia,

W as

THE LIFE OF

to be a protestant, and boasted that he had .

go on with our subject. If we may credit Sir Edward
Peyton, his majesty condescended even lo pimp for
Bticktngham. " To please this favourite, (says he)
king Jftoics gave way for the duke to entice olbers to
his will. Two examples I will recite : First, the king
enteriained Sir John Crafts, and his daughter, a beau-
tiful lass, at Newmarket, to set at ihe table with the
king. This he did then, to pniciirc Buckingham the
easier to vitiate her. Secondly, Mrs.-Doruthy Gawdj-,
being a rare creature, king James earned Buckingham
to Culford to have his will on that beauty : But Sir
Nicholas Bacon's sons conveyed her out of a window
into a private chamber, over the lends, and so disap-
pointed the duke of his wicked purpose. In which
cleanly conveyance the author had a hand, with the
knight's sons'." These were the fruits no doubt of
James's vinaons an^ godly advices, and by these they
were faithfully witnessed to the world by Buckingham,
as we see his master hoped. For certain it is he was
exceedingly addicicd to women, and had debauched
his own wife bel'ore marriage; and " if his eye culled
out a wanton beauty, he had his Belters that could
spread hii^ nciK, and point a meeting at some lady's
house, where he should corneas by accident and find
accesses, while all his train atteoded at the door, as if
it were an honourable visit"." And in order to en-
rich himself and kindred, he was permiiicd by James
to make the most he could of every ihing. He who
understood neither law nor divinity, who had no ap-
pearances of virtue, nor concern about any thing btn
to gratify his passions; Buckingham, I say, had the

Divine Caiutrop lie, p. 17, * Wils

JAMES I. 249

been a kind of martyr for that profession,

disposal of the highest posts in the law and in the
church, and to hiiii were tlie most submissive addresses
made by the right reverend fathers in God. Those who
would give the greatest sums, or pay the largest yearly
pensions to him, were the men generally preferred;
and few who would pay nothing, had any thing '.

What the power of Buckingham was, and what kind
of adflresses were made to him, will best appear from
the following letter, among many which might be pro-'
duced, from Dr. Field, bishop of Landaffe, to him,
though written I think, sometime after James's death.

" My gracious good lord,
" In the great library of men, that I have studied
these many years, your grace is the best book, and
most classick author, that 1 have read, in whom I find
so much goodness, sweetness and nobleness of nature,
snch an hcroick spirit, for boundless bounty, as 1 never
did in any. I could instance in many, some of whom
you have made deans, some bishops, some lords, and
privy counsellors ; none that ever looked towards your
grace did ever go away empty. I need go no further
than myself (agum of the earth) whom you raised out
of the dust, for raising but a thought so high as to
serve your higlmess. Since ih;tt 1 have not played
the tru&nt, but more diligenily studied you than ever
before : and yet (dunce that 1 am) I stand at a stay,
and am a non proficient, ihe book beiug the same that
ever it was, as may appear by the great pnificicncy of
Others. This wonderfully poseth me, and sure there is
some guile, some wile, in some of my fellow stwden^

• Sec Wtldon, p.

THE LIFE OF
though he never shewed his regard to those

who hide my book from me, or some part of it; all
the fault is uot ia my ovra block ishncss, that I thrive
no better ; 1 oace feared this before, that soige did
me ill offices. Your grace was pleased to protest no
man had \ aad to asanie me no man could. My heart
tells me it hath been always upiighti and is still most
laithfol unto you. 1 have examined my actions, my
words, and oiy very thoughts, and found all ol" ihem,
ever since, most sound unto your grace. Give me
leave tocomfort myself with recordation of your loving
kindnesses of old, when on that great feast day of your
being inaugured our chancellor [of Cambridge] my
look was your book, wherein you read sadness, to
which I was bold to answer, I trusted your grace
would give me no cause. \ on replied (with loss of
blood rather.) But God forbid so precious an effusion.
(I would rather empty all my veins than yon should
bleed one drop) when as one blast of your breath is
able to bring mc to the haven where I would be. My
lord, I am grown an old man, and am like old hous-
hold stuff, apt to be broke upon often removing. I
desire it therefore but once for all, be it Ely, or Bath
and Wells; and I will spend the remainder of my days
in writing au history of your good deeds to me and
others, whereby I miiy vindicate you from die envy,
and obloquy of this present wicked age wherein we
live, and whilst I live in praying for your grace, whose
I am, totally and finally.

'.' Theophilus Landaven*."
A man who could obtain a good bishoprick, by such
vt8 as these, with great sincerity of soulj no doubt,

, •Cabila, p. IIT.

of that persuasion in Germany or France,
but suffered them to be oppressed by the

mtgbt Bay, mo/o episcojiart! I do not know whether it
is worth while to observe that Field's Battery and syco-
phancy aviiiled nothing with Buckingham. He had
been too much used to it, and so had iost its relish.
Money was what he wanted : but Field was poor, bad
a wife and six children, and consequently could ad-
vance little; and therefore remained where he was, till
Dec. 15, lfiS5, long after Villiers' death, when hewas
removed to Hereford, which he enjoyed not more than
half a year'. I would not have the reader think ec-
clesiastical preferments are now obtained by like means
as in the days of James. Buckingham having obtained
riches and honours in abundance for himself and all his
relations, grew quite insolent ; Insomuch that he was
once about to strike prince Charles'": and at another

time bid bim in plain terms kiss his a , yea towards

James himself, be was highly insolent. For when his
majesty attempted to dissuade him and the prince
from taking the journey into Spain, to which he had
before thoughtlessly given his consent; he rudely told
him, " no body could believe any thing he said, when
he retracted so soon the promise he had made ; that he
plainly discerned that it proceeded from another breach
of his word, in commnnicating with some rascal, who
had furnished him with those pitiful reasons be had
aliedged, and that he doubted not but he should here-
after know who his counsellor had been'." In short,
directly contrary to the mind of his master, be irri-

*S«eCabB>>,p. 116. and Willis'* Survey of Caihcdrajs, vol. I. p. 196,
4ID. Lond. nST. ' C1u«diUp, vol. 1. p. 95. >ad Wekiim, p. lV)i

.' Clucodoi, vol. L p. IG.

THE LIFE OF

houses of Bourbon, and Austria '% without

affi)rding them assistance of any value ;

tated the parliament against- Spain; reflected on the
conduct of the earl of Bristol, and told them what was
not true with relation to him, and set on a prosecution
against him; and ruined the carl of Middlesex, {I
mean with respect to his power) though intreated by
the king to the contrary". But James bore all this,
though not without uneasiness- and snbmilted to be
led by his favourite quite contrary to his inclinations.
A sore sign of his weakness ! For princes havp it iti
their power at jdl times to be obeyed, if they require
nothing contrary to the laws: and snch of them as
suffer themselves to be affronted, contradicted or me-
naced by their servants, and yet continue unto them-
thcjr favour, shew unto all men that they are unworthy
to be trusted with the government and defence of a
whole people. For then- courage and understanding

can be but of a very low kind. However, possibly

the same reason which induced James lo pardon Somefi'
set, made him bear the insolence of Buckingham. ■ •■
" He professed himself a proiestaut, and boasted
of his having been a kind of martyr for that profession,
•;— but he suffered those of that persuasion in France'
and Germany, to be oppressed by the houses of Bour^
bon, and Austria.] Iji his speecli to the parliament in"
the year 1624, we have the following expressions :-
'-' What religion I am of, my books do declare, my"
profession and behaviour doth shew; and 1 hope in^
God I shall never live to be thougbv otherwise ; surely
I shall never deserve it; aud for my part, 1 wish it
inay be written in marble, and remain to posterity as

' Clarendon, ml, I. p. 13—24; -.

1'JAMES l.~ S63

directly contrary to all the maxims of good

a mark upon me, when I shall swerve from my religion ;
for he that doth dissemble with God, is not to be
trusted with men.

" My lords, for my part, I protent before God, that
my heart liath bled, when 1 have heard of the increase
of popery; God Isniy jndge, it hfitb been such a great
grief to me, that it hath been as thorns in my eyes,
and pricks in my aides; and so far I have been, and
shall be, from turning another way. And, my lords
and getillcmen, you shall be my confessors, that one
way or other it hath been iny desire to hinder the
growth of popery ; and I could not have been an honest
man, if I should have done othernase. -And this I
may say further, thut if I be not a marlyr, 1 am sure
I am a confessor; and in some sense L may be called
a marlyr, as in the scripture, Isaac was persecuted by
Ishmael, by mocking words ; for never king suffered
more ill tongues than I have done; and i am sure
for no cause*," — " Long before this, in the year
1609, in a speech at Whitehall, he says, that with
his own pen he had brought the pope's quarrel upon
liim, and proclaimed publique defiance to Babylon'',"
Would not one think from thence that James had the
protestant interest at heart, and that he was a mighty
champion for ii i that he had taken It under his pro-
tection, and had fought zealously in its cause ? those
who knew not the man, might have been imposed oo
by his speeclies ; such as d:d, could not. We have
seen his unaccountable behaviour in the business of
the Palatinate, the loss of which had well nigh termi-
nated in the total ruin of the protestant religion ii)

■ FntikUod'i Annale, ^. lUI.

!>Kkie.Jam<

! Worki, p. 54+.

M» Tire tIFE ov

policy, and the conduct of queen Elizabeth,

Germany, Eis also of the liberties of Europe. For Fer*
dinand ihe second aimed at nothing less ihan being ab»
solnte master over the Germanic body, and in conjun*
ction with Spain, to have given the law to all around
him. The cons^tjuence of which must have been the
total extirpation of the reformed every where. But
James was no way alarmed at the conf^equence. He
would not endeavour to prevent it, but remained in
a manner neuter, if you will believe him, " for con-
science, honour and example's sake. In regard of
conscience judging It unlawful to inthrone or dethrone
king'- for religion's sake; having a quarrel against ihe
Jesuits, for holding that opinion. Besides, he saw
the world inclined to make that a war of religion, which
he would never do. In point of honour ; for that when
he sent his ambassador into Germany, lo treat of peace,
in the interim, his son-in-law had taken the crown
upon him. And for example's sake ; holding it a
dangerous president against all christian princes, to
allow a sudden translation of crowns by the people's
authority'." With such pretences as these did he
cover his cowardice, and his unconcern about the civil
and religious rights of Europe.

Wars to propagate religion, are whimsical and im-
pious ; Bui wars for the defence of its professors, may
be very just and lawful. To have assisted Frederick
aud his honest Bohemians; to have encouraged
kept together the princes of the union ; to have
verted the power of Spain, which was at the comm
of Ferdinand ; and by every honest art lo have risen >
ibrce capable of withstandijig the emperor, was at that

* Rutkimrtti, TOl I. p. 1$,

JAMES 1. 255

who valued herself, not unjustly, on the aids

time incumbent on & king of Great Britain. This 1
know lias been denied by a very able writer', who
asserts, " that if James had entered into an immediate
war to maintain the elector Palatine on the throne of
Bohemia, he must have exhausted and ruined this
nation to support it," But I must confess I cannot
see that this would have been the event. The princes
of the union were, it is true, not so closely connected
in temper and interest as might have been wished;
France weakly refused to aid the foes of Ferdinand ;
and the popish party at that time was most powerful :
But still a resistance might have been made; and had
James had skill and conrage enough to have joined in
it, it might have been effectual to have withstood the
attempts towards bringing on the whole world a blind
superstition, and a lawless rule.

To talk of ruining and exhausting the British na-
tion, by engaging in this war aS a principal, is, in my
opinion, unworthy of the penetration and abilities of
this writer. Was France ruined and exhausted by
encountering this same Ferdinand, when his power by
success was much more formidable than it now wasf
did not Riclilieu obtain the greatest glory by advising
the assistance of Gustavus AdoJpbus; by supporting
him with money and troops; by drawing off the con-
federates of the emperor, and engaging every Statff
possible against him? Might not the same thing have
been done by James, and that without injuring the
British, any more than Lewis the thirteenth did the
French nation? Gustavns Adolphus indeed was a great
captain, and headed a brave army : But a great captain

* Oldcutle'i Remuki, p. aB5.

THE LIFE OF

she from time to time had given them, to

Vj).v^ a brave army could not have beeo wanting, had
^jUae king of Great Britain fallen heartiiy into the war,
k «nd supported it, as the king of France afrernards did
r ^y the persons and purses of his people. In short as a
l^rotestant, James was concerned to prevent the itir
se of the power of Ferdinand, and hinder him from
mphing; for every victory of his was a wound to
clie interest of the religion professed by him.

But we see that he was so far from doing what he
Fought lo have done in this matter, that he sufVcrcd the
I ^heaiians to be reduced; his son-in-law to beexpeUed
I jbi» dominions ; and the protestants to be brought to
r jhe very brink of ruin in Germany; from which only
^hey were delivered by the force of Gnstavus, and the
abilities of hiclilieu. Nor were the reformed. in
France more indebted to James, than those in the
epipii'e. At his accession to the English throne, the
dukes la Tremouille, and Bouillon, together with the
famous du Plessis, had a design to make him protector
of the calvinist party in France". But they soon laid
aside their design after having had a thorough know-
ledge of his charncter. For no man interested himself
less tlian James in their affairs, no prince gave them
less assistance. He refused to speak lo Henry the
fourth in favour ol' Bouillon, when solicited by him to
do it, because he said it did not become a great prince
to intercede for a rebel subject ''. Arid though the
reformed were a very considerable body in France,
possessed of places of strength and importance and
capable with proper help, of making head against all
fbeir enemies, as they had fully manifested in th«

Sully's MtmoJn, vol. II. p, }i.

% ~1

Tf^f^ JAMES I. 257

hef d*n, as well as their great advantage.
Though he was not a catholic in persuasion,

former civil wars: though they were tlius powerful,
and consequently important, he stood tamely by, and
saw them divested of their strong holds, and rendered
almost wholly insignificant as a party, it is true,
James kept up a kind of correspou'lence with Bouil-
ion, whom at first he had refused to intercede for, and
by him gave assurances of his " assisting the reformed
if tlw whole body was assailed, the edicts broken, and
they in danger of apparent ruin : in which case (says
Buckingham, in a letter to Sir Thomas Edmonds) his
majesty doth engage himself to assist them; which
though he should have no other means to perform, he
will call a parliament for that purpose, not doubting
but his people will be as ready to furnish him with
means, as his majesty to engage himself to aid them
in that cause'." But James was not as good as hU
word. The reformed were assailed soon after, though
not in a body: the edicts were broken in numberless
instances, particularly in taking from them their strong
towns; and they were in danger of apparent ruin";
and yet 1 know not that James aBbrded them the least
assistance, any farther than by ordering his ambassa-
dors to use their good offices on their behalf. " Yea,
we are assured by the duke of Rohan himself, one of
the protestant chiefs, that James urged him by letters
<in any case) to make a peace, and to submit to, and
wholly rely upon the promises of his own sovereign,
pressing him moreover to consider the affairs of his

• Bircb'iView of the Negotiutians, Blc p. 406. " S«c Ho»e!1'i

tetters, p. 90. «nd Hlit of the Edict of Nanta, vol. IT. p. 3*3, ft3f.

^^ THE LIFE OF

-he favoured those that were, provided they
would swear allegiance unto him ; and he

6on-in-law, and assuring him thai he could not pos-
■sibly give the reformed any assistance'."

Had the reformed beeu properly aided during the
minority of Lewis tlie thirteeoth, their power probably
■would have been so great that Richlieu'a arts would not
iiave overturned it: nor would Franee have given that
^diBlurbance to Europe she did, under Lewis the four-
teenth. " Advantages (says a noble author) might

iiave been taken of the divisions which religion occa-
sioned; and supporting the protestant party in France,
would have kept lliat crown under restraints, and nnder
inabilities, in some measure eqnal to those which were
■occasioned anciently by the vast alienations of its de-
mesnes, and by the exorbitant power of its vassals.
But James the first was incapable of thinking with
nense, or acting with spiritV

And the writer of Tom Tell-Troath, addressed to
James, and printed about the year IfiS'Z, has the fol-
lowing passage. " They (the French protestants) are
indeed so many hostages which God almighty has put
into your majesties hands to secure yon, and your ma-

Ljesties dominions from all danger of that ctmntry :
and to lose them were no other (in my opinioB) than
wilfully to tempt God to deliver us into the haods of
our enemies. As long as God hath any children in
France, we shall be sure to have brethren there. But
they once gone, your brother of France will quicklj
lit

' Diike of Rohan'l Drsconrse upon the Pence node before Afontpellier,
)f. 44. at the etiil of his Memoirs, Bvo. I.ond. 1660. '' liolingbroke'l

£ of Historj", vol. II. p. ISl. evo. Load,

JAMES I. 259

not oifly relaxed " the rigour of the laws in

shew whose child he is, and how iocompatible the
obedience he owes him (the pope) is with any good-
will he can bear yom majestie. Since tiieii the tye
you have upon that prince's friendship is of so loose a
knot, what can your rasjeBfey do belter for yourself and
yours, than to keep his enmity still clogged, by che-
rishing and maintaining so good a party in his coun*
try, as those of the religion'."

What Mr. Kelly meana by saying Jamea made the
interest of the protestants bis owti, on more than ooe
occasion, I know not. He refers us indeed to the em-
bassies of Sir Edward Heibert, and the earl of Carlisle
into France, in order to intercede for the Hugonots,
•the latter of whom he observes from Rapin, spent vast
sums, and consequently his master must be much in
earnest to do them Bcrvice", But what service did
James do them? what success had his applications?
none; and therefore we may be sure he very little re-
garded them. Had this gentleman known the charac-
ter of the earl of Carlisle as one of the most expensive,
luxurious men then living, be would have interpreted
die words of Rapin as he ought. The vast sums spent
by Carlisie, were not on the business of the Hugonots,
or to promote their affairs; but in dress, equipage, and
house-keeping, in which he knew no bounds. Sfit I
ask pardon for taking so much notice of the mistakes
6f a writer of so little consequence, jgither as to kuoyr-
ietlge or j udgment,

^* He not only relaxed the rigour of the laws in tb^jr
favour, but cooeeuted to such terms for them i^ the

* Harleian Misceltaiif , *el, I). £1?. °See Kdlj's SuppleWtal

Remarkioii (he Life of James t, p. '">■ fu!. Lonil.

^^^^^^^9

*«to THE LIFE OF

their favour, but consented to such*term*

mnrriage articles with Spun and Fmnce, as few of his
protesiant subjects approved.] It appears from a
letter of Matthew Huuod, archbishop of York, to
Cecyll, lord Cranborne, dated December 18, 1604,
that the papists by " reason of some extraordinary
favonr were grown mightily in number, courage, and
inflaenceV They were in great hopes of a toleratjoo,
when they saw James set against the puritans^ and it
became so much the general expectation among them,
that in order to clear himself oi having intentions of
granting it to them, his majesty thought proper to
declare that " he never intended it, and would spend
the last drop of his blood before he would do it, and
tittered that imprecation on his posterity, if they should
maintain anyolher religion, than whathe truly professed
and maintained," of which I have before taken notice''.
Not content herewith he ordered the laws against
them to he put in execution, and they underwent many
of them great hardships'. Upon the discovery of the
popish plot, there was a general prosecution of all
papists set on foot, as might well be expected ; " but
king James was very uneasy at it," says Burnet, " which
was much increased by what Sir Dudley Carleton told
him upon his return from Spain, where he had been
ambassador; (which I had from lord Hollis, who said
to me, that Sir Dudley Carleton told it to himself, and
was much troubled when he saw it had an effect con-
trary to what he had intended.) When he came home,
he found the king at Theobald's, hunting in a very
careless and unguarded manner: and upon that, jti

• Winwood, vol. 11. p. W.
Ocboni,p. ISl.

* Id. p, W. aod DOte 33.

JAMES I. 261

for them, iu the marriage articles with

order to the putting him on a more careful looking to
himself, he told tlie king he most either give over that
way of bunting, or stop another hunting he was en-
gaged in, which was piicst huming : For he had intel-
ligence in Spain, that the priests were comforting
themselves with this, that if he went on against them^

they would soon get rid of him. The king sent

for him in private to enquire more particularly into
this; and he saw it had made a great impression on
him, but wrought otherwise than he intended. For
the king resolved to gratify his humour in hunting,
and in a careless and irregular way of life, did imme-
diately order alt that prosecution to be let fall, I have
the minutes of the council hooks of the year 1606,
which are full of orders to discharge and transport
priests, sometimes ten in a day'." I -was inclined at
first to call this whole story of Burnet's into question,
by reason that Carleton was never ambassador into
Spain" : but on further search find it probable enough.
For Carleton, in the year 1605, accompanied the lord
Norris into Spain, and there might hear what be is said
to have spoken to James', So that there is only a
small mistake in Burnet, and his account is very pro-
^i>ahle. For though laws were enacted against the ca-
tholics, and the judges commanded on occasion to pnt
them in execution, yet James had a great afl'ectiou for
them, and conferred on them many majks of his favour.
Let us hear an indisputable writer on this matter, even
James himself. " Not only," says he, " the papists
themselves grew to that bight of pride, in confidencse

■ Bunwt, rol. L p. n . * See Wood's AtheniE Oion, to!. L col. 363.
* Winwnd, vol. II. p. 54,17. uul Birch's Vie* oFthe Nepitiatioa, p. Sa7.

THE LIFE OF
Spain aid France, as but very few of hid

I of iny mildness, as they did directly expect, and assu-
dly promise lo themselves libertie of conscience, and
Oqualicie with other of my subjects in all things ; but
^en a number of the best and iaithfuUiest of my said
Bubjects, were cast in great fear and amazement of my
. course and proceedings, ever prognosticating and justly
L Inspecting that sowre fruit to come of it, ivhich shewed
\ '♦(seif early in the powder-treason. How many did 1
fconor with knighthood, of known and open recusants'?
how indifFerenily did I give audience, and accessc t6
both sides, bestowing equally all favours and honors
on both professions J How free and continual accesse
had all ranks and degrees of papists in my court and
company f and above all, how frankly and freely did i
free recusants of their ordinary paiments? Besides, it
ia evident what strait order was given out of my own
llloutb to the judges, to spare the execution of all
Jtriests (notwithstanding their conviction) joining there-
unto a gracious proclamation, whereby all priests that
were at liberty, and not taken, might goe ont of the
country by such a day : my general pardon having been
txtended to all convicted priests in prison : whereupon
ihey were set at libertie as good subjects : and all
■ptiests that were taken after, sent over, and set at
Wiertie there. But lime and paper will fail me, to
ttiake enumeration of all the benefits and favours that
I bestowed in general, and particular upon papists'."

*i There is a great deal of truth in these lines.

The Howards, irtost of tivem catholics, were advanced
to honours and power by him ; the families of Pei*e,
and Arundel, of the same persuasion, were admitted

Mtig James'i Worfa, p. aJ3.

JAMES I. 863

protestant subjects, who were independent

into the peerage; and in the latter part of bis reign,
we find VUUers's mother made a countess, and Cat-
vert, secretary instate, created lord Baltimore, though
they were openly of ihe Romish communion. In the
year I6IO, we find the commons complaining of the
" now execution of the laws against the priests, who,"
say they, "are the corrupters of the people in religion
and loyalty;" and, continue they, in a petition to^
James, " many recusants have already compounded,^
and {as it is to be feared) more and more (except yonx
majesty, in your great wisdom, prevent the same) will
compound with those that beg tlicir penalties, which,
maketh the laws altogether fruitless, or of little or
none effuct, and the offenders to become bold, obdu-
rate, and unconformable. Wherefore they entreat his
majestic to lay his royal commands upon all his mi-
nisters of justice both ecclesiastical and civil, to sea
the laws made agaiogt Jesuits, seminarie priests and
recusants (of what kind and sect soever) to be duly
and exactly executed, without dread or delay. And
that his majestic would be pleased likewise to take
into his own hands the penalties due for recusancie,
and that the same be not converted to the private gaia
of some, to his majesties infinite loss, the emboldening

of the papists, and decay of true religion "." But

notwithstanding these complaints of the parliament;
notwithstanding James's own heart bled, when he heard
of the increase of popery, by the niarciage articles
with Spain and France, many things were granted in
their favour, and consequently the papists were migb-

' Record of some worthy Proceedings in the honourable, wieo, and
ftlthful HouaeotCommonB, intlielatePBrlJamcnt, p. 15. printedinieil.
I "2 010.

264 THE i.[I-E OF

of the court, approved, and many greatif

tily encouraged. The Infantji was to be allowed a
diapel io the palace, and a public chnrch in London ;
all lier servants were to be catholics, under the aotho-
Hiy of a bishop, or liis vicar; tliey were doI to be
liable to the laws of England with regard to religion ;
though the children begot on her body should be
catholics, they might not lose the right of succeeding
to the kingdom aud dominions of Great Britain; and
they were to be brought up by her till the age of ten
years. Besides these articles, with many other made
public, there were private ones, by which great liberty
was given to those of the Romish church. For by
these James promised that the laws in being against
them, should not be commanded to be put in execu-
tion ; that no new laws for the future should be en-
acted to their hurt, that there should be a perpetual
toleration of the Roman catholic religion, within pri-
vate houses, throughout all bis dominions; and that
he would do his endeavour, that the Parliament should
ratify all and singular articles in favour of the Roman
catholics*. About the same time a declaration was
signed by lord Conway, and others in his majesty's
name, dated Aug. 7, 1633, tonching pardons, suspen-
sions, and dispensations for the Roman catholics,
which, in the opinion of the earl of Bristol, the great
negotiator of the Spanish match, in effect was little
less than a toleration ^ And "the king directed the
■ lord keeper (Williams) and other commissioners, to
"draw up a pardon for all offences past, with a dispen-
sation for those to come, to be granted to all Koman

■ See Riuhworth, tcI. I. p. B6 — 39. FtanUaod'a Auiuli, p. IS — 8(k
> Raahwortb, vol. I. p. 28B.

JAMES I. !265

murmured at. The churcli of England,

cnthoHcs, obnoxious to nny laws agninst re(!usants;
and then to issue forth two general cammaads under
the great seal ot' England : the one to all judges and
justices of the peace; and the other to all bishops,
<i]anceiloTS, and commissaries, not to execute any sta-
tute against them ',"— — -The Spanish match took not
place; but prince Charles was married to Henrietta
Maria, of France; and James, before his death, signed
articles equally as favourable to the English catholics,
as conditions to that match''. This cardinal Ricblieu
boasts of. " The Spanish match," says he, " was
broken off, and soon after it, that of France was
treated of, conchuled and accomplished, with condi-
tions three times more advantageous for religion, than
those which were designed to be proposed in the late
king's (Henry the fourth) tiuieV This was the man
who never intended lo grant a toieiation to papists,
who would spend the last drop of his blood before he
would do it, and whose heart bled when he heard of
the increase of popery. Vile hypocrisy! mean dissi-
mulation ! which could answer no other purpose than
to expose himself to the scorn and contempt of those
who knew him. What the favour which was shewn
the catholics when the Spanish match was thought
near a conclusion, was, will best appear from the fol-
lowing paragraph in a letter written, if I am not greatly
mistaken, by Buckingham to count Goodomar, then in

Spain. " As for news from hence, I can assure you,

that they are, in all points, as your heart could wish:
for here is a king, a prince, and a faithful friend and

* Kushirarth, tdL L p. 101. >■ Id. p. Iii2. ' Political TeiU-

ment, p. 7. See alio hii Letleii, toL L p. 2. 565. 8»o. Load. 1699.

I
I

«69 THE LIFE OF

under James, was in a happy state, being

servaot unto you, besides a number of your otlier good
friends, tbat long so mucii for the happy accomplish-
ment of this match, as every day seems a year unto us ;
and 1 can asisure you, iu the wocd of your honest
iHend, that we have a prince here, that is so sharp set
upon the business, as it wouM much comlort you to
«ee it, and her there to hear it. Here are all thiuga
prepared upon our paits; priests and recusants all at
liberty ; ail the Roman catholics well satisfied ; and,
vbich will seem a wonder unto you, our prisons are
•mptted of priests and recusants, and filled with zealous
ninisters, for preaching agaiost the match ; fur no man
can sooner, now, mutter a word in the pulpit, tho' in-
directly against it, but he is presently catched, and set
in streight prison. We have also published orders,
both for the universities, and the pulpits, that no man
hereafter shall meddle, but to preach Christ crocitied ;
nay, it shall not be lawful hereafter for tliera to rail
against the pope, or the doctrine of ihe church of
Rome, further than for edification of ours : and for
proof hereof, you shall herewith receive the orders set

down and published*." This great liberty given to

the catholics was highly offensive to the pr-otestants,
as we may leprn from what follows, which was written
by archbishop Abbot to James, on occasion of it.-— -
" Vour majesty hath propounded a toleration of reli-
gion: I beseech you, to take into your consideration,
what your act is, and what ii>e consequence may be.
By your act you labour to set up that moBt damnable
Bad heretiaal doctrine of the church of Rome, the
whore of Babylon, how hateful will it be to God, and

■ Calials, p. 249.

JAMES I. S61'

highly praised, protected, and favoured by

grievous to your subjecU, (the true professors of the
gospel) that your majeaty mIio hath often defended,
and learnedly written against those wicked heresies,
should now shew yourself a patron of those doctrines,
which your pea liatii told the woild, and your con-
science tells yourself, arc superstitious, idolatrous, and
detestable. — Besides, ihia toleration you endeavour to
set up by your proclamation, it cannot be done with-
eota pai'li^Beat, unless your majesty will let youi
subjects see, that you now take unto yourself a liberty
to throw down the laws of the land at your pleasure.
What dreadful consequences these tilings may draw
after, I beseech your majesty to consider. And above
all, lest by this toleration, and discountenance of the
true proiession of the gospel (wherewith G«d hath
btessed as, and under which this kingdom hath Eou-
rished these many years) your majesty dotU draw upoB
the kingdom in general, and yourself in particular,
God'a heavie wrath and indignation. Thus, in dis-
charge of my duty to your majesty, and tiie place of
my calling, I have taken the humble boldness to deli-
ver my conscience. And now. Sir, do with me what
you please'." I will not here enter into the question
whether the intolerant principles of the Roman catho-
lics do not render them unfit to be tolerated amongst
protestanta. All 1 shall say, is, that it has been tiie
opinion of some of the best friends to liberty, tliat they
are to be excluded from it, for the preservation of
liberty itself; with which it ia thought their principles
are intxHupatible '', But be this as it will, it oaniiot be

* Cabala, p. 114. Rusbvorlh, i
Bdicle Milcon, BDtii{c],

■■ See Bafle's Diet.

«68 THE LIFE OF

him ", yea, moreover advanced to riches,

at all wondered at, that the protestants in James's reign
should be alarmed at an open toleration of tbose of the
communton of the church of Rome. For they coald
not but remember the btiU of pope Pius the fifth, con-
cerning the damnation, excommunication, and deposi-
tion ot'qneen Elizabeth, and the plots which, in con-
sequence thereof, were laid against her life : they could
not but remember the detestable powder treason; nor
could they forget that James himself had pnblickly
avowed that the pope of Kome was antichrist, the man
of sin, the mother of harlots, and abominations, who
was drunk with the blood of the saints and the martjTs
of Jesus. And rcTDCmbering these things, could thi?y
chuse but murmur against the toleration of so bloody
a sect, or look on Uuckingiiam, the supposed insttn-
ment of it, but as a betrayer of king and country, and
as odious, as he himself declares they did '.
. '• The church of England under .fames was in a
flourishing state, being highly praised, protected, and
fevoured by him.] When I speak of the church, I
wonld not he understood to mean " a congregation of
faithful men," as our articles in an antiquated manner
define it ''; hut the clergy, who have for a long time
appropriated that term to themselves, and the places
in which they officiate. And when I speak of the
church as in a flourishing state, I mean, what I think
churchmen generally mean by it, their possessing
power, honour and wealth ; and not the increase of un-
feigned piety, and real virtue. — That in this sense the
church of England flourished under James, is beyond
all contradiction. In a speech in the star-chamber.

' Ckbala, p. 344. ■ See article tbe 19tb.

JAMES I. 269

honour, and power ; whereby she became in

in the year I6I6, bis majesty compl^na, "thai church-
men were had in too much contempt, I must speak
Irewih," says he, " great men, lords, Judges, and people
of all degrees from the highest to llie lowest, have too
much contemned them. And God will not bless 113 ia
our own laws, if we do not reverence and obey God's
law ; which cannot be, except the interpreters of it be
respected and reverenced, and it is a sign of the latter
day's drawing on; even the contempt of the church,
atid of the govemors and teachers thereof now in the
church of England, which 1 say in my conscience of
any church ibat ever I read or knew of, present or
past, is most pure, and nearest the primitive and apos-
tolical church in doctrine and discipline, and is sure-
liest founded on the word of God, of any church in
Christendome'." In the same speech he tells the
judges, " God will bless every good business the bet-
ter, that he and his church have the precedence''."
And again, addressing himself to the judges, he says,
" Let not the church nor churchmen he disgraced in
your charges; — countenance and encourage tlie good
churchmen, and teach the people by your example to
reverence them : for if they be good, they are worthy
of double honour for their office sake ; if they be faultie
it is not your place to admonish ihem ; they have ano-
tlier Forum to answer to for their misbehaviour'."
And in another place, he tells us, " that as soon as a
person hath made his choice what church to live and
die in, audi tarn, as Christ commands : for his con-
science in this must only sei've him for a guide to the

arks, p- £S4. ' U. p. 562. ' Id. p. 569.

|;«70 THE LIFE OF

I ^ condition to be both dreaded and envied

light church, but not to judge her, but to be judged
liy her*."

This is very good,- and what most churchmen would

te very glad their flocks did believe. For they thei»

night teach authoritatively, and a blind submission

[.•*onld be yielded. Profane wits would not think them-

F^Bfelves at liberty to examine the reasonableness of the

\ iAnrch's doctrine, but swallow down glibly the most

rjrsterious unintelligible points, to their own great

iBification, and the peace of the church, But

flames not only spoke well of churchmen, and endea-
voured to recommend them to the esteem and regard
of his subjects, but he heaped on them wealth, and
suffered them to enjoy riches in abundance. " He
'founded a clean and chapter of seven prebendaries at
BiippoD, in Yorksjiire ; and settled two hnndred and
forly-aeven pounds per ann. of crown lands for their
maintenance*." Williams, dean of Westminster, re-
tained at the Bame time, as himself teUs the duke of
Buckingham, the rectories of Dinum, Walgrave, Graf-
ton, and Peterborough, and was also chaunter of Lin-
coln, prebendary of Asgarbie, prcbendaiy of Nonning-
ton, and residentiary of Lincoln '■ And when advanced
to the see of Lincoln, and made lord-keeper of the
great seal, he was continued dean of ttestminsler, and
held his other preferments; so that, says Heylin, he
was a perfect diocess within himself^ as being bishop,
dean, prebend, residentiary, and parson ; and all these

■ King James's Worku, p. 517. "i Bnj's F.xamination of the Second
jliime of Neal's History of the PuritanB, p. 7A 8to. Lond. 1136.
CabaU, p. 409. k^^fr " ' -*« .

JAMES I. 271

by her advCTsaries. Not so the puritans.

at once'. This was a goodly sight in tbe eyes of
Laud, who made nse of the example, ia retaining with
his hishofiric of St. David's, not only liis prebend's
place in the church of Westminster, and his benefices
in the country, but also the presidentships of his col-
lege in Oxon ". In short, the churchmen throve well
under James, and were greatly cherished by him ; for,
to the wealth he pemiitted them to enjoy, he added real
power, and gave them liberty to crush all their opposers.

^la the canons compiled Anno 1603, to which his

majesty gave his royal sanction, we find, that whoever
should hereafter affirm, that the form of God's worship
in the church of England, establisheil by law, and con-
tained in the book of common prayer, is a corrapt,
Buperstitions, or unlawful worsliip of God, or contain-
eth any thing in it that is repugnant to the scriptures;
whosoever should afhrm that any of the thirty-nine
articles, are in any part snperstitions or erroneous, t»
snch as lie may not with a good conscience subscribe
unto ; whosoever should affirm, that the rites and cere-
monies of the church were such as men who were
godly affected, may not with any good conscience ap-
prove them, nse them, or, as occasion requireth, sub-
scribe unto them ; whosoever should affirm, the govern-
ment of the church of England, under his majesty, by
archbishops, &.c. is antiohristian, or repugnant to the
word of God, were to he excommunicated '. Tlie same
punishment was denounced against the authors of
schism, the maintainers of schismaticks and maintain-
ers of conventicles ''. Thus were churchmen armed

' Life of laud, p, B

"$78 THE LIFE OF

These were the objects of his majesty's

with power, with which, we may be assured, they took
care to defead themselves and onnoy their adversaries.
Add to this, that the high commission was then in
being, in which the bishops weie the judges who, by
administering the oath e.r ojlicio, compelled men to ac-
cuse themselves, and then punished them in the se-
verest manner. It was this cimrt which obliged the
renowned Selden to make his submission, and beg par-
don for having published his book on tyihes^j though
most learned men, since that time, have acquiesced in
what he has asserted concerning their original ; and
before this, we find by a complaint of the parliament,
that " lay-men were punished by this court for speak-
ing of the symonie and other misdemeanours of spiri-
tual men, though the thing spoken were true, and the
speech tending to bring them to eoadigne punish-
ment''." — Such was the power of the clergy under
James, such was the use tliat was made of it ! Honest,
learned, and worthy men were called in question, and
subjected to all the terrible consequences of that thing
called an exeommiiDication, for daring to tell church-
men of their vices, or denying their whimsical pre-
tences. This at length bred much ill-blood, and issued
in dreadful consequences. Let the prince, therefore,
that would reign gloriously, curb the power of his
clergy ; let him never be made the tool of their wrath
or resentment; but, by distributing equal and impar-
tial justice to all his subjects, shew himself their coca-
moQ father and sovereign, and thereby establish his
throne la tlieir hearts, and render it immoveable.

JAMES I.
Wgliest aversion" and greatest hatred ; these

" Tiie puritans were the objects of his highest aver-
sion, Sec] This appeiirs from what has been said in
t!ie notes 12 and 36 so clearly, that I need say no more
concerning it. But James contented not himself with
reproaching them, but he let his clergy loose upoii
ihem, and subjected them to great penalties, merely
oil account of their non-conformity to the established
cereaionies. Hutton, archbishop of York, received
orders from the privy-council, " that the puritans
should be proceeded against according to law, except
they conformed themselves ; tho' 1 think," says he, "all
or most of them love his majesty, and the present
estate*." And, says Sir Dudley Caileton, in a letter
to Mr. Winwood, dated Feb. 20, 1604, " the poor pu-
ritan ministers have been fenited out in all comera^
and some of them suspended, others deprived of tbeic
livings. Certain lecturers are silenced, and a crew of
gentlemen of Northamptonshire, who put up a petitioa
to the ting in their behalfe, told roundly of their bold-
ness, both at the council-table and star-chamber; and
Sir Francis Hastings, for drawing the petition, and
standing to it, when he had done it, put from his lieu-
tenant and justiceship of the peace in his shire : Sir
Edward Mountagoe, and Sir Valentine Knightly, for
refusing to subscribe to a submission, have the like
sentence : the rest upon acknowledgment of a fault

have no more said to themV And his majesty

summoned the judges into the star-chamber, and, in
the presence of the archbishop of Canterbury and the
bishop of London, and about twelve lords of the privy-
council, asked of them three questions with regard la

■ Winwgoa, Tol. II, p. 40. » H. p. 4S,

M •■ ■■•■■^MC»

tn THE LIFE or

he was continually reproaching in his writ-

the punishment of the puritans ; the third of which
was, '^ whether it be an oiFence punishable, and what
punishment they deserved, who framed ^titions, and
collected a multitude of hands thereto, to prefer to the
king in a public cause, as the puritans had done, with
an intimation to the king, thcit if he denied their suit,
inanj thousands of his subjects w^ould be discontent-
ed ?" To this the judges in their great wisdom repliedl,
'' that it was an offence fineable at discretion, and veiy
near to treason and felony in the punishment, for *it
tended to the raising sedition, rebellion and discontent
among the peopled This judicious resolution was
agreed to by the lords then present. Bancroft here-
upon '' required a strict conformity to the rules of the
church, according to the laws and canons in that be-
half; and without sparing non-conformists, or half-
conformists, at last reduced them to that point, that
they must either leave their churches, or obey the
church **." And that none might escape the penalties of
the canons and high commission court, this pious prelate
required '' some who had formerly subscribed to testify
their conformity by a new subscription, in which it
was to be declared, that they did willingly and tx
ammo siibscribe to the three articles (inserted in the
d6th canon) and to all things in the same contained.
WHich leaving no starting-hole either for practising
those rites and ceremonies which they did not approve^
or for approving that which they meant not to prac-
tise, as they had done formerly ; occasioned many of
them to forsake their benefices, rather than to sub-

» Croke% Reports, put 2d. p. 37. and Winwood, vol. 11, p. A9,
* HiiytiBllSitoiy of the Prcisbytcrians, p. 376,

•5

JAMES I. fiTS

f' Ihgs; and not contented herewith he «x-

Scribe according to tlje tnie Intenlion of tlie tUurcU iu
the sitid three articles '." la short, such was tlie rigour
of the pfelstes, such the saifmng^ of the puritans, that
we find the parlkmeiit, ia the year I()]0> interceding
with the king in their behalf. " Whereas," Wy ''i«yt
*' divei's painful and learned pastors, that hftve long
travelled in tlie work of (he ininisterie with good fruit
and blessing of their fahouis, wbo were ever ready to
perform the legul subscription appointed by the statute
of l."? Eliz. which only concenieth the contessioa of
the trne christian faith and doctriaie of the sacrameuls,
yet for not conforming ia some points of ceremonies,
and refusing the subscription directed by the late ca*
nooB, have been removed from their ecclesiastical lir-
ings, being their freehold, and debarred from aU mcaas
of ruainlenance, to the great grief of sundrie your ina<
jesties well-effected subjects; seeing the whole people,
that want instruction, are by this means punished, and
through ignorance, lye open to the seducements of
popish, and ill-affected persons: We therefore most
humbly beseech, your majesty would be graciously
pleased, that such deprived and silenced ministers may
by licence, or permission of the reverend fathers, in
riieir several diocesses. Instruct, and preach unto their
people in such parishes, and places, where they may bt
employed : so as they apply themselvea, in thpir mi-
jitstery, to wholesome doctrine, and exhortation, and
litre quietly, and peaceably in their callings, and shell
not by uTiting or preaching, impugn things established
by public authority "."——-Soon after this Baucrofi

ni, p. 377.

■ m

^ posed the

THE LIFE OF
posed them to the censure of the high corn-
died, and was succeeded by George Abbot, a man of
a more gentle and merciful disposition, who was much
more favourable to the puritans than his predecessor.
But the rigour against them was far from being w holly
remitted. They were so ill used, ibat they pieferred
dwelling in a wilderness to their native soil, and chose
the perils of waters before the perils they were in
among their brethren; though for a time even this
was denied them. " Some of the bishops," says Wil-
son, " were not contented to suppress many pious and
leligiolis men ; but I know not for what policy, re-
strained tlieir going beyoiid sea: for there were divers
families, about this time, (1613) shipped for New-
£ngla»d, aud were not suffered to go; though after-
wards, they were upon better thoughts permitted'."
- - -—In short, James heartily hated the people of
this denomination ; and to be a puritan, was with hita
to be every thing odious and abominable. How mis-
chievoi;s an effect this prejudice of his majesty had,
will best appear from a letter written to the illustrious
Uaher, from Emanuel Downing, out of Ireland, who is
styled a worthy divine, by Dr. Parr:

" REVEKEND sril,

" I hope you are not igtioraQt of the hurt that is
come to the church by this name Puritan, and how
his majesty's good intent and meaning therein is much
abused and wronged ; aud especially in this poor coun- .
try where the pope and popery is so much affected, t,.
being lately in the country had conference with a wor-
thy, painful preacher, who hath been an instrument uf
drawing many of themeer Irish there, &om the bliud-

? Wilwn, p. It ««^ ■ ■

mission, who suspoided, deprived and ex-

ness of popery to embrace the goiipe), with much com-
fort to themselves, and heart-breaking to the priesla,
who perceiving that they cannot now prevail with their
jugliiigtricks, have forged a newtieYice: They have
now stirred up some crafty papists, nlio very boldly
rail both at ministers and people, saying, they seek to
sow this damnable hereiiie of pnritanism among them;
which word, though not understood, but only known
to be most odious to his majesty, makes many afraid
of joining themselves to the gospel, though in confe-
rnice their consciences are convicted herein ; so to
prevent a greater mischief which may follow, it were
good to petition his majesty to define a puritan, where-
by the mouths of those scotHng enemies would be
slopt; and if his majesty be not at leizure, that he

would appoint some good men to do it for him V

Had a puritan been truly defined, the world would
have been at a loss to have kuown the reason of the
severity used towards those who were reproached with

that title. The puritans had their fancies, as well

as thfCr adversaries. The surplice, the cross in bap-
tism, the ring in marriage, bowing at the name of
Jesus, and some other articles of equal importance,
were the objects of their aversion; they thought they
smelt of popery, which they could iiot bear with. The
bishops, on the contrtiry, had a very great fondness foe
these, as well as for the wllole hierarchy. A dispute
therefore on these subjects was natural; and, had it
been managed fairly, no ill consequences cotiid have
happened. But the bishops were in poiver; the kyig
was ibeJE friend, and a foe to those who opposed them;

' Pan-'aiiff ofrsh.

f7» THE LIFE OF

coimciiBscated them, notwitlistanding the

and they wsre determiDed. to carry their point at all
adventuvei. The shortest way, therefore^ was taken*
The puiitans ^msfi Ailenoed, deprived, excommunicated,
nd all for tTifl«9» I will not aay but the bishops might
have more sente^ hot di^ puritans had more honesty*
The first were persecators^ (he latter were persecuted ;
and consequently were entitled to the pity and com-
passion of the humane and benevolent.^ James and

^^18 clergy did not understand the use of sects, '^ to
purify religion, and also to set the great truths of it in
a full light ; apd to Aew tbeir practical importance^?
** Nor did they know the best way to stop the rising
of new sects and schisms, by reforming abuses, com-
pounding smaller differences^ proceeding mildly, and
not with sanguinary persecutions ; and taking off the
principal authors by winning and advancing them, rar-
iher than enraging them by violence and. bitterness^;''
and consequently instei^ of crushing, tliey increased
them. For lord Shaftesbury justly remarks, ** that
there is nothing so ridieulous in respect of policy, of
so wrong and odious in respect of common bumanitjry
as a moderate anc) Ju^f-^ay persecution; it only iret*
the sore; it raises (he il^humonr of mankind ; excites
tlie keener spirits.; moves indignation in beholders;
and sows the very seeds of schism in men's bosoms*
A refiolut^ and bold faced |i^ecutipn leaves^ no lime or
0cope for these engendring distempers^ or gathering ilU
humours. It does tbe wocl^.at once; by extirpation^
banishment, or massacre : and like a bpid stroke in
surgery, dispatches by onei shprt amputation, what ^

* Hartley's Otermtiow on Mw, p^ S77. wal II. Sto. LonJ. 1749. S90
also Historical and Critical Account of H^^ Feteniy note tc] I^ond. 175 V
S vok !* Bsooa'a l^taj on tbe Yicisatadr of Tbrngs*

JAMES I. 879

intercession made for them by many per-
sons of quality, and by one of his parUa-
ments. In Scotland he pursued them witli

bungling hand would make worse and worse, to the
perpetual suiFerance and misery of the patient */*
But let us leave these reflections and return to James^
who was as much set on the ruin of pnritanism ii^
Scotland, as in England. In the Parliament at' Pertb>
in the year l606, he got an act passed^ entitttled the
restitution of the estate of bishops : aftertv-tirds they
were declared perpetual moderators/ and had the high
-^mmission put into their hands. In I6l0/th^ kih^
sent for three of the bishops elect, in order to have
them consecrated in England, which was done without
first' giving them deacons or priests ovders ; and conae^
quently the validity of their former orders were ac-
knowledged. Soon afterwards they had great power
committed unto them, to the no small uneasiness of
ministers and people \ In the year 1617, James made
a progress into Scotland, in order to bring the Scots
nearer to conformity with the church of England.

'* But his majesty,** sa^s Heylin, " gained nothing
by that chargeable journey, but a neglect of his com-
mands, and a contempt ofhis authority. His majesty
therefore took a better coutse, than to put the point
to argument and disputation ; which was to beat then
by the belly, and to withdraw those augmentations
which he had formerly allowed them out of his exche-
quer : which pill so wrought upon this indigent and
obstinate people, that the next year, in an assembly at
Perth, they passed an act for admitting the five articles,

* Characteristics, voU UI* p> 95. ^ Spotswood, p. 406. Caldcarwooda

p. 616,

480 THE LIFE OF

rigour, and was not contented till he set up
episcopacy,, though contrary to the incli-
nations of ministers and people. Being

for which his majesty had been courting them for tw0
years together V These^r articles, wUeh liis majesty
had courted them so long to admit, it most be owned^
were very important. The first requires the blessed
sacrament to be celel^ated meekly and reverently upon
^eif knees. The second allows the lawfulness of prU
^ate commpnion. The thiid permits private^baptism.
The fourth commands confinnation. The fifth the ob^
aervation of some festivab\ ''These articles beiiqi-
thus settled, order was given to read them in all parish
churches ; the ministers were likewise obliged to preach
upon the lawfulness of tbem, and exhort their people
to submission. And to give them the greater author
rity, the king ordered them to he published at the
market-cross of the principal burroughs, i^nd com^
mauded conformity under pain of his displeasure. But
all this not being enough to enforce such a conformity
to the ceremonies as was expected, it was thought fuFr
ther necessary to establish them by the sanction of an
act of parliament, and to give them the force of a law^
this w^s done accordinglyjn the year 1621 ^." A prince
must b^ strangely infatuated, and strongly prejudiced^
to employ his power and influence in establishing such
^latters as the^e ! Let us grant episcopacy to be the
most expedient government of the church (and ex-
pedient eqough it mu$t be acknowledged in propev
places ** and rightly executed, by overseeing the man*
i^ers of the clergy, aad keeping them within the bounds

■ life of Laud, p. 74. *» Spotsj¥0<xl, p. 538. « Crawford's.

lives, p. 174. * See Spirit of Laws, vol. II. p. 150.

i^^ycflfiflww

«t

JAMES I. 281

seized with an ague, he died March 27^
1625, in the 59th yectr of hiis age ^^ not

of decency and regularity ;) yet what man of sense will
think it worth establishing at the risk of the peace of
the commimi^f Let rites and ceremonies be deemed
ever BO decent; who will say they are fit to be imposed
by methods of severity and constraint i yet by these
ways, weseCy these matters were introduced among |:he
Scots ; to the disgrace of humanity, and the eteriSttl
blemish of a prince who boasted of his learning, and
was for ever displaying his a1>ilities.

^^ He died not without suspicion of having been
poisoned by Buckingham.] /*' The king that was very
much impatient in his heiBtrth, was patient in his sick-
ness and death. Whether he had received any thing
that extorted his aguish fits into a fever^ which might
the sooner stupify the spirits, and hasten his end, can-
not be asserted ; but the countess of Buckingham had
been tampering with him, in the absence of the doc-
tors, and had given him a medicine to drink, and laid
a plaister to his 8ide,.which the king much complained
o^ and they did rather exasperate his distemper than
atidy it: md these things were admitted by the insinu-
ating persnasipas of the duke her son, . who told thj^
kteg'lftey*Wi^|ns^proved medicines, and would do him
moch^^od. And though the duke after strove to
purge himself for thi^ application, as having received
both medicine and plkist^r from Dr. Remington, at
Dnnmow, in Essex, who had often cured agues, and
such distempers' with the samcTr^j^lthey were argu-
ments of a ^i^plicated kind fBtStm&y to unfold ; con-
sidering that whatsoever he resetted from the doctor -
in the country, he plight apply to the king what be

tM THE LIFE OF

without suspicion of having been poisoned
by Buckingham. He was buried with great

pleased in the court. Besides, the act itself (though
it bad been the best medicine in the world) was a
daring not justifiable; and some of dkJHiing's phjsiti-
ans muttered against it, others made a great noise, and
were forced to fly for it ; and thoagh the still Toice
Was quickly silenced by the duke's power, yet the
^ourous made so d Jp impn^sions, that bis inno-
eence could never wear them out. And one of Buck-
ingham's great provocations^was thought to be his fisar^
that die king being now weluy of his too much great-
^essy and power, wosld set vp Biistql, his deadly enemy
again&t him to pull him down. And this medicine was
one of those 13 aiticles that after were laid to his
charge in parliament*." — Dr. Welwood in his note on
this passage observes, '' that Dr. Eglisham, one of the
king's physitians, was obliged to flee beyond seas, for
some expressions he had muttered about the manner
of his majesty's deaths and lived at Brussels many
years after. It was there he published a book to prove
king James was poisoned ; giving a particular acconut
of all the circumstances of bis sickness^ and laying his
death upon the duke of Buckingham and his fiotb^.
^—— Among other remarkable passages, there- is one
about the plaist^ applied to the king's stomach.

" He says it was given out to have been mithridate,
and that one Dr. Remington had sent it to the duke,
as a medicine with which he had cured a great many
agues in Es^x. Now Eglisham denies it was mithri-
date^ and says, oeither he^ nor any other physitiacis

• Wilson, p. 2S7.

JAMES I. €84^

magnificence at Westminster- Abbey * on

could tell what it was. He adds, that Sir Mattfaeir
liister and he being, the week after the king's death, al
the earl dF Warwick's house in Essex, they seat for
Dr. Bemingfon, who Imd hard by, and asking him
what kind of plaister it was he had sent to Bucking-r
hanij ibr the <!ure of an i^e, and whether he knew it
w«9 the king -the duke designed it forf Remingtoa
SBiswercd, that one Baker, a servant of the duke*8^
ctfitte ^^ hilD in his master's name, and desired him if
hS^Kakf any certain specific remedy against an ague; to
send it him : and accordingly he sent him mithri-
date spread upon leather, but knew not till then that it
was designed for the king. Bat/' continues Eglisliam^
'' Sir Matthew Lister, ahd I shewing hima piece of the
plaister we had kept, after it was taken off, he seemed
greatly surprized, and offered to take his corporal oath,
tliat it was none of what he had given Bidcer, nor did

he know what kind of mixtfire it was* But tlie

truth is, this book of Egl^am's is wrote with such
an air of rancour and prejadice, that the manner of
his BarraiiYe takes off much ham the credit of what
htimntef^'* ^The parliament, in • the year 1626,

* Gibson's Canbdeo, rol. T. p. 386.

^Gompleat jffistoiy, yd II. p. 790. It U to be visbed Welwood ]yd sivca
wHie title of this book of j^ishaip. Id the second voluipe qf tbe karleiaa
MisceUany there is a tract intitjMthe ForerunD«^«C9*veDge. Being tw#
petitions : the one to the kipghi mott fl^i4»llent iiii^nty» the otiier to the
most honourable bmnes of parliamont* T^enm >re e^ressed cUvers actions
«f the late earl of lbaiw ghiyi» J jiy yij i l ly coB^wnMng the death of king
James, and thejnan^ai|^l3|p|iluii-«Bpp9aed.^ poi^ By George £gw
lisham, doctor of phytic, «ad^:Of the pb|iitiaB»>toklng James, of happy
memory, Ibr his iiiojesty'ff]ienoii aboveteD- years^ 4t^ laopd. 164Sf though
it appears to have been written io^ftoifekiDgham's life-time, -ancH daabt not,
was then printed.' There is an-^ oC.niwonr and prejudice in this small
^:ce ; but not ft'^j^of what tq:> W^^ood relates.

«< The king," WK^^be,'** being sick of an ague, -the duke took this op-

portunity^

a84 THE LIFE OF

the seventh of May following ; his son and

cbdrged Buckingham with having caused certain
plaistersy .and a certain drink to be provided for the
use of his majesty king James, withont the privity or
direction of the physicians, and componnded of several
ingredients to them unknown, notwithjrtanding the
same plaisters, or some plaister. like thereiMitc^y bavipg
been formerly administered unto him, did {Hroduce
snch ill effects as that some of the physicianB did Sm^
allow thereof, and utterly refuse to meddle Bo^farfibfBC
with his majesty, until these plaisters were removed^
as being prejudicial to his health, yet thesame plaisters
and drink was provided by the dnke, and the plaisters
applied to the king's breast and wrist, and the drink
given to him at seasons prohibited by the physicians.
After which, they set forth, divers ill symptoms ap-
peared upon his majesty, and his majesty attributed
the .cause of his trouble to the plaister and drink
which the dnke had given him\ The duke in hia

portunity, when all the Ipng'i doefitn of ph3rsic were at dinderi vA offired
to him a white powJer to taks, the which be a long time refuiq^ ; bat ovar^'
come with his flattering importunity, at length took it in vfa^ andiai^
mediately became worse i^nd «one» fid|ing into many swobninfiavid |Kii«M^.
and violent fluxes of the belty, ao tormented, that his nujerty eri^<ntt
aloud of this wljite powder, would to God I had never taken it"— He iStffm
tells ui of '* the countess of Buckingham's applying the plaister t»]^
king's heart and bfeast j whereupon he grew faint, and short breathed nid
in agony. That the physitians exclaimed that the king was poisooed ;
that fiuckingham commanded tbem out of the room, and caused one-
of them to be committed prisoner to his own chamber, and another to be
removed from court; and that after hlam^estj'i>de«th, his body and
head swelled above meatare, his hair with the skin vi his head stock to the
pillow, and his nails became loose npon hii. fingers and toes." See Har-
leian Miscellany, vol. II. p. tU 4tik Jjond. 1744. If this was the book in
which Dr. Welwood remembere«1 to hmrp read what I have quoted in the
note, his memory discharged its ofltee bnt very iU. However, I rather
suspect, there is a larger account of ^isham's inprint, than ^hat WeU
wood should have invented.

* Sec Rushwortb, vol. L p« 95l»

JAMES I. 285

successor Charles following, attending his

answer insists on his innocency, declaring that the
drink and plaister were procured by the king's own
de^ift^ on his recommendation ; that by his own com*
ittUid tb«y were applied ; that he (Buckingham) gave
the ^iik in the presence of some of! the physicians',
uriio t&sted it, and did not shew their dislike of it;
and that when he told the kitig it was ruihonred that
the physic he had gaye him, had done him hnrt^ Hfs
migesty with mabh. discontent answered, they are
worse than the devils thtit^ say it*. The commons
having received a copy of the duke's answer from the
lords, say, ''they: shi^ presently reply in such sort,^
according totbie Isn^s of parliament, that unless his
power aiid praeaee undermine our proceedings, ^e
do not doubt but we upon the same have jodgment
against him V But his power and practice so fiir uh«
denuined their proceedings, that a dissolution soon
'^ iipiUowed, by which they ' were prevented from pro-
ducing their ptoofs of what they had asserted. This
made a deep impression on men's minds, and caused
them to apprehend that James had not had fair play
for his life. The hindering^ a parliamentary inquiry
into the death of a king, oj; putting an end to the
parliament itself, had an odd l^pearance, and caused
many to think that there was ntore at«the bottom than
it was con^nient should see the Ijght. — ^I wilt add a
passage ^Ircm Burnet, to what hail been now produced,
whieh^ if Crtie, will pretty well cl^^' ^P ^^is matter;
** King Jaiiies," says he, '^ in the end of his reign was
become w^jy of the duke of Buckingham, who
treated bim with sudi an air of insolent contempt,

I Ruibworth, voLl^p. 389. ^ Id. p. 403.

886 THE LIF£ OF

interment ; Dr. Williams, lord keeper, and

that he seemed at last resolved to throw him off, but
could not think of taking the load of government on
himsdf, and so resolved to bring the earl of Somerset
again into ikvonr^ as that lord repcHted it to spnie
fimn whom I had it. He met with him in the nigfat,
in the gardens at Theobalds : Two bed chamber men
irere only in the secret ; the king embraced him ten-
derly and with many teats. The earl of Somerset be-
lieved the secret was not wdl kept ; for soon after the
king was taken ill with some fits of -an ague and died.
My father was then in London, and did very much
Aspect an ill practice in die matter: But perhaps Dr.
Craigy my mother*s uncle, who was one of the king's
physitiansi possessed him with these apprehensions;
for he was disgraced for saying he believed the king
"was -poisoned *.'' These are the foundations on which
-the suspicion of James's being poisoned by Bucking-
bam relies. Whether any thing more than suspicion
arises from them^ must be left to the reader to deter-
"ttiine. Lord Clarendon^ who could not be ignorant of
a good part of what has been now related, speaking
of James's death, says, ''it was occasioned by an aguc^
(after a short indispositiod by the gout) which meet-
ing many humours in a fat unwieldy body of 58 years
old, in four or five fits carried him out of the world.
After whose death," adds he, '' many scandalous and
libellous discourses were raised without the least <X)lour,
or ground: as appeared upon the strictest luid most
malicious examination that could be made, long after^
in a time of licence, wheii no body was afraid of of*
fending, majesty, and when prosecuting the highest i^

* Barnct, ytX, L p. dOL

JAMES L fiSf

bishop -i^ Lincoln, preadied kis funeral
sermon, which soon after was printed with

proaches and contumelies against the royal family^ was
Ibeld very meritorious ^." Thi^ is talking with a great
air of mfliorlty indeed! was ^ere no colour or ground
for suspicion of foul play^ when Buckingham himself
owned that he had recommended the pbuster and drink
to the king, and bad them adjiiinisterdi to h}m, with-
out cQUBultiog the physicians ? was there no ground
for such a suspicion, when some of bis majesty's own
physicians believed it, and the km^ himself attributed
the cause of Ids troable to the plaister and drink which
the duke had given him? had the house of .commons
no colour or ground to in^peach the duke of Bucking-
ham for his behaviour in this affair? or were they the
authors of the scanddous and libellous discourses thai
were raised about it ? A writer who gives himself
such a strange liberty of censuring^ ought to be pretty
gure he is in the right, or otherwise he stands but a
very poor chance of being believed. Will. Sanderson,
very roundly sqys, '^ that what Buckingham gave Jam^i
to drink was a posset drink of milk and alcy hartshc^)
and marygold flowers, ing^ients harmless and ordi-
nary. And though,'* says he, " the doctors were ofr
fended that any one durst assume this boldness (of fi^
plying the plaister) without their consent; by after
cxaminatioq, all men then were assured of the com-
position^ and a piece thereof eaten down by such as
made it ; and the plaister many months afterwards in
being for further tryal of any suspition of ^yson?,"

* Clarendon, vol. L p. 24. ^ Sandcnrson't Beign of K. Jvneiy

p. 592, he had given almofit the very wme account befiw^, in bis Aulicuv
doquinariaif^p. 194.

288 THE LIFE OF

the title- of Great Britain's Salomon ^%
fiill of the most gross flattery, and palpable

The reader mnst give what credit to this he thinks it
deserves, for my own part, T doubt it is apocryphal.

'^ Dr. Williams preached and prints his funeral
sermon, widi the title of Great Britain's Salomon 3
This sermon is a curiosity and deserves to be known,
as it gives us a specimen of the gross flattery of those
times. His text was I Kings xi. 41, 40, and part of
43 verse. ** And the rest of the ^ords of Salomon,
and all that he did,' and his wiadome,are they not
written in the book of the acts of Salomon ; and the
time that Salomon reigned in Hiemsalem overall Israel,
was forty years. And Salomon slept with his fathers,
and was buried in the city of David his father.** After
having mentioned the text he begins thus : '^ Most
high and mighty, most honourable, worshipful and
wdl beloved in our Lord, and Saviour Jesus Christ ;
it is not I, but this woful accident that chnseth this
text.'* He proceeds then to consider it as applicable
to Solomon ; and afterwards compares him, and James,
" first as it were in one general lump, or mould,"
says he, '' that you may see by the oddness of their
proportion, how they differ from all kings besides.
And then with a particular examination of the parts
of my text, that you may observe by the several mem-
bers, how well they resemble the one the other.

" For the bulke or the mould, I dare presume to say,
you never read in your lives, of two kings more fully
paralleled amongst themselves, and better distinguish-
ed from all other kings besides themselves. King Sa-
lomon is said to be uuigenitus coram mafre sua, the
only Sonne of his mother, Prov, 4. 3. So was king

JAM£$ I. iSSf

uAtmthg ; insQmuch that i&stead of cele*
btating hi« metnory^ h^ has only exposed

Jame's. Salomon wds of acompIeScioti White, Md tnddf,
Canticl. V. 10. So was king Jam^s. Salomon wa^ aa
infant king, puer parvulus, a little child, 1 Chiton, xxii.
5. so was king James a king at the age of thirteen
months. Salomon began his reign in the life of his
predecessor, 1 Kings 1.3S. so, by Che force arid com-
palsion of that state, did our late soveraigne king
James. Salomon was twice crowned, and anoynted a
king, I Chron. xxix. 22. so was king -Jaines. Salo-
mon's minority was rough through the quarrels of th||
former soveraigae ^ so was that of king James. Salomoti
was learned above all the princes of the east, 1 Kings'
iv. 30. so was king James above all the princes in the
universal world. Salomon was a writer in prose and
verse, 1 Kings, iv. 32 so in a very pure and exquisite
manner was our sweet soveraigne king James. Salo«
mon was the greatest patron we ever read of to church
and churchmen ; and yet no greater (let the house of
Aaron noiw confess) than king James. Salomon was
honoured with ambassadors from all the kings of the
earth, 1 Kings iv. last verse ; and so you know was
king James. Salomon was a, main improver of his
home commodities, as you may see in his trading with
Hiram, 1 Kings v. 9, and, God knows, it wat the
daily study of king James. Salomon was a great
maintainer of shipping and navigationj, 1 Kings x. 14.
a most proper attribute to king James. Saloinon beau-
tified yerjr much his /capital city, witb buildings and
water-works, 1 Kings ix. 15. so did kin^ James.
£very man lived in peace under his vine, and his fig-
tree, in the day§ of Salomon> 1 Kings iv. 25. and so

VOL. I. V

i90 THE LIFE OF

it.—: — James, by his queen, Anne of Deo-.

mark, had issue besides Charles who sue-,

t\\ey did in the blessed days of king James. And yet
towards his end king Salomon had secret enemies,
Kazan, Hadad, and Jeroboam, and prepared for a
warre upon his going to bis grave; so had, and so did
king James. Lastly, before any hostile act we read of
in the history, king Salomon died in peace, when he
had hved about 60 years, and so you know did king
James'." ■
One would think this had been enough of all con- "
science ; but the right reverend preacher proceeds ac-
cording 10 the method of his text, " to polish and re-
line the members of this statue in their division, and
particular. In his stile," says he, " you may observe
the Ecclesiastes, in his figures the Canticles, in his
sentences the Proverbs, and in hia whole discourse
refiquiim zerborum Salomoiiis, all the rest that was ad-
mirable in the eloquence of Salomon. From his

■aying I come to his doings. Quis Jecerit, ail that he
did. Every action of his sacred majesty was a virtue,
and a miracle to exempt him from any parallel amongst
the modeme kings and princes. Of all christian kings
that ever 1 read of, he was the most constant patron of

churches and churchmen. 1 wi!l speak it boldly,

in thepresence heie of God and men, that I believe in
jny soul and conscience, there never lived a more con-
stant, resolute, and settled protestant in point of doc-
trine than our late soveraigne. Through sll Eu-
rope no more question was made of his being just, than

of his being king. He was resolute enough, an^

■omewliat too forward in those unapproachable placu

'fireat Britain's Salomeii. p. 37.

JAMES I. 291

«^ded him, and Elizabeth, who named

(the Highlands) scattering his enemies aa much with
hi% example, ss he did with his forces. Besides these
adventures of his person, he was unto his people, to
the hour of his death, another cherubim with a flaming
sword, to keep out enemies from this paradice of ours."
After flourishing upon his political wisdom and
learned works, he goes on to Jet his hearers know
" that as he lived like a king, so he died like a saint.
All his latter days he spent in prayer, sending his
thoughts before into heaven, to be the harbingers of
his happy soul. Some ibure days before bis end he
desired to receive the blessed sacrament, and said he
was prepared tor it by faith and charitie. He repeated
the articles of the creed, and after the absolution had
been read and pronounced, he received the sacrament
with that zeal and devotion, as if he had not been a
fraile man, but a cherubim cloathed with flesh and
i)lood, he twice, or thrice repeated Domiue Jrm, veni
tilo ; and after the prayer usually said at the hour of
death, was ended, his lords and servants kneeling,
without any pangs or convulsions at all, dormivit So-
lomox, Salomon slept. And his soul," adds the good
bishop, " severed from the dregs of the body, doth
now enjoy an eternal dreaming in thepresence of God,
environed no more with lords and knights, hut with
troupes of angels, and the souls of the blessed, called
in this text his fore-runners or fathers ; and Salomon
slept with his fathers*." — This was the character given
of James before those who were acquainted well with
him : and yet I believe there is no one, who reads it
nowbutwiU think it somewhat too panegyrical for tbe

SD, p-11

THE LIFE OF

■Jrederick, prince Palatine of the Rluue^

, But indeed the bishops strWed (as be bad
so grent a friead to chmcLutiea) to ouLvie«aeh
in piaising him; and consequently we can take
Pieasiaros of the truth fFoui their deacciptions. Laud
t)bser^<e» of him, that it was little less than a lairaele,
that so iDUcli &w«etuess should b^ fouod >d «0 S^^^"- ^
heart; ihat clemency, mercy, andjustlce, were emi-
nent ill him ; that he was not only a preserver of pea«n
at home, but the great peace-m^ker abru^; tiiat b«
was bountiful, and the greatest pattoii of the cbuic^;
that he was, ttie mosL learoed pifince in malters of iq-
ligion, and n^ost outhodox thereio; that l»e devout^
received the blessed sacrameiil, and a{>provcd of absQrt
lution ; that he called for prayers, was full of iHi|ieiw«
at his death, and had bis rest ia Abral^m'a busoiQ '•

-Spotswood determining BOt to be outdoae.by Wijb
liams and Laud, declares " that he was the ^Alotpoiu
this age, admired for his wise governuteiit, antLfoc^
knowledge in all manner of learning. For his i^Udji
moderation, love of justice, for liis patience, aa<I p
(which sbined above all his other virtues, a^d tf wi|i
nessed in tl»e learned works, he left to pQ^t«ntj). ||
ii^me shall never be forgotten, but repiaiii iq hogor- ^
lorig as the world eudurcLiiV These are the. chuKtcts
given o^ James by three of Lb<e highest .i:Aqlc i^lj
vhur<)h 1 which yet have bad the tpisl'ortiinetQ be litf^
credited by disinterested poeterity. Atjdtherefore 1
Grey did "ot *)o quit^ SP, right in referring tQ SpofI
w:ood's; chara/itcr of Japies,,a9 a. yindicaliqn of hilft
from what l|p, had: beeu charged with by hip^yarsarji*v

« Rudiworth, vol, I. p. 156. ' Cborcli Hiitory, p 546>

JAMES I. «ys

(*d! known to the world Ijy their misfor-

For court-biBhope, by atime fste or other, from the.
tifiie of Constantine, down Bt'lMsr'to the death of
Jantes, and a little after, lmv« b^ the characters of
flauerers, panegyristE, and others i»f like import; and
therefore are always to hnvd great abatements made in
their accounts of those who have been their keoe^-
tora : it being well known, that each they endeavour
to hand down to poaterity under the notion of saints',
*e they always blacken and defame their advei^ariesi

I havejust observed tliat disinterested posterity hare
given httle credit to the panegyrics of the three right
reverends ; I will give a proof or two of it, arid then
conclude this note. Bamet tells cs, " that James wa*
become the scorn of the age ; and while hungry writera
Mattered him out of measure at home, he was despised
by all abroad as a pedant withont true judgment,
courage, or steadiness, sttbjett to his favourites, and
delivered up to the counsels, or rather the corruption
of Spain'." — Lord Bolingbroke observes of him, " that
he had no virtues to set off, but he had failings and
vices to conceal, lie could not conceal the latter ;'
and, void of the former, he could not compensate for
them* His faiUngs and his vices therefore stand in
fiillr view, be passed for a weak prince and an ill man,'
and fell into all the contempt wherein his memory re-
DUtins to this day *•." — '—Lord Orrery says, " the cha-
racter of queen Eli^bet^ bmbeen exalted' by the want
«f merit . in her sMOcessor, troth whose misconduct
gushed forth that torrent of misery, which not only
bore down his aoo, but ©veiiwhelmed the three kin^
dotnsV

*Burnet,vot. I. p.31. ' IjBttereouPalrk
1 the Lift and Writ;a|l aFSMfti p. S0».

!m,p.314

294 THE LIFE OF

tunes) Henry '% a prince of a most amiable

In the Abbe Raynal's history of the parliament of
England, we read " that James wanted to be pacific,
and he was only indolent; wise, and he was only iire-
soluce; just, and he was only timid; moderate, and he
was only soft ; good, and he was only weak j a divine,
and he was only a fanatic; a philosopher, and he was
only extravagant; a doctor, and he was only a pedant.
r^'o one ever carried the pretensiorts of the crown
further than James, and few princes have contributed
so much to viiify it. — Tins prince found it easier to
suffer injuries tlian to revenge them; to dispense with
the public eateem, than to merit it; and to sacrifice
the rights of his crown, than to trouble his repose by
maintaining them. He lived on the throne like a pri-
vate man in his family ; be retained of the royally only
the gift of healing the evil, which is attributed to the
kings of England. One would have said he was only
a passenger in the vessel of which he onght to have
been the pilot. I'his inaction made his days pass ia
obscurity, and prepared a tiagical reign for hia suc-
cessor'," Thus has the nameof James been treated

by the most disinterested and unbiassed ; whether the
jadgmciit of his courtieis who had been greatly favour
ed by him, is to be set in the balance with the opinioa
of these writers is left to the reader.

" Prince Henry was of a most amiable dispositioo,
and excellent genius.] This L take to be hterally true ;
otherwise! would nothave been at the trouble of saying
any thing about him. He was bom at Striveling, Feb.
19. IdfH, and committed to the care of the earl of
Mar (the family of Erskin, earl of Mar, was always

' ^e tfac Moothlf R<Ti<« for th« yitt !7f I, p. US. Sto.

governor of the king's children, from the time the
Stuarts mounted the throne)^ by the following lettei
writ by his majesty's own hand.

" MY LOHD OF MABEE,

" Because in the surety of my son, consisteth iny
surety, and I have concrediled unto you the charge of
his keeping, upon the trust 1 have of your honesty;
this I command you out of my own mouth, being in
the company of those I like; otherwise for any charge
or necessity that can come from me, you shall not de-
liver him J and in case God call rae at any time, see
that neither for the queen nor estates their pleasure,
you deliver him till he be 18 years of age, and that he
command you himself.

" Striveling, 24th of
July, 1595*."

Id obedience to this command, lord Mar kept the
prince, and refused to deliver him to the <iueen his
mother, in the year 1603, till the duke of Lennox was
lent with a warrant to receive him, and delivered hint
to the queen. Mr. (afterwards Sir) Adam Newton, was
his tutor, by whose instiuctions he is said to have pro-
fited greatly. " He was," says Sir Charles Cornwallis,
" of a comely, tall, middle stature, about five foot and
eight inches high, of a strong, streight well-made body,
with somewhat broad shoulders, and a small waste,
of an amiable majestic countenance, his hair of an
abome coUour, long faced, and broad forehead, a
piercing grave eye, a most gracious smile, with a

(wood, p. 41U.

J^'

906 THE LIFE DF

ling of the people whilst living) ascl gr«ftUy

terrible frown, coBrteous, loving and affable; bU fa-
Kour like tbe sun, indifferently seeming to sliine upoit
all; naturally shamefaced, and modest, most patient,
which he shewed both in life and death. — Dissimula-
tion he esteemed most base, chiefiy in a prince, not
willing, nor by nature being able to flatter, fawnc, or
use those kindly who deferred not his love. Quick he
was to cunceive auy thing, nut rash but mature in de>
liberatian, yet most constant, having resolved. True
«f bis promise, moat seoret even from his youth; go
that be might have been enisted in any thiag that did
not furt'C a. discovery; being of a close disposition not
essy tg be known, oi pried into : of a fearless, noble,
heroic, and undaunted courage, thinking nothing un-
possible, that ever was done hy any. He was ardent
in his love to religion, which love, and all the good
causes thereof, bis heart was bent by some means or
other (if he bad lived) to have shewed, and Some Way
to have compounded the nnfaind jarrs thereof.

" 1-Je made conacietice of au oath, and was naver
heard to take God's name in vnia. He hatfd popery,
though be was not ankind lo the perKons of papists.-^
He loved and did mightily strive to do somewhat of
every thing, and Lo excel in the most eKo«ll^t. He
greatly delighted in all kind of rare inventions and
arts, and in all kind of engines belonging t^ ibe wars,
both by sea and land; Vn the bravery aad number of
great horses; in shooting and leveUmg of great pieces
of ordnance; in the ordering ^nd laarshaliiqg pf
armes; in building and gardening, and in all s^ts of
rare mutiiqne, chiefly ilis trumpet and drum; ia
limning and painting, carving in all sorta of excel-
lent arid rare pictures, which be had broug'ht unto

JAMES I. 297

lamraited after his death ; which (though

him, from all countries*." Thus speaks, of prince
Henry, Sir Chnrles Cornwallis, treasurer of his house-
hold. But without other authoriiiea, I should lay
very little stress on his book, which looks more like a
panegyric than a history: And we find it ob-
served by a fine writer, " that princes in their infancy,
chil'ihood and youth, are said to discover prodigioas
parts and wit, to speak things that surprize and asto^
nish; strange, adds he, so many hopeful princes, ani3
to many shameful kings ! if they happen to die young
they would have been prodigies of wisdom and virtue :
if they live, they are often prodigies indeed, but of
Another sort V— However, it is certain, prince Henry
had very great merit. " The government of his house
was with much discretion, modesty, sobriety, and in an
high reverence to piety, not swearing himself, or keep*
ing any that did. He was not only plausible in his
carriage, but just in payments, so far as his credit out-
reached the kings both in the exchange and th«
church'. He was an enemy to oppression and inju^-
lice ; for hearing the king had given Sherburn Castle to
Sir Robert Car, he came with some anger to his father,
desiring he would be pleased to bestow She/bum upon
him, alledging that it was a place of great strength and
beauty, which he much liked, but indeed with an in-
tention of giving it back to Sir Walter Raleigh, whom
he much esteemed''." The same noble disposition he
shewed towards Sir Robert Dudley, who was deprived
of his honours and estate by the injustice of James.

'The Bhort Life and much lamenteil Death of Henry prince of Walei,
tiif Sir Charles CoTDwallis. Bvo. 1644. p. 93— lUI. "Swift and Pape'i

HHlifUuiies, Tol, L p. 30*7. IZmo. Lend. 173) See also Ostwm, p. $07.
• Id. p. iSB. ' lUleJgh's Works, vol I. p. 1 1 7.

THE LIFE OF
his physicians declared to the contrar}-)

" He made overlnres to Sir Robert." says king Charles,
" to obtain his title in Kenilworth Castle, ice. and bought
it of him for fourteen thousand 6ve hundred pounds,
and promised to restore him in honors and fortunes*.**

This prince was the patron of the studies of Sir

Walter Raleigh, for whose abilities he had an high
esteem, and who drew up for his use, a discourse
touching a match between the lady Elizabeth and the
prince of Piedmont ; observations concerning the royal
navy and sea-service ; and a letter touching the model
of a ship. And in the year l6l I, " that worthy sea-
man, Sir Thomas Button, servant to prince Henry,
pursued the north-west discoveries at the instigation

of that glorious young prince''." And very certain

it is thai he endeavoured well to understand state af-
ftiirs, and applied himself to get a thorough knowledge
of them; the duke of Sully assures us, " that as soon
as he had obtained his father's promise that he would
at least, not obstruct his proceedings, he prevented
Henry's (the fonrth's) wishes; being animated with a
thirst of glory, and a desire to render himself worthy
the esteem and alliance of Henry : for he was to marry
the eldest daughter of France. He wrote me several
letters hereupon, and therein expressed himself in the
manner I have mentioned '." Agreeably hereunto. Dr.
Welwood says, " the duke of Sully, being in England

laid the foundation of a strict friendship betwixt

his master and prince Henry; which was afterwards
carried on by letters and messages till the death of that
king. Tho' it's a secret to this day what was the real

■Palentfcr creatidg Alice, lady Dirdlcy, i
eount of tevcral late Voyage*, edit, nil,
' Memoirs of SuUy, vol. I. p. B7.

Inches! oF England. '' Ac-
io the IntTDdacUon, {>• ISt

JAMES I. 299

Was supposed to be by poison: but how-

deflign of all those vast preparations that were made
by Henry the fourth before his death: yet I have
teea some papers which malce it more thao probable,
that prince Henry was not only acquainted with the

seciet, but was engaged in the deaignV Sir

Charles Comwallis having written to him from Spaing
vbei'e he was ambassador, prince Henry in a letter to
him, replies, " that he must particularly thank him for
imparting to him his observations of that state, where-
of," says he, " I will make the best nse 1 may ; and since
that is a study very well befitting me, and wherein I
delight, I will desire yon to acquaint me further in that
kind as occasions sliall be offered ; that thereby ilie
more ye may deserve my readiness to aclcnowledge
it"." — Before Sir Thomas Edmondes's departure to
France, prince Henry engaged him to communicate
to him the course of things there; and on the second
of September, Mr. Adam (afterwards Sir Adam) New-
ton, wrote from Tlichmond to Sir Thomas, to remind
bim of his promise to his royal highness, " This op-
portunity oifering itself so fitly, maketh me cull unto
your remembrance a promise which his highness al-
legeth you made unto him at your departure, of im-
parting to him such occurrences, as that country
yieldeth. I find his highness doth expect it; and
therefore I presume to acquaint you therewith. — ^The
French perceived very early the forwardness of this
young prince, and thought proper to try to secure him
to their interest; for secretary Villeroy wrote to Mon-
sieur de la Boderie, the French ambassador in England,
from Fonlainbleau, the isthof July, l608, N.S. that

'Wdwood'l Memoirt

, vol. III. p. 4:

MO THE LIFE OF

ever that be, certain it is, James wa« little

king Henry ihe fourth had told him, that be had more
desire than ever to seek the fiteudship of the prince of
Wales, and, for that purpose, to gratify those about
him, as that aoibassador should judge tit; since that
king foresaw, that the prince would sdoq bold a rank
worthy of hitn in England, on account of llie Intle
esteem, which was had of the qneen and king'." Attd
there is a letter of prince Henry's to Sir Thomas Bd-
mondes, dated September 10, 161^ ">'g'>ig ^M 'i &
strong and masterly manner to prosecute the scheme
of uniting the princes of the Mood, and the heads of
the proteatant party in France, against the ministera
of that court", — From these autborilies I presume, w*
may with great truth affirm that this young prince was
possessed of a most amiable disposition and excelletrt
genius. In short he was the very reviTrse of his father,
and therefore not much esteemed by him. " The vi-
vacity, spirit, and activity of the prince soon gave
umbrage to his lather's court, which grew extreamty
jealous of him ; and Sir Thomas Edmondes, though Ot
a distance, seems to have been sensible of dii^ and to
have been more cautious <m that account of cfflfr
responding with bis royal highness '." And ihe
prince was so sensible of liis want of influence in his
fathei's court, that in a letter of his to Sir Thomas,
dated September 10^ 1619, he excuses himself from
interposing in Sir Tboma&'s favour, with regard to
asking preferment for him ; " because as matters go
nowhere," says be, " I will deal in no businesses of im-
poitanee Bar sone respects.''" Osboni thereEore secBU

• Birch's Vip« of the Negotiali
View, p. 336. • Id. p. 3fil.

p, 32T

'!d.p.Ml. *Bircl»-»

r JAMES !. 301

affecte«f%«^ it. His other children were

to have been well informed in saying " that the king
though he would not deny any thing the prince
plainly desired, yet it appeared rather the result of
fear and outwai^ compliance, than love or natural
affection ; bein* harder drawn to confer an honor or
pardon, in cases of desert, upon a retainer of the prince,
than a stranger'." However, he was the darling of the
English nation, his court was well filled, and his at-
tendants were numerous; in life he was highly beloved,
after death, equally lamented, by all but his father, and
hi« favourite Rochester. "November the 6th, 1612,
proved fetal to him, who died at the age of eighteen,
at St. James's, of a disease, with which he had been
seized in the preceding month; but the prevailing
opinisQ of that lime" and since adopted by some of
out hisloriiins, though contradicted by tire unantmoas
report of his physicians, was, that his end was hastened
by poison. And this notion received some conntc^
o&ntte, from the littfe coaeeru, which was shewn at bts
death by the court, though the nation considered it as
an irreparable loss. For it made so Irttle impression
upon the king and bis iavourite, that Rochester, on
the 9th of November, three days after that melancholy
event, wrote from Whitehall to Sir Thomas Edmondes,
to begin a negotiation for a marriage between prince
Charles and the second daughter of France'."

Sir Thomas indeed had more sense of decency, and
iherefore delayed it. This the king approved of, on
consideration. " For," says his majesty, " it would
have been a very blunt thing in us, that you, our mi-

■0«boni,p,S31, 'SeeBurnet.voLI. p. 10. Winwood, vol. III.

\ Aullcui CoquinsriiE, p, 151, Welwood's Note on Wilioii, iu
Mt « Jlory, wl. 11. p. 639. = Biteh's View, p. 371.

M.:: -waets^.

30* THE LIPE OF JAl^ES I.

Sophia, and Mary, who both died young»
and were buried with great solemnity at

Westminster,

Ulster, should so soone after such aa irreparable losse
received by us, have begun to talk of maniage, the
most contrary thing that could be, to death and fu«

nexalls ^r ^This conduct is quite amazing ! What

must the world judge of a father, ivho was thus unaf-
fected with the death of a wor|liy virtuous son ? If to be
without natural affection, shews the utmost depravity
of the heart of man, we may, without breach of charity,
say that James's heart was utterly depraved. His pas-
sion for his favourite, extinguished his aflfection for his
child ; and his weakness and worthlessness made him
look on him as an object of terror, whom all mankind
viewed with esteem and approbation. But the neglect
of a father deprived not prince Henry of thai reputa-
tion which he so well deserved. Posterity have sounded
fiirth his praises, and held him up to view as one wor-
thy the imitation of all young princes ; and wherever
his character is known, his memory will be highly
honoured.

* Birch'kVicw, p.373.

APPENDIX.

AddilioM to the Life of King James the Fikst,

by the Reverend Dr. Blbch, Secretaiy to ilie Royal Socieiy.

XHB following books were published on occasion of
king James 1. Triplici nodo Triplex Cuoeus, printed at
lirst witbout his name. Cardinal Bellarmin published,
in I6O8, under the name of Mattheus Tortus, a book ia
quarto, intitled, Responsio ad libruin, cui titulua, tri-
plici nodo triplex cuneus, sive apologia pro juramcnto
tidelitatis, adveisus duo brevia Papae Pauli V, el re-
centes Qteras cardinaUa Bellarmini ad Georgiuni Black-
vejlum, anglicearchi-presbyterura : repriated at Rome,
1609, in quarto.

Tlie king, upon this answer, republished his own
book, with Ilia name, with a monitory preface.

In 1609, Dr. Lancelot Andrews, then bishop of Chi-
chester, published at London, in quarto, TorturaTort;
«ive ad Matthxi Torti librum responsio, qui nuper edi-
tus contra apologiam seienissimi potentissimique prin-
cipis Jacobi, JDei gratia, Magniie Britannife, Francia}
«t Mibernice Regis, pro jurameoto fidelitatis.

Cardinal Bellarmin published in I61O, in quarto, Pro
responsione sua ad librum Jacobi, Magnse Britannia;
regis, cui titulus est, triplici nodo triplex cuneus,
apologia.

To this Dr. Andrews, now bishop of Ely, published
at London, I61O, in quarto, Responsio ad apologiam
«aidinalis Bellarioini, quam nuper edidit contra pr^elu-

304 APPENDIX.

tionem monitoriam serenissimi ac potentissimi prin-
cipis, Jacobiy Dei gratia, Magnae Britanniae, Francisc
et Hibemias regis, iidei defensoris, omnibus Christianis
monarchis, principibus atque ordinibua inscriptam.

Nicolas Coeffetauy afterwards Bishop of Marseilles,
published against the king's preface, at Paris, in I6l0,
in octavo. Response a Tavertissement, addresse par le
serenissime Roy de la Grande Bretagne Jacques I. a
tous les princes et potentates de la chretiente.

This was answered by Peter du Moulin, minister of
Charenton, whose rindication of the king, was printed
in French at Paris, in 1610, in octavo, and in Latin at
London. The French title is. Defence de la foy ca-
tholique, continue au livre de Jacques L Roy d'An-
gleterre contre la response de N. Cocffetau.

Coeffetau replied to Peter da MouHn's book, in hrs
apologie pour la response a Tavertissement du serenis-
sime Roy de la Grande Bretagne, contre les accusa-
tions du Pierre do Moulin, ministre de Charenton,
printed at Paris I6l4, in octavo.

Mr. John Donne, afterwards doctor of divinity and
dean of St. Paul's, wrote and published, before his en-,
trance into orders, a quarto volume, printed at London
in 1610, in support of the king's defences of the oath
of allegiance, Psendo-martyr : *' wherein otit of cer-
taine propositionar and gradations, this conclusion is
evicted, that those, which are of the Romanc religion"
in this kingdom, may, and ought to take the oath of
allegiance.^

Ritber Parsons, the Jesuit, published at St. Omers,
hi 1608; in quarto, the judgment of a catholic gentle^
man, concerning king James's apology for the oath of
allegiance : answered by Dr. William Barlow, after-
wards bishop of Lincoln. Wood, Ath, Oxon. Vol. L
col. S62.

APPENDIX. 30

Martiiius Becanus published at Mciitz in UJlO, la
octavo, Rcfutatio apologias et monitorial praifationis

Jacob! regis Anglian and Kefutatio tortura> torti

contra sacellanum regis Anglian

Dr. William Tooker, dean of Litchfield, answered
him in his Certamen cum Martino Becano, futiliter
refutante apologiam Jacobi regis, printed in l6ll, in
octavo, at London.

. Becanus replied to Dr. Tooker, in his Dnellum cum
Gulielmo Tooker de primatu regis Ani>;Iiae, printed at
Mentz, in octavo; where he published likewise, the
same year, and in the same form, a book against bishop
Andrews, in titled Controversia Anglicana de potestate
regis et pontjficis contra Lancellottum Andia^am.

To which last book of Ikcanus an answer was given
by Robert Burhill, intitled. Contra Becani controver-
siam Anglicanam assertio pro jure regis, proque epis*
copi Eliensis responsione ad apologiam Bellarmini ;
London I6l3, in octavo Mr. Richard Harris pub-
lished likewise an answer in Latin, at London, l6l2,
in octavo, to Becanus's Controversia Anglicana.

Leonardus Lessius wrote against the king's Praifatio
monitoria, in a book printed at Antwerp, I61I, in
octavo, and intitled De Antichristo et ejus praecur-
soribus dispatatio, qua refutatur prsefatio monitoria
Jacobi regis Magnae Britanniae.

This was answered by Dr. George Downame, after-
wards bishop of Londonderry in Ireland, in his book,
called. Papa Antichristus, seu diatriba duabus partibus,
quarum pripr 6 libris vindicat Jacobi ^regis sehtentiam
de Antichristo, posterior refutat Leonaa?di Lessil 16 de-
uionstrationes regis pra3fationi monitorise qppositas :
London 1620.

Francis Suares, the Jesuit, attacked the king's apo-
logy for the oatU of allegiance in his Defeosio fidei

VOL. I. X.

■^ — ■ 1- 1

TOO APPENDIX-

catholics contra Anglicana^ sectas errores, una cum
responsione ad Jacobi regis apologiam pro juramento
fidelitatis^ printed at Coimbra in 1613, and at Mentz
in 1619.

Leonardos Cocquseus^ an Augustinlan monk, pub-
lished at Friburg, in l6lO, Examen prsefationis apolo-
gias Jacobi regis pro juramento fidelitatis.

James Gretser, the Jesuit, in 16 10, printed at In-
golstad, Batrixixoy Aapov, sen commentarins exegeticut
in Jacobi regis Magna^ Britanniae praefationem moni-
toriam, et in ejusdem apologiam pro juramento fideli-
tatis.

Andraeas Eudasmon-Johannes wrote against bishop
Andrews, in his Parallelus Torti et tortoris ejus S.
Cicestrensisir sen responsio ad torturam Torti pro Ro-
berto Bellarmino ; Colen in l6ll.

This was replied to by Dr. Samuel Collins, Regius
Professor of divinity at Cambridge, in a book, printed
there in quarto, under the title of " Increpatio Andreas
Eudaemon-Johannis de infami parallelo, et renovata as-
bertio torturae Torti pro episcopo Eliensi." — He pub-
lished likewise, at Cambridge, in ]6l7y in quarto, " Ep-
phata to T. T. or a defence of the bishop of Ely con-
cerning his answer to cardinal Beliarmin's apology,
against the cahimnies of a scandalous pamphlet.*'

GENERAL INDEX.

The Numerals i. ii. iii. iv. v. refer to the Folume; the Figures to the Page^
In the references^ no distinction is made between the notes and the text*

ABBOT, archbishop, said to have instigated king James against the
Arminians, i. 152 — ^His letter to James, remonstrating against his
toleration of the Catholics, 266 — Presides at the coronation of
Chailea the First, and administers the oath, ii. 198 — Character of,
as a church nilej", 225 — ^In disgrace for refusing to license Sibthorpe's
sermon, 287.

Absurdities eagerly swallowed by some men, iii. 86.

Academical discipline relaxed after the Restoration, v. 8»

Academies of Greece and Rome, object of their institution, iv. 6.

Act of oblivion passed during the Commonwealth, iii. 271.

Act of uniformity, see Uniformity.

Acts of parliament formerly proclaimed in the markets, iv. 40.

Addresses sent from various places to congratulate Oliver Cromwell oA
his assumption of the protectorate, iii. 343 — ^Presented to Richard
on his succession, iv. 178, 182.

Affability mistaken for tenderness and good-nature, as in the character
of Charles the Second, v. 45.

Agitators, the, desirous of a conjunction with the kigg, ii. 451 — Send
Joyce to seize him, 474 — ^A council of, erected by the army, iii.
141 — ^Their share in the mutiny against the parliament, 162 — Re*
fuse to be reconciled to the king, 170.

Aix-la-Chapelle, peace of, disgusting to the French king, v. 200.

Algiers, number of English prisoners and captives there, occasions ^
committee of enquiry in the house of commons, ii. 182 — Number
of these captives restored by the taking of Sallee, 196.

Allegiance, oath of, enacted, to secure me obedience of the CatholicSy
i. Ill — ^The taking of this oath forbidden by the pope, 114 — ^James
the First's apology for enacting it, in answer to the pope's brief,^
117, 119 — Favouraolc conduct of James to such Catholics as take
it, 258 — Its nature considered, iv. 47.

Allegiance and protection, mutual obligations between the prince and
Debple, iv. 339.

Auen, su- Thos. lord mayor of London, prevails on Moncke to de-
clare againat the Rump Parliament, iv. si 1.

AUiDgtoDy Wm. lord, pensioned by Charles the Second for his par-
liaiiieat^ •ervices, v. 280.

Altar, jOCMH||rt^'of bowing to it, when and by whom introduced, iL
SSl-^AiMjinip of a man of letters goin^ to St. Paul's, to see Dr.
Hare nuJbe mi bow, 222— Question of tlie harm contained in this
oeimony djoiycd, 22s.

30» GENERAL INDEX.

Ambassador, Swedish, how received by Cromwell, iii. so.
Ambassadors, spies by office, should be narrowly watched, v, 229 —

Honours conteired on them, prohibited by Elizaoeth of En^and, and

Christina of Sweden, 230.
Amboyna, cruelties exercised there by die Dutch on the English,

i. 198 — These crjelties avenged by Cromwell, ib, 200 — ^James and

Cromwell respecting this business compared, ib. 201.
Amnesty, a general, proclaimed by Charles the Second^ iv. 356.
Ancram, Charles earl of, a member of the pensioned parliament, undtr

Charles the SeconJ, v. 281 — ^Endeavours to screen the assasniu who

had attacked Sir John Coventry, :J 1 4.
Andover, lord, married by a popish priest, ii. 2:53.
Andrews, bishop of Winchester, his witty reply to James the First,

i. l.-Jtt.
Andrews, bishop of Chichester and Ely, his ans\vers to Bellarmin, i.

303.

Andrews, dean, as chainnan of tlie Irish convocation, compared by

Wentworth to Ananias, ii. 246.
An;:Tle8ey, lord, leaves a memorandum in v/riting, that the Icon Basi-

like was the production of Dr. Gauden, ii. 126.
Anne, lady, wife to James duke of York, her character, i. 37 — Her

inclination towards popen,. i)romoted by die flatteiies of protestant

prelates, v. 81.
Anncsley, Mr. active in promoting the restoration of Charles the

Second without conditions, iv. 312 — Opposes the settlement of the

excise duties on tlie crown, 373.
Antrim, eai 1 of, supposed concern of, in the Irish rebellion, ii. 396^

406, 407.

Apiic^e, Rev. J. his account of the last moments of Charles the Second^
v. 61, 370.

Arbitrary doctrines, if countenanced by the court, the intention is to
introduce universal slavery, ii. 200 — ^Aoortive without an army, v. 294.

Arg^de, Archibald, cail of, why induced to be a covenanter, li. 329 —
Proceeding of the eai 1 of Antrim against, 899 — In great credit with
the Scottish covenanters, iv. 77 — Remarks on his case, as related by
lord Clarendon, v. 20 — Copy of a declaration in his favour, signed
by Charles the Second, 22.

Arlington, lord chamberlain, refuses to let tlie commissioners of the
commons have the accounts of secret service money paid by Sii: S.
Fox, V. 287.

^•Vrminius, his amiable character, i. 146 — ^Virulence of king James
against him and his followers, ib, — Several of his followers advanced
by the same king to great dignities, 154 — Their servility, 155 — ^The
preachers of the doctrines of, encouraged and promoteq by Charles
the First, ii. 208,213.

Army, the, seizes Charles the First at Windsor, ii. 450. iv. 34 — Nego*
tiates with him for the settlement of the nation, ii. 451 — ^The treaty
broken off by the obstinacy and high terms of the king, 457 — Seizes
him again in the Isle of Wight, and removes him to Hurst Castle,
469 — ^Subverts the liberties of parliament and brings the king to the
scaffold, 471 — Mutinies on account of some regiments beiog fluent to
Ireland, iii. 94 — New-modelled, 1 1 5 — Mischiefs of confiding this sole
command of, to one man, 116 — Mutinies on account of the self-de-
nying ordinance, 118 — Cromwell dispensed with puyiBg obedience

GENERAL INDEX no9

to that ordinance to appease it, ib^lt$ submission, 121 — Its usuipa-
ations, 139, 152 — Erects a council of officers and agitators, 141 — In-
sults the parliament, 142, 15^ — Seizes the king, 1G2 — Addresses him
in respectful terms, 168 — The king's stiffness disgusts it, 171 —
Again seizes him, and shuts him up in Hurst Castle, 179 — Purges
the house of commons, ib. — Petitions for a parliamentary reform,
282 — Subscribes the engagement to the commonwealtli, iv. 56 — Pe-
titions Richard Cromwell Tor a redress of grievances, 191 — Rebuked
by the parliament, 192 — Constrains Richard to dissolve the parlia-
ment, 193 — Deprives him of the protectorate, ib, — Its confession
and declaration on recalling the Rump Parliament, 216 — Dissatis-
fied, 217 — Requires the appointment of general officers, 218 — Pe-
tition and remonstrance from, 220 — Stops the proceedings of parlia-
ment, 224 — Plea for this measure, 2S0 — ^Animadversions on its
plea, 237 — Opposed by the citizens of London, 245 — ^Disbanded,

338.

Army, Scottish, see Scots and Scotland.

Army, standing, kept up by Charles the Second, contraiy to the sense

of parliament, v. 294 — ^Disputes between the king and parliament on

this account, 297 — Declared to be illegal, 301.
Arran, earl of, his influence over James the First, i. 8 — Confined, 9 —

His arrogant proceedings, ib, ll.
Arrowsmith composes panegyrics on Cromwell, on occasion of the

Dutch treaty, lii. 360, 489-
Articles of faith, injustice of requiring unconditional subscription to, v.

91 — Instances of the impracticability of the design, 93.
Arundel, committed to the Tower on account of his son's marriage

with die duke of Lennox's sister, ii. 286 — Vote ©f remonstrance to

the king for his release, 287.
Amndel House, committee of Catholics held at, in the reign of Charles

the Second, for considering of the relief to be afforded papists

against the penal laws, v. 74 — ^The conferences ended by the Jesuits

refusing to disavow the temporal authority of the pope, 75.
Ashbumham, colonel, concerned in the plot for awing the last parlia-
ment of Charles the First, ii. 384.
Assassination, the perpetrators of, in some instances claim our pity, iL

38 — Schemes of, for the destruction of Cromwell, countenanced by

Charles the Second and his brother, iv. 131.
Association for forcing the parliament to adopt conciliatory measures,

formed in the west, iv. 14 — ^Its fate, 22.
Astrology, Charles the First credulous in, ii. 66 — Charles the Second

under the same superstition, v. 9 — Abused by Mountague, to ruin

Danby and the duchess of Portsmouth, 10 — ^Instances w credulity

in the predictions of, 12.
Atkins, Margaret, put to the torture for witchcraft, i. 47.
Atkyns, sir R. on the illegality of the king's maintaining a body-guard,

V. 302.

Attainder, bill of^ against Strafford, reversed, ii. 378.
. Aubony, or Anbgnyy lord, his reasons for the king's acceptance of
terms, expect^ to be proposed by the presbyterians, iv. 814.

A ...

Bacon, Aittboay,. mttoceof lus polidcal cumiing and intrigue, i. 56.
Bacon, sir F]^|jdb%^account of dirwodety of James the First for

310 GENERAL INDEX.

the earl of Somerset, when oc his trial for the murder of Sir Thomas

Oveibur^-, i. 24",.
BacoDy Nichobs, his sods convey a ladv out of a window, to preserve

her from the wicked purposes of Buckingham^ i. 248.
BacoD) Nat. one of Cromwtirs masters of requests, iii. 419-
Bailie, Dr. sub-dean of Wells, turns papist, and is bitter against those

who follow not his example, ii. 2*10.
BaintOD, Mr. his arguments against an excise, !▼. 374.
Balcarras, countess of, procures letters from the French Hugonots to

prove that Charles the Second \vas no papist, iv. 264.
Baifbur, sir WillLim, beats a popish pnest for seeldng to convert his

wife, ii. 234 — ^Lieutenant or the Tower, his conduct respecting the

warrant sent him for the execution of the earl of Loudon, 348.
Balraarino, lord, sentenced to death, on pretence of his surreptitiously

obtaining a letter of king James to the pope, but is afterwards par-
doned, 1. 128.
Balmerinock, lord, condemned to death for opposing the act relating

to the apparel of kirkmen, but pardoned, ii. 320.
Baltimore, lord, a Catholic, befiiended by Cromwell, iii. 44.
Bamiield, Mr. opposes the establishment of an excise, iv. 374.
Bancroft, bishop, liis scr^-ility to James the First, L 103 — ^Rigour of liis

proceedings against the puritans,, i. 274.
Bankers, their rise in the time of Cromwell, v. 270 — ^Defrauded by

Charks the Second in shutting up the exchequer, 273 — ^Refiised

relief by parliament till the I2tli year of William and Mary, 275.
Bannister, sii' Robert, firmed three diousand pounds for forest encroach-

mrnts, ii. 296.
Barebonc, Praisegod, an active member of Cromwell's first parliament,

iii. 328.
Barkstead, col. one of Cromwell's major-generals, iii. 433.
Barloe, Mrs. (the celebrated Lucy Walter) her extravagant profligacy,

iv. 162 — Supposed to have been married to Charles the Second on

the continent, 1 67.
Bamcvelt, Dutch envoy, his able negotiation respecting the surrender

of the cautionpry towns, i. 194 — ^His journey to England on .this

business contradicted, i^. 195.
Barnard, Dr. his life presened by Cromwell at the taking of Drogheda,

iii. 43.
Bamardiston, Mr. S. fined ^10,000. for speakmg well of lord W. Rus-

sel and Al^mon Sidney, after their execution, v. 336, 349.
Bsrrington, sir R. threatened by Charles the Second, for presenting tlie

Essex petition, v. rn 1.
Bartholomew-day fidtal to the cause of religion in England, being the

day on which the nonjuring clergy resigned their livmgs, v. 88.
Bardey, sir John, concerned in the project for awing the last parliament

of Charles the First, ii, 386.
Baruick, Mr. his letter to Charles the Second, on the death of Oliver

CromwelJ, iv. 169.
Basilicon Doron, by James the First, character of, L 51 — ^Advises the

neglect of parliaments, iv. 52.
Basing House, storming of, Cromwell accused of cowardice on that

occasion, iii. 88.
Bastwick, physician, cruelties inflicted on him, by the 8tar<*chamber, ii.

264 — Conduct of himself and his wife while he stood in the pillory,

26^.

«:

GENERAL INDEX. sil

Bates, Dr. his account of Cromwell's discourse to his wife, in his last
sickness, iii. 21 — On Cronrweirs pleasantries and buflPooneries, 26.

Bathurst, Dr. a panegyrist of CromwelPs government, iii. S6l.

Baxter, Rev. Richard, a preacher Jn Cromwell's court, iii. 42 — His ac-
count of the sectarians at the commencement of the Commonwealth,
iv. 55 — Letter to, in favour of the religious character of Charles the
Second, on the continent, 260 — ^His narrative of the negotiations
witli Monck« for the restoration of the monarchy, 311.

Becanus, Martinus, publishes a refutation of king James's defence of
oaths of allegiance, i. 305.

Bedford level, disputes about the drainage of, iii. 55,

Bedloe, an accomplice of Titus Oates, confesses himself to be perjured,

V. 134.

Bellarmine, writes a letter to Blackwell against the oath of aUegkncCp
i. 115 — ^Answers James's apology for the oath, under thercigned
name of Mattheus Tortus, 123, 303 — ^The king's reply to this
answer, 126.

Bellasis, Henry, member of parliament, committed to the Fleet for re-
fusing to answer questions put by the council relating to matters in
parliament, ii. S60.

Beiviere, tlie French ambassador, said to have solicited the death of
Mary queen of Scots, i. 19.

Benevolences, exacted by Charles the First without pretext of law, ii.-

288.

Bennet, colonel, a member of Barebone's parliament, iii. 326.

Berkley, sir J, his account of the negotiations carried on between the
army and the king for settling the nation, ii. 451.

Berkley, sir Robert, punished by parliament for favouring the exaction
of snip-money, ii. 306".

Berkshire, earl of, governor to prince Charles, afterwards Charles the
Second, iv. 6.

Berkshh-e petition, treated with contempt by Charles the Second, v. 31 1.

Berry, col. one of Oliver Cromwell's major-generals, iii. 438 — His con-
fession of tlie means by which Richard Cromwell might have per-
petuated his government, iv. 203.

Bertie, Mr. C. examined at the bar of the House for connipt i>ractice8,
V. 284 — Committed to the Serjeant at arms for contempt, 285—
Farther particulars, 289.

Berwick, Charles the First recommended by Wentworth to keep it
strongly garrisoned against the covenanters, ii. 337 — ^The measuie
opposed by them, 338.

Bethlem Gabior, i. 180.

Bible, James the First complains of the want of a good translation of
it, i. 101 — ^Its precepts more repugnant to priestcraft than the writ-
ings of the most acute freethinkers, v. 112.

Bidcfie, John, the father of English Unitarians, pensioned by Crom-
well during Ws banishment, iii. 43.

Bigotry, balefiil to die country whose prince is tinctured with it, iii.
36 — Cromwell superior to it, 37.

Billetinff of soldiers, under Charlee the First, ii. 288.

Biography of remarkable personages, a subject tliat excites curiosity,
iu. 1.

Birch, colonel, his speech against abolishing tjie solemn league and
covenant, v. loi.

312 GENERAL INDEX.

Birch, Dr. additions to the life of James the First by, L SOS.

Birkenhead, sir J. opposes the bill for a test oath, v. 154.

Bishops, insignificance of, in Scotland, after the reformation of religion
there, ii. 317, 321 — Opposition of the Scottish nol»lity to, 322 —
Hated by the Scottish ministers, ib. — Hooted by the populace at
Edinbiirgli lor introducing the liturgy, 327 — Bills proposed in the
English parliament for depriving bishops of votes, and all temporal
jurisdictions and offices, 378, 379, 381, 382 — ^Excluded from the
house of peers, iii. 300 — Oppose the bill of exclusion jigainst the
Duke of York, v. 181 — Their conduct condemned, ib.

Bishops' lands, sale of, in the province of York, iii. 306.

Blackburn, Dorothy, cruelty of the star-chamber to, ii. sio.

Black-heath am^y, raised by Charles the Second to keep the city in awe,
V. 295 — Disbanded, ib.

Blake, admiral, defeats VanTromp, iii. ^r, 257 — ^A member of Crom-
well's little parliament, 329 — Threatens ^laJaga, for an affront put
upon his seamen, SoS-r-Reccives the submission of the priest who
had instigated the attack, ib. — Kis valour in the Spanish war pro-
duaive oi' wealth and honour to his own country, 387 — Destroys
the galleons in Cadiz harbour, 388 — Bums a Spanish fleet at Santa
Cruz, 389 — Dies just as he was cnteritig Plymoutli Sound, 390 —
Honoured with a sumptuous funeral in Westminster Abbey, 391 —
His remains disinterred on the restoration of Charles the Second, ib»

Blake, Mr. saying of, respecting kings, i. 29.

BlandJFord, bishop of Worcester, flatters the inclination of the duchess
of York towards popery, v. 8 1 .

Bolingbroke, lord, mistaken in saying that James the First retailed
tlie scraps of Buchanan, i. 223 — His opinion of that prince, 29S
— ^Educated in dissenting principles, ii. 7 — ^Ascribes the absurd
principles of Charles the First to king James, his fether, 278 —
His account of the behaviour of Charles to his parliament called for
granting supplies for the Scottish war, 351 — His observations on the
nature and use of human reason, v. 70 — On the motives which en-
gaged Charles the Second in the Dutch war, 216 — His apology for
the pensioned parliament, 291.

Book for sports, refused to be read in the chuiches by the puritans,
ni. 54.

Booth, sir George, projects a general insurrection for the* restoration of
the monaichy, iv. 209 — Dexatcdy taken prisoner, and committed to
the tower, 2 1 3 — Difference between Mordaunt's and Lambert's ac-
count of this affair, ib.

Booth, Mr. inveighs in the commons against the pensioners retained in
that house by Charles the Second, v. 283 — Complains of the per-
version of justice, 329 — Ex poses the tyranny of Judge Jefferies, 331.

Borel, the Dutch ambassador, his simple apology to Charles the Se-
cond, iii. 353.

Boscawen, Mr. on the enormities committed by the papists, v. 167 —
On the war with Holland, 213.

Bouchier, Ehzabcth, daughter of Sir James Bouchicr, married to Oliver
Cromwell, iii. 6 — ^Her chaiacter, ib.

Bowing to the altar, see Altar.

Bowyer, severity of the star-chamber to, for slandering Laud, ii. 269, 3 1 o.

Braddon, Mr. lined for imputing the death of lord Essex to Charles
the Second, v. 335. 353 — His authorities doubtful, 355.

GENERAL INDEX. :5ls

Brandenburgh, see Frederick William.

Bradshaw, lord president of the council of state, during the common-
wealtii, iii. ii44 — Protests agjunst Cromwell's violent dissolution of
the long parliament, 315 — Proscribed by Charles the Second during
his exile, iv. 129— His remains disinterred and beheaded, after the Re-
storation, iii. 517.

Bramhall, bishop of Londonderry, liis conduct at Bruges, iv. 160.

Brampstone, sir J. a member of the house of commons, bribed by
Charles the Second, v. 290.

Breda, declaration published at, by Charles the Second, promising li-
berty of conscience to his subjects, in the event of his restoration, iv.
266 — ^Treaty of, with the Dutch, y. 190.

Brereton, sir Wm. continues in his command, notwithstanding the
self-denying ordinance, iii. 1 24.

Bribery, instances of its extent under Charles the Second, v. 280.

Bridgman, Mr. opposes the militia bill, ii. 416.

Bridgman, sir Orlando, pretends that princes are -amenable to no
earthly tribunal, iv. 336.

Bright, a panegyrist of Cromwell, iii. 361.

Bristol, Di^y, earl of, the affair of the match with the infanta entrusted
to him, ii. 14 — ^By the jealousy of Buckingham committed to prison,
16 — His writ to parliament stopped, 286 — ^Pleads the cause of the
papists on a motion in the lords for their relief from the penal sta-
tutes against them, v. 72 — ^Remarks on his conscientious change
from protestantism to popery, 154 — ^His distinction between a Ca- /,
tliolic of the church of Rome, and one of the court of Rome, ib. —
Supports the morion for a test law, ib,

Britannia Rediviva, a book of verses published by the university of
Oxford, on occasion of the Restoration, iv. 332.

Brogliill, lord, prevailed on by Cromwell to desert the royal cause, iii.
414 — Disarms the Protector's resentment against the countess of Or-
monde, 426 — Becomes zealous for the restoration of Charles the
Second, iv. 252.

Brooks, lord, his study, cabinet, and pockets searched for papers re-
lative to matters in parliament, ii. 360 — Determines to emigrate with
the puritans to New England, iii. 54.

Brownrig, Dr. Bishop of Exeter, respected by Cromwell, iii. 43.

Bniccy Robert, his bold speech to James the First, i. 29.

Buchanan, George, tutor to James the First, his character as a writer,
i. 5i— The kin^s dislike of him, ib. — ^His attempts to inspire his royal
pupil with a hatred of tyranny, 219.

Buckingham, Villiers, duke of, oresses effeminately to favour the unna-
tural propensity of James the First, i, 83 — ^Impure correspond-
ence between him and the king, 85 — ^Immense favours conferred
on him by James, 244 — ^Assisted by James in his wicked pur-
poses on women, ib. 248 — ^Instances of his insolence to his master,
ih, 251-rSuspected of putting him to death by poison, 28 1 — Grounds
of this suspicion, ib, — ^His conduct in the affair of the infanta,
ii. 9 — l^is head demanded by the Spanish ambassadors, 12 — Charged
with irreverent conduct to prince Charles while in Spain, ib. —
In disgrace with James, but restored thzxmj^h the intri^eofDr.
Williams, 16 — Suspected of poisoning Jamea, in conpertwith prince
Charles, i. 281 ; ii. 21 — Sent to Pans to conduct die consort of
Charles to England, 22 — ^The Texations he caused to this princess.

314 GENERAL INDEX.

by sowing dissensions between her and her husbandy accounted for,
52 — ^Assassinated by Fcnton, 37 — Manner in which his death was
received by Charles, 77 — His narrative of folsehoods respecting
the Spanish court, in the affair of the infanta and the palatinate,
85 — His insolence, the occasion of a vmr with Spain, and his lust,
of a war with France, 156 — ^His disasters in the latter war, in which
he had command botli of the fleet and the army, 153.

Buckin^iam, duke of, useful to the Scottish covenanters, who therefore
wink at his licentious and piofligate courses, iv. 77 — ^Arrested by the
English parliament, on suspicion of aiming at the restoration of
Charles the Second, 214.

Buckingham, Sheffield, duke of, on the want of urbanity in Charles the
Second, v. 27 — On his abandoned course of life, 38 — On Charles's
religious tenets, 55.

Bunckley, Mr. supports the motion for an excise in lieu of the court of
wardsyiv. 378.

BwrMBf Dr. Cornelius, reduced to beggary by the resumption of the
crair'^h lands, iv. 353 — Publishes se\'eral treatises on the subject, 354.

Burhill, Robert, supports James the First's ** Apology for Oatlis of
Allegiance," i. 305.

Borkign, lord, on tlie danecer of a corrupt parliansent, f. 276.

Burnet, bishop, passage fTX)m, respecting the death of James the First*
i. 285 — ^His o^jinion of that prince, 293 — ^flis account of the papers of
Charles the First on church govemment, ii. 1 16 — Asserts, on the au-
thority of James the SeconcU that the Icon Basilike was written by
Gauden, 26. 1 3 1 — Charged with omissions in his memoirs of the dukes
of Hamilton, 347 — His reflections on Clarondon's misrepresentation of
facts relative to the project of Charles the First for overawing the par-
liament, 389 — ^Asserts the innocence of Charles the First of the Irish
massacre, ii. 394 — On the disheartened state of the royalists, during
the trial and execution of Charles the First, 480-^His account ol
Charles's dying moments, 483-^On the literary attainments of Oliver
Cromwell, iii. 3 — On his dissimulation between the parliament and
the army, 96 — ^Description of the interview between Cromwell and
the Scottish commissioners, who came to plead for the king's life,
199 — On Cromwell's speeches to the republican enthusiasts, 388 —
On the respect paid to Cromwell by forei^ powers, 352 — His as-
sertion right, that England suffered more in its trade by the Spanish
than by any former war, 395 — ^A pious wish of his, just after the re-
Tolution,408 — On the aversion of Cromwell to Charles the Seeondy
410 — On the elevation of Sir Matthew Hale to the bench, by Crom-
well, 412 — Supposes the cares of govemment to have exhausted
Cromwell's arts and spirits, 483 — His account of the treatment, which
Charles the Second met with in Scotland, iv. 76 — On the uncondi-
tional restoration of that prince in England, 323 — Erroneous in his
assertion, that the parliament would have increased the king's autho-
rity, but for the discouragement given them by Clarendon, 344 — On
the character and talents of Charles the Second, v. 1 — His narratives
more authentic than generally supposed, 1 1 — On Charles's ingrati-
tude to the royalists, 19 — ^Unmerciful temper of Cliarles, 28 — Sup-
poses the pronigacy of that prince to have occasioned all the dis-
asters of his reign, 38 — His account of the last moments of Charles,
5T — Particulars of Charles's embracing papacy, 53 — On the two
papers fousd in Charles's closet after his death, 68 — On the charac-

GENERAL INDEX. 315

ter and testimony of Titus Gates, 131 — On the parsing of the test act,
1 59 — On the conduct of Charles the Second, hi raising the French navy
to the detriment of his own, 224 — His description of the havoc made
among books by the licensers of the press, 256 — On the venality of
parliament, ana the sums paid to its leaders, under Charles the Se-
cond, 277 — His narrative of the assault made on sir J. Coventry, 312
— On the conduct of Charles in sitting in the house of peers, 321
— His character of North, 331 — Of Jefferies, 332 — ^His account of
the packed juries, 335 — On the mysterious death of lord Essex,
355 — On the suspicious circumstances, and critical moment of
Charles's death, 357.

Burrish, Mr. censures Cromwell's treaty with the Dutch j iii. 358.

Burton, censured in the high commission for writing against the doc-
trines broached by Montague, ii. 212 — Cruelly sentenced by the star-
chamber on another occasion, 265, 267 — Kindly treated by the crowd
who attend him to the fnllory, 269.

Busby, Dr. a panegyrist of Cromwell, iii. 361.

Butler, bishop, bn ionns and rites in religion, v. 99.

Butler, one of Cromwell's major-generals, iii. 438.

Byron, lord, his account of the arrival of Scottish commissioners at
the Hague to treat with Charles the Second, iii. 229 — State of parties
there, iv. 58 — ^Why Charles was induced to make peace with the
Scots, 71.

Cabal ministry, their character, v. 125 — Induce Charles the Second

to publish a declaration of liberty of conscience to all dissenters,

except Roman Catholics, ib.
Calamy, Dr. on the spirit of entliusiasm in Cromwell's court, iii. 20 —

Consulted by Oliver on an important point, 42— His remarks on the

conduct of Richard Cromwell, iv. 202.
Calamy, Mr, persuades Moncke to set up Charles the Second, iv. 31 1.
Calvin, his doctrines approved and established at the synod of Dort, i.

150 — His followers decline in credit with king James, 154.
Cambridge, town of, seized by Cromwell for the parliament, iii. 84.
Cambridge university, eminent characters at, during the commonwealth,

iii. 305 — ^Panegyncfi upon Cromwell composed there, on occasion of

the Dutdi treaty, 960.
Cambridge, coimty of^ copy of an address from, to Richard Cromwell,

on his accession to the protectorate, iv. 179.
Capel, lord, remarks on his condemnation by a high commission court,

iii. 449.
Carew, Mr. a member of Barebone's parliament, iii. 326.
Carleton, Sir Dudley, his account of the investiture of* prince Charles

with the title of duke of York, i. 3.
Carlisle, James Hay, earl of, see Hay.
Carte, Mr. his proofs of Charles the Second hmng embraced papacy,

V. 57.

Cary, Sir Robert, the infant prince CbaiJes committed to the care and
government of his lady, ii. 2.

Casaubon, Dr.M. anecdote of, iii. 417.

Case, Mr. deceived by the hypocrisy of Charles the Second, v. 15.

Case of the Commonwealth^ a pamphlet published with the appro-
bation of Cromwidly rTflgf'T*^'y of hia reasons for accepting the

316 GENERAL INDEX.

protectorate, iii. 841 — ^Translated into Laun^fbr his iustification on
the continent, iii. S4l.
Castlchaven, carl of, on the protestants slain in the Irish massacre, ii.

892.

Castlcmaine, see Cleveland.

Catechism, Htndclberg, approved at the synod of Dort, i. l ."lO — Ob-
jection of Charles the Virst to the licensing a catechism for children,
ii. 70.
Catharine of Poitup^al, mairied to Charles the Second, v. 39 — The
duchess of Castlcmaine appointed of her bed-chambei, ib, — 111 usage
towards her by Charles, 47 — Outwardly reconciled to the duchess,
49 — Reflections on her unhappy lot, 51 — Singularity in the form of
her marriage, 76.
Catholics, oath of allegiance enacted to secure their obedience, i. 1 1 1 —
The taking of this oath forbidden t-iem by the pope, 114 — James's
apology for enacting it, in answer to the pope's brief, 1 1 7, l lO- — Fa-
vourable conduct of jamcs to such as take it, 5258?— Advanced by
Charles the First to employment of great trust and profit, ii. 229 —
Attempts to free them from the rigour of the penal Jaws by Charles
the Second, v. 7 1 — Also to include them in the indulgence promised
to dissenters, 73 — Refuse to subscribe an oath of altegiance to the
king, or a declaration against the temporal power of the pope, 75 —
The state, the army, and the navy iilled by them, 77 — ^Address of the
commons to Charles the Second on their arrogance, 78 — ^Their con-
fidence of success at tliis period, so.
Cavaliei s, a name of reproach applied to the adherents of Charles the
First, ii. 4SI — Oppressed by Cromwell, iii. 431 — ^Insinuate themselves
into his parliament, and become high republicans, 469 — Subscribe the
engagement to tht commonwealth, iv. 55 — ^EVefeated at Namptwich,
213 — Their hopes nearly extinguished by this disaster, 215 — Sup-
posed to have been betrayed by Sir R. Willis, ih.
Certamen Religiosum, attriouted to Charles the First, but not written

by him, ii. 240.
Chambers, rigorous treatment of, for refusing to pay the duties of

tonnage and poundage, ii. 291.
Character, not to be determined by a few random expressions, but by

the whole tenor of a man's life, iii. 17.
Charles, prince, son of James the First, proffers marriage to the infanta of
Spain, account of that transaction, i. 201 — ^Remonstrance of the. par-
liament to this match, 226 — Marries Henrietta Maria^ of Fkance, 265.
— see Charles the First.
Charles the First, his birth and baptism, ii. 1 — In the fourth year of his
age made knight of the bath, and invested with the title of duke of
York, 3 — ^Particulars of that solemnity, ih, — ^His eariy proficiency
in learning, 6— At the age of sixteen is created prince of Wales, and
has a court formed for him, 8 — His hatred to the duke of Buckingham
changed to inviolable friendship, ih, — Particulars of his projected
mamage with the in&nta of Spain, i. 201 ; ii. 9 — ^Instance of his
gallantry in this courtship, 1 1 — ^Is suspected of poisoning his father,
t\ — Marries Henrietta Maria, daughter ofHenry IV. of France, 24 —
His letter of remonstrance against the ill conduct of his wife, 28 — ^Her
pjower over him, 39, 40-^ue8tion of his infidelity to the mar-
riage bed examined, 43 — General sobriety of his conduct, 46 — ^Di-
ligent and exact in the performance of Ae external acts of religion^

GENERAL INDEX. 317

48 — Pioclainis sports to be lawful on tlie Lord's day, 52 — Becomes
superstitious, 61 — Vows, and other instances of his superstition, 62
— His extrenit' bigotry, 68 — ^Tiifling nature of his employments,
72 — In correcting writings, compares himself to a good cobler, 73 —
Not bountiful in his nature, 74 — Quesuon of his sensibility examined,
77 — Deficient in sacriiicing to the Graces, 79 — His contemptuous
treatment of parlianii-nt; 80, 280, 282, 283, 357, 365 — His truth
and sincerity doubted, 84 — His insincerity one probable reason of
the loiisof nis life, 94, 143 — Instimces of his obstinacy, 9, 97 —
Though not despicable in understanding, easily misled by his fa-
vourites, 101 — ^Accomplishments possessed by him, 105 — ^Account
of the writings attributed to him, no — Wiitings, of which he was
the undoubted authc, omitted in his works, 136 — ^Letters by him,
collected, but impiiidently suppressed by his friends, 142 — Copy of
verses written by him, 146 — Weakness of his public character in-
stanced in his unsuccessful war with Spain, 149 — In his still more
miserable war with France, 158 — In suffering the violation of the
neutrality of his ports both by the Spaniards and Dutch, 166 — ^la
permitting his sliips and coasts to be exposed to the rapine and bar-
barity of the Turks, 179 — ^Equips a fleet to assert his right to the
donunion oi the British seas, and compels the Dutch to buy the li-
berty of fishing m them, 184 — Wisely refuses to the French and
Dutch the partition of Flanders, 189 — Joins the emperor of Morocco,
and reduces Sallee, 19S — The oath used at his coronation different
from that used on former occasions, 194 — ^Encourages innovations in
the doctrines of the churchy and both protects the innovators from
parliamentary censure, and rewards them, 207 — ^His artifice in issuing
a proclamation ag^nst innovations, 212 — His motives for encou-
raging innovations, 214— -Advances professed papists to high ofHces
in the state, 228 — Question of his being himself a papist examined,
S37 — ^Attempts to introduce uniformity in reli&dous worship, 240. iii.
49 — Confers high civil dignities on certain of his clergy, ii. 2£4 —
His notions of regal power, 276 — Guilty of oppi^ession, 287. iii. 49 —
Pronibits the emi^ation of the puritans, iii. 54 — ^Attempts to intro-
duce innovations m Scotland, ii. si 6 — ^Is crowned there, Sl7 — Arbi-
trary conduct relative to the apparel of kirkmen, si 8 — ^Advances
with an army to enforce his innovations, 3S2 — ^Resolves on going to
the Assembly and Parliament of Edinburgh, to which the terms of
pacification were to be referred, 337 — ^Wentwortli's advice to himoa
this occasion, 339— Renews the war, 344— Publishes a justificatory
declaration for dissolving the parliament, 357 — Calls another in con-
sequence of the ill success of the wai', 364. iii. 58 — Reluctantly
agrees to tlie impeachment of Strafford, ii. 370 — Joins in a project
for awing the parliament, 384 — ^Examination of the question of his
being concerned in the Irish rebellion, 393 to 408 — Receives the re-
monstrance of the Commons, iii. 73 — Impeaches five membtrrs of the
Commons, ii. 408 — Goes to the House to seize them, 409 — This
transaction the root of all the subsequent evils of his reign, 412—
Refuses to give up the militia to the Commons, 413 — Measures taken
by him for reducing the parliament and city to onedier^ce, 417—*
Issues a proclamation for suppressing xh^ rebellion under the earl of
Essex, 425 — Erects his standard at Nottingham, 429 — Generally
successful in t))e early part of the coptest, 435 — Elated and insolent

.Mi^.WK^^

318 GENERAL INDEX.

with his advantages^ 438 — Prochims a free pardon to the members of
both houses, with certain exceptions, 439— Uneasiness of his fiiends
at his advantages, 440 — ^His attachment to papists occasions many of
his friends to join the parliament, 443 — ^Determined to subdue the
iiarliamcnt, and make them lie at his discretion, 444 — Obliged to
lower his pretensions, 445 — ^The balance turned against him by the
loss of the battle of Nnseby, ib. — Attempts to negc'^iate with the par-
liament, 446 — His reasons for st.*ndin;r his son, prince Charles, away
from his camp, iv. 1 3 — His opinion of the interest parliament had in
preserving his life; iB, — Receives a proposal from the counties of So-
merset, Sec. for an association to petition the parliament for
peace, 14 — The failure of his armies attributed to the misconduct
and profligacy of their leaders, 16 — ^Rapid decline of his afHiirs
in the west, 22 — ^Throws himself into the hands of the Scots
at Newark, iii. 152 — Conferences at Newcastle, 1 53 — ^Delivered up to
the English, 154 — Seized by Joyce, ii. 450. iii. I6i? — ^Rejects the
protection of Fairfax, and imagines himself popular in the army, ii.
451. iii." 166 — His treatment at Newmarket, 167 — Displeased with
the terms proposed by the army, ii. 453 — Fails in his endeavours
to be reconciled to Cromwell, iii. 167 — His treachery, and letter to
the queen relative to Cromwell, 171 — ^Escapes to the Isle of Wightj
172 — Negotiations opened with the parliament, ii. 457. m. 178 — Re-
jects their proposals, ii. 458 — Vote, of no more addresies, passed by
the commons, 459 — ^liis reply to the parliamentary dedaratioii, 461
— ^The vote of non-addresses rescinded, and commissioiiers sent by
the Commons to treat with him in the Isle of Wight, 462 — Agrees
to recall his proclamations, &c. but stumbles at the article for abolish-
ing episcopacy, 463 — ^Again seized by the army, and confined in
Hurst Castle, 467. iii, 179. iv. 34 — Removed to Windsor, iii. 195—
Brought to trial, ii. 471. iii. 196. iv. 35 — Condemned, i^. — ^Pardculars
of his conduct at this peiiod, ii. 477 — Commiserated by the nation,
iv. 29 — ^His execution, ii. 481. iii. 197. iv. 37 — ^His family, ii. 481 —
Observations on his being styled a martyr, 484 — ^His suffeiings com-
pared to those of Jesus Christ, iii. 205 — His character esteoned on
the Restoration, iv. 326 — ObseiTations on the example of his exttca-
tion, ii. 491. iii. 207. iv. 338 — His statues pulled down, iii. 816—
Place of his interment certified by memorandum in the register of
Windsor, v. 26 — ^A vote of parliament in the reign of Chanes the
Second for the due observance of his funeral. obsequies not carried
into execution, Uf.
Chafles tlie Second, his birth, iv. 1 — Remarkable meteor seen on . the
occasion, ib, — Rejoicings in the court of Spain, on account of, 2
— His baptism, 3 — His tutors and education, 4 — His high vene-
ration of his tutor, Dr. Duppa, 9 — Sent into the West, and con-
stituted general of an association for petitioning the parliament for
peace, and generalofall the forces in England, 12, 14 — ^A council ap-
pointed him, on account of his youth, 14 — Misconduct of this coun-
cil, 17 — Leaves England, 21 — Invited to return by the parlia-
ment, 22 — which he refuses, and anives in France, 25 — His treat-
ment there, 26 — Embarks for England, in the fleet which had revolted
from the parliament, 31 — Arrives in the Downs, and publishes
a manifesto of his intentions, ib. — Retires to Holland, 35 — His pro-
posal to the peers, ib. — Writes to Fairfax in his father's behalf, 36 —
His carU bUmche^ to the parliament, to save his father's head, 39

GENERAL INDEX. siy

— Proclaimed king of Scotland, 40 — His sif jation and sentiments
at this period, 45, 51 — Proclaimed in Ireland, iii. 222. iv. 54
— ^Friendly to the Irish Catholics, 57*— Disinclined towards the
Scots, 58 — Prevented from going to Ireland by the conquests of
Cromwell, iii. 222. iv. 59 — ^Remonstrated with by the Scots, iv. 63 —
Resolves to maintain his claim to the English throne, 64-— Publishes
a declaration asserting his rights, 65-yReceives the Scottish commis-
sioners at the Hague, iii. 229 — Submits to terms with Scotland, and
embarks for that country, iv. 66 — ^His reception there, 67 — Nature
of the conditions imposed on him, iii. 229. iv. 73 — His dissimula-
tion, iv. 76 — ^Deprived of the company of his favourite ministers, 77
—Swears to the covenant, ib, — Zeal of the army in his behalf, 78 —
Signs the declaration, iii. 230. iv. 79 — ^Pleased with the issue of the
battle of Dunbar, 87 — His coronation at Scone, 89 — ^Farther instances
of his dissimulation, 91 — Takes the command of the army, and
moves towards England, 96 — ^Defeated by Cromwell at Worcester,
iii. 242. iv. 98 — ^A price set on his head, as a traitor, by the English
parliament, 104 — ^Escs^s to France in a destitute and deplorable
condition, iii. f43. iv. 106 — Cardinal Mazarine refuses to see him,
iii. 345 — ^A pension assigned him from the French government, but
which is never regularly paid, iv. 108 — Sends ambassadors to several
princes for assistance, who are coolly received, 107 — Dissipates a
sum received from Moscow and Polana on favourites, 117 — ^Expelled
France, through the influence of Cromwell, ih. — ^Receives a pension
fix)m the king of Spain, 119 — Settles at Cologne, iir. — Endeavours
to prevail on the king of Spain to espouse his cause, without effect,
U, — ^Permitted to reside at Brussels, iii. 345 — Distress of his friends
in Flanders, iv. 123 — Schemes for his restoration detected and frus-
trated, 126 — ^Weakness of his friends in England, ib. — Copy of his
proclamation against Cromwell, 128 — His court made up of necessi*
tous persons, 131 — ^Treacherous conduct of some of them, and of
the Louvre, ib. — Held in contempt by the Commonwealth and
Cromwell, 138 — Strictures on the legitimacy of his succession, 14a
— ^Disputes amongst his ^artizans, 144 — ^His apathy and pursuit o^'
amusements during his exile, 158 — ^Accused of plundering a church
at Bruges, 160 — His amours, 161 — ^Inquiry as to his supposed mar-
riage with Lucy Walter, 167 — Other mistresses, l69-^Begin8 to
attend more closely to his affairs on the death of Oliver CromweU,
171 — ^Disappointeain his offer of alliance with the House of Orange,
and of assistance from the States-General, l72--^Comparativeyiew
of the estimation in which he and Richard Cromwell were held by
France and Spain, 173 — ^Depression of his hopes, 187 — ^Dwurrections
formed in his &vour, on the abolition of the protectorate, which are
all frustrated, 206 — Many of his friends put under arrest by the
Rump Parliament, 214 — ^The people begin to desire his restoration,
on account of the disputes between the army and the parliament,
231, 240 — ^The city of London well disposed towards him, 249—
Receives tenders of service from many principal actors in the Com-
monwealth, 250 — Suspected of being a papist, 259 — Measures taken
to wipe away this imputation, 260 — Endeavours to conciliate the af-
fections and good-will of the nation by fair promises, 266 — ^Publishes
a declaration at Breda, promising liberty of conscience, ib, — His
jirofessions doubted by thuking men, 268 — ^Instances of his devoted-
iie«8 to the pj^istSy 269— 'Restgrtdbygeoeral Moncke, 293— Review

M.- ^ms!^^^^

;i20 GENERAL INDEX.

of the circumstances and parties which brought about this events sol»
— ^Terms of his proclamation, 313 — By what means his restoration
was unconditional, 319 — ^The errors of his reign attributed to this
cause, 323 — Viewed as the saviour and deliverer of his people, 3 26 —
His declaration to the parliament, preWous to his arrival in England,
327 — Receives supplies from parliament, 328 — His first appearance
in the house of lords, ib. — ^Avenges tlie death of his father, 332 —
Complimented ^vith an extrava^nt revenue by the parliament, S4e
— Contemns the advice of parliament relative to leasing the crown-
lands, 343 — ^Extorts money trom his subjects, notwitlutanding his
large revenue, ib, — Issues proclamations against the Irish rebels, 351 ;
against vice and debauchery, 353 ; agamst duelling, S54 ; against
(usorderly meetings in taverns, and tippling-houses, 355 ; for a gene-
ral tlianks (riving, and general pardon, 356 — Abolishes the couit of
wards ancf livenes, ana tenures in cafite and by knight's service, and
puneyance, 366— -Observations on his act of indemnity and oblivion,
ib. — Issues a declaration concerning ecclesiastical afi^irs, 378 —
Cajoles the clergy, 381 — ^The good opinion of his government de-
clines rapidly, 389 — ^Dissolves me convention parliament, and begins
to appear in a new 11^ t, 385 — ^Becomes negligent of the afiairs of
government, v. 1 — His talents, ib. — His apathy attributed to the un-
happy temper of the royalists, 3 — The subject of much weakness and
creaHlity, -i — Remarks on his patronage of the Royal Society, 5 —
His faith in astrologers abused by Mountague, 9 — ^A great dissembler,
13 — ^Instances, ib. — His apology' for his dissimu&tion with the
Scottish covenanters, ib. — Receives a bible from the London minis-
ters, 15— Pretends to recLiim his brother James from the error of
papacy, /^.-r-Mcmorable instance of his hypocrisy while at Breda,
ib. — ^^other instance towards the London ministers, at the same
place, ic — ^Accused of ingratitude, 17 — The accusation well found-
ed, 19 — His treatment of tlic mai*quis of Argyle, 20 — His ingratitude
to Stanley, earl of Derby, perpetuated by a monumental inscription,
23 — His treachery towards Clarendon, 24 — His disregard of tlie
memoi-y and remains of his father, 25— Charged with injustice and
cruelty towards those who were not in his favour, 27 — His cruelty
towards his father's friend Harrington, 28 — ^Also towards Nevill and
Wildman, ib. — Base conduct towards Sir Henry Vane, 29 — His
adulteries and cruelty towards his queen, 37, 46 — ^His letter to
Clarendon, insisting on the appoinrnicnt of lady Castlemaine to
the queen's bcd-chambei, 39 — Destitute of tenderness or good-
nature, 44 — His ungenerous conduct towards die bishop of Salisbury
in his old age, 46 — Banished the Portuguese attendants of liis queen,
47 — ^Though he professed liimself a protestant of the Church of
England, he probably lived anQ died a papist, 52 — Extract from
his letter to the convention parliament, ib, — Particulars^ of his
embracing the papalieligion,53 — Asserted to have been a deist, 55" —
Farther proofs of his attachment to the Romish chuich, 57 — ^Extract
from Huddleston's account of his last moments, 60 — and from
Aprice's narrative, both confirmatory of his having died a papist, 6 1
—-Copies of two papeis found in his closet after his death, pubHshed.
by his successor James the Second, 63 — Inquiry inio their genuine-
ness, 68 — Popery favoured, and its professors cherished by jiim, 7 1
— Singularity in the form of liis marriage, 76 — Apprehensions ex-
cited in the iiiinds of the people at seeing tlic posts of honour in the

GENERAL INDIX. SHI

?, the army, and the n.ivy, filled with papists, 77 — Addi^essedby
commons against poplah recusants, 78 — Restores episcopacy, es
gns the Act ot Uniformity in contempt of his former promises
declarations at Breda, 81 — The noiyuring clergy ejected from
iheirlivingBio the numberofabout two thousand, 85 — The non.con-
fbrmists j>eraecuted, I02 — Extends his persecuriona to Scotland, iia
— IrapoUcy of his conduct towards that country, 1 20 — Constrained
to issue declarations of indulgence, 122 — His puerile apology for
departing from his promises made at Breda, ii. — Pretends that the
tyrannic^ statutes were forced upon him by partiaraent, 193 — Makes
great professions of regard for his Roman Catholic subjects, 134
— then suffers the persecution to go on against them and Pro-
testant dissenters with more violence than ever, laS — Hia cabal
ministry prevail on him to publish 3 new declaration of liberty of
conscience, ii, — Disputes his right to a dispensing power with the
commons, 127 — His declainlion of indulgence quashed, ii. — An act
passed by the parliament for the relief of dissenters, lemoTed from
the table when he should have signed it, isa — Dissolves the par-
Jiament, 129 — Penal laws executed with renewed rigour, ii. —
Popish plot, 130 — Test Acta, ISO — Puts the admiralty ra commis-
«ion, and fiils it with his brother's creatures, 153 — Dissolves the
pajrliament when deliberating on the bill of exclusion, 164 — Deter-
mines lo support his brother against the sense of the nation, ii. na
—Sells Dunkirk to the FrencTi, iii. 37S.T. 18S— En^g^s in a war
against the Dutch, and in the Triple League, t. 1ST — His aversion to
the Dutch, isa — Renews the war with Holland, 198 — Frivolous pre-
texts for this war, S04 — Endeavours to persuade the parliament of
its policy and justice, 206 — The war unpopular, 213 — Refused sup-
plies by the commons, till a redress of grievances be granted, 31 j —
Concludi^s a separate peace with Holland, and mediates the treaty
of Nimeguen, S16 — His conduct the confirmation of the superi-
ority of F[-ance in Europe, ai7 — Particulars of his private treat*
with Louis the Fourteenth, ii. — Endeavours to perfect the Frencft
navy, to the injury and neelect of his own, 217 — Relinquishes the
superiority of the British nag, 218 — Complains to parliament of the
decay of the British navy, 221 — Possesiea of great abilities in naval
a^ri, 227 : which he prostituted to the service of France, 22a—
Coraraunieates private instnjcrions to Louis XIV, at the moment he
was publicly affecting to force that prince to a peace, ii^ — Become*
a pensioner of France, 229 — Intrigues for increasing his pension,
231 — Measures for extirpating the doctrine of resistance, ssy —
Coiporadon Act, ii. — Militia Art, 240 — Act of Uniformity, ii.—
Five-mile Act, ii.— The liberty of the press abridged, 850 — Issues a
proclamation against coffee-house politicians, S61-— Shuts up the ex-
chequer, 270 — His apology for this measure to the parliament, 2T4
— Pensions the members, 276 — List of his creatures in the house of
commons, 280 — Dissolves the parliament, to prevent inquiry, 290
—Maintains a standing army without law, as4 — Inveigles the par-
liament to grant him money tor a French war, which he applies to
the raising of troops, and ofticers them with papists, 296 — Quarrels
with the .parliament, 297 — Lays parliaments wholly aside, 305 —
Review of his conduct towards the people, ii. — Desires to have the
triennial bill repealed, H. — Rebukes the commons for requesting him
to make a league with the Dutch stateE agaion the Frmcb, 307 —

HL^'^

Sf3 GENERAL INDEX.

His high pretensioiM to prerogative in the case of the militia biD, S08
— ^Prohibits the obtaining of signatures to a petition intended to be
presented to him, 309 — His imperious conduct towaids varioot pe-
titioners, 310 — ^Threatens to remember those v/ho Iiad been pro-
tected by the act of indemnity', 311 — His base attack on Sir Jdui
Coventry, 312 — Rejecfa the commons' choice of a speaker, 316 —
Seizes Montague's papers, but is obliged to restore them by the
commons, 316 — His declaration of the causes of his dissatisfaction
with his two last parliaments, 318 — Sits in the House of Peers, and
interrupts the business, 3?0 — Seizure of charters, 323 — Infamous
per\-ersion of justice towards the close of his reign, 329 — ^Exces-
sive fines inflicted for trifling offences, 334 — ^Patriots condemned
and executed in a spirit of revenge, 336 — Rye-house plot, 337
— Suspected with his brother of being concerned in the death of
!ord Essex, v. 352 — ^Examination of the circumstances of his own
death, 357 — Negligence towards his remains, and mean funeral, 858
— His reign stigmatised with infamy, 361 — His authority aikhiced
for supposing nis father to have promoted the Irish rebellion, ii. 406.

Charles the Wise, saying of, ii. 84.

Charlton, Sir Job, pensioned by Charles II. for his parliamentary ma-
nagement, V. 281.

Charters, given up, or forfeited, v. 323.

Chastity, when prevalent in a prince, productive of many happy
effects, ii. 48.

Cheshire, the inhabitants of, disarmed by the Rump Paiiiament, ir.

214.

Chester, insuirection in, for the restoration of Charles the Second,

iv. 212.

Child, sir Josias, his Commendation of the Navigation Act, iii. 977.

ChiDingworth, converted from popery by Laud, li. 240 — His dechuna-
tion against the Parliament for appealing to arms, 425.

Church of England, flourishing state ofT under James the First, i.
268 — Innovations in, during the reign pf Charles the First, 219—
Superstitious ceremonies introduced in .consequence of these ionoTa-
tions, 220, 225 — Securities employed to uphold it by the clergj of
Charles the First, a principal cause of its downfall, 270 — ^Its proj>erty
proposed to be vested in the crown, with a view to an equal distribu-
tion, iii. 306, 330.

Church government, papers written by Charles the First conicernbg,
ii. 115 — ^The true foundation of, iii. 296.

Church lands sold, and the produce applied towards the support of
the Universities, iii. 305 — Distresses occasioned by their resunlptioa
under Charles the Second, iv. 352.

Churchill on patriotism, v. 35.
: Churchwardens, forbidden, by the magistrates of Middlesex, to re-
lieve dissenters, v. 109.

Chute, sir Walter, committed to the Tower for his fiee speaking in
parliament, i. 231.

Cicero's Epistle to Lentulus, extract from, as an apology for the
change in the public mind at the epocha of the Restoration, iv. 260.

Civil list, in the reign of Charles the Second, iv. 344.

Clanricaide, earl o^ the favour shewn to him, a proof of the aflectioi
of Chariesthe First towards the Irish papists, ii. g99.

Clare, lord, fined by ti*e star-chamber, li. all.

GENERAL INDEX. 825

Clarendon, lord, his sentiments respecting the death of James the
First, i. 286---Charged with inventing, in order to blacken his
enemies, ii. 112 — Mistaken in confounding the parliament tiiat ap-
plauded, with that which attacked Buckingham, 157 — His account
of the state of popery in the reign of Charles the First, 235 — His
sentiments on the revival of the old forest laws, 297 — ^Panegyrises
Charles's reign, 359 — Misrepresents facts respecting the project for
overawing the last parliament of Charles the First, 389 — On the
change e&cted in the public mind by the king's attempt to seize the
five members, 411 — Unjust in his censure of lord Holland for join-
ing the parliament, 443 — On the king's allowance of all the parlia-
ment had done, 463 — ^His unjust aspersions of the conduct of the
commissioners appointed to treat with him while in the Isle of Wight,
468 — Mistaken m their names and nomber, i&, — ^His account of
Cromwell's conduct in a committee, iiL ^W— On the characters and
Fiews of the members of the long pariiament, 59 — ^Has confounded
the business of giievances before that jparliament with lord Straf-
forde's af&ir, 60 — His account of the passing of the remonstrance,
72 — ^His character of the armies of Charles I. and of Cromwell, 83 —
Guilty of invention in his narrative of the self-denying ordinance,
110, 115 — ^Inattentive to plain facts in describing the dispensation
granted to Cromwell, 1 1 9*--His account of the batde of Naseby
defective, isi— On the dissimulation of Cromwell, during the dis-
putes between the army and the parliament, 159 — ^Erroneous in
supposing Charles I. to nave been removed from Holmby against
his will, 166 — ^His description of the respect paid to the king while
at Newmarket, 167 — His account of the force put upon Ingoldsby to
make him sign the king's death-waiTant, 201 — On the conquest of
Ireland by Cromwell, 224 — Instances of his ignorance as a topo-
grapher, 227 — ^The batde of Worcester grossly misrepresented by
htm, 242 — On Barebone's parliament, 327 — ^His comments virulent
and mixed with falsehood, 329 — ^His narrative of the commotions
at Nismes untrue, 401, 404 — Constrained to allow the equity of
Cromwell's civil government, 411 — ^Assumes to himself the ment of
Charles the Second's answers to the parliamentary declarations, 436
— His charaoter of Cromwell, 487 — His account of the leaders of
the royalists, iv. 16 — Remarks on this statement, 21 — ^Doubts as to
the accuracy of his statement of the distribution of money among
the friends of Charles the Second, lis — His character of Richard
Cromwell inju(hcious, 202 — ^Apt to invent, 211 — His account of the
defeat of the royalists at Namptwich, 213 — ^His accuracy ques-
tioned as to the alleged treachery of Sir R. Willis, ib. — ^The report
of his having prevented the parliament from raising the king's
authority, unfounded, 344 — His account of the resumption of
church lands, 359 — His apology for the negligence of Charles the
Second to state affairs, v. 3 — and for his coldness towards, the
royalists, 17 — His remarks, though well-founded, out of place in
him, who had shared so largely of the king's bounty, 18 —
Hated by the royalists for the contempt in which he hold their
BCmces, ib. — ^Remarks on his narrative of the case of the marquis
of Argyle, 20 — ^Unfit for a statesman, on account of his pride, par-
Safitjr^ and ignorance of public affairs, 24 — ^Loaded with
lilMi^^ at the Restoration, /^.---Circumstances attending his bauish-
jbebt» Uip^l&i i^ogy for Charles the Second's want of filial duty

«4 GENERAL INDEX.

towards his father's remains, frivolous and untrue, 95 — Hif
account of the profligate associates of the king, 37— His dishonour-
able conduct, in being pander to the vile lusts of his master, 40 —
His relation of the conduct of Charles to his queen, 47 — ^Not privy
to the change made by Charles in religion, 53 — On tlie favour ma-
nifested by the king towards the Catliolics at his restoration, 73 —
Promotes the restoration of episcopacy, 83 — Incorrect in his esti-
mate of the numbers and character of the ejected clergy, 85 — Cen-
surable for his apology for the conduct of Charles relative to the act
of unifonnity, 87 — ^The author of most of the penal statutes against
non-confbmustR, 105, 185 — Concerned in the bargain for the sale of
Dunkirk, 182 — Deemed a good Frenchman, and thanked by
Louis XIV. for his interference in this affair, 187— rRecom-
mends a system of esftonage to Charles the Second, 262 — On the
rise of the monied interest in England, and the shutting of the ex-
chv?quer, 270 — ^PrevailB on Charles to disband the parliamentary
army, 294 — On the profligacy of Chai les's couit, 364.

Clarendon, Henry earl of, extract from hi« Diary relative to the
death of lord Essex, v. S56.

Clngei» Mr. advises Moncke to bring in Charles the Second, ir.
311, 812.

Claims, sir Thomas, opposes the motion for settling the excise revenue
on the crown, iv. 374.

Claraes, Dr. his account of the French ambassador's audience of con-
dmence with Richard Cromwell, on the death of his &ther, iv. 173.

Clcrg^', English, power and wealth of, under James the First, i. 268 —

Rigorous proceedings of, against the Puritans, 273 — General |

body of, disapprove of tlie new doctrines vended under the patron- I

age of Charles the First, ii. 211 — Their adulatory admonition of f

that king, 226 — ^Individuals of, exalted to high ci>il dignities by
him, 253 — Questions respecting, propounded to tlie judges, 5SS6 —
Character of their administration, while holding civil omces under
Charles, 276 — Bills proposed in parhamcnt for taking from them alJ
temporal jurisdiction and offices, 378, «8l, 382-— Their love of
riches, contrary to tlie spirit of the religion of which thev are
the ministers, iii. 299 — ^Despoiled by Henry the Eighth and hit
successors, 300 — The office of bisnop abolished under Charles
the First, i^. — Deans and chapters, &c, abolished by the common-
wealth, 301 — Provision made for preaching ministers, 302 — ^An
equitable distribution now wanting, ib. — The removal of ecclesiastical
dignities proposed as a means of quelling all differences of opinion,
304 — Sale of church lands, for the promotion of literature, 805 —
Recent proposal for vesting the property of the church in the crown,
with a view to an equal distribution, 306, 330 — The writer too
sanguine, 308 — Cruelty of Cromwell's edict against the episcopa-
lians, 427 — Their haste to re-enter into possession of the church
lands, iv. 359 — State of, at the Restoration, 378 — ^Though for the
most part Presbyterians, yet fond of domineering, ib. — Means taken
by the Commons to destroy their apprehensions of the reviyal of
papacy, 379 — Flattered and cajoled by the court, 384 — Curtsuled
of their temporal power by tlie parliament under Charles the First,
but reinstated by his son, v. 82 — Their defection towards popery
in the reign of Charles the Second, ib, — The episcopalians avenge
ibemselyes on their opponents, on the passing of the act of imi-

GENERAL fiVDfiX. us

formlty, 85— The form of declaration required of them, on entering
tipon a benefice, different from the intention of the act, 89 — Zeal-
ous advocates for the divine rights of kings, 241 — ^The most unfit
judges of affzm of goyerament, 245.

•Clayton, Dr. on the artilice adopted in carrying the act of uniformity
into execution, to eject pious men, who were not aware of the
whole contents of the act, v. 88.

Clergy,. Scottish, refuse to pray for Mary queen of Scots, i. 27 — :
Grounds of their dislike of James I. 34.

Cleveland, duchess of, divulges to Charles tht Second the secret of
Montague having corrupted his &vourite astrologer, v. lo — Her
character and personal charms, 38 — ^Becomes mistress to Charles, 39
. — Created lady of the bed-chamber to the queen, ib. — Her undue
influence in the council, and profligate allowance, 48 — ^An original
letter of hers, addressed to Charles the Second, 372.

Clifford, lord treasurer, one of the cabal ministry, v. 125 —
Ruined by endeavouring to prevent the passing of an act against the
Roman Catholics, 126 — ^Resigns his treasurer's staff' on the passing
of the test act, 1 53— Was the first British minister who adopted the
expedient of corrupting the parliament with places and pen-
sions, 291.

Cockeran, extract from the instructions of Charles the First to, in his
negotiation with the king of Denmark, ii. 1S9.

Cocqnscus, Leonardus, attacks James the First's Apology for Oaths
of Allegiance, i. so6.

Coeffeteau, Iwshop, and preacher to Henry IV. of France, answers
king James's Apology for the Oath of AJlegiance, i. 1 24, S04.

Coffee-houses suppressed, V. 261.

Coke^ sir Edward, committed to the Tower for his free speaking in
parliament, i. 230 — His gross abuse of sir Walter Raleidi on his
trial, 238 — His eulogium on the English laws, hyperbolica, iii. 289 —
On the state of civil law under Cromwell, 412.

-Coke, Mr. imreasonably sarcastic on the circumstance of Cromwell's
father having been a tradesman, iii. s — ^Injudicious and absurd in hk
censure of the navigation act, 276.

Coke^ a spy in the coundl of Charles the Second at Breda,
iv. 132.

Coleman, secretary to James duke of York, his letters to the pope'«
internuncio, threatening destruction to the Protestants, v. 79 — ^Re-
marks on his letters on the popish plot, 136, 148 — ^His papers ex-
planatory of the duke of York's intentions, 1 60.

Colepepper, lord, chancellor of the exchequer, and chief of prince
Charles's council, on the continent, iv. 16 — ^His misconduct the
cause of the royalists' disasters, 17 — ^Persuades Charles to repair
to Scotland, 57.

Collins, Dr. S. his defence of king James's Apology for Oaths of
Allegiance, i. 306.

Collins, Mr. inaccurate in his account of the salary assigned by the
commonwealth to die treasurer of the navy, iii. 260.

Colt, Mr. Dutton, hearily fined for speaking against the duke of
York* V. 336.

Committee of safety, DOwers of, under the commonwealthy iv. 225.

Commons, house ot, nwe members impeached by die king, ii. 408 —
who are dem^pded by his msyesty in penoOf 409— Adjourn an^

S26 guibral index.

take refuge in the city, where they are caressed, 4ll---Conducted
back to Westminster in triumph, ib. — Carry the mititia bill into
execution without the king's consent, 415 — ^Resolve to appeal to
arms, 4S1 — Resolution for no more addresses, 459 — ^The vote re-
scinded, and commissioners sent to treat with the king in the Isle of
Wight, 461 — The treaty stopped by the army, 467 — ^The house
purged bv Col. Pride, 471 — ^Votcs or non-addresses resumed, ib, —
Erect a high court of justice for the trial of the king, 471 — Im-
peach Strafforde and Laud, iii. 61 — Their spirit in resisting op-
pression, ib. — Their degeneracy, 64 — Proceedings on the remon-
strance of the state of the kingaom, 69 — Present it to the king, and
publish it to the nation, 73 — Appeal to arms, and issue commis-
sions, 75 — Procecdinffs on the self-denying ordinance, 108 — ^Protest
against the clause for presen'ing the ting's person, 1 1 5 — ^Dispense
Cromwell from paying obedience to the ordinance, 117, 1*20 —
Their rewards to Cromwell after the battle of Naseby, 134 — Peti-
tioned by the army for the settlement of the nation, i55 — Obliged
to comply, 159 — Purged by the ai-my, 179, 186 — Vote of thanks
to Cromwell for his great services, 186 — Protestation of the secluded
members against their imprisonment, &c. ib. — Extract from the
declaration for annulling former votes in favour of a treaty with the
king, 195 — ^Assume the supreme power of the nation, 205, 215 —
Prohibit all inquiry into the proceedings in bringing the king to the
block, ib, — Order a new seal to be made, 215 — ^Abolish royalty,
and die house of i^eers, ib» — Their declaration to the nation, 216 —
War in Ireland, 218 — Order an invasion of Scodand, 231 — Honours
conferred by, on Cromwell, for the victory of Dunbar, 240 — Commis-
sioners sent to compliment him after the batde of Worcester, 243 —
Setde an estate on him, 244 — Proceedings relative to the embassy to
the states-general, 251 — ^Navigadon act passed, 257, 274 — Tneir
reply to the Dutch ambassadors' apolog\' for die conduct of Van
Tromp in commencing hostilities, 258 — ^Determine to prosecute the
war vigorously, 260 — Insist on the sovereignty of the sea, and the
right of search, 264, 266 — Their vast desigas, 266 — Pass an act of
oblivion, 271— Project an union w'wh Scodand, 277— Begin to
model the parliamentary representation, 28 1 — Their designs frus-
trated, 286 — Attrmj)t to reform the law, and order all proceedings I
to be in the English tongue, 287 — Reward literary talents, 291 — I
Provide for the state clergy and the universities, 299^ — Review of its
proceedings and applause they received, 308 — Dissolved by Crom-
well, 309 — Various opinions on this measure, 317 — Mistake in the
Journals lelative to Oliver's commitments of certain persons to the
Tower, 418 — Act for the security of the protector, 450 — Proceed-
ines relative to the offer of the re^ dtle to CromweU, 477, 479 —
Aadress the kin^ against the popish recusants, v. 78 — Resist the
exercise of a dispensing power by the crown, 127 — Titus Oates's
popish plot, W2 — Requests the king to suppress the growth of
popery, 151 — Prepare a test bill, i^^ — Bill of exclusion against the
duke of York, 159 — Modon for the removal of the duke from the
royal presence and councils, 16S — Supplies for the Dutch war
refused, 215 — Complaints against Mr. Pepys and Sir A. Deane, for
sending informadon leladve to the navy to the French court, 225—
Commit them to the Tower, and order the attorney-general to pro-
.sccute> 227 — Remaikable defeat cf a modon for imposing an

GENERAL INDEX. 331^

oath of non-reustance on the whole nation, 240-^Di8pute with thr
lords about their privileges, 241 — Most of the members pensioned by
■Charles the Second, 276 — ^List of those who received bribes, 880 — ^
Mr. Booth's patriotic speech against those members, 383 — Mr.
C. Bertie examined for corruption, 284 — ^Examination of sir S. Fox,'
for the same, 285 — Commissioners refused the use of his books, by
the lord chamberlain Arlington, 287 — Quarrel with Charles the
Second about the standing army, 297 — ^Declare tlie right to petition
to be inherent in Englishmen, 312 — ^Proceedings relative to the attack
on sir John Coventry, 313 — ^Their choice of a speaker rejected^
316 — Breach of privilej^e in the seizure of Mr. Montagw's
papers, 316 — ^Resolve to inp^each judges Scroggs, Jones, and Wes-
ton, for perversion of justice, 329 — (See 'PdAiamQut,)

Commonwealdi of England^ begins, iii. 215. iv. 39— Its transaction^
recorded in papers published by authority of the council of state,
iii. 218 — No complete history of these times by any contemporary
writer, 219 — ^The Scots defeated at Dunbar, 239 — Submission of
Scotland, 243 — Navigation act, 257, 274 — Disputes with the
Dutch, 9€6 — ^War wiui Holland, 257— The dominion of the seas

. insisted tm, and allowed, 264 — ^Tranquillity at home, 268 — Aa
union with Scotland, 277 — ^A new model of representation proposed,

■ , 981 — ^Encouragement to literature, 291, 299 — ^Terminated by Oliver
Cromwell, 309 — Renewed on the resignation of Richard Crom-
well, iv. 188 — Settlement of religious liberty, 207 — ^Insurrections. of
the royalists, 212 — ^Disputes between the army and the parliament,
216 — Factions, 241 — ^Many of the leading men offer their services
to Charles 'the Second, 250 — Ends with the restoration of mo-
narchy, 293.

X!;ommunion table, triiing rites respecting, enjoined by a canon, in St

• synod or convocation, ii. 222.

Compounding, an arbitrary mode of taxation adopted by Charles the
First, ii. 292. ;•

Comprehension, bills of, framed for the approbation of parliament,
v. 122 — ^Rendered ineffectual by the parliament, 124 — Their design
and scope, 129.

Con, George, a Scot, encouraged by Charles the First, and his court,
as agent from the pope, ii. 230.

Confession, auricular, Charles the First chai'ged with being desirous of
introducing it, ii. 228. ^

Conformity, universal, Laud's attempt to introduce it, ii. 242*

Conic, Mr. his counsel imprisoned for pleading his cause, iii. 446.

Conjurers, singular resolution of a question respecting, v. 9.

Conventicles, penal laws agdnst, v. 103, 118.

Convocation, Irish, for uniformity in modes and forms of religion,
particulars of, ii. 245.

Conscience, liberty of, a £ivourite maxim of Cromwell, iii. 39.

Conway, lord, made general of the horse, in the war against the
Scots, iu d62-^Army under him fly, 364. '

Conybeare on subscription to articles of i^th, v. 91.

Cooper, sir A. A. a member of Barebone's parliament, iii. 326 —
Daryd^'s satire on hhn, 328 — Supports the motion for an excise in
lieu of the court of wards, under Charles the Second, iv. 374.

Coote, air Qharies, enga^a the nortb of Irdaxui in the iobereata Of
Charte the Second, iv. ^$4. .

53B GE^TERAL INDEX.

Cornwall, twenty^aix children taken at once by the Turk* off" th#

coaitsof, ii. 183.
Cornwallii, ^ Charles, his character of prince Henry, too of Jainet

the First, i 295.
Coronation oath, that of Charles the Firet ditferent tram what had
usually been administered, ii. 198 — la what that diftereoce con-
sisted, 199 — Form of the usual oath, BOO.
Corporation oath, copy of, ii. -427. v. 239,

ConuptioD of mininen by foreign princes, attempted to be junifiedi
T, a!9 — Remark of James the First on this subjeCT, ii. — A system
of, the only ruin to be apprehc-oded by England, S76, 291 — Mem-
bers of the conunoni b/ibed by Charles the Second, 280 — Epocha
of, in England, 290.
Coain, Dr. chaplain to Charles the Second, joins the commimion of
the Hugocou, to exculpate fais niaster from the impntatian of
popery, iv. 9S9.
Coitrineton, though a catholic, made chancellor of the exchequer by

Charles the First, ii. 930.
Covenant, terms of, imposed by the Scots oo Charles the Sosond, iv. 73.
Covenantf rs, Scottish, ihor nesouatioiu with Charles the^flfefMid, iv.
67 — Require him to remove tne duke of Montrose from his jire-
sence, fis — Oblige the king to subscribe the covenant, 73 — ReniDK
his friends from about his person, 76 — Their rigorous conduct in
reli^ous observances, 77 — Oblige tbe king to acknowled^ the sin
of hishouse, and of his formerways, 79— Their army defeated by
Cromwell's at Dunbar, ss-^Put the crown on Charles's head, at
Scone, 89 — Raise a new army, and give the command to the king,
96 — Defeated at Worcester, 99.
Coventry, sir John, reflects on the amours of Charles the Second,
v. 312 — Assaulted and wounded by assassins hired by the court, 31»
— Proceedings in parliament thereupon, ih.
Coventry, sir William, secretary-, onpoBes the bill for a tea oath,
V. 1 S3 — Opposes the vote of supply for the Dutch war, 214 — Op-
poses the chancellor's saggestion of sending hired spies to places of
public resort, 263.
Council of state, dissolved by Cromwell, iii. 315 — A new one con-
stituted by him, 3SS — Debates io, relative to the restoraliDa of
Charles tbe Second, iv. 312.
Courts of law, state of, under Charles the First, iii. 49.
courts of princes, generally incompatible with virtue, iii. 409 — Crom-
well's court an exception to this rule, ib. — Why attended by a venal
crowd, iv. S50.
Courts of wards and liveries, relinquished by Charles the Second)

iv. S66.
Cowardice imputed to Cromwell, i
Cowards never forgive, example

ciple, i. 63.
Cowley, Mr. on Cromwell's deficiency in elocution, iii. 34 — On the
craft and dissimulation of Cromwell, 93 — On his assumption of the
protectorate, 339 — On the revenue and expences of the protector's
government) 427 — On the critical moment of Cromwell's ifeath,
483.
Cowper, John, excludes the bishop of St. Andrews firmn the pulpit,
to prevent prayers being made for the queen of Scots, i> SB.

GENERAL INDEX. 9S»

Cradock, Mr. Z. appobted chaplain lo the English merchanu at Lit-

Crafts, «ir John, his daughter vitiated by Buckingham, with the
asaistaDCe of king James, i. a4s.

Crawford, miyor-general, his u^count of the battle of Mariton-
moor, iii. 87.

Credulity, a folly frequently pi-evatent in the mioda of the msest
men, v. 8. — Sa Superstition.

Crew, John, member of parliament, committed to the Tower for re-
fusing to deliver the pedtions which he had received as chairman of
the committee on rehgion, ii. seo,

Crew, air Randal, depnved of his office of chief justice, for refusing
to favom' the general loan, ii. ^sa.

Crew, sir Thomas, sent to Ireland for hie free speaking in pariiai-

CroitB, bishop of Hereford, his complaint of the arrogance of the
papists, V. 77.

Croke, jud^, concludes against the king in the question of ship-
money, li. 304.

Cromwell, Oliver, his birth and lineage, iii. 1— His education and
literary attainments, 3 — Well read in Greek and Roman hialOiy, 4 —
Neglects his studies and becomes dissolute, ib. — F^s in an attempt
to wrest his uncle's estate fitim him, 5 — Obtains the name of a
roysier, on account of his boisterous mirth, ib. — Reforms and mar-
ries the daughter of sir James Bouchier, 6 — Setdes at Huntingdon,
7— But removes to the Isle of Ely on the death of his uncle, a—
Falls into straits in consequence of his superstition, ib. — The ac-
count of his great poverty, erroneoufi, 10 — Possessed of true reli-
gion, 12 — Copy of his letter to Mr. Storie, ib. — Carried away by
enthusiasm, 13 — Imagines a spirit to have visited him, who pre-
dicted his subsequent greatness, ib. — Extracts from several of his
letters, illustrative of Uiis part of his character, 14 — Charged with
hypocrisy, 17, 93 — These charges, it proved, not destructive of
his enthusiasm, ib. — The age in which he lived, an age of wonders,
19 — His opinion concerning the returns of prayer, ib. — His confi-
dence of recovering from his last illness, 22 — Compared with Ma-
homet and Aurcngzebe, 23 — His affability and buffoonery, ib, —
His diversions subservient to his policy, 26 — Could appeal' on pro-
per occasions with pomp and magnificence, ib. — His first appear-
ance in parliament, 37 — Reprehended in a committee for his bois-
:ondact, 29 — Improvement in his manners, as he rose ir

sequence, so — Description of his inauguration, ib. — His cerei
ous reception of tlK Swedish ambassador, 32 — Not eloquent,
Not so devoid of ideas as represented by Mr. Hume, ib. — iNot a
writer of sermons, as expressed by that historian, 35 — Reasons for
the obscuiity and flatness of his speeches, 35 — His speech to the
Swedish ambassador, ib, — Bigotry no part of his character, 36 — His
letter to the governor of Edinburgh Casde a proof of this, 37 — Hii
reply to the Scottish ministers, ii.— His fixed opinion concerning
liberty of conscience, 39 — His speech on the dissolution of parlia-
ment in 1654, 40 — His practice conformable to his principles of
rehgious liberty, 42 — Employs the Presbyterians, who were his
enemies, about nis court, and shews favour to the Episcopalians, ih.
—Pennons Biddle, the father of the EegliBh Unitarians, during hi*

S^ GENERAL IKI>EX.

banishment, 4S— The Roman Catholics who behaved well, coante-
nanced by him, ib. — His wish to harbour and protect the Jews in
England, abortive, 44 — Falls in with the puritans, when greatly op-
pressed, 45 — Censures and opposes court prelates, 49— -Pi*evejQted
from emigrating to America, 54 — Opposes the draining; of fens, 53
— Overcomes his prejudices against this measure, ana becomes a
commissioner for carrying it into execution, 58 — Joins the patriots
in the long parliament, ib. — Appointed of the committee on the
petitions ot Lilbum and Leighton, 59 — Also on a committee for the
. prevention of abuses at elections, 70 — Adheres to the parliament
from principle and inclination, 75 — Raises and disciplines a troop of
horse, ib» — Character of his troops, 77 — His success in training, 80
— Secui:es the town of Cambridge for the parliament, 84 — ^Accused of
cowardice, 86 — His success attended with the envy and hatred of
very powerful persons, 88— :The mutiny of the army attributed to
his contrivances for forwarding his ambitious views, 94 — ^His hypo-
crisy and double-dealing between the commons and the army, 94 —
Betakes himself to the latter for security, 96, 159 — Rebuked fey
, Joyce for telling lies, 97 — Contrive? Joyce's ruin, 98 — Refuses to
- reward the man who had been his instrument in this business, be-
cause he " had not acted like a Christian," 99 — ^Appointed captain-
general, 100 — The self-denying ordinance peculiarly favourable to
him, 106 — His speech introductory to this measure, 108 — ^Dis-
pensed with paying obedience to it, 117, 122 — ^Defeats the king at
Naseby, 124 — His Tetter to the speaker on this occasion, 129 — -Re-
wardea by parliament, 131, 134 — Created a baron by the commons,
1 36 — Becomes ambitious through his success, ib. — Makes his court
to the officers and soldiers, 137 — Obtains great popularity, xb,-^
Begins tojthreaten the parliament, 138— Encourages a mutinous
spirit in the army, 139, 151 — ^Principles promulgated by him at this
period, 148 — Accused of high-treason by major Huntington, 150 —
The commons refiise to receive the charge, 151 — His cunning in not
appearing openly to encourage the army in its opposition to the par-
liament, 159 — In danger of being sent to the Tower, 160 — Retires
to the army, 161 — Further instances of his ambition, 162 — Protests
against the seizure of the king, 163 — Proofs of his having been
concerned in it, 165 — Breaks off all thoughts of reconciliation with
the king, 167 — Motives to this, 169 — Vmdicated from p^miading
the king to retire to the Isle of Wight, 172 — ^Defeats the Welsh
and Scots, 176 — His reception at Edinbur^ 178 — Concerned in
colonel Pride's pui^ of the commons, 185 — Receives the thanks of
that house for his eminent services, 186 — ^Argiiments in defence of
his conduct towards the parliament, 197 — The chief actor in the
condemnation and death of the king, 198 — His conduct defended,
203, 207 — ^Appointed commander-in-chief in Ireland, 222 — Takes
Diogheda by storm, 223 — Gives no quarter, ib. — His justification of
this measure, ib, — Ireland reduced by him and Ireton, 224. iv. 59 —
England indebted to him to this day for the preservation of Ireland,
iii. 227 — Dispatched upon an expedition to Scotland, 231 — ^His
arguments to prevail on Fairfax to engage in this expedition, 232'—
Supersedes tJiat general, 234 — Publishes a declaration, addressed to
the samts in Scotland, 236 — ^Arrives at Berwick, 237 — Enters Scot-
land, 238. iv. 84 — Defeats the Scots at Dunbar, iii. 289. iv. 85'—
Honours eonfemed on him by the parliament, iiiv 240— Farrfier pro-

GENERAL INDEX. 881

grcss in Scotland^ 241 — ^Defeats Charles the Second at Worcester,
242 — Effects of this victory upon Cromwell, 310 — Receives a de-
putation from the commons, near Aylesbury, to congratulate him
on this victory, 244 — Met by the speaker, the lord president, &c.
at Acton, for the same purpose, ib. — His triumphal entry into Lon-
don, ib. — An estate settled on him, ib. — Panegyrics wntten on the
occasion, 245 — Procures intelligence of what is passing in the Dutch
councils, 261 — Insists with the Dutch commissioners on the right of
search, 264 — Supposed to have promoted an act of oblivion, to in-

fratiate himself with new friends,' 272 — Naturally humane and
enevolent, 274, 422 — His advice to his son Henry to deal with
advei'saries with moderation, ib. — Completes the union with Scot-
land, 280 — Violently expels the commons^ 309. iv. l lo — Probable
motives by which he was impelled to tliis measure, iii. 310 — Con-
ferences with several persons on the settlement of the nation, sil —
' I^issolves the council of state, 315 — Charged with falseness and
ingratitude in this measure, 316 — His defence of this measure, ib. —
Con^titufies a council of war, and summons a parliament, sumamed
the Little, or Barebone's parliament, 323 — The parliament resigns
its powers into his hands, 331 — How far he was concerned in uiis
resignation, 332 — Inaugurated as lord protector of the common-
we^th, 335. iv. 112 — His instrument of government, iii. 335 —
Invested with all the old real rights of English kings, ib. — Despotism
not in his intention, ib. — His art in softening his opponents, 336 —
Speech to his second parliament, S37> 452— Strictures on it, 339—
His reasons for accepting the protectorate, 337, 341 — Panegyric
on his government, 343— Addresses ftom many considerable
places, ib. — Rivals the greatest of our monarchs in glory, and
courted by foreign nations, 345. iv. 110— Makes peace with the
Dutch, iii. 346, 354 — Rejects the offer of Spain to assist him in the
recovei-y of Calais, 346 — Sends an embassy to the king of France,
in Flanaers, ib. — Obliges the king oi" Prance to expel Charles the
Second from his dominions, iv. 116 — ^The courtship of the crowns
of France and Spain, exposes them to, ridicule, iii. 348 — ^A medal
^truck by the Dutch in derision of the servility of these courts, ib.
-^ourted by the elector of Brandenburgh, 349 — Congratulated by
the queen of Sweden and the king of Denmark, ib. — Firmness of
iiis conduct in the case of the Portuguese ambassador, whose
brothei; was beheaded for murder, ib. — Obliges the king of Por-
tugal to submit, 351 — Exults at Blake's conduct at Malaga, 353 —
Dreaded by the states-general, ib. — Italy trembles at his name, 354
— His fleet scours the Medjierranean, i^.-rThe Turks obliged to
deliver up Hide, ib. — His treaty with the Dutch, 355 — Medals
struck by the Dutch, and papegyrics on Oliver composed in the
English universities, on occasion, of this treaty, 357 — Objections to
this treaty, 357 — Blamed for breaking with Spain and making an
alliance with France, 363 — Motives by which he was influenced,
369 — ^Dunkirk taken by the French, and delivered into hie hands»
ib. 392— -His conduct justified, 374 — Jamaica taken, 380, 382 —
His manifesto against Spain, 387 — Naval successes, 388 — ^Treaty
with France, 392-7lnterp08ea in behalf of the Vaudois, and re-
lieves them in their suflFerings, 396 — His generosity unjustly im-
peached,, 398A-Fre«erve8 the protestants of Nismes from destruc-
tion, 403— Prai^. by hit adpurart &r his concern for the cause of

r
I

GENERAi INDEX.

proiestaotisra, 404 — Review of his govemmeni u home, 40« — Bu

court more free ftom vice than the generality of count, 409 — ReK-
eion the only passport to his faTOur, ii — His judges able and
honeal, 4U — Places men of ability in all the offices of state, 413 —
Anecdote of him and lord Hroghill, 414 — Favours learning;, 41f>—
Freients some valuable manuscripts to the university of Oxford,
420 — Erects a collef^ at Durham, 481 — Kind and condescending' to
his enemies, 42h — Hia interview with the marquis of Hertford, 423—
Corrupts sir Richard Willis, and obtains information of the TOyaHEts"
designs, 435— Disarmed of his resentment against the countMS of
Ormond, 436 — Scantiness of hia revenue, ib, — Cruelty of his edict
against the episcopJ clei^y, 427 — Subjects the cavaliers to heavy
taxes, 431 — Appoints niajor-FCDeralE over dl England, 437 —
Giulty sometimes of packing juries, and disphdng jud|K3 for le-
fuwng to follow his directions, 443 — Perhaps not to be blamed on
this account, 445 — Imprisons men illegally, -14.1 — Irmtates and even
exceeds the tyranny of Charles the First in this respect. 449 — Act
forthe security of his person, 450 — Violates the privikget 6f par-
liament, 453 — Accused of tyranny, 455— His enemtn nuTnerous,
467^ — Circuraatanci.-a attending his rehisal of the roya! title, 471 —
His death, 475, 4B4, iv. i.id — His children, iii. 47S — His fiineral,
4BS — His character, 486 — Contrasted with Louis the Fourteenth,
4aH — His memory celebrated, 4S9 — To be ranked among the
greatest of princes, 490 — Original letters and papers of, 491 — In-
■cripuon OD his coflin, 5E0 — Indignities offered to hia remains, after
the ReBtoiation, SI 7— Proclamation of Charles the Second for his
destruction, ir. 12s — His dissimulation contrasted with that of
Charles the Second, T. 14.
Cromwell, Richard, succeeds lus father, Oliver, in the protectorate,
iv. 163 — Form of hia proclamation, 177 — State of parties in Eng-
land at his acceSMOn, 1 69 — Receives a state visit of condolence from
the French ambassador, 173 — Negotiates a peace with France and
Spain, 174 — Maint^s the point of honour in the French treaty,
176 — Receives addresses from various parts of Englandt I7» — Re-
spect paid him by fbrdgn conrta, 179 — Singular address from the
aimyto him, ib3 — Summoosei a pariiament, which sweats fidelity to
illim, 184 — Animosities breaking out, he resigns the protectorate, IfiS
, — ParticuJars of his resignation, igo, 195 — Schetlufe of his estates,
197 — Provision made for him by the parliament, 198 — His chittSc-
ter, 203— Death, 305— Original letters from, v. 367, 369.
Cromwell, H«nry, lord lieutenant of Ireland, his letter to his brother
Richard on the state of public afiairs, iv. IBS— Copy of his act of
resignation, 205.
Cromwell, Mrs. Elizabeth, wife of the protector Oliver, copy of
her letter to her husband, iii. 6 — Her character unjustly repre-

Crown-lands, sold by order of the parliament, iv. 345— Started as as
obstacle to the restoration of Charles the Second, 980 — Resumed by
that prince, 341— Names of some who were dispossessed, 351 —
Distresses occasioned by this measure, 3 j3— Might have been pre-
vented, and the clergy amply provided for, 16.

Cud worth. Dr. a panegyrist of^ Cromwell, on occarion of the Dutch
treaty, iii. ."ieo—Conauttcd as to persons in the university lit to be
wnployed m die 6tate,4l8— His Hel»^w poem 00 Oliver's death, 4

■It.

GENERAL INDEX. ts$

Curriton, Mr. committed to the Tower, for his free speaking in par-i

liament, ii. 284.
Cutpurse, put to death by James the First, without legal process, i. 61.

Dailly, his defence of the religious tenets of Charles the Second, iv. 265,

Dalzicl, general, commissioned to enforce the laws against non-con-
formists and conventicles in Scotland, v. 119.

Danby, lord, fined five hundred pounds for forest encroachments,
ii. 396.

Danby, earl of, treasurer, his letters to Montague on the increase of
Charles the Second's pension from France, v. 285— Impeached by
the commons for, carrying on an illicit intercourse with a foreign
court, 238 — Increases the amount and number of pensions, 289 —
In danger from the commons, who are dissolved to screen him, 290
— Ruined by Montague and an astrologer, 10. 318.

Dantzic, English merchants there, hold a public rejoicing on the death
of Charles the First, iiL 214.

Davidson, secretary, how employed by Elizabeth against Mary queen
of Scots, i. 19 — How rewarded, 2o.

Dean and chapter lands, the i)roduce from the sale of, applied toward*
the promotion of literature in the universities, iii. 305.

Deane, sir Anthony, accused of holding a traitorous correspondence
with Fnmce, v. 225 — His defence, 226 — Sent to the Tower, and
ordered to be prosecuted, 227.

Debauchery, proclamation against, by Charles the Second, iv. 353.

Debt, public, contracted berore the revolution, v. 276.

Declaration of Charles the Second, soon after his father's death, de-
nouncing vengeance against his subjects of England and Wales,
should uey not submit to his authority, iv. 65 — Another, compiled
by the Scottish covenanters, and signed by Charles, 79 — Answered
by the English parliament, 82 — -Another published by Charles at
Breda, promising liberty of conscience and a general pardon, in the
event of his restoration, 266 — Another, concerning ecclesiastical
affairs, by the same, 381.

Declaration required of the clergy raodered more rigorous than pre*

-- scribed by the act of uniformity, by the omission of certain qua«
lifying words, v. 89.

Declarations of indulgence extorted from Charles the Second by the
reproaches of his catholic friends, v. 122 — ^Roidered ineffectual by
parHament, 124 — ^A new one issued under the cabal ministry, 125
— ^The Roman Cadiolics excluded from it, ib^ — Again quashed by
the parliament, 127 — ^The penal laws renewed, 129.

Decyphering, act of, discovered during the commonwealth, iv. 136-*-
Incredulity of the royalists on the subject, 137.

De la Wai-e, lord, imprisoned for plotting against the commonwealth,
in favour of the restoration of Charles the Second, iv. 214.

Demonologie, written by James the First, some account of it, i. 45.

Denbigh, earl of, Charles the First's contemptuous treatment of, as a
parliament conmussioiiery ii. 81 — Strange conduct of, asconmiander
of the fleet before Rochelle, 165 — ^Resigns his commission incon-
sequence of the self^lenying ordinance, iii. ] 16.

Denmark, the king of, gets dnmk with James tlie First, and is rude 19

- _ >J

S54 GENERAL INDEX.

the countess of Notdngham, i. so — ^Joins England in the war agunst
Spain for the restoring of the palatinate, iL 154 — Sends a congratu-
latory embassy to CromweU, iii. 349.

Denmark House, the chapel of, resorted to, by the adherents to
popery, ii. 234.

Deposition of sovereigns, the power of, assumed by the popes, and
still maintained as part of their holy function, v. 170.

Derby, Stanley, earl of, ingratitude of Charles the Second to,

V. 33.

Derbyshire, the inhabitants of, disarmed by the Rump poiiiament,

iT.214.

Dering, sir Edwaxxl, relates in a committee of the commons, on reli-
gion, that Mr. Wilkinson had been refused ordination, ii. 222 —
Arraigns the pride of Laud in assuming the title of patriarchy 251—
His speech on presenting the petition of a poor oppressed
puritan, 258 — His bill for the eradication of bishops, and others
under them, from temporal offices, 379 — ^Joins the parliamentary
party on account of Charles's attachment and submission to the
papistsi 443.

Desborow, called to sit in Cromwell's first parliament, iii. 326 — ^Adverse
to the tide of king being conferred on Oliver, 477.

Despotism far irom the intention of CromweU and his officers, iii. 335
— Not to be secured by bloodshed, v. 267.

Devon, petition from, for the admission of the secluded members to the
Rump parliament, and for filling up vacancies, iv. 295 — ^Answiered
by Moncke, 296 — Oppression of the magistrates towards non-con^
formists, v. 107.

De Witt, grand pensionary, his exultation at the peaceful successioD
of Richard Cromwell to the protectorate, iv. 172.

Digby, lord, his character of^ Strafford, ii. 376.

D^y, sir Kenelm, his attachment to Cromwdl, the effect of ani ho-
nourable sentiment, iii. 43.

Dillin^iam, a panegyrist of Cromwell's government, iii. 361, 489.

Di^, sir Dudley, punished for his free speaking in parlianDent,

1. 230, 283.

Disbrowe-, colonel, one of Cromwell's major-generals, iii. 438 — Copf
of his commission, ib. — ^His account of his proceedings in this cna^
racter, 441.

Discontent, when not suffered to evaporate by freedom of speech,
likely to be dangerous to the government, v. 267.

Dispensiqg power, disputes between Charles the Second and the com-
mons respectmg, v. 127 — ^The king forced to retract, ib.

Dispossessed magistrates ought not to be restored, a favourite maxim
of the republicans, iv. 50.

Dissimulation, its measures, i. 33 — Instances of, in Charles the Second,
V. 13 — His apolo^ for it, in the case of the Scottish covenant, ib.

Dissenters' deputation to Charles the Second at Breda, 15 — ^Deceived
by his prayers, 16 — Penal laws against, 102 — iS^r^ Non-conformists,
Uniformity, &c.

Donne, Dr. supports James the First's Apology for Oaths of Allegi-
ance, i. 304.

Dorislaus, Dr. assassinated at the Hague, iii. 249.

Dort, synod of, i. i48.

Dowglas, George, assassinates Rixio, i. 3.

GENERAL INDEX. SSS

Dow&las, Robert, ejitract fitom his sermon before ehirles the Second,
on his agnation at Scone, iv. 93.

Down aild Connor, Henry bishop of, extract from liis sermon on the
death of Charles the First, iii. 205.

Downame, Dr. writes in support of king Jamw's Defence of Oathi
of Allegiance, i. 305.

Downs, Mr. his exertions in fevour of Charles the First, ineffectual,
iii. SCO.

Downing, Emanuel, his letter to Usher, showing the mischievoui
effect of persecutiD^ the puritans, i. 276.

Downing, air G. originally a pauper, v. 281 — Advises the oath of re-
nunciatbn asatnat Charles the First, ib. — ^Resident in Holland for the
commoQwe^th, iv. 254 — ^His treacherous conduct there, ib, — ^Makes
his peace with Charles the Second, ib, — ^Rewarded for his parlia-
mentary management, v. 281.

Draining of land, disputes about, iii. 6S»

Drake, ftir W. bribed £br his parliamentary management under Charles
the Second, v. 280.

Drelincomt defends Charles the Second against the imputation of
popery, iv. 262»

Drogheaa, taken by storm, by Cromwell, iii. 22S.

Drury, sir Drue, refuses to oe concerned in putting to death, pri-
vately, Mary, queen of Scots, i. 19.

Drunkenness a gross and brutish vice, i. 82.

Dryden, the poet, celebrates the niemory of Cromwell, iii. 489 — ^Pane-
gynses the restoration of Charles the Second, iv. 332 — ^His satire on
lord Shaftesbury, a well-drawn portraft, v. 208.

Dublin, siege of, by Ormonde, who is defeated by the parliamentary
forces, in. 222.

Dudley, sir Robert, iniquitous conduct of James the First to, i. 2S6i

Dugdale, sir William, believes the Icon Basilike to have been written
by Charles the First, ii. 125, 129 — His account of the lineage of
Cromwell, iii. l — Of Oliver's dissolute youth, 5 — His having left
the wife of the protector unnoticed in his dark picture ef the ¥^ole
family, a proof of her good character, 8 — ^His account of the affecited
cant assumed by Cromwell, 9-^Of the election of Cromixrsli as a
burgess in parliament, 56.

Duelling, interdicted by proclamation, by Charles the Second, iv. 354*

Dunbar, earl of, the honours and unmense wealth bestowed on him OD
the accession of J^nes to the English throne, i. 64, 65.

Dunbar, battle of, iii. 238. iv. 85 — Its influence in the Scottish cottlh-
cils, 90.

Duncombe, sir John, opposes the bill for a test law, v. 153.

Dunkirk, deHvered up to Cromwell, iii. 369, 392 — Sold to the French,
by Charles the Second, v. 182.

Duport, a panegyrist of Cromwell, iii. 361.

jbuppa, Brian, tutor to Charles the Second, iv. 5 — His character,. Sj
and death, 9.

Durham, taken and garrisoned by the Scots, 364 — ^A college erected at,
by Cromwell, iii. 420.

Duiy, Ml*, his unsuccessful labours to reconcile reUgious opinions,
iii. 304.

Dutch, insult the English flag, and take many merchant ships, i. 188,
191 — ObtaiB) of James wFirst> the surrender of the cautionary

I '

^B Si

■

■ Taw

H East, practice of ciirniDg towards that point, in religious senices, com-

|[^ baled, ii. as4.

Easter, query of Charles the First respecting its non-obeervance by the

new refijnnera, ii. 7 5.
Ecclesiastical affairs, declaration of Charles the Second conceniing,

iv. 378 — Proceedings in parliament thereupon, 3T9.
Ecciegiaitical jurisdiction, restored in England, v. bs. iS« Episcopacy.
Ecclesiastical property, proposed to be veaied in the crown, for ihc

benefit of the infenor ciergy, lii, S06, 330.
Echard on the certainty of Charles Use First being buried at Windsor,

and the undutifiil conduct of fiis son towards his remains, y. 8S.
Edghill, battle of, its effects on the public mind, ii. 435.
Ewionds, air Thomas, cutung jests passed on him by the Prenchi ib

hii capacity of ambassador, ii. 166.
Education of princes, importance and nature of, iv. 4.
£glieham> Dr. writes a book to prove that James the First was p<»M)n-

ed by the duke of Buckingham, i. 2B3.
Ejectca clergy, hardship and cruelty of their case, v. 85.
Elizabeth, queen, her dissimulation in the affair of Mary queen of

Scots, i. 19 and 20— Her death, 6O — Disrespectof James the First U)

her memory, 73— Her memory treated coldly by the clergy for her

conduct respecting the bishopriek of Ely, ii. SS5.
Elizabeth, daughter of James the First, her marriage, i. itb. ■
Eftiott, sir John, committed to the Tower for his free speaking in par-

lianicnt, 283 — Dies there, 284.
Engagement, the, act for subsciibing, passed, i». 4o — Disputations oc-

GENERAL INDEX-

towns, which hadbeeo put into the hands of £Uzabeth,l<tS — Violate
the law of nations respecting neutral ports, by deatroyiag several
English ships, and are adjudged to pay the dam^s, 11. 167 —
Violate (lie same law by the di;stniction of the Spanish fleet in the
port of Dover, 172 — Purchase of Charles the Finsc, the Ucence of
fishing in the British seas, 184 — Fish without such licence, 186 —
Supposed profit of their fishery, 187 — Their churches in England
molested by Laud, 343 — Quarrel with the Englisb commonwealth,
iii. g4e — Hostilities begun by Van Tromp, 257 — Their secrets be-
trayed to die English council, SG 1 — Humbled, aod sue for peace, S64

Accept it on Cromwell's own terms, 346, 354 — Ludicrous medal

■truck by them, It derision of the servility oi France and Spain to
Cromwell, 348 — Dread of the States- General of Cromwell, 353 —
Simple apology of their ambassador for this fear, to Chaties the
Second, ii.— Particulars of the treaty with Cromwell, 35S — Engage
with Cromwell to exclude the prince of Orange and his heirs from
the stadiholderate, 356 — Interpose with the dutte of Savoy, in behalf
of the persecuted protesianis of Vaudois, 400 — Charles the Second
declares war agaiiut them, v. ISB— Treaty of Breda, 190 — Triple
league, ib. — War renewed, 198 — Frivolous pretext adopted by
Charles (or tfiis war, 204 — Writers employed by the Enghsh court

>. .a^nstthe lepublic, 209 — The country almost mined, 21 6 — Peace

|,« Niax^aen) it. (5« States-General).

Tase, love of, admissible in private persons, but censurable in kings.

GENERAL INDEX.

f CMionedhy it, 41 — Its nature, 55-

file of the parliament, by the influe .

Iiwland only to be ruined by a cormpt parliament, v.STff. 8*1.

^ntiiDsiasm an attendant upon refbnnation, iii. is.

Episcopacy, impoaed on the Scots by James tlie Pint) i. 37d —
Impolicy of thia proceeding, ib. SBO— Abolished by the treaty of
pacification between the Scots and Charles the FiiK, ii. 338. S4I —
Restored io England with the monarchy, iv. 379. v. 82 — Apprelien-
Ktons that it mi^t lead to the revival of popery, ib. — Means adopted
hy the commons to prevent this, ii. — Rigour of, towaidi dissenters,
V. 85.

Episcopalians, the avowed enemies of Cromwell, favoured by liini, iii.
42 — Their clergy persecuted by him, 427.

£ssex, Robert Devereux, earl of, story of his political ictri^e, i. iS —
Divorced from his wife, who marries the earl of Somerset, US—
Abruptly dismissed the army by Charles the First, ii, gs — Made
vice-admiral io the expedition against Spain, 152 — Removed (rom
beiog general ©f the horse, to be lieutenant-general of the army sent
aeuBSt the Scots, Sa4 — Believes Charles the First to have had no
snare in the Iiiah rebeltion, 394 — Appointed general of the par-
liamentary forces, 421. 1S2— Excepted from Charles's procjamation
of paidon, 439 — Inclined to peace, iii. 106 — Attached to mooarehy,
and iheretbre suspected by the republicans, ib, — Resigna in con-
sequence of the self-denying ordinance, 115— His nrgumenia in
favour of the exchsion bill apiinst thedukeof York, v. 174— Not t'^
be corrupted by the artifices ai Charles the Second, 3S2.

Ebspx, lord, examination of circumstances attending his rayateriou*
death, V. 351.

Essex forest, arbitrary extension of, by Chailes the First, ii. eaa.

Essex petition rejected hy Charles the Second, v. all,

Estnides, count, his embassy to EngUnd on the subject of the paitition
• of Flanders, ii. 189.

Eudranon-Johannes, attacks the defenders of king James's Apology
for Oaths of Allegiance, i- 306.

Exchequer, shut upliY Charles the Second, v. ao5, 2T0,

Excise, revenue of, given to ihe crown, in lieu of the profits deriyed
from the court of Witrds, iv. 373 — Opposition to tlie measures, and
debate! on the Uti in parliament, i^. — A sinular tax said to havepro*
duced 3 rebellion in Naples, 374 — The hUl caiTied by 3 migoiityof
tWOi'M. — Whv preferred to a land-tax, 375 — Artiiices of the court
to carry the hill, 376— Origin of this tax in Englind, ib.

Exclusion bill ^wnst James dtike of York, pioposed, I SB — Passes the
commons, but rejected by the lords, ici — Argumenis io favour ol,
and against it, 165, et uq. — Opposed by the whole b«ich of bishops,
IBl.

Excommunication, canons denouncing it against those who should
speak anything aguinst the church of England, i. 271.

Executions of the persons concerned in the dt-ath of Charles [he First,

Exercitetion concerning UBurped Poweis, txuact from, iv. 4*.

ExUed princes, their unhappy si?.t-.\ iv. 124.

" '' ' mpared with a i^n^ieao gorcrBmein, i

Expenses of a regal compared with a i^n^ieaa

GENERAL INDEX,

FairtiiXi sir Thomas, how styled bv Charles tlie First, ii. 80 — His
reasons for engaging in die cause of the pariianient, 430 — His letter
to the commonH, on the state oi the negotiations with the kiDg> 456
— Appointed general io chief ot the pafliamentary forces, iii. 1 15~-
-Defrats the royalists in BeVL'ral reacounters, through their own mis-
'conduct, iv, IS — His arduous and soccesstui enterprise in the west,
■ iia — Subscribesthe "Engagement" in his own sense of it, 57 — De-
feats Charles the First at Naseby, iii. isr — His letter to the parlia-
ment on this e^'ent, ISO — His unambitious and unassuming conduct,
136 — His apology for the excesses of the army, committed in his
*naine, \37 — Attributes the mutinous conduct oi the troops to the
iotrigues of the igitntors, 162 — Protests his innocence of the seizure
of the king's person, 163, ifi.T-^-Said to hare been prei-ented from
attempting Cliarles's rescue, on ^ morning of his execution, by
Harrison's long prayer, a02 — The siory improbable, S03 — Kefiisea
to undertake the expedition i^inst Scotland, 332— Superseded, by
Cromwell, SSi — ^Protests against the execution of the regicides, iv.
H3S.

Faith, articles of, injustice of insisting on an unconditional subscriptjon

to, V. 91 — "rte design impracticable, 93,
Faieonbridge, lord, son-in-law to Cromwell, j« Fauconberg.
Falkland, lord, Bccri^tary, devoteshimstlf in the battle of Newbury, to

avoid the distress impending oo the country ii-om the ascendancy oi

the papists, ii. 4'1.1.
Falsehood reconciled with the hope of salvation by Romish priests, ».

150.
Fashion, the precursor of slaverv, v. 201.
Fast for parliamentary sins and failings, iii. 109.
Fauconbercr, lord, son-in-law to Cromwell, sent on an embassy to tlie

king of France in Flanders, and is honourably received, iii. a46 — Hit

character of Croni Well, 4hii — Deserts the repubUcan cause, and is

imprisoned, iv. 251. ,

Felton, paniculars of his assassination of the duke of Buckinghami iJ.

37.

Fenelon, his sentiments on the education of princes, iv. 5.

Fens of Lincolnshire, &c. disputes ^bout the drainage oti iii. 55.

Ferdinand of Austria, defeats Frederick, of Bohemia, i, 181.

Feudal taws, introduced by the Saxons, and cunlirmed by WiDiam the

Conqueror, iv. 369 — In some respects favoutable to liberty, in other*

an intokrabie yoke, 370 — Instances of their oppression, ii, — Cran-

muted for the excise laws, ST3.
Fidel jlngliceim, or a Plea tor the public Faith, published on the

resumption of the crown and church lands, extracts from, iv. 354 —

The author imprisoned, 359.
Field, bishop of Landaffe, his aduJatory letter to tlie duke of Bucking-

Fiennes, Mr. N. excepted from Charles the First's proclamation of
pardon, ii. ug — Employed to draw up Cromwell's declaration
against the royalists, iii. 433.

FiliS obligations imperative upon all, v. 27,

Finch, sir H. his condoct in the business of shiji-nioney, ii. 299 — Ac-
quits the parliament sf all blaroe in the death of Charles the First,

GENERAL INDEX.

S3()

^74 — Moves an excise on beer and a!e as a commutation for the
profits from the court of wards, iv. 373 — His specious mode of ac-
counting for the dccav ol the British navy, v. sal — Projects a gene-
ra] test, which is lost by a dispute for piivlleg^ £41,
Fines, excessive, inflicted by Charles the Second for trifling olFcnceD,

V, 334.
Fishery, Dutch, in the Britieli seas, license for, purchased of Charle?
the First, ii. 184 — Supposed prolit of this fisljery, 1B7 — Advantages
that would result from the establishment of a rival British Jishery,

Fitzgerald, an Irish papist, made second in comnland of the Blackhcath
army, v. 99 fi.

Five-mite act, one of the jrradationB by which the ministry attempted
to suppress the s|>irit ol liberty, v. 240.

Flag, British, first affront offered to it, i. I«8 — Spirited conduct
of tile commander of a British yacht to a French snip, retusing to
strike its flag, li. 1<10.

Flanders, proposed partition of, by the French and Dutchi ii. ia9 —
Importance of its sea-ports to England) 19i.

Flatterers follow fortune, iii- sii2,

Fleetwood retains his commission, in contravention of the 3eif-denyiiig
ordinance, iii. 1^4 — Appointea one of Cromwell'i major-ceneraU,
438 — Opposes the title of king being conferred on CromweO, 477—
Invites tlie Ruipp Parliament to assemble, iv, 1 95, 203 — Constituted
commander in chief of the army, '224 — Accedes to a pro|>osition fo^
making terms mth Charles the Second, a43— Retracts, and rwolvcs
to stand by the army, S44— His integrity to the commonwealth con-
trasted with the infidelity of his colleagues, 252.

Folkstone harbour, Bluke attacked in, by Van Tromp, iii. gh.

Folly and wisdom remarkably combined m certain cases, v, e.

Force essenual to the subsistence of government, v. 304.

Forests, lines grievously inflicted by Charles the First, for encroach-
ments upon, ii. 'J93.

Forgiveness (»f aina, the privilege of, 5y priests, publicly preached, ii.
'226.

Foi-ma in relipon requisite to its preservation, v. 99.

Fortescue, sir John, chosen member for Buckinghamshire, instead of
sir Francis Goodwin, whose election king James had aibitrarily va-
cated, i. ass.

Fortune never in want of flatterers, ill, 363.

Fowel) sir J. a court pensioner in the house of commons, under Charles
the Second, v. SH9.

Fox, Mr S. originally a footboy, promoted for his vote in the house of
commons, by Charles die Second, v, S8£ — Patticulars of his exa-
mination before the house, ass.

France, Buckingham's passion for the queen of, occasions a war

against it, i, 32, ii. IBS — The war miserably conducted under him,

159, 164 — Embassy of congratulation from, sent to Cromwell, iii.

346~HonourB paicf there to lord Falconbcrg, S47 — Joy expressed

on the conclusion of a treaty with England, 39S — Particulars ot the

^ negodadons, 366, Hlia — Cool reception of Charles the Second at the

'j court of, during his exile, iv. S6. • ■

' Fraud morc effectual than force, in the advancement of men to gr^nd-^

3<o GENERAL INDEX.

Frazier, Mr. Mcretary o!" Chelsea College, narrative by, charging;
Burnet with omissions in liis memoirs of the dukes of H-iniilton, ii,

Ficderick, elector I^tattne, marries a daughter of James the First, ].
17S — Accepts die throne of Bohemia, ii, its — His subsequent dis-
tresses, it. 1HI — Impolicy o< James, in not aiding him against the
emperor Ferdinand, 254 — Charles the First wars with Spain and
Germany, for the recovery of his Palatinate, ii. Hq, tS4--Cun"ous
reason assigned by the clergy of England foj- the loss of bis Rila-
tinate, sai.

Frederick William, elector of Braodenburgh, courts the friendship of
Cromwell, iii. 349.

Frederick, sir John, opposes the establishment of an excise, ir. 373.

Freedom of speech, less dangerous to a government, than supprelsfd

discontent, v. S6T.

Cachet, M. his letter to Richard Ba-iter in favour of tlie religio-J*

character of Charles the Second, tv. bgo.
Gallantry in pjinces, obsen-ations on, r. <3.
Gamaliel, Charles the First comtiares his ^ther to, ii. S7S.
Oamrt, ^ther Henry, executea far his concern in the gunpowder

plot, i. IIS.
Garroway, a leader of the oppowtion, bribed by Charles the Second,

V.277.

Gauden, bishop of Exeter, the work entitled Icon BBStlike, said to be
written by him, ii. 126 — Disbelieved by Wagstaft' from its dissimi-
larity to Ills other writings, \as — Character of his life of Hooker,
ii. 133.

Gawdry, Mis. Dorothy, escapes the wicked purpose of the duke of
Buckingham, by being conveyed out of a window, i. 348.

General warrant, copy of, for the seizure of unlicensed books, v.
257.

Generosity of the great, generally misapplied to unworthy objects,
and witnheid from cases of real necessity, iv. lo7.

Genius frequently buried in obscurity, for want of being known, iii.

26.

Gerard, sir Gilbert, rebuked by Charles the Second, for presenting a

petition from the inhabitants of London and WestminBlei', v. 310.
Gibbons, Mr. remarks on his condemnation by a ' " '

court, iii, 149.
Glamorgan, earl, employed by Charles to ncwotial

rebels, and bring them to act i^nst the parhamei

405— His negotiations with the pope's nuncio, ii.
Glaacott, air W. a court pensioner m the house of

Charles the Second, v. gso.
GlisEon, a panegyrist of Cromwell, iii. iiGi.
Glyn, Mr. Recorder, appointed of the committee for bringing in ihe

with the Irish
of England, iL

self-^len"

Glynne, cntef justice, an advocate for the title of king being cotJcrred
on Cromwell, iii, -173.

Godfrey, sir Edmondbury, remarks on the circumstances of his assassi
nation, exculpatory of the papists, v. 136— Exceptions to these n
marks, 145— Extract fiom Dr. Lloyd's funeral discourse on, ii.

GENERAL INPEX.

(ioldiimiths, in ^ r&ga of Charles die Secoiul, the bankers of the

nation, v. 9T0.
Gondomor, count de, Spanish Binbaesadoi', hia crafty maa^iiKDt of

king James, i. 186.
Good-AnniDur and good-HBEare widely difterenC from each other, exera-

plified in the character of Charles the Second, v. 45.
Goodwin, sir Francis, account ol James the First vacating his election

to parliament for Buckingham slure, i. QS9.
Goodwin, John, in fevour with the Protector, iii. 4^.
Goodwin's defence of the sentence passed and executed upon Charles

the First, iii, 207, rtseg.
Gordon on the security of government, and freedom of speech in the

subject, V. 267.
Goring, Mr. concerned b the plot far awing the last parliament of

Charles the First, ii. 3B1 — His confemion, SBS — Described by Claren-

don US a profligate cliaracter, piobably because he was not of the

chancellor's ^tion in the council of Charles the Second, iv. \e ;

ire also Bl — Becomes a court pensioner in the house of comraoos,

T. 390.
GovernrDenc, instrument of, signed by Cromwell as protector, iii.

33S.

Government, originates in the people, iii. 293 — subject to revolutions
and fatii periods, iv. 4C — The study of, the proper employment oi
princes, v. S — Not Lo be supported without force, iv. 46, v. 304.

Gower, Leviston, esq. a member of the venal hout>e of commons under
Charles the Second, v. sai.

Dowry, ea;-| of, his concern in the afliiir of Ruthven castle, i. 9 — Sup-
posed conspiracy of his sons, in coasequence of his execution, 13,

Giahame, James, duke of Monuose, tee Montrose.

Granville, Mr. B. the bearer of Moncke's last dispatches to Charles
the Second at Breda, iv. 321 — [lis welcome reception, 3S2.

Gray, Scotcli envoy, saying of \iia on the policy of executbg Mary
queen of Scots, i, 19.

Gjeat rebellion, iDquiry into tlie justice of tbit term being apjilied to
the civil wars between Charles die first and the parliament, li. 423.

Greenville, sir John, receives live hundred pounds from nailiament,
tor bringing over the letters and declaration of Charles the SeeoraJ,
iv, 327 — Extract from the Speaker's address to him on this occasion,

Creemille, or Granville, sir Richard, described by Clarendon as a mon-
ster of iniquity, iv. IG — His measures thwarted by the clianceUbr and
his adherents in the prince's council, i9-*Superacded in the com-
m:ind of the royal army by lord Mopton, so — Arrested, and confined
in Launceaton gaol, ib. — Exwninatioo of the justice of ClMendoc's
censure, si— Accuses die ChMicellor of having betrayed the priuce
to Cramweil, 153 — Ffuls in mibstamiating his char;ge, and is baniih-
ed the piince's presence, 156.

Gregory VII. pope, die intamons Hildebraod, canonized ia the
eighteenth century, v. no.

Gretsei , James, attacks king James's Apology for Oaths of Allegi-
ance, i. SOS,

Grey, Dr. charged with ignorance of the civil dignities conferi'ed
the clerey by Charles die First, ii. aS4,

rd, of Werk, Jined by die sur-chamExr,

GENERAL INDEX.

Greyi lord, animadversions oti hie dtclaration relative to the Rve-hoose-
' It, V, 343 — His character too objectionable to permit hifi tt-slimony
to have anv weight, 344.

Grimstonc, «r Harbottle, of Essex, himself and six poor tradesmen,
his nrighbours, sturdily oppose the general loan, ii. 288 — His ad-
dretSt as speaker of the convention parliament, to sir J. Greenrille,
on hifl bringing letters from Charles the Second at Breda, iv, 3S7 —
lUi account ot Cromwell's dissimulation between the parliament and
the annv, v. 06.

Giove, reoels agabat the Protector, anrt is executed, iii. 428, 4:ii.

Grotlus, his treatise in favour of frwdom of na,\igation and community
of the seas, ii. 184>

Guards, tirat raised in England by Cliatles the Second, v. 305 — The oc-
casion of great disputes between tlie king and parliaraentr 296 —
Declared to be an illegal asBerabJage, by lord chief justice Vaughan,
BO I.

Gumble, Dr. on the projected union between ilie English common-
wealth and Scotland, iii, 279.

Gwin, Nell, the actress, mistress to Charles the Second, v.. 41— Her
influence over him, 4^ — Recommended by him in his last momeote
to the protection of his bi'otlier, -13.

ilaak, Mr, Theodore, the first who suggested ihe meetings from which
the Royal Society arose, v. 7.

Hairman, sir Peter, sent on an errand to the Pslatinale, for refiising to
fevour the genei-a! loan, ii, see.

Hale, sir Edward, submits to the " Engagement" of the comtnon-
Xtrealth, iv. 56 — His motion for a committee to digest terms to be
proposed to Charles the Second, previous to his restoration, over-
ruled by Moncke, \\ —

Hale, sir Matthew, liisiory of his elevation to the bench by Cromwell,

iii. 413 — Reproved by him for dismissing a oacked iuru. 44a.
Hales, John, present at ttie synod of Dort, i.

Halifax, Saville, earl of, on the genius and talents of Charles the
Second, v. s — Endeavours to palliate that prince's dissimulation, 1 ii
— On the freelanguage/or rather obscenity of Charles, se— Onihe
certainty 6t his having embraced popery prior to his I'estoration, 54
— On the genuineness of the pajwis found in Charles's clo8«. after
hia decease, mi.

Hanibden, Mr. John, «? Hampden.

Hamilton, marquis (afterwards duke) of, undertakes to beat the earl of
jVrgyle out of the Weslejn Isles, iL saa— In great credit with
Charles the First, 334 — Saves the life of ijie earl oi Loudon, whose
warrant of execution had been signed, .149 — Removed from the
company of Charlc? the Second by the Scottish covenanters, iv. 76
— Defeated and,takcn prisoner by them, iii, 177 — Condemned by a
high commission court, 44a — Would probably have been acquitted
by another tribunal, ib,

Hammond, Dr. addresses the council of officers, against putting die
king to death, iii. 20.1.

Hampden, Mr. John, refiises to pay ship^noney, ii. 299 — One of tJie
^-' raembcra impeached by Chailes the FirBt, 409 — Excepted from

GENERAL IN0EX. ^.

the proclamation of pardon, 439-~Preyented from emigrating to
America, xii. 54 — Had been proposed as tutor to prince Cmiiiesy (af-
terwards Charles the Second^ it. 9-— Probable consequences to that
gentleman's patriotism, had!^ the appointment taken place, 10— •His
character, 11.

Hampden, Mr. John, (grandson to the former) his account of the
means taken by the court to procure the settlement of the exdset it.
'^75 — ^Heavily fined by the minions of Charles the Second, v. 335.

Hampton-Court conference, particulars of what x>assed at it* L 99 —
Furniture, plate, &c. belonging to, sold by the Rump-parliament for
paying the debts incurred during the protectorate, iv. 200 — ^The
palace itself ordered to be sold for the supply of the navy, 219.

Harboard, Mr. his spirited motion for the exclusion bill against Jamef
duke of York, v. 164.

Harcourt, tried and condemned as an accomplice in the popish plot* v.

14!.

Harmer, professor, a panegyrist of Cnmiwell, iii. 361.

Harrington, author of the Oceana, Charles the First fond of conversing
with him on government, iL S76--^His justification of Crom¥^ll^
dissolution of the long parliameint, iiL S2l — His report of Booth's
conspiracy for the restoration of Charles the Second, iv. 212 — ^At-
tached to Charles the First, though a republican in principle, v. 28 —
Cruelly imprisoned by Charlet tl^ Second, ib^ — On the absurdity of
clergymen meddling with state affairs^ 245— On Mr. Hobbes's ideas
of puolic liberty, 247.

Harris, Mr. his answer to Becanus's Controversia An^pana, i.

305.

Harrison, accused of detaining Fairfax in a long prayer, while Charles
was beheaded, iii. 202 — The story improbaole from his known
character, 203 — Forces the speaker from the chair, on Cromwell's
dissolution of the long parliament, 314 — Called to assist in Crom*
well's first parliament, 326.

Hartford, marquis of, anecdote of his interview with Cromwell, iiL

423.

Hartlib, Mr. S. employed by Cromwell, iii. 419. ^

Haselrig, sir Arthur, one of the five members impeached by Charles
the First, ii. 409 — ^Excepted from that prince s proclanaation of
pardon, 439— -Also from the proclamation of Charles the Second,
IV. 130 — ^Attainted after his death by Charles's pensioned parliament,

V. 32.

Hastings, sir Francis, piit from his lieutenancy and justiceship, for
drawing a petition ih favour of the puritans, i. 273.

Hatton, sir C. fined ;£" 12,000. for forest encroachments, ii. 296.

Hatton, sir Thomas, receives a pension frt)m Charles the Second, fbt*
his parliamentary services, v. 280.

Hay, James, made earl of Carlisle, i. 64 — ^His prodigal life in conse-
quence of the wealth bestowed on him by James the First, i. 66.

Ilayne, king's solicitor in Scotland, opposes the rehgious innovations
of Charles the First, ii. 319.

Haynes, m^or-general, his oppressive conduct in Norfolk, iii. 44S*

Haywood, Dr. petitions Laud on the subject of his parishioners bcs^^
coming Catholics^ \L 232.

Hazehig^, sir A. 4ce Hasdrig.

^ Henderson. Alex:

GENERAL INDEX,

Henderson, Alexander, engaged in a controvi-Ta^ wicli Charles the
First, on church ^vemmcnt, ii. t.i— His dissatisfaction with him-
self, in this trial of' akllt with the king, said to have occasioned his
death, 115.

HenrietLi Maria, consort of Charles the First, her peraon and charac-
ter, ii. SS — Partiailara of her ill conduct 10 her husband, 98 — Her
senrafits, who attended her into England, sent home, through the in-
trigues of Buckingham, 32 — Her influence over her husband after
BUclUDgham's death, 38 — Acts a nan in a pastoral, SC3 — Said ta
have been concerned in the Irish reoellion, 406, 407.

Henrietta, princess, sister to Charles the Second, her sudden and rayde-
rious death, v. S03.

Henry, prince, son ot James the First, endeavours to marry with a
daughter of France or Savoy, i. Moe— His amiable diapoation and
exc3)ent genius, 294 — Supposed to hive died by poison, 34^,

30!.

Henry the Seventh, strictures on the legitimacy of his accession to the

throne of England, iv, 140,
Henry the Eighth, condemned by the clergy for seizing upon ilie

abbies, ii. 295.

Henry the great, of France, hi) contempt of king J.Tjnes, i. SOT and

208 — His attachment to Henry, eon of that pnnce, 29B.
Herbert, lord, his estate given by the commons to Cromwell, after

the battle of Naseby, iii, 134.
Herbert, sir Thomas, his account of the last moments of Charles llie

First, ii. 477 — His letter to the commons after the batde of Naseby,

iii, 12S.
Hereditary right, absurdity of the doctrine of, i.si5.
Hertford, earl of, governor to prince Charles, .ifierwards Cbarlet tlie

Second) iv. 6.
Heivey, Iwdj on the utility and necessity of freedom of speech in

subjects to the well-being of government, v. aiia.
Hewet, an advocate for the restoration of ChiulcB the Second, exe-
cuted, iv. 127.
Uewson, colonel, sent to qutU the tumults in the city, is fired upon

from the houses, iv. 245.
Heylin on the cause of the civil wars, ii. 413.
Hickman, Dr. Charles, his letter to the bishop of Rochester, urging

the suppression of some manuscript letters of Chatles the First, ii.

144.
High commission court, its power under James the First, i. B7B —

Abolished by the parhament of England, ii. 314. 377 — Abolished ia

Scotland, 339.
High eottrt of justice, erected for the trial of Charles the First, gives

nse to many others, iii. 449 — How constituted, ii.
Hildebrand, the infamous pope Gregory VH. canonized, t. 170.
Hispaniola, expedition against, unsuccessful, iii. 374, 3T7.
History, the knowledge of, indispensable to princes, i. ss — That of

Procopius recommended to their perusal, 5H.
Hnbait, Mr. warrant of the council issued against, for his free speaking

in parliament, ii. 384,
Hobhes, Mr. mathematical tutor to prince Charies, (afterwaids Charles

the Second) it. 8— The office of secretary proffered hiai by Cntm*

GENERAL INDEX. 345

Well, iii. -119 — His reraariu on the (^ligation of subjects to their
sovereigns, 344 — Oo public liberty, v, 846 — Hia ootious erroneous,

948.

Uollaod, earloi", (ne Rich) presides as justice m eyre, respecting en-
aoachments on forests, ii. 29.'; — Miide general of the horse, 334—
Dcscna Charles on account of' his attachment to the jiatHsts, 44s —
Observution on his condemnation by a high commission com t, iii.

Hollandi la Dutch and States General.

Holies, Denzil, one of the live members impeached by Charles the
First, ii. 409. See Hoilis.

HoUis, Mr. (aftej-watds lordj letter by, giving the particulars of Buck-
ingham's expedition .igamet France, ii. 159 — Imprisoned and fined
for his (ree speaking in parliament, 284— Refiises £io,ooo. voted to
him by the commons on the j'eversal of his sentence, 2SS — Particulars
of the impeachment of Strafford, related by him to bishop Burnet,
374 — On the motives of the parliament in appealing to aims, 41B —
Imputes cowardice to Cromwell, iii. 86 — Attiibutes tlic meeting ol
the army to Oliver's contrivance, y4 — On the dispensatiun of Crom-
well from the self-denying ordinance, lis — On the promotions and
rewards bestowed upon his parliamentary antagonists, isa — His
character of sir Thomas Fairfax, 137 — On the seizure of Charles
the First by the army, 1G3 — On the treaty between that ptince and
Cromwell, no — Supposed to be the author of the reply to Crom-
well's declaration against the cavaliers, 4aB — Avoided, by Charles
the Second, as not to be corrupted or tampered with, v. 33S.

.Hohnes, sir Robert, the instigator of the two Dutch wars in the reign
of Charles the Second, originally an Irish livery-boy, atterwards a
highwayman, v. 231.

Holt, sir R. maintained in prison by Charles the Second, for his parlia-
mentary manasement, v. 390.

Holy Ghost, said to have been sent from Rome to the council of Trent
in a cloak-bag, ii. 249.

Hone, his dying declaration of his concern in the Rye-house plot, v.

337.

Honesty too often superseded by reasons of state in corrupt govern-
ments, iii. 295.

HoneywixKl, Mr. threatened by Charles the Second for presenting the
Essex petition, v.SH.

Honour, pimctilio of, in signing treaties, how managed for Richard
Cromwell, iv. 176.

Hopton, lord, defeats the parliamentary Ibi'ces in Devooshire, ii. 437 —
chosen general of the royalists in tfie room of sir R, Greenville, iv.
20— Obliged to disband, and accept of terms from the enemy, ii.

Hopton, sir Charles, presents the remonstrance of the commons to
Charles the First, iii. 73.

Horton, a panegyrist of Cromwell on occasion of the Dutch treaty, iii.
360 — Celebrates bis memory after his death, 489.

Hoskyns, John, committed to the Tower tor his free Bpeaking in par-
liament, i. SSI— His lines to his little son Benjamin oo restraint of
the tongue, ib,

Hotham, sir John, committed to the Fleet for refusing to answer ques-
tions put by the council relative to matteis in parliament, ii. 360-~
Excepted trom Charles the First's piocliuwtion of pardon, 439.

He. GENERAL INDEX.

Howsoa, ihnugh an Armiman, advanctd to a bishopiick by Idng
Jatqes. i. 155.

Howe.'Mr. preachcB against pnthusUsm before Cromwell, iii, 3tK-His
account of the iinnnoss of Itichard Cromwell amiiJK his refractory
council, iv. aoo.

Howard) Mr. Thomas, negotiates a i^ardoti witli Charlei the Second,

. for Downing, tJicpariiamemary reMdent in Holland, iv. 354.

Howard, sii' Robert, a proselyte to popery, ii. 233 — Accuses Mr,
Bt-rtie ot corrupt practices, v. 384 — IniisCs on the punishnient of
the assasbins who had attacked sir J. Coventry, 9M.

Howard, sir P. a court pengioner in the hoiue of commons, under
Charles the Second, r. aee.

Howard) lord, deserts the republican cause, iv, S51 — Gi\xs evidence
against lord William Russell, v. 339 — His testimony at variance
with what he afterwards gave against Algernon Sydney, 34S.

Huddleston, Rev. J. extract from his account of the last raomcnw of
Charles the Second, v. 6o.

UuEOnocs, employed to defend the religious tenets of Chariei the
Second, against the imputation of papery, Jv. SGO,

Hnme, his exculpation of Charles the Firnt, in the aifarr of Bucking-
ham's lying nari'stive respecting Spain* combated, ii. 86 — Hia
opinion of that king's letters, I13— Charged widi misquoting
Milton, i35~Too complaisant to the memory of Cbarlce the First,
143 — Palliates the proceedings of the star-chamber, sfl6 — Charged
with inaccuracy respecting Lilburne, 274 — With ignorance in the
question of ship-money, 307 — With omission respecting theiardun
of the earl of Loudon, 350 — With ill-natured remmt* oa the par-
liament that impeached StraSoi-d, 378 — Question aa. to his authority
for the numbers he states to have fallen in the Irish mataacre, 391 —
His exculpation of Charles from all concern in that afiair, 394 —
Justly attributes the civil wupk to the in^achraent of lord Kimbol-
ton and the five coraraoners, 412 — Unfaithful in his character of
Oliver Cromwell, iii, 9— Mistakes an instance of his pleaaaotry, SJ
—Inconsistent, and unraindfiil of fiicla in his remarks on Croniwell'f
want of eloquence, 34 — Partial in his reflections on the Remon-
strance, 74 — Mistaken in asserting that the self-denying ordiuaoce
met with no resistance in the house of peers, iii. IIS — Bltuncakle
tor copying Clarendon's account of the Mide of Worcester, 843 —
Favourable to the plan of the republican parliament, butmiffiaken as
to the qualification of electors, 287— Censured for attempring to
amuse his readers with a list of names, which he gives as novelties
in the days of the republic, though known to have been in Uiie long
before, 334 — Misguided in his reflections on the unconditional resto-
radon of Charles the Second, iv. 3S3 — His estimate of that prince's
revenue erroneous, 344 — Too hasty in deciding upon the circum^
stances of the death of sir E. Godfrey, v. 148.
Huncks, colonel, his account of the mode in which the order for the
king's execution was given, iii. 201— At variance with Perinchief's
relation, sos.
Hungerfbrd, sir Edward, excepted from Charles the First's proclama-
tion of pardon, ii. 439^Present8 the Wiltshire petition to Charles
the Second, and is threatened by him, v. 310.
Hunting, obsenadons on, i. !)<i,
Huntiiigton, major, his reasons for laying down his comndssiiiii, iii.

GENERAL INDEX.

139— Preieniedfro
by Cromwell, 15
corrupting the c(

Huntley, marquis of, contrires the aRsauiaation of the earl of Mur-
ray, i, n. — Put to death by the Scociish covenanters, iii. sag.

Hutton, judge, concludes against the king in the question of ghip-
, money, ii. 304.

Hyde, SIT Edward, chancellor to Charles the Second, said to be ex-
pert in the Scotrilh jigs and artifices, iii. fl30— Usurps all autho-
rity in die council, iv. 17, 19 — 111 efiects of his influence in
the army, la — Hated in the council, 149 — Accused of holdine a
secret correspondence with Cromwell, 1 53— Acquitted ol Ujis
charge, 1 S6— PosseRse« his con-espondents in England with a high
opinion oi Charles's judgment and urbanity, 'iS9 — Acknowledges
himself to have been deceived, ass — His apology, 3Z4 — S^c
Clarendon.

Hyde, Henry, seized by the Othman court, and delivered up to the
English parliament, by whose order he is beheaded, iv. 115.

Hyde, Mr. [afterwards earl of Rochester) opposes the mUiiia and ex-
clusion {nils in the commons, ii. 416. V. 171.

Icon Batilike, examination of the question whether written by
Charles the First, ii, IS4 — Favourable effect of this work upon the
memory of that kbg, 134.

Imprecations, bitterness of those in which James the First indulged,
1. SQ — Caution against their use, ii. 90.

Imprisonment, illegal, instances of under Cromwell, iii. 445.

Inauguration of Ohver Cromwell as protector described, iii, so.

Incorporations, name given to arbitrary patents under Charles the
First, ii. M9a.

Indemnity and pardon, promised by Charles the Second in his decla-
ration at Breaa, iv. 9es — Proceedings of parliament upon the bill
for, j'i. — Receives the toyal assent, 3fi6 — Observations on, ib.

Indifference of mind, cause of, exemplified in the case of Charles the
Second, V. 4.

Indulgence, declarations of, extorted from Charles the Second, by
die reproaches of the people, t, 1 3-J — Rendered abortive by tlie
parliament, 1S4 — A new declaration issoed by the Cabal miiUG-
try, in favour of protestant dissenters only, 125 — Quashed by the
jiarliameni, who object to the king's claim of a dispensing power,
1S7 — A bill passes both hounes tor the relief of dtseenters, but is
purloined from the tible when about to receive the royal assent. Tie
—Renewed rigours of the penal laws, J 99,

Infanta of Spain, particulars of the proposed match between her and

the son of James the First, i. BO I— Privileges granted to the Catho- |

lies in England on its taking place, 364,

Ingoldsby, colonel, retains his military commission, notwithstanding
the seli-denying ordinance, iii. 134 — Refuses to sit as judge on the
trial of Charles the First, 301— His signature forcibly affixed to the
dealh-waiTant, by Cromwell, ib. — Procures his pardon of Charles
the Second, piior to tbe RestoraUon, iv. U5S.

Ingratitude imputed to Charles the Second^ v. iT^^larcodoo'G view
of this charge, ii,— Burnet's, 13.

GEKER/VL INDEK.

of Cliarles tlie Sccondi W.

iDtokiMDce in religion, ubeiird and subvernrc of t]ie bonds of •&•

cicty, V. 120.
Irish coDvocation. Sa Convocation.

Irish seag, cruelly inlesltd by llie Turks, in ihe time of Charles the
FirM, ii. ITS.

Iiilh rebellion, particulars of, ii. .190 — Question examined of Charles
betas concerned io it, 393 to WS.

IrelaoOi . proceedinga in, during the commonwealth, iii. 819 — Pre-
tertedlo England by Cromwell's conquests snd sagacity, 837 —
CharlM the Second proclaimed in, w. 54— Preferred by that prince
to Scotland, 57 — Conquered by Cromwell, 59 — ExceSBes ccmuaitted
by the papists in, 64 — Charies issues a prodamatioD againtt the
rebels in, to please his English subjects, at his testoraoos, 331 —
The Btanding force of, increased, t. 398. ,

Ireton, colonel^ retains his cummaiid in opposibon 10 die td£<lenying
ordinance iii. 124 — Wounded in the battle of I4SRel)y. |tG — Con-
cerned in the seizure of the lung at Holmsby, 1 r,s — Msoc tecond in
command in the Irish wai', iii. •J-22 — Left by Cioinwell to finish the
conquest of Ireland, ssi— Itulignitics put upon his Tcinaias, aftur
the Restoration, 517.

Italy, trembles at Cromwell's name, iii. SS*.

Jackaon, Ulr. Arthur, presi^nts a bible to Charles tlic Second, in tlic
name of the London ministers, v. IS.

Jacomb, Dr. an active af^t of the Presbyterians, in the rHioradon tii
Chafles the Second, i». 312.

Jamaica taken by the English, nao, U8Z— Procl.unation for the set-
dibg of, .114 — It! importance to £iig]and, ii87.

James the First, hisdHcetit, i. 1 — Gould never bear the ai^hi of a
drawn sword, 1 — His aveision to Buchanan, his tutor, fr-^nters
upoD thi3 Scottish }(0vemmcnti a— Is seized and conveyed to Ruth-
yen castle, 9— His dissimulation rcspccdng that event, ll-.41ilC0D-
ceminthe murder of the earJ of Murray, IS — RemonstlStW with
queen Eliiabethagainsttlie execution of his mother, it — Pci««rt)f
Elizabeth and her mintstcrs over him, ai — Plot^ against Sw^th
with the see of Rome, 23— Motives of his obedience to E&zabeth,
35 — Treated witii disr^ard by the Scottish nobility and clet^, Stt,
S7 — His disaimuiation with the clergy, no— His marri^, 96— Hii
ignorance of history, ii. — Character of his consort, it. — His first
literary productions, 41 — Severilyof his proceedings against Witch-
craft, 44 — Succeeds to the throne of England, 6\ — Reven^tiil na-
ture of his first prucetdiliKi, ii. — Wealth and honours lavished by
him on his Scottish attendants, 64, 65 — On the English courtiers, 71
— Hit ingratitude to Elizabeth, T3, 76 — His love ai' ease aod plea-
sure, 77 — Addicted to drinking, iit. — Not free from an unnatural
rice, 83— Addicted to cwning, swe.Tring, and the bitterest impreca-
tions, 87— Assumes great airs of religion, 90 — His sincerity m this
respect inquiri'd into, as — His fondness for hunting, 04 — Ambitious
of being tno\^t learned, and master of the controreiBies of the
day, <>7 — Instances oi his exposing himself i& this ['especu in & con-

^s;

GENERAI, INDEX. M9

ferencewith die puritans, 99, l(!i5 — PublialiM his Apologyfor the
Oathof Allegiance, 117— Account of this work, 1 1 9— Numerous re-
pliee to it, 132 — Writea his Premonition, 124 — His motives for
writing itj ib. — Great effects pretended to have been produced by it,
129 — Iropiety of this pretence, !i. — Its indifferent receptiun abroad,
132 — Opposes with virulence the admission of Vorstius to the pro-
fessor's chair of divinity at Leyden, 134. 137 — Cnuses two of his
jubjects to be burnt for heresy, 143 — Further instance of his perse-
cuting spirit, 144 — Stigmatizes the Arminians, and deprives them
of air ecclesiastical and academical funcrions, 147, iSl^Advancei
several of them to the greatest dignities, 1 54 — PubUshes his Remon-
strance for the Rights of Kings, in answer to cardinal Perron, 137 —
Other works written by him, 161 — His aversion to war leads him to
make an impolitic treaty of peace with Span, I64j and to neglect
the interest of his daughter and Jier progeny, 177 — Suffers theBnush
flag CO be affronted with impunity by the Dutch, i. lea — Surrenders
to the Dutch the cautionary towns, 1 ga — Overiooks dieir cruelty to
the English at Amboyna, 197 — His weakness in permitting llis son to
go into Spain to conclude the match with the infanta, sot — Is ddi-
culed by foreign princes. 207 ; and by his own subjects, 21 1 — Hie
absurd value of his hereditary right, 213 — Carries hisnotiona of pre-
rogative to a degree of impiety, ai9 — Treats his parliament con.
lemptuously, aa4 — Imprisons several members of die house of com-
mons for thrir free sjjcafcing, 230 — His unparalleled treatment of sir
Walter Raleigh, i.'37 — Iniquitously pardons Somerset and hia lady,
the murdererB of sir Thomas Overbury, 240 — "rotesses himself a
protestant, but suffers those of tliat persuasion abroad to be op-
pressed, 252— Favours the catholics, 260— His bitter persecution oi'
the puritans, 273 — His death and burial, 281 — Question of bis having
been poisoned by his son Chajlea the First, ana the duke of Buck-
ingliam, examined, ib. ii. 21 — His issue, i. 290 — Characters of hint
by vaiious writers, Sss — Dr. Birch's additions respecting him, SOJ
. — His advice to his suecesaors to neglect parliaments, iv, S3~Hi»
■ leply to one who told him that his ministers were bribed by Spain,
. v. 229.

'^a«i, duke of York, converts his first wife, a proteatant, to the
cathohc religion, and married for his second, a lady of that pro-

^mes, sir J. a tool of the court to corrupt the house of commons,

under Charles the Second, v. 239.
Jcfleries, judge, his character, v. 331 — His conduct on the trials of lord

RusscilandAIgenion Sydney, 341. 348.
JjHikins, sirL. son oi' a tailor, v. 289 — Excuses the duke of York'*

attachmMii to popery, on the question for the biU of exclusion, and

declares him to be no bigot, 172 — His arguments heard with iodig.

nation, 17a — Promoted for his services in parliaioent, v. 282 — ]n-

defaiii^ble in negotiating a peace for Fmnce, ii.
Jppthson, Mr. charges loid Dillon and lord Taaffc ivlth using the

king's name to encourage die Irish rebels, ii> 40i'.
Jenhm, Mr. concerned in the project for awing the last pirllsmeat

of Charles the Firstj ii. 3S4.
Jermyn, lord, his otitections to the expected terms to be laid on

Charles the fecwid, for bis restoration, oviT-ruled,ir.r!i4,

GENERAL INDEX.

Jeiiuitt, gunpowder jilot asciibeJ to ihem, i. Hi — Refuse to renooBcc

the temiwral authority of the pope, \. 73 — Sir Catholics.
Johnson, Mr. Samuel, on bishop Tilioison's doctrine of non-rewst-

ance, v. 943.
Joilifib, Mr. opposes the establishment of an excise, iv. 373,
Jones, general, commands the parliamentary forces in Dublin, iii.sso —

Defeats Omioode, 283 — A member of Barebone's iiarliament, 3b6.
Jones, sir William, his speech in the house of commons on the bill for

the relief of disscntcis having been removed from the table secretly-,

when it should have received the royal assent, v. IQs.
Joitin, Dr. on the heat and violence attendant on reformation, iii. is.
Joyce, colonel, seizen king Charles the First at Holmby, and removes

hira to the army, ii. 4,'iO. iii. icn — RebukeB Cromwell (or protesting

that he was ignorant of this measure, 97— Casliiered and imprisoned

for speaking against the protecto(> 98,
Judges, names of, who sided with Charles the First, in the impon^on

of ship-money, ii. 30o — Impeached by parliament for their conduct

in this business, 305 — Names of those appointed by Cromwell,

iii. 41S.
Juries packed by Cromwell, ill. 443 — One dismissed by judge Hale, W.

Packed in the reign of Cliarlea the Second, for the piupose of ex-

aclbg extravagant fines, v. 335.
Justice, perversion of, in the latter part of Charles the Second's

reign, v. 339.
Juxon, Ushop of London, nude lord high I

Keinton, battle of, conduct of Cromwell during, iii. 8S.

Kelsey, colonel, one of Cromwell's m;iJor-generaIs, Iii. iSH.

Kennet, bishop, his account of Henderson's controverey with Chirte*
the First, ii. ii,? — His bIoss upon die disinterment of Slake's renins
after the Restoration, the efiect of shanie for his party, iii. 3!>1-

Ker, Robert, honours and wealth confeiTcd on him by Jamea the
First, i. 64. 66^ — Dresses efTeminatcly to favour the king's imnatoral
propensity, 83 — He and his lady, the principal actors in the murder
of sir Thomas Ovcrbury, 9o — Sir Walter Raleigh's estate of Sher-
bum Castip conferred upon him, S3s — Found guilty of the rautrfer
of sir Thomas Overbury, but pardoned by James, M40 — Probabift
motive of this pardon, 243.

£erouaIle, mademoiselle de, duchess of Foitsmouth, mistress to
Charles the Second, v. 41 — Eiench patent for crediting her duchesaof
Alilbigny, ii, — See Portsmouth.

Kettleby, admiral, destmed to act against liie rebels on die Irish coast,
but called away by the king, ti. 404.

Keynton, batde of, li. -iSG.

KJIiigrcw, Mrs. E. mistress of Charles the Second, iv. 169.

Killing no Murder, wrongly attributed to colonel Titus, coIOQcL
Edward Sexby having avowed himself as the writer, iii. Hi.

Kimbplton, lord, impeached by Charles the First, and protected by
the parliament, ii. 408.

King, Thomas, esq. a pensioner of Chadcs the Second, for pariia-
TneBtary management, t. ssi.

GENERAL IKDESL SSI

King of Engjandy the guardian of the rights and liberties of the peo^
pie, ii. 491.

KingSy duties of, ii. 72 — ^High notions of Charles the First, respect*
ing, S77 — ^Lines by Milton, on the duties and offices of, 279—
Never so low but tney add wei^t to the party in which they ap-
pear, iii. leS-^The people not prohibited, by any law of nature,
to lay them a^de, 207 — Bound by an original compact, expressed
or implied, the breach of which aosolves their 8id)jects firom alle-
giance, 208---Derive a great portion of th«ir power from usurpation
and flattery, iv. 49 — Milton's description of, 284 — ^Their pretence to
a divine right supported by the clergy, v. S4i — ^Their best security
to be souffht for m the a^Fections of their subjects, so^H^See Princes.

Kingston, Mr. his relation of the expectation of the royalists, that
terms would be insisted on for the restoration of Charles the Second^
iv. 314.

Kirkmen, act of Charles the First relating to the apparel of, ii. 318.

Knightly, sir Valentine, degraded for favooiing the puritans, i. 273.

Knights, number of, made by James the First, i. 69 — ^Arbitrary tax
respecting, by Charles the First, ii. 291. 358.

Knights' services, abolished by Charles the Second, iv. 967.

Knox, his concern in the reformation oi religion in Scotland, ii. 31 a*

Lake, sir Thomas, unjust conduct of James the First to, i. SS7..

Xambert, called to sit in Cromwell's first parliament, iii. 826— ^Ap-
pointed one of the protector's major-generals, 438 — ^Becomes head
of the fifth monarchy men, on the deaui of Cromwell, 'iv. 1 70 — His
defeat of the royalists at Namptwich, 213 — Rewarded by the par-
liament, 214 — Made a major-general by the army, 225 — ^Banished,

V. 32.

Lamplugh, bishop of Exeter, his oppression of the non-conformistsi;

V. 109.

i^ncashire, the inhabitants of, disarmed by the Rump parliament,
iv. 214.

Lansdowne, lord, on the causes of the royalist(i' disasters, iv. 17-—
His narrative of his father'tf interview with Charles the Second at
Breda, where he presented Mopcke's last dispatches relative to that
prince's unconditional restoration, 321 — His nattering description of
the effects produced by the Restoration, 330 — Remarks on Burnet's
narrative oi the death of Charles the Second, v. 359.

Laud, though an Arminian, advanced to a bishopric by James the
First, i. 155 — Other church preferments enjoyed by him, 271 — His
character of James, 292— -Wishes to put Felton to the rack, ii. 38 —
His book against Fisher epitomized by Charles the First, 74— -Charged,
with altering the oath to be administered to Charles the First on hi«
coronation, 205 — His reply to this charge on his trial, 206-^up-
presses the book written against the doctrines broached by Mon-
t£^ue, 216 — ^His reverential bows to a crucifix hung up in the chapel
otCharies, 220 — Charged with setting up pictures in the windows
of his chapel at Lambem, 221 — ^His inferiority, as a church ruler,
to-Abbot, 225 — Refiises to be a cardinal, 237 — ^Acquitted of the
charge of intending to introduce popery, 239 — Attempts to intro-
duce universal conformity, 241 — ^High-soundmg titles oestowed on
him, 251 — ^Named one of the commissiQners of exchequer by the
1^, 254— Orden the prot^tioB of Pryane, S6^-^Thaak< tkf

GENERAL INDEX.

lordi of the star-chamber for the severit;^ of their Krttenws, S8S—
Designed by nature for the office of an inquisitor, 26a — Further in-
stances oFhi£7>eraeciiting spirit, S6fl — Complains of thejudgev who
decided agaiost the king in the question of ship^noney, 304 — His
high demeanour od the coronation of Charles the First, in Scotland,
317 — Introduces a liturgy in ScociaDd, 32.T — Reasons assigned by
him, why the opposition to the liturgy was auccesafui, 331 — Ek-
traa fiom his EpistJe Dedicator^' to Charles the First, iii. SO — Offi-
ciates at the baptism of Charles the Second, iv. a.

Ijuderdale, lord, procures letters of recommendation, in favour of
Charles the Second's religious leneta, from the French Ilugonots,
iv. 364 — Employed in Scotland to procure sn :jc( for a standing
array there, v. S94.

Law, true, of free Monarchy, hv James the First, nature of its
doctrines, i, 50 — Reasoning on the liotation of, by magistrates,
ii. ^14.

Law, attempted to be reformed by the republican parliament, iii. 98T
— Remonstrance to the commons on the bad state of the lawe, 3S8 —
Laws suspended during a civil war, h. 3^7.

League and covenant, sa Solemn League and Covenant.

Learning, m Literature.

LeClerK, on the power of superstition, v. ii,

Lee, a leader of tlie opposition in the house of coramonp, receives a
bribe from Charles the Second, v. S77.

Legate, Bartholomew, burned in Smithfield far heresy, i, 143.

Leicester, earl of, appointed lord-Jieuienant of Iielana, iL V)B.

Lcighton, Alexazider, cruelties inflicted on, by the star-chamber, for
writing a book, entitled An Appeal to tlie Parliament, ii. 860—
Character of this work, 261.

Leightun, Har. his letter to the commons after tlie battle of Haseby,

ill. 138.

Leith, Charles the First rccoraniended to pcifect its fbrtificaiioiis,
ag^nsttJie corecanters, ii. !j:it.

Lennox, duke of, regent during the minority of James the First, i. 7.
His character, 8 — Dies in banishraent, lo.

Lenthall, speaker of the coramoiUi his letter to prince ChaHes, dc
(innghia i-etumfiom Scilly, iv. 53 — Proscribed by that prince, 199.

Lenlhdl, Mr. reproved at the bar of tlie commons, for spedung dif-
respectfully of the last parliament of Charles the First, ii. 493.

I.esly, heads the Scottish covenanters, in their intended resistanoe of
Charies the First by arms, ii. 334.

L'EBtrange, extract from bja Engagement and Rcmonsirance of the
City of London, iv. 247.

Lessius, Leonardus, writes against king James's De&ncc of Oaths
of Allegiance, i. SOS.

Letttrs, Of Charics the First, the charge by Clarendon, of their pub-
iication in a mutilated state, combated, li. s — Letters of that king
topope Urban the Eighth, 1S7 — Official, relative to the battle oi'
J(asebv, iii. 138 — Ontfinal, of Olivei Cromwell, 4B1-— Copies oi
those found in Charles the Second's eioset, declaratory of his attach-
ment to the church of Rome, v. 63 — Probabilitv ot their being
written by some otlier hand, and only copied by Charles, 68.

Leven, earl otj his petition to Charles' the First, in the name of the
Scottish army, iii. 153.

Liberahty to loreign sufierers not unknown to &ui' forefathers, iii. S9P-

GENERAL INDEX. S53

Liberty of conscience^ a fiivourite maxim of Cromwell, iii, 39 — Pro-
mised by Charles the Second at Breda, iv. 266.

Liberty, essential to the happiness of mankind, v. 2S7 — ^Treated as a
fiction or jest by Hobbes, 246 — ^Natural to men, 248 — ^The notions

. of, entertained ty the northern nations long before they were ac-
quainted with the Greek or Roman writers, ib. — ^Promoted in this
country by the reformation, 249.

Liberty of the press, restrained by Charles the Second, v. 250 — ^A
committee proposed to inquire after books that have spoken against
the royal right, &c. that they may be burnt, 252.

Licensers, appointed to inspect all works intended for the press, t* 254.

Lichfield, Leonard, esq. printer to the university of Oxford, pane-
gyrises Oliver Cromwell, and afterward Chailes the Second, iii. 362.

Lilbum, John, severities inflicted on, by the star-chamber, for printing
without licence, ii. 273 — His bold behavioui' under the punishment
of the pillory, 274 — ^Imprisoned by Cromwell, iii. 281, 445.

Lilly, consulted as an astrologer by Charles the First, ii. 66 — ^Doubts
tne Icon Basilike being written by that king, 1 24.

Limitations in government, beneficial to prince and people, iv. 324.

Lincoln, bishop of, punished by the star-chamber for disloyal words,
ii. 313 — ^Requires the clergy of his diocese to enforce the laws
against non-conformists, v. 107.

Lincolnshire fens, disputes about the drainage of, iii. 55,

Lindsey, archbishop of Glasgow, rudeness of Laud to, at the corona-
tion of Charles the First in Scotland, ii. 318.

Litany of the puritans against the prelatists, iii. 47.

Literature, encouraged by the commonwealth, iiL 291, 299, 305$ and
by Cromwell, 419 — ^Less benefited by the Restoration than usually
supposed, V. 8.

Littleton, lord keeper, supports the militia bill, ii. 416.

Liturgy, EngUsh, order- m council for it to be observed in all foreign
,part8 and plantations, ii. 241 — Scottish accounts of its introduction,
323-— Tumult in the church of Edinburgh and other places on the
first reading of it, 326 — ^From the means of enforcing of it failing, the
act relating to it is nulled, 329 — ^Restored in England by Charles the '
■Second, v. ss.

Lloyd» Dr. on the murder pf sir E. Godfrey, v. 145.

LoaOy a general one required by Charles the First, . ii. 287 — Persons
punishied for refusing to subscribe to it, 288 — ^Rigorous proceedings
respedjqg this loan the cause of the enactment of the petition of
right, 2«9.

Locke, Mr. on resistance and passive obedience, ii. 432*-Qn pro-
rogation, 493 — ^Extract from his poem in praise of Cromwell's go-
vernment, iii. 361 — On the impolicy of the act of uzuformity, and
the indiscreet hurry with which it was carried into execution, v. 88,
94 — ^His narrative of the commotions excited by the episcopalian
olergy in Scotland, on the publication of an indulgence to dissent-
ers, 125 — On the measures .pursued by Charles the Second, for
eradicating the love of liberty from tie nunds of his subjects, 239 —
On the lawfulness of resistance, 250.

London, vast sum of money exacted of the citizens of» by James the
First, i. 236 — Rated at twenty ships for the guard of the seas by
Charles the First, ii. 288 — Fined by the gtar^^baahcr twenty thou-
saml pounds, sitr-^^u^e to assist .Charles a^uut. the Scots on

VOL. I. ' A A

354 GENERAL INDEX.

account of thai fine, ib.~~The aldermeo Buranioned before the
council to give nn account of the richest ciiizc-D.s, and committed
for refusal, aei — The lord mayor and sheriffs fined for neglecting
to raise ahip^noney, ib. — The ministers of, protest a^nsc putting
Charles the First to death, iii. 203— Tumults in, during Oie con-
troverBV between the anny and (larliaraent, \v, 945 — Demandi a
free parliament, 346 — Extract from a paper intitled " The eog^-
ment and remonstrance of the city of London," 247 — Disposition
of the people of, towards therestoration of Charles the Second, 249 —
Rehiaea to pay taxes to the Rump-parliament, and is chastised by
Moncke, E99— The citizens of, prevaU on Moncke to join them in
favour of die Restoration, 31! — The miniatera of, present an
elegantly bound bible to Charles the Second, which he promises to
male th? rule of his conduct, v. 1 5 — A quo •uiarraalo issued aganst
its charter, S25.

Loidon, and Westminster, petition from, presented to Charles the
Second, V. 310.

Long, Mr. accuses the Chancellor, Hyde, of having had an interview
widj Cromwell, iv. 151.

Long parLamenc, or the Rump, recalled by the officers of the anDy, in
the resignation of Richard Cromwell, iv. las, 195— Dissolves itself
to make way for the restoradon of Charles the Second, 308, 326
— Sm Parliament.

Longland, Mr. hie account of the surprise of foreigners at the restora-
tion of Charles the Second, iv. 3S4.

Lords, house ofj concur with the commons in the case of the im-
peachment of members by Charles the First, ii. 408 — Agree to put
ttie militia bill in force without the king's consent, 415 — Agree t»
the commons' resolution (or raising an army against the kiogt 491 —
Sse Parliament. — Reject the ordinance of tne commons for Dtinging
the king to trial, 471 — Proceedings of, on the self-denyine ordinance,
113, IH^Petitioned by the army on the resolution for di^nd-
ing the tioops, 154 — SuBPi^saed by the commons, aOBj 215 — Re-
stored on the restoration of Charles the Second, iv. 326 — A com-
mittee to examine the penal statutes against papists, v. 74 — Willing
to remove the disabilities of djoae people, it. — The proceedings
discontinued through the intemperate zeal of the jeBuiti, 75 —
Popish plot, 143— Concur with the commons in un addresi te the
king to pi'event the growth of po^ry, 152 — Arguments for and
against the exclusion bill, 1 74 — The whole bench of bishOps against
it, 18 1 — A general test bill passed, but lost tlirough a dispute with
the commons, 241 — In state under Charles tlie Second, E76 — Inter-
ruption of business in consequence of the king's presence, 3S1.

Love of the subjects, the best guard of kinga, v. 309.

Love, Mr. Christopher, remarks on liis condemnation by a high com-
mission court, iti. 449,

London, earl of, seit as deputy from the Scots to Charles the First,
ii. 343 — Committed to the Tower for a letter in his hand-writing lo
the king of France, 346 — His life saved after the warrant for his
execution had been signed, 348.

Louis Xn, noble saying of, i. 63.

Louis XIV, his character contrasted with that of Ciomwell, iii, 48»—
Indignant at the power of the Dutch republic, v. 200 — His hypo-
crisy, 201; and tyranny, 206— Rapidity of hit.conquestSt U16.

GENERAL INDEX. S55

Loyalty, true etymology of the term, iv. S39.

Lucretia, rape or, perhaps a romance, v. 44.

Ludlow, Sir Hemy, excepted from Charles the First's proclamation
of pardon, ii. 439*

Ludlow's account of the proceedings in the commons, on the army
presenting their remonstrance a^nst treating with the king, it.
472 — ^A passage in his Memoirs, an evidence of the good
character of Mrs. Cromwell, the protector's wife, iii. 8 — ^His account
of the conference in Kin^-street, 25 — ^His reasons for taking up
arms against Charles the First, 75 — Conference with, Cromweff, on
his being appointed captain-general, 99 — Slate of parties at the
passing of the self-denying ordinance, 107^ — ^Retains his command,
notwimstanding that ordinance, 124 — ^Instances of the beginnings
of Cromwell's ambition, 1S8 — On the reasons of the commons lor
rejecting major Huntington's memorial, 151 — On the seizure of the
king by the army, 164 — On the displbftes between the parliament
and the army, 1 59 — On the rupture of the negotiations between
Cromwell ana the king, 170 — ^Motions of the army in purging the
commons, ISB — ^His answer to Clanricarde, who nad proposed a
conference, 228 — ^Attributes the act of oblivioiiy passed by the
commons, to the ambition of Cromwell, S72 — Justice or this
censure questioned, 273. — On the projected union of England and
Scotland, 277-^Attributes the resignation of Barebone's parliament
to the artifice of Cromwell, 332 — Blames his treaty with me Dutch,
357 — ^Taxes him with tyranny, 455 — ^His account of Oliver's ene-
mies, 467 — Means used by Cromwell to reconcile the army to his
acceptance of the regal title, 477 — ^His account of Cromwell's last
moments, 485 — On the distractions occasioned by the usurpations
of the army, and the dispersion of the parliament, iv. 244.

Luke, Sir Samuel, and Sir Oliver, continue in their commands not-
withstanding the self-denying ordinance, iii. 124.

Lyon, Sir Thomas, saying of nis to James L i» lo.

Machiavel, his opinion of the practice of virtue by princes, ii. 84 j
96 — On the advancement of men, iii. 104 — His maxim for princes
keeping their subjects united and faithful, 466 — On the influence of
gallantry in princes, v. 43.

Mac Mahon, his confession on the rack as to the origin of the Irish
rebellion, ii. 402.

Magic, belief in the powers of, remarkable instances of, in men of
genius and talent, v. 9, 11.

Magistrates, only subsist by and for the people, and may consequently
be deposed by them, ii. 429 — Sure to do well when actuated by the
power of religion, iii. 19 — ^When once dispossessed ought never to be
restored, iv. 50 — See farther under Kings and Princes.

Maidston, Mr. his defence of the conduct of Cromwell in dissolving
the long parliament, iii. 318 — Of Barebone's parliament, 326, 470
— Ascnbes Cromwell's death to the excessive cares of his station,
483 — ^His character of Oliver, 486; and of Richard Cromwell^ iv.
203.

M^vesty in Misery, poem by Charles the First, ii. 145 — Burnet and

X l£tam?% apinioQ of it, i48.

A A«

856 GENERAL 9NDEX.

Major-generals appointed by Cromwell over all England^ iii«f 437-»^
Copy of their commissiony 498.

Maleverer, James, appeals to the exchequer^ respecting the fine for
his refusing the honour of knighthood, ii. 292.

Mallet, Mr. on the impolicy of Charles the Second's conduct towards
Scodand, v. 120.

Mallory, Mr. committed to prison for his free speaking in parliament,
i. 330.

Maltravers, lady, a declared papist, ii. 234.

Manchester, Eaward earl of, excepted from Charles the First's pro-
clamation of pardoOf iL 439 — Resigns his commission in con-
sequence of the self^de&yjng ordinance, iii. 116 — ^As speaker of th^
house of lords, invites prince Charles to return to England from the
isle of Scilly, iv. 23 — Contributes to determine Moncke in favour
of the restoration, 311 — Uk extravagant compliments to Charles
the Second, on his first aijpearance in parliament, 329.

Manifesto published by prmce Charles on board the jQeet in the
Downs, IV. 31.

Manners, profligacy of, during the reign of Charles the Second, v.
• 361.

Mansel, Buasy, Esq. a member of Cromwell's first parliament, iii.
332 — ^Hifl account of its dissolution, ib,

Mansel, sir Robert, should have commanded the fleet fitted out
against Spain, ii. 151.

Mansfield, Sir Robert, unjust conduct of James the First to, i. 236.

Manton, Dr. his singular interview with Oliver CromweU, on the
morning of his proclamation as protector, iii. 4 — ^Prays for his suc-
cess at the inauguration, 42.

Manwaring, Roger, impeached and censured by the lords for preach-
ing doctrines contrary to the laws of the realm, and advanced by
Charles the First to the rank of ri^ht reverend, ii. 209.

Mar, earl of, regent during the mmority of James I, i. 7 — ^His con-
cern in seizing that prince, and conveying him to Ruthven Castle,
9 — Appointea governor to prince Henry, 295.

Maritime rights, msisted on by Cromwell, iii. 264 — Relinquished by
Charles tlie Second, v. 218.

Marston-Moor, charge of cowardice against Cromwell, on that occa-
sion, iii. 87.

Martial law executed under Charles the First, ii. 288.

Martyn, Mr. H. excepted from the pardon proclaimed by Charles the
First, ii. 439.

Martyr, observations on the application of this title to Charles the
First, ii. 485.

Marvel, Andrew, erroneously supposed to have been employed by
the commonwealth, iii. 299 — His satire on the restoration of
Charles the Second, iv. 328 ; and on the ingratitude of that prince
towards the royalists, v. 19 — His indignation at the crimes of that
prince, 111 — Satire on the venality of the commons, 279 — His list
of pensioned members, 280.

Mary, queen of Scots, her partiality to Rixio, i. 2 — Seot^jence. of
death pronounced upon her, 14 — Subsequent plot to put her-moj
privately, 19.

Mason, Col. presents a petition to the commons agaia8tX0Bfenil|g the
regal title on Cromwell, iii. 478.

GENERAL INDEX. 357

Massey, M^or-general, his declaration sigsanBt the parliament and its
adherent^ iii. 236.

Maxwell, a Scotchman, fined by the star-chamber for a petition to the
king ^^nst the lord-keeper and council, ii. 319 — ^Is the only
Scottish bishop deemed gifted for his office, 321 — Contends witn
the earl of Traquair for the office of treasurer, 822 — ^Favours the
introduction of die liturgy into Scotland, 324.

May, Mr. author of the History of the Parliament of Charles the
First, character of, as a writer, ii. 226 — ISb account of the protest-
ants slain in the Irish massacre, S92-*-(>(i the erroneous mixtore of
religion with the political quarrels between Charles the First and
the parliament, 435 — On the advant^es of the royalists in the be-
ginning of the civil wars, ib, — His execrable advice to Charles the
Second after the fire of London, v. 37 — Pensioned, 282 — His in-
solent remark on the life of a country gentleman, i3.

Mayer, Mr. a member of Barebone's parliament, iii. 326.

Maynard, Mr. his account of the losses of the Spaniards in the Cana-
nes, iii. 389 — Imj>ri8oned illegally by Cromwell, 446 — Supports the
motion for an excise under Charles tne Second, iv. 374.

Mazarine, Cardinal, his conduct towards Charles the Second, during
his exile, iii. 345. iv. 109 — Reproached for his fear of Crom-
well, iii. 348 — His servile submission to the Protector, 392 —
Obliged by him to stay the persecution of the Yaudois protestants,
397 — Basely charactenses Cromwell, after his death, as a fortu-
nate fool, 487 — Said to be addicted to astrological prognostica-
tions, V. 12. •

Medals struck in honour of Cromwdl's victory at Dunbar, iii. 241 —
A sarcastic one in ridicule of the servility of the French and Spanish
courts, 348 — ^In memory of Cromwell's treaty with the Dutch, 358.

Mental weakness frequently an accompaniment to great talents, v. 8.

Mercurius Politieujy a periodica) paper during the commonwealth,
published by authority, iii. 218— -Ciurious extract from, 315.

Messengers' warrants, copy of one, iox the seizure of unlicensed
books, V. 257.

Meteor, remarkable, seen at the birth of Charies the Second, iv. 1.

Middlesex, oppressive measures of the magistrates of, against non-
conformists, V. 109.

Middleton, on the power of religion over the mind and actiofis
of %^magistrate, iii. 19 — On the errors of the church establtah-
mem, v. 86.

Mfldmay, Colonel, rebuked by Charles the Second, for presenting
the Essex petition, v. 311.

Military genius, dangerous to t|ie freedom of a state, iii. 310.

Military power, danger of tommitting it to the hands of one
man, iii. lie. *''

Militia bill, disputes abojj, wtween Charles the First and the parlia-
ment, ii. 413 — Carried Ufto effect by the latter without the king's
consent, 415 — ^The act of Charles the Second, destructive of the
spirit of re8tstaqi0e» v. 840.

Mitton, believed JMies the First to have been poisoned by lus son
Charles the Fir8t,'ii. 23— His charge against Charles of lewdness, 44
-— Questions the piecjr.sf Charles, 5Q^-Hi9- fifsmcm of that king's
letters, 113— Charges lillh with stealing a -prayer from Sydney's
Arcadki ii^-^ImpuM to hiniy as a 1^ tifme, the alteration of

ifaM

■. ii

^'^-"^^

S56

GENERAL n^DEX*

Che coronation oath, 204— Hindered from engaging in the ministerial
office, by consideration of the prevailing churdi tyranny, 259 —
Sentiments of, on unlicensed printing, 275 — Poetical extract fromr
on the duty and office of a king, 279 — ^Doubts the motives of
Charles in calling his last parliament, S66 — Blamed for insulting
over Charles in expressing sorrow at Strafford's death, S76 — His ac-
count of the numbers that fell by the Irish massacre, 391 — Proofs by,

' that Charles was friendly to the Irish papists, 396 — His account of
the measures adopted by Charles the First for reducing the parlia-
meat and city to obedience, before the conmiencement of hostilities,
417 — Attributes the fortitude of Charles the First, in his dying mo-
ments, to despair, rather than pious resignation, 484 — On the appli-
cation of the tide of Martyr to Chanes the First, 488 — His de-
scription of Oliver Cromwell, iii. 1 1 — Panegyrises his victories, 40
— ^His poetical description of the prelatists not an exaggeration, 45
— ^His character of the leaders in the long parliament, 62, 64 — Dis-
gusted at the insolence of the presbyterians, 67 — Complains of the
gifts, preferments, &c. bestowed upon the members of parliament,
131 — On the injustice of the presbyterians towards Cromwell, 151
— ^His vindication of Cromwell from persuading the king to retire .
to the Isle of Wight, 173 — On the purging ofthe House of Com-
mons, 193, 213 — His defence of the execution of Charles the First,
211 — On Ormonde's reproaches on the English parliament, 220 —
Review of several of his prose writings, 291 — His high reputation
during the commonwealth, 292 — ^His declamation against the abuses
of the clergy, 302 — Lines in his Samson Agonistes, probably in-
tended to apply to Cromwell, 407— His proofs of the inclination of
Charles the First towards the Irish papists, iv. 57 — On the pro-
ceedings of the army towards the parliament, 237 — ^His indignation
at the wish of the people for the restoration of monarchy, 249,
283 — His description and character of kings, 284 — ^Extract from
his Samson Agonistes, supposed to refer to the chances conse-
quent upon the Restoration, and the penalties inflicted on uie friends
of the commonwealth, 335 — His writings contributive to the cause
of liberty, v. 238 — Danger in which his Paradise Lost stood of
being suppressed by the ignorant licensers, 254.

Ministers, vanity of tneir rdying on the favour of their royal masters,
when ruled by favourites, ii. 16 — ^Warned by the fate of Buckingham
not to pursue wicked measures, 39 — Injudiciously selected by wve-
reigns, iii, 413 — Their characters and proceedings ought to M can-
vassed, in order to the welfare ofthe state, v. 269.

Minshul, celebrates the character of Cromwell, iii, 489.

Mint, money in, belonging to private persons, seized by Charles the
First, ii. 361.

Missionaries, religious, reprobated, ii. 241.

Mitchel, Mr. presses for the introduction of a liturgy in Scotland^
ii, 324.

Mixed monarchies, nature of, ii. 430,

Molesworth, lord, supposes Ireland would have been lost to England
for ever, but for the prudence of Cromwell, iii. 227 — On the obliga-- .
tion of princes to observe the laws, iv, 339.

Monarchical govemmeoty expenses of, compared with a republic,
iv. 278.

Moncke, a member of Barebone's parliament, iii. 329-*Defeati Vba

GENERAL INDE;X,' 3%

Tromp in a naval engagement, 354 — Resents CromwelJ's treaty
with the Dutch, 358 — Declines a pension for supporting the govern-
ment of Richard Cromwell, iv. 194 — His letter to Fleetwood, re-,
commending a provision to be made for Cromwell's family, 195—'
Biographic^ sketch cf, 293 — His avarice the probable motive for.
his restoring Charles the Second, ib, — ^Deceives Fleetwood and Hasil-
rig, 295 — His letter to the petitioners of Devon, in favour of the,
parliament, 296 — ^Arrives in London, and is thanked by the speaker
for his services, 298 — Destroys the gates of the city for refusiiig
to obey the parliament, 299 — ^Endeavours to recover the good-wl
of the citizens, SCO — Orders the parliament to recall the excluded
members, and to fill up vacancies, 301 — His dissimulation with the
parliament, 303, 306 — Protests against royalty and a house of peers,
307 — Overreaches the parliament, 308 — His conference at North*
umberland house, 311 — Determined in favour of the restoration of
Charles the Second by thepresbyterians, 311 — ^Prevents terms being
made with Charles the Second, 319^ — ^Unmeritedly praised as the
author of the Restoration, 3^1.

Monmouth, duke of, son of Charles the Second, inquiry into the
legitimacy of his birth, 167.

Monied interest, its rise in the time of Cromwell, v, 270 — Transferred
from the scriveners to the goldsmiths, ib.

Montagu, earl of Sandwich, a member of Barebone's parliament, iii.
329 — Displeased at Cromwell's treaty with Portugal, 352 — ^Anxious
to serve his country, 389 — ^Disaffected to the commonwealth, iv. 251.

Montague, sir Edward, degraded for favouring the Puritans, i. 273.

Montague, Richard, a violent Arminian, patronized by king James, .
i. 155 — ^Accused by the commons of broaching doctiines contrary
to the articles of the church, and rewarded by Cnarles the First with
a mitre, ii. 208 — Numerous answers to his book, which are at-
tempted to be suppressed, 212 — His book called in by proclamation, .
ib, — Doctrine broached by him, 226.

Montague, Walter, lord Kimbolton, active in the cause of popery, ii.233.

Montague's account of the overthrow of Richard Cromwell's govern-
ment, iv. 194.

Monson, sir William, his regret at not being permitted to avenge an .
affi'ont offered to his ship by the Dutch, i. 185.

Montesquieu, on persecution, iii. 67. v. 120— On the combination of
civil and military powers in one person, iii. 117 — On the danger of
a corrupt parliament to the vital interests of England, v. 276.

Montrose, James, duke of, hated by the Scottish covenanters, iii.
229 — Required by them to be removed from the court of Charles
the Second, iv. 68 — Receives a commission to suppress the cove-
nanters, 71. '

Mordaunt, lord, his account of the battle of Namptwich compared
with that of Lambert, iv. 213 — Advises Charles the Second to re-
move from the public mind an impression that he had become a
papist, 259.

More, sir Thomas, his arguments in favourof the pope's supremacy, v. 175.

Morgan, sir Charles, defeated by the imperial general Tilly, u. 1 54.

Morknd, sir Samuel, sent to relieve the Vaudois, by Cromwell, iii^
397 — Ifi» praise of Cromwell's care of the cause of protestanism, 404.
— His esoalpation of sir Richard Willis from the charge of treachery
to the royal cause, iv. 215.

.aa:

MO &£!N£RAL index.

Morley^ colonel, his address to Fleetwood on the dissensions bet\(neen
the army and the parliament, iv. 226.

Morley, Dr. negotiates with vhe Presbyterians for the restoration of
Charles the Second, iv. 266.

Morley, lord, severity of the Star-chamber towards, for an assault on
sir George Theobalds, ii. sil.

Morocco, emperor of, sends an embassy and presents to Charles the
ftnt, to engage him to join his forces with him for the reduction of
Ifc revolted province of Sallee, ii. 193 — ^Afterthe reduction of die
place, a treaty of amity renewed between the two powert, 157 —
Ceremony of the ambassador of, going to court, ib.

Morrice, sir William, an adviser of Moncke for the restoration of
monarchy, iv. 311.

Morrice, Mr. his anecdote of lord Broghill and Cromwell, iii. 414.

Morse, conunitted to prison for making proselytes to the church of
Rome, ii. 232.

Morton, earl of, regent during the mshority of James the First, i. 1, 7.

Moulin, Peter du, his defence of king James's Apology for the
Oath of Allegiance, i. 3o4.

Mountague, biibes an astrologer to ruin Danby and the duchess of
Portsmouth with Charles the Secohd, v. lo — His intrigues at the
French couit, 231 — His papers seized by the English ministry to
prevent disclosures, 316 — ^The papers returned through the inter-
ference of the commons, 317 — Produces Danby 's letters, which
causes that minister's overthrow, ib.

Mulgrave, lord, his defence of a standing guard, v. 303.

Murder no sin in the visible saints, a favouiite maxim with the
army, iii. 163.

Murray, earl, regent during the minority of James the First, i. 7 —
His assassination by order of that king, 16.

Murray, sir Robert, amanuensis to Charles the First in his controversy
with Henderson, ii. 117 — Procures letters commendatory of the re-
ligious tenets of Charles the Second, to be written by the French
ifigonots, in order to weaken the jealousy of the English of his at-
tachment to popery, iv. 264.

Murray, Mr. Thomas, a favourer of presbytery, tutor to prince
Charles, i. 4.

Mutiny of the army, a contrivance of Cromwell and some others, iii. 94.

Names during the commonwealth, Mr. Hume in an error respecting,
iii. 334.

Namptwich, defeat of the royalists at, under Sir G. Booth, iv. 213.

Naples, rebellion in, attributed to the imposition of an excise, iv. 374.

Naseby, battle of, iii. 125.

Nationd religions, embraced by knaves, who are followed by foots, v.
97 — Destitute of spiritual efficacy, ib. — Necessary to the preserva-
tion of religion, 99.

Naval engagements, iii. 257, 354.

Naval rights, see Maritime rights.

Navigation act passed, iii. 257 — Abstract of its contents, 274 — ^The
foundation of England's present maritime superiority, 2il.

Navy, British, low state of in the reign of Charles the First, ii. 180 —
Saying of sir Walter Raleigh respecting its power in Elizabeth's

GENERAL INDEX. sci

days, 186 — ^Nearly ruined by the folly of Charles the Second^

V. 218.

Nedham, Marchamont, his raillery at the troops of Cromwell, iii. 80 —
Ordered to translate Selden's Mare Clausum sen de Dominio Regis f-
264 — ^A character of his writings, 292 — Extract from his Case of
the Commonwealth, iv. 46 — His objections to the religious tenets
of Charles the Second, 268.

Neile, an Arminian, receives many promotions fi'om James the First,
i. 155 — ^Anecdote of his servility, 156.

Nevil, Mr. Christopher, committed to the Tower for his free speaking
in parliament, i. 231.

NeviJl, author of Plato Redivivus, imprisoned unjustly, v. 29.

Nevple, sir H. detects, at Rome, the plots of James the First, i. SS.

Neville's character of the leaders in the long parliament, iii. 61.

Neutrality, a law of nations, that powers at war cannot contend with
each other in a neutral port, ii. 166 — Instances of the observance of
this law, 167 — Instances of its violation, ih,

Newbury, remarkable inactivity of the parliamentary army at, iii. 107.

Newcastle, lord, fined by the Star-chamber, and imprisoned tilF the
fine is paid, ii. 312 — ^Appointed governor to prince Charles (after-
wards Charles the Second), iv. 6.

Newcastle, taken and garrisoned by the Scots, ii. 364.

Newdigate, judge, displaced for disobeying Cromwell's injunctions,
iii. 444.

New Forest, grievances arising from the arbitrary extension of, by
Charles the First, ii. 295.

Newgate, the keeper of, fined by the Star-chamber, ii. S12.

Newport, lord, fined three thousand pounds for forest encroachments^
ii. 296.

Newton, sir Adam, tutor to prince Henry, son of James the First,
j. 295.

Nicholas, sir Edward, his account of the unreasonable demands of the
Scottish commissioners sent to Charles the Second, while at the
Hague, iii. 230 — On the disposition of Charles the Second towards
the Irish papists, iv. 57, 62.

Nimeguen, peace of, 216.

Nismes, commotions at, attributed to the protestants, iii. 401 — ^Thc
protestants of, preserved from the vengeance of the French court by
CromweU, 403 — Clarendon's narrative of this transaction untrue, 404.

Nonconformists, persecution of, by the clergy of Charles the First,
ii. 258 — ^Laws enacted against them under Cn^ lies the" Second, v. 10^.

Non-juring clergy, ejected from their livings by virtue of the act of
uniformity, v. 85 — ^Artifice of their enemies to prevent their sub-
scribing tne declaration, by the omission of certain words, 89 — ^Laws
enacted against them,' 102.

Non-resistance, established by the act of Uniformity, v. 84, 101 — ^A
bill for imposing an oath of, on thfe whole nation, remarkably nega^
tived, 240--The doctrine upheld by the clergy, 241— Contrary tO
the history of the bible, 249.

Norfolk, Cardinal, extracts from his letters relative to the duke of
York, V. 162.

North, solicitor-general, opposes the motion fof a test oath, V. 154—
A character of7 331.

North, Mr. on the public spirit during the reign of Charles'the Second,

562 GENERAL INDEX*

▼• 265 — ^His apology for the suppression of cofiee-houses^ i3, — His

character of judge JefFeries, 333.

Northampton, lord, procures a pardoa for Ingoldesby, who had
signed the death-warrant of Charles the First, iv. 256.

Northuntberland, Percy, earl of, said by lord StaflFord to have been
concerned in the gunpowder plot, i. 1 1 1 — ^Unjust treatment of> by
James the First, 236.

Northumberland, Algernon, earl of, commands the fleet fitted out to
prevent the Dutch fronri fishing in the English seas, ii. 184 — ^Ap-

^ pointed general of the army against the Scots, but prevented from
-■icceptin^ the command by sickness, 362 — His account of the incli-
nation of the people towards the restoration of Charles the Second^
iv. S13 — Protests against the prosecution of the regicides, 338.

Northumberland House, conference at, for the restoration of Charlea
the Second, iv. 311.

Ifote of hand given by Charles the Second while at Braces, iv. 121.

Nottmdiam, countess of, her letter to the Danish ambassador on the
rufle oehaviour of his master, i. 80,

Nojy attorney-general, advises the exactment of ship-money»
iu 298.

Nuncios, from the see of Rome, permitted by Charles the First to re-
side about the court, ii. 230.

Oatesy Titus, examination of his credibility on the subject of the popish
plot, V. 130 — Himself a bad man, ib. — ^His narrative incredible, 132
— ^His witnesses equally undeserving of credit, 134, 136, 138 — Cole-
man's letters subversive of his narrative, 136 — ^Answer to this posi-
tion, 143 — ^The murder of sir E. Godfrey by the Papists incredible,
136 — ^Exceptions to this notion, 145 — Protestations of innocency by
all who suffered for this supposed plot, strong presumption of its
being a forgery, 138— Yet perhaps the mere effect of priestcraft, 150
— ^Argiunents against the rejection of the witnesses, ib. — ^The plot
believed by persons of great distinction, 140 — Particulars of the
trials of several victims to this conspiracy, 141 — Effects of the Pa-
pists to invalidate Oates's testimony, 149 — Fined I00,000l. for call-
ing the duke of York a traitor, 335.

Oath, form of, used at coronations, ii. 200 — Form of, prescribed by
Laud, called the et caetera oath, 244.

Obedience to magistrates, true grounds of, ii. 429 — Merely the price
of protection, iii. 344 — Extent of, iv. 46.

Oblivion, act of, passed during the commonwealth, iii. 271.

Ogilby, baron, proposes, in the name of James the First, a confede-
racy with Spam, i. 23.

0*Neale, Mr. concerned in the project for awing the last parliament of
Charles the First, ii. 384.

Opinions, none so absurd as not to be embraced by some men, iii, 86^

Orange, Maurice prince of, his contempt of king ^ames, i. 207.

Orange, prince and princess of, wisdom of the declaration of rights
made to them previously to their coronation, i. 58.

Orange, princess dowager of, endeavours to prevail on Charles the
Second to repair to Scodand rather than to Ireland, iv. 58 ►

Orleans, duke of, refuses to give pecuniary relief to Charlea the
Second during his exile, iv. 106.

GENERAL INDEX. 369

Orleans, duchess of, sent by Louis XIV. to tickle the English into
compliance with his views, v. 200.

Orleans, father^ in his Revolution in England misrepresents James the
First as complaisant to his parliament, i. 255.

Ormonde, duke of, concludes a peace with the Irish catholics, iii. 219
— His contemptuous expressions of the English parliament, and ci
Cromwell, 220 — ^Invites Charles the Second to Ireland, 221 — Be*
sieges Dublin, and is defeated by the garrison, 22^2— His letter to
sir E. Nicholas, on the coronation of Charles the Second in Scot-
land, 231 — -Proclaims, Charles in Ireland, iv. 54 — His opinion of the
effects of the battle of Worcester, 99 — His account of die profligate
companions of Charles the Second, v. 37 — His discovery of that
prince's conversion to popery on the continent, 57.

Orrery, lord, his opioioD of James the First, i. 293 — Curious con-
versation between him and Cromwell, iii. 41 — On a mistake in a
writer as to the ten^r of Charles the Second, in whom a^bility
was made to supply the want of good-nature, v. 45.

Orthodoxy and heterodoxy, ridiculous distinctions, v. 94.

Osbaldston, Mr. severe proceedings of the star-chamber against, ii. 313.

Osbom, Mr. Francis, employed by Cromwell, iii. 419.

Overbury, sir Thomas, imprecations used by James the First, in his
charge to the judges on tne trial of his murderers, i. 89 — His mur-
derers pardoned by James, 240.

Overton, major-general, joins the royalists, on Cromwell's assuming
the protectorate, iii. 431 — Banishea to Jersey by Oliver, and re-
leased by the parliament after his death, 448.

Oudart, Mr. his testimony of the respect with which Charles the
First was treated by the parliamentary commissioners in the Isle of
Wight, ii. 468.

Owen, Dr. vice-chancellor of Oxford, panegyrises Oliver Cromwell
and his government, iii. 361.

Owen, charged with being concerned in the gunpowder plot, i. 209.

Oxford, lord, imprisoned for connivance at a ^an for the restoration
of Charles the Second, iv. 214.

Oxford, university of, tides bestowed on Laud by, ii, 251— State of
literature in, during the commonwealth, iii. 305 — ^Panegyrics com-
posed at, in praise of Cromwell's treaty with the Dutch, S6l — ^En-
riched by Cromwell with ancient manuscripts, in his quality of
chancellor, 420.

Palatinate, jee Frederick, elector palatine.

Palmer, Mr. opposes the militia bill, ii. 416.

Palmer, Mr. jee Cleveland.

Panegyrics on Cromwell, iii. 350, 489.

Panzani, resides at the court of Charles die First, as agent for the pope,
ii. 230.

Papal power of deposing sovereigns^ ▼. 169.

Papists, their insolence, and influence with Charles the First, after his
successes, ii. 441 — Occasion the deserdon of many of the king's
friends, 443 — ^Excesses committed* by them in Ireland, iv. 64— ,
Their promises illusory, and not to be confided in, v. 169 — CortJ-
missioned in the army by Charles the Second, 297.

Pardoui jce Indemnity.

-"'^'-^'^ - ■ -l , jy-l

se4 GENERAL INDEX.

PareuSy his commentary on the Romans, burnt by order of king
James, i, 223.

Parker, Henry, a writer during the commonwealth, iii. 299.

Parker, John, a character of his writings, iii. 298.

Parliament, complaisance of, to James the First, i. 214 — Instances of
that prince's contemptuous treatment of, 224---Contemptuous treat-
ment of, by Charles the First, ii. 80, 280, 282, 283 — Refuse sup-
plies to Charles, out of hatred to Buckingham, 155 — ^Draw up
articles against Rjchard Montague for broaching doctrines contrary
to the articles of the church of England, ^08 — ^Accuse Roger Main-
waring of the same crime, ib. — Protestation of, respecting the sense
in which the doctrines of the church are to be imderstood, sis —
Sentiments of Locke, on the regal prerogative of assemUing and
dismissing parliaments, 28 1 — England goyemed twelve years widxmt
any, 291— -One called and dissolved for refiising supplies to carry
on die Scottish war, S53— Particulars of Charleses condua to this
parliament, 354, 357 — ^The long one called in cooaequeoce of the
disasters of the war, 364 — ^Proceedings of this pariinlpnt, so5, SS6»
iii. 58 — ^Reasons for depriving the bishops of vote% aod the power
of holding temporal omces, S82 — ^Project for awing this parliament
hj the army discovered, 384 — ^Impeachment of lord Kimboltmi
and five members of the commons, 408— Militia bill, 413 — ^Exami-
nation of the motives by which the parliament was influenced in ap-
pealing to arms, 419 — ^Declaration of the necessity of this pro-
cedure, 422 — Nice distinction between drawing the sword against
the king's power and assailing his person, 423 — Raise an army and
appoint the earl of Essex to 3ie command, 432 — Low state of their
affeiirs in the beginning of the civil wars, 436 — Joined by many of
the king's friends, on account of his attachment to papists, 443 —

' Their Sairs revive after the siege of Gloucester ancl the little of
Kaseby, 445 — Negotiations wim the king, 450, 457 — Resolve that
no more addresses shalt be sent to him, 459. iv. 27, 29 — ^The vote
rescinded, and a committee sent to treat with Charles in the Isle of
Wight, 461. iii. 178 — ^The treaty stopped by the army, ii. 4^7.
iii. 178 — Brought under the influence of the army, 469 —
Votes of non-addresses renewed, 471 — The liberties of paifia-
ment subverted by the army, ib^ — ^Acquitted of all blame on the
death of the king, 474 — ^Proceedings on the redress of grievances,
iii. 60 — On the remonstrance on the state of the kingdom, 69 —
Self-denying ordinance, 106 — Ordinance for new-modelling the
army, 1 1 5 — Declaration of pardon to the mutineers on account of
the self-denying ordinance, 118 — Discontents occasioned by the
offices, gifts, &c. bestowed upon the members, 131 — Insulted by
the army, 143 — Determines to disband it, 1 54 — Alarmed at the pro-
ceedings of the army, 155— Obliged to retreat, and yield to it, 159
— ^The whole power assumed &y tne commons, 205, 215 — See Com-
mons — Its suppression of ecclesiastical dignities inadequate to the
end proposed, 304 — Violently dissolved by Cromwell, 3o9 — Arga-
n\ents in favour of, and against this violent procedure, 317 — A new
one summoned by Cromwell, tamamed the Little, or Barebone's
parliament, S23 — Resigns its power, i3. S33 — Remarks on the
proceedings of, 329 — Wrongly accused of designing to adopt the
Mosaic law, 330 — Ordered to be triennial by Cromwell's instru-
ment of government, 335— Success of its arms against Charles the

GENERAL INDEX. S65

Second, iv. 15. r/ j^^.^-Invites him to return from Scilly^ 29— ^Letter
of the speakers of the two houses on this occasion, ss-r-Occasions a
revolt of part of the fleet, 28 — Begins to be unpopular, 29-nDisgu8ts
the Scots, 30 — ^Answer to the declaration of the Scots, signed by
Charles the Second, 82 — ^Proclaims Charles the Second a traitor,
and sets a price on his head, 104 — Dissolved by Oliver Cromwell,
100— Summoned by Richard Cromwell, and swears fidelity to,him»
184 — State of parties in, 189 — Resolutions on the petition of the
army to Richard Cromwell, 1 92 — ^Dissolved by Richard, under the
control of the army, 193 — The long one or Rump recalled by the
army, i6. — Provision made for the late protector, 1 98— -Bill of in-
demnity and oblivion, and for giving liberty of confiCience» 907 —
Suppresses the insurrections of the royalists, 212— Jealous of the
army, 216 — Resolves against the appomtment of general officers,
218 — Its sittings interrupted by the aimy, 224 — Siqraortefl by
Moncke, 295 — Obliged by Moncke to recall the seclud»a members,
302 — ^Dissolved andi a new one elected, which restores Charles the
Second, 326, 388 — ^The house of peers restored, 326 — ^Votes^five
hundred pounds, and an address of thanks to sir Joha Grepvillr,
bearer of the king's letters and declaration, 327 — Sends money to
Holland, for the use of the king and his brother, 328 — ^Entreats
Charles the Second to make a speedy return to England, ib^ — ^Ex-
dudes the persons c(Hioemed in the execution of Charles the Firgt
from the act of indemnity, 334 — Irregularity and un£umess of this
proceeding, 336 — ^Disbands the army, 338 — Charges the arrears.diie
to commanders of forces against Charles the First on the excisef iv.
339 — Compliments Charles the Second with a greater revenue than
his predecessors had received, 34o— -Orders the restitutipn of the
crown lands, 341 —Its readiness to rivet the fetters of the people, on
the Restoration, ii. 427— -Burnet's assertion, that the parliament in-
tended to have raised the king's authority, without foundation, iv.
344— ^Distresses occasioned by its resumption of crown and church
lands, and forfeited estates, 352 — Proceedings upon the act of in-
demnity and pardon, 362 — ^Impediment to its passing through the
hou8e8,.S63 — Removed by the interference of the king, 365 — -The
bill receives the royal assent, 366 — Appoints an excise, in conmm-
tation of certain feudal laws, 373 — Threatened with dissolution for
refusing to. settle a moiety of the excise duty on the ]d^g for li^
377 — Obhged to comply, 378 — ^Attempts to settle the church, but
is prevented by the interference of the court, 379 — Dissolution, 385
— ^Act of imiformity passed, v. 84, 240-— Act for t)ie relief of per-
sons unavoidably prevented from subscribing the act of uniformity,
91— Convienticle act, los — Five-mile act, 104, 240 — ^A tail for the
reUef of diueqters secreted from the table, when about to receive.
the royal assent, 128 — ^Dissolution, 129— ;Popish plots, 142 — ^Test
act, 150-^£nlarged, 156^-Bill of exclusion against the duke <j£
York, 159 — ^Proceedings stopped by a dissolution, le-f, 178 — Argu-
ments as to its power to set up or put down kings, 175 — Speeches
of Charles the Second and the chancellor Shaftesbury, in favour of
the war with Holland, 206 — ^Debates on the supplies, 213 — Speeches
of the king and the chancellor Finch on the decay of the^tish
navy, 221 ^Militia act, 240 — ^A general test bill lost through a dis-
pute about privile^s, 941 — ^Act tor restraining the liberty of the
press, 1^3 — ^N6g%^)9e tqgrards the bankers ruin^ by Cliarles the

GENERAL INDEX.

. , , . —Its venalitv i
» prevent inquiry, 290 — Laid wnoUy aside

1 thiB reign.

urdy conduct the occasion of its dissolu-
s for establishing episcopacy, v, 1 14.
a refbnn of, projected during the com-

Charles the Second, s
Parliament of Scotland, its st

tion, ij. 343 — Passes die ac
Parliamentary repreaentadon, a

monwealth, 209.

Parliaments disliked by princes, iv. 53.

Parochial relief, prohibited to noo^onibrmists by the magistrates of
Middlesex, V. 109.

Parr, Dr. erroneous in the motive he assigns to Cromwell for giving
an honourable funeral to archbishop U^er, hi. 43 — Inconsistent in
his accounts of the sale of Usher's library, 430.

ParsoDr Dryden's character of a good one, ii. 354.

Parsons, Roben, attacks king James's Apology for the Oath of Alle-
giance, i. 133, 304 — James's abuse of him, las.

Patties in England, at ihe commencement of the commonwealth, iv,
54 — At die accession of Richard Cromwell to the protectorate, 188.

PassiTC obedience, inculcated by the parliament that restoied Charles
the Second, ii. 43b.

Patents, arbitrary ones granted, to advance the revenue of Charles the
First, ii. 393.

Paul the Fifth, issues briefs to the English catholics against the oath
of allegiance, i. 114 — His haughty spirit, 115.

Panlet, air Amias, retiises to be concerned in putting to death, pri-
Tateiy, the queen of Scots, i. is.

Peers, number of, created by James the First, on hia accession to the
English throne, i. 69 — Impolicy of raising any butT persons of real
mem to that rank, 71.

Peers, houK of, restored, tv. 326 — See Lords.

Peg, Mrs. C. mistress to Charles the Second, iv. icp,

Pefl, Dr. J. appointed envoy to the protestant cantons in Switzerland,
iii. 419.

Pemberton, judge, eminent for his vices, v. 331.

Pembroke, earl of, rude reply of Charles the First to, in his office of
parliamentary commissioner, ii. 81.

Penal laws agamst non-confomiists, abstract of, v. los.

Penn and Venabtes, entrusted by Cromwell with an expedition to His-
paniola, which rm'scarriea, iii. 377— Take Jamaica, 3B0, 382 — Com-
mitted to the Tower, 333 — Penn joins die royalists, iv. 252.

Pennington, sir John, admiral of the English fleet, sees ihe Dutch
fleet destroy the Sjtanish fleet in the Downs, in violation of the law
(tf nations, without interfering, ii. 3T3.

Pennington, Isaac, alderman of London, excepted from the pardon
proc^med by Charles the First, ii. 469.

Penrudduck, raises an insurrection in the West against Cromwell, iii.
428 — Taken and executed, 43S.

Pensioners in the House of Commons during the reign of Charles
the Second, v. 231.

Pepper, great quantity of, belonging to merchants, bought up by Charles
the First on credit, and sold at an undervalue, ii. 369.

Pepys Samuel, esq, originally a tailor, made secretary to the admir-
alty, for voting with the court under Charles the Second, v. 281 —
Complains of^the decay of the British navy, ii91— Accused of

GENERAL INDEX. 367

haying sent information to the French court of the state of the
navy, 225 — Committed by the commons to the Tower, 227.

Percy, GUpry* brother of the earl of Northumberland, concerned
in die ^lot for overawing the last parliament of Charles the First,
ii. 384 — ^Endeavours to determme Charles the Second to go to Ire-
land, ir. 57.

Peripchief, on the reproach brought upon Charles the First by the
Irish massacre, ii. 393 — His account of Harrison making a long
prayer, to detain Fairfax from attempting the rescue of Charles the
First, improbable, iii» 203.

Perron, cardinal, account of king James's controversy with, i. 157.

Perrot, sir James, sent to Ire&nd for his free speaking in parlia-
ment, i. 230.

Persecution, ideas of lord Shaftesbury respecting, i. 278 — ^Frightfiil
state of, under Charles the First, ii. 269 — ^Always hurtful to diose
who use it, 270 — ^May be easily slid into by those who have been
the objects of it, iii. 67 — Oppressed state of the non-conformist in
the reign of Charles the Second, v. 85, 102.

Perth, parliament of, acts passed in, against thd Puritans, in compli-
ance with the will of James the First, i. 279 — Subscription to the
articles of, abolished, ii. 339.

Peters, Hugh, preacher at Whitehall, iii. 200.

Petition of^right, evasive manner of Charles the First in passing this
bill, ii. 88.

Petitioners, ori^n of the association of, for compelling the parliament
to a pacification, iv. 14. '

Petitioning, prohibited by Charles the Second, v. 310 — Is a right in-
herent in Britons, 312.

Pett, sir Peter, attributes the answer to Cromwell's declaration against
the cavaliers to lord Holies, but without authority, iii. 436.

Petty, sir William, employed by Cromwell to make surveys of Ireland,
iii. 419 — His observations on the revenue of Charles the Second,
iv. 343.

Philips, sir Robert, committed to prison for his free speaking in par-
liament, i. 230.

Pickering, sir Gilbert, a member of Barebone's i)arliament, iii. 326.

Pictures set up in churches from the superstition of Charles the
First, i. 220.

Piercy, lord, put under arrest, by order of the prince's council^
iv. 18.

Pierrepoint, Mr. suppoits the motion for an excise in lieu of the court
of wards, iv. 373.

Pilkington, sheriff of London, fined for reflecting on the duke of
York, V. 335.

* Pirates, See Turks.

Poetical effiisions on the accession of Richard Cromwell to the pro-
tectorate, iv. 181 — On the restoration of Charles the Second, 332.

Poets, their panegyrics of princes, seldom to be believed, iv. 182.

Point of honour, m giving priority to names in treaties, how managed
fcMT Richard Cromwell, IV. 176.

Pollard, captain, concerned in the plot for awing the last parliament
of Charles the First, ii. 384.

Poole, sir C. a court pensioner in the House of Conunons, under
Charles the Second, v. 288.

Mav

M.:.::mSBfS^

368 GENERAL INDEX.

Pope, Dr. his narrative of Charles the Second's ungenerous conduct .to-
wards the bishop of Salisbury, v. 46.
Popery, approaches made to, oy the church, in the reign .^ Charles
me First, ii. 235, 249 — Its alaiming progress in London'^ind its en-
virons of late years, iii. 297 — ^Its (toctrines subversive "of civil free-
dom, 298 — ^Its professors cherished by Charles the Second, v. 71
— ^Analysis of its composition, 82 — Its crafty and insinuating na-
ture, 158 — Always the same, intolerant and Woody, 169.
Popham, sir Francis, excepted from Charles the First's proclamation

of pardon, ii. 439.
Popham, Mr. A. excepted from the pardon proclaimed by Charles

the First, ii. 439.
Popish plot, history of, v. 130 — See Oates.
Portmans, Mr. unjusdy imprisoned by Oliver, and released by the

parliament under Richard Cromwell, iii. 448.

Portsmouth, Mademoiselle Keroualle, duchess of, mistress to Charles

the Second, ruined by the contrivance of Mounta^ue and an

astrologer, v. 10 — Created duchess of Aubigny by Louis the Foui-

teenth, 41 — ^Attends Charles in his dying moments, 43 — ^Her un-

' courdy language respecting bishop Burnet, 360.

Portugal, king of, obliged to submit to Cromwell's terms in a

treaty, iii. 351.
Portuguese ambassador's brother and master of horse executed for

murder, iii. 349.
Potter, captain, wounded in the batde of Naseby, iii. 129.
Powder-plot, i. loe — Discovery of falsely ascribed to James the First,

108 — Doubts respecting its existence refuted, 109.
Power, regal, high notions of Charles the First respecting, ii. 276 —

Its real origin in the people, iii. 293.
Powle, Mr. an advocate for the rights of the people, v. 77, 330.
Prague, batde of, between the Austrians and Bohemians, i. 180.
Praise, the attendant on fortune, iii. S62.
Prayer, supposed to be answeied by an inward impression upon the

suppliant, a prevalent opinion in Cromwell's court, iii. 19.
Prayers, used by Charles the First in the time of his troubles, some

account of, ii. lis.
Predestinarian controversy, conseguence resulting from the animosity

with which it was carried on, ii. 216.
Prejudice, levels or exalts contrary to sense and reason, iii. 86.
Prelatists, their oppression of the puritans, iii. 45 — ^A satirical litany

against them, 47.
Prerogative of princes, only the power of doing good without a public

rule, ii. 494.
Presbyterians, encouraged and cherished by Cromwell, though inclined
to favour the royal interest, iii. 42 — Their insolence m the loi^
parliament, 64 — Refuse to subscribe the " Engagement" to the com-
monwealth, and are expelled the Universities, iv. 55 — Principally
conducive to the restoration of Charles the Second, 310 — Not
, averse to the restoration of die liturgy, upon terms, v. 83— The
Episcopalians reject an union with them, and require an imcon-
didonal submission, ib.
Press, rigorous restraints on, under Charles the First, ii. 271 — ^Re-
newed by Charles the Second, v. 250 — A licenser of appoint-
ed, 254.

GENERAL INDEX- d6d

PreaMHf Mr* htft congratulatory verses to Richard Cttnn^^) dfli his
accession to the protectorate, iy. 181.

Preston, battle of, lii. 177.

Price, Thos. esq. a court pensioner in the Hou^ of Comittons, tinder
Chai'les rfie Second, v. 289 — ^Protected from arrests in Whitehall
during the recess of parliament, 281.

Pride, Colonel, purges the House of Commons of members obnoxious
to the army, ii. 471, 473. iii. 177 — His address to Fairfax on the
statfc of the nation, iii. 179 — Knighted with a faggot-stick, by
Cromwell, 478 — Opposes Oliver's acceptance of the regal title, ib.

PridJe, ludicrous instance of, in a Scottish knight, iv. 12S.

Prie'8t*craft repugnant to the spirit of the Holy Scriptures, r, 112.

Priests, princes should curb their power, i. L>72 — Power in their hands
in danger of degenerating into tyranny, ii. S9 — Parasitical ones

. compared to earwigjs, 102 — ^The doctrine of forgiveness of sins by,
publicly preached, ii. 226.

Pnnces, their service hard and difficult, i. 21 — The doctrine of the
sacredness of their persons not upheld in EHzabeth's time, i3. —
Sentiments of James the First respecting, 51 — Sentiments of queen

' Mai*y, Of, — ^Their accession to a foreign throne the proper mo-
ment for the people to claim their just rights and pnvil^s,
58 — Should not be too bountiful to persons used to low cir-
cumstances, 68 — Evils resulting from their love of ease and pleasure,
77 — Oaths by them highly mdecent and impolitic, 88— When
oi>enly vicious and profene, injure the interests of religion, by occtt-
sionaliy appearing its votaries, 93 — Hunting the least proper fbr
them, 98— ^ould dread falling into contempt, 212 — Should curb
the power of the clergy, 272 — ^Their youth and subsequent periods
of life often a sad contrast, i. 2d7 — Chastity in them productive o€
many happy effects, 48 — To gain the favour of their subjects, should
be humane and courteous in their behaviour, 84 — Importance of
their adhering to truth, and avoiding dissimulation, ib. 96 — Litera-
ture best promoted by their patronising authors, not by their becom-
ing authors, 149— Tneir ambition to swell their prerogative poor
aro contemptible, S79 — ^Warned against t^ing part in the squabble^t
of ecclesiastics, 3S& — ^The fate of Charles the Fu'st an eminent ex-
ample to them, 491 — Should be privileged with the power of doing
good, but precluded from doin^ evil, 494 — Should be cautious ho\v
they give themselves up to arbitrary cotittsels, iii. 6S — Sutroanded
witn poor tools by their own ^It^ 413 — Must not heed the re-
proach of being Cruel, if they would keep their suljects united and
faithflJ, 466 — ^Their education of great importance, iv — ^In what
it ought and ought not to consist, ih, — Miserable in a state of exile,
124 — ^Their reputation should not be trusted to the flimsy efhisions
of poetical panegyric, but rather to be fotmded on good deeds and
nob^e actions, 182 — ^Are always surround^ with a venal crowd of
flatierersy 250— To be unily great, and make the people happ^^,
uhould be invested with an unlimited power of doing good, but de-
barred Uie opportunity of acting wrong by the law^ S24 — ^Are sub-
ject to the nuStdamental laws of die state, SSIff^ 339 — ^And may be
put to death if tb^y infringe upon, or subvert those laws, S37 —
Properly employed m the study of affeiiB of state, v. d — ^The love
of ease censurable in them, $ — ^Their disBinndation too ^neral to
remain undetected, 14— Rendered odious by their gallant]ies, 43—

VOL. I. B B

370 GENERAL INDEX.

Their humour always followed and supported by their council and
favourites, 168 — Compared to lovers: caress their people till tliify
have obtained their desires, and then loath and maltreat them, 905
— ^l*heir vices spread a baleful contagion over the community, 366.
Seefurthery under Governors and Kings.

Printing, its influence in the cause of liberty, v. 250— RestricUonB im-
posed by Charles the Second, 253,

Prisoners, instances ol Charles the First being a pleased spectator of their
calamities, ii^ 78.

Proclamation of acts of parliament, an ancient custom, revived under
the Commonwealth, but discontinued since the Restoration, iv. 40.

Proclamations : — ^Against the emigration of the Puritans, iii. 54 — ^By
the parliament setting a piice on prince Charles's head, iv. 104 — By
Charles the Second setting a price on Cromwell's head, 128 — ^By
Richard Cromwell, on his assumption of the protectorate, 177 — ^By
Charles the Second, on his restoration, 313 — For establishing epis-
copacy in Scotland, v. 114 — For procuring obedience to ecclesias-
tical authority, 115 — Of indulgence to (Bssenters, 122 — ^For the
suppression of coffee-houses,^ 261 — For preventing signatures to pe-
titions to the king,. 309.

^Profligacy of manners introduced by Charles the Second, v. 361.

Project, for overawing the last parliament of Charles the First by
means of the army, discovered, ii, 384.

Prosperity, a dangerous state to most men, ii. 436 — ^Its efiects upOB
Charles the First, ib.

Bkotection of sovereigns, the end of obedience in subjects, iii. 344*

Protector of the Commonwealth of England, his powers, iii. 335 —

, Limitations to his authority, ib, — Provision in case of his death, 336..

Protestantism, a revival of the religion of Jesus Christ, iii. 396.

Protestants in Germany, injury done to theii* cause by the indifFerence
of James the First, i. 253 — ^Those in France subjected to the will <rf
the French court by the surrender of Rochelle, ii. 162, 164 — Dread^
ful persecution of by the duke of Savoy, iii. 397-*-The perBecotioBi
stopped by Cromwell's influence, 398.

Proverb, Scottish, ii. 336.

Prynne, censured in the high commission for writing against the doc-
trines of Montague, ii. 212 — cruelties inflicted on by the Star-cham-
ber, for writing against interludes, and actors and actresses, ii. 263
—In his way to CarnaiTon Casde, hospitably entertained by a sheriff
of West-Chester, 269 — Extract from a pamphlet attributed to him,
intided. The Arraignment, Conviction, and Condemnation of the
Westminsterian Juncto's Engagement, iv. 41 — Opposes the vest-
ment of the excise duties in the crown, as a compensation for the
court of wards, abolished by Charles the Second, 374.

Psidms of David, king James's translation of, i. 162.

Public characters, open to investigation, or the state in danger, v. 269.

Pubhc debt, contracted prior to the* Revolution, consisted of the sumf
of which Charles the Second had defrauded his creditors by shutting
the Exchequer, v. 276.

Puritans, conference between them and the episcopalians, at Hamp«
ton Court, i. 99 — ^What was requested by them at this conference,
107 — Enmity of James the First to them, 273-^Ceremonie8 to which
they object, ib. — ^Their greatest foes educated amongst them, iL 6
—Their character and ^ews, iii. 45 — ^Their sufferings, i^.—Theif

g£KERAL INDElf. 871

satirical litany against ihe prelatists, 47 — Many of them emigrale
to America, others prevented, iji. 54 — Hateful to Charles the First
from their attachment to civil liberty, 214 — Cruel peraecution of, by
the clergy of Charles the Fi] si, S57.

Purveyance, rij^t of, abolished by Charles the Second, iv. 367.

Pym, Mr, committed to prison for liis free speaking in parliament, i.
230 — One of the five members impeached by Chailes the First,
ii. 4og — Excepted from the proclamation of pardon, 439— Pro-
posed to Charles the First as Cliancellor of the Exchequer, iv. 10 —
Remarks on the probable consequences of such an appointment
to the popular party, ib.

Querouaille, Mademoiselle de, Set Keroualk and Portsmouth.
Qua •warranle, writ of, issued against the city of London, v. 3fi:

Rainbow, Dr. expelled the Unirersity for refusing to suhscribe the

" Engagement" to the Commonwealth, iv. 56.
Rainsboroi^h, captain, commands the naval expedidoo against Sallee,

ii. 194— Retains his commission, notwith standing the seli^lenying

ordinance, iii. 1S4.
Ralei^, sir Walter, cruel conduct of James the First to, i. 237

Saying of, respecting the power of the English navy, ii. 186.
Ramsay, sir John, title and wealth conicrred on, by James the

First, i, 64, 6fi.
Bapin's defence of Cromwell's conduct towards the long parliament,

Ray, a panegyiist of Cromwell, iii. 36i,

Rayoal, abbe, his character of JameS the First,!. 294 — Of the English
Republicans, Ui. STI.

Reading, taken by the earl of Essex, ii. 436.

Reason, the natural and best guide of men, v. 70 — The only safeguard
agmst papal delusions, 81.

Rebellion, improper apphcitioo of this terra to the civil wars betweea
Charles the First and the parliament, iL 435.

Reform of the representation, proposed under the Commonwealth, iv.
209— Abandoned, 211.

Reformation, attcndet! with much heat and enthusiasm, iii. 1 8.

Regal government, compared with the republican m point of ex-
pense, iv. 278. — Not an hereditary right in England, v. 175.
I Regicides, executed, iv. 335— Injustice and cruelty of diis measure, SS6.

Iteignolds, Dr. E. expelled thedeanery of Chriatchurch, iv. S6.

^Reli^on, its interests injured by a prince, openly ticious and profane,
appearing its votary, i. 93 — The observance of its rites altwe does
not constitute a good raan, ii. 50 — Formerly a considerable trait in
3 great man's character, iii. 11 — A recjuiaite qualilication for a post
in the army, ib. — Its power on die mind of a man truly sensible to

( . its obligatioBE) ig^The outward profession of, discarded with the
. Commonwealth, v. 36S.

B^ligious diflputcB, a certain ci

Leli^OUB liberty, granted by the Rump Parliament, iy. Sas.

37ii GENERAL INDEX.

RfmODGtrance tor the Rights ot Kings, by James the First, account
of, i. 157.

Remoiutraoce of the state of the kingdoni> hbtory of^ iii. 69— Another
by the aeeluded members, 45n.

Representacloa, parllamentaty, its adi'antages, iii. 3BS — Corrupted by
Uie influence of ministers, jA,— By court intrigues, ii.— Tfe anny
petition for a refbnn of, li.— Procctdings in the commons relative to
It, ess— Rendered nugatory, 3S6— Ought to be reriBed, 887.

R^ublicaa governmeDt, unsuit^le to such as have been acctistomed to
mdulgencies unauthorized by law, iv. 351.

Republ^ans, obtain an ascendancy in the parliament and in the
nation, during the protectorate ot Richard Cromwell, iv. 190.

Republics, generally degenerate into despotic goremments, iii. 309 —
Inquiry into the cause oFthist 3lo.

Resistance of the tyrannical eicercise of power, the docnine off con-
duced to the catastrophe of Charles the First, v, 239 — HJB son re-
solved to extirpate it, iB. — Consonant with the examples recorded
in Scripture, 249 — Theexerciae of it not always subversive of the
gOTemmeni, 350.

Restoration (rf Charles the Second by Monckc, iv. 309 — Review of
circumstances, and the state of parties which led to itj tb. — Where-
fore unconditional, 319— The report of, discredited at first amoi^
foreignci-3, 3E4 — Extravagant joy of the people at, 32e— The anm.
versary of, ordered to be observed on the 29ih of May, 330 — Poeri*.
cal effusions on the occasion, 33s;— Less beneficial to '""

Retz, cardinal &, his secret visit to Charles the Second, v. 53.

Revelations, Paraphrase on, by James the First, remarks on it, i. 41,

Revenge, a cowanily principle, i. 62.

Revenue) extravagant, bestowed on Charles the Second by the parlia-
ment, iv. 340 — Improvident mode of leaving it in the handi of the
sovereign, 343.

Rhee, isle of, unfortunate descent of the English army at, ii. I59.

Rich, Henry, earl of Holland, lavish bounty of James the Firot to, 72—
refiises himself to the king's unnatural propensity, laa — Rude ex>
pressions of Charles the First to, ii. 80 — Sent ambassador to the
United Provinces, 154.

Rich, sir Nathaniel, sent to Ireland for his free speaking in parlia-
ment, i. 230.

Richardson, chief justice, reprimanded in council by the bishop of
London for atten^ting to suppress ales and revels on the Lord's

day, ii. i
Ricmieu, c

^ .bar

m t

I, cardinal, observation by, respecting the empire of the sea,

ii.iBfr—Threatens Charles the First for refusing to consent to the

tiaraiioD of Flanders, 190— Addicted to aatrobgy, and the most

ritUculous kinds of divination, t. 12.
Kichmond, Charles Lennox, duke of, a natural son of Charges the

Second, by Mademoiselle de Kcroualle, duchess of Portsmouth, 1.

41— Made a peer of France, ii.
Richmond, duchess of, her splendid retinue and mag^mlicent largpasea

on being deputy sponsor for the queen mother of France, at the

baptism of Chailes the Second, rv. 3.

' :ht, petition of, cause of its enactment, iii. S89 — Brotuoby C&adct
- First, 290.

GENERAL JNTtSX.

Rights of kings discussed, iv. 45 — See Kings and Princes.

RitfS, religious, necessary to the preeenation of religion, v, 99.

Rixio, David, account of, i. I.

Roberts, Mr. R. 2 coort pensioner nndw CharlL-a the Second, r.

33B, 289.

Rocheite, reiiifes admission to Buckinclimn's fleet, iL iss — Decbrei
for the Englidi, and is besi^^d by Fnince, 16S— Ii forcvd to a*r-
render, 162.

Rocbesier, Lawrence Hviie, eail of, urg-s Dr. Sprait to luppreM a
coUectioo of leuers written by Cliarlw the Rrsi, ii. 143.

Rochester, John Wilniot, eari of, his satire on the conduct of Charies
the Second towards the rovalists, v. 1 9.

RockJDghain, forest of, arbitrarily iticreascd from sw to sixty nuleSi ,
ii. S9G.

Rohan, prDtestum chief, causes Ae inhabitants of Rochelle to declare
for the English, ii. 162 — Asserts that it is the interest of the chief
magistrate of England to become head of the protestanta, iii. 404.

Rolles, Mr. tbon^ a member of pailiament, his goods arbitrariij
seized for duties of tonnage and poundage, ii. aa2, U90.

Roman CatholicSj couotenanced by the Protector while they conducted
themselves peaceably, iii. 43. See Piipists,

Roper, sir Anthony, nnes inflicted on, under the pretence of forst
encroachments, li. 393.

Rotbes, earl of, his cooragwju* opposition to the act relating to the
apparel of Idrkmen, ii. 31B.

Roundheads, a name of reproach applied to the partisans of the par-
liament, ii. 431.

Rouse's dying declaration relative to the Rydtonse plot, v. 537.

Royalists, causes of their disasters in their etrusglc with the Repul*
licans, according to Clarendon, iv. 16— accordmg to Lansdowne,
17 — They snbBCribe the " Eogageraent" to the Commonwealth, St
— Their hopes elated on the death of Oliver Cromwell, i69 — De-
pressed in the restoration of the Rump Parliament, ao8 — Defeated
by Lambert at Namptwich, SI3 — Supposed to hare been betrayed
by sir R.Willis, 515— Prepared to accept any terms diat m^ht
have been pioposed for the restoration of Charles the Second, 314 —
Their unhappy constitution and temper supposed to be the cautc
of eharlea the Second's indifference to state affairs, v. 3,

Royal Society, history of its rise, v. 5 — Though patroniied and
cnartered by Charles the Second, it begnn under the Commoff-
wealdi, or rather in the rrign of Charles the First, 6 — Origtnalty
designed for friendly conversations on esperimenta! pbiloMfUiyi in
consequence of the interrapdoa given to academical studies by the

Royalty abolished in England, iii. 315— Restored, i». S9a.

Rump-pgriiament, jk Long-parliament.

Rupert, nriace, affecting anecdote of one of his prisoners, ii

Russell, lord, moves the dismissal of the duke of^York fron. the royal
presence and councils, IfiS — Examinatioa of how far be could be .
connected with the RyehoiiBe.fjol, 33fl — Copy of the paper d«- •
iivered by him to the sheriffs on the day ot his eKecution, 339.

Riusel, Mr. argues against a standiDg army, v. 30I.

'■■™ ■" ~'-\ Knew of the ciicmn«taiice» aamding if, v. ssT.

GENERAL INDEX.

St. Albans, Farlf extravagant grant of land to, in Ifdand, by Charles
Uw Pint, a proof of that king's regard tor the Irish Catholic:,
ii. 399.

St. John, a lawyer of Lincoln's Inn, his papers seized, on suspicioa
of his having assisted Bunon in drawing up his defence, ii. 367 —
Becomes soEcitor-gPoeral to the commonwealth, and is appotoied
of the committee for bringing in the self-denying ordioance, iii.
109 — Becomes lord chief justice, and goes ambassador to Holland,
ssa — Negoualions there, ib. — His speech to the states on leav-
ing the Hague, 25S — Is the chief mover of the navlgarioti act, 376
— Adverse to Cromwell's usurping the sole power, 467 — Makes
terms with Charles the Second, for his restoration, iv. 858.

St. John, Oliver, rieorous conduct of James the First to, i. B3S — His
congratulatory addi'ess to Cromwell, on the victory of Dunbar,
iii. S40,

St. John, air W, presents the Wiltshire petition to Charles the Se-
cond, V. 310.

Salisbury, tushop of, ungenerous conduct of Charles the Second) to-
wards in his old age, v. 46.

Salisbury, Cecil earf of, pleasant story of his political intrigue, i. 55
— Enriches himself at the expence of the Scots, 7 1 — The report of
the gunpowder plot imputed to his ardfice by the papists, 109.

Salisbury, lord, fined twenty thousand poimos for forest encroach-
ments, ii. S95.

Sallee, lines by Waller on the taking of, ii. 192 — Particulars of the ex-

E edition against jr, and its surrender, 194.
iraon and James the First curiously compared, i, sas.
Samson, Agnes, apprehended and examined as a witch, i. 47.
Sandej'son, bishop, his review of parties and their motives, at the be-
ginning of the common weal til, iv. St.
Sandwich, lord, his relation of the overthrow of Richard Cromwell's

government, iv. ISJ.
Savil, clmming to have been the assassin of Buckingham, cruelty of

the star-chamber to, ii. 309. T

Saviile lord Hilifax, jet Halifax.
Savoy, duke of, his cruel persecution of the protestants of Vaudois,

iii, 397 — Stopped by the interference of Cromwell, 399. t

Saunders, judge, eminent for his vices, v. 331.
Sawyer, sir Robert, bribed with 1,000/. by Charles the Secondf/or his

services in parliament, v. aso.
Say and Sele, William viscount, excepted from Charles-ihe First's

proclamadon of pardon, ii. 439 — Determines on emigration to

America, iii. 54.
Schomberg, marshal, refiises the command of the Blackheath army,

raised by Charles the Second to intimidate the citizcnR of London,

Science promoted, and its professors encouraged by Cromwell, iii. 419.
ScioppiuE, Caspar, virulence of his answer to king James's Apology

and Premonition, i. 136.
Scodand and Scots; number of Scots advanced to honours and wealth

by Jamea the First, i. 64, eG— Claim precedency of the Ei^Mb

GENERAL INDEX. 375

Bobility, 68 — ^Attempts of Charles the First to introduce innovations
in their religion, ii. 316 — Prepare for war, to resist those innova^
tions, 329, 333 — ^Peace restored, 334 — ^Terms of the pacification^
335 — ^The sincerity of Charles in this pacification doubted, 337 —
Dissatisfied with tne dissolution of their parliament by Traquair,
343 — ^War renewed, 344 — ^Enter England, and take possession of
Newcastle, 363 — Favourable issue to them, of this war, 364 —
Their army petition Charles the First at Newcastle, to settle the
nation, iii. 152 — ^Endeavour to prevail on Cromwell to spare his
life, 199 — ^Their ill treatment by Charles, 329 — Send ambassadors
to prince Charles at the Hague, ib, iv. 68 — His sentiments towards
them, iiL 23Q. iv. 59, 63 — Charles crowned at Scone, iii, 2S0—
State of Scotland at this period, 231. iv. 59— Battle of Dunbar, iii.
238 — ^Farther successes of the English, 241 — The nation spbmit to
the conquerors, 243 — ^An union with England projected by the
commonwealth, 277; which is completed by Cromwell, 280 — The
non-conformists 4)efsecuted on the restoration of Charles the Second^
v, 112 — ^Their'*^hopes miserably disappointed by him, 114 — Epis-
copacy established fusx by the king's proclamation and afterwards
by the parliament, ib> — ^The league and covenant abolished, ib. —
Tyrannical proclamatio;! for procuring obedience to ecclesiastic^
authority, 115 — ^Acts against conventicles, 118 — ^An indulgence to
dissenters published, 125 — The episcopalians excite a cry of " No
Popery," i^.— The declaration cancelled, 126.

Scriveners, formerly the agents for money, v. 270.

Scroggs, chief justice, his tyrannical suppression of Carr's Weekly
Packet, &c. v. 257 — Copy of a general-warrant issued by him, for
the seizure of unlicensed books, ib, — ^Farther instances of his
oppression, 258.

Sea, sovereignty of, insisted on by the commons, during the com-
monwealth, iii. 264 — Relinquished by Charles the Second, in favour
of France, v. 218.

Seajpan, Dr. vice-chancellor of Cambridge, an eulogist of Cromwell,
iii. 360, 489.

Seamen, called in contempt, by Charles the First, water-rats, ii. 82.

Search, right of, insisted on by Cromwell, iii, 264—Relinquished by
Charles the Second, v. 2 18.

Sectarians, why they subscribed the " Engagement," iv. 55.

3elden, Mr. committed to prison for his free speaking in parliament,
i. 230, ^84 — Obliged to make his submission in the high commis-
sion court, for pS>lishing his book on tithes, i. 272 — Writes his
Mare Clatuunii in answer to Grotius's Mare LiJberumy iii. 184 —
Extract from his Mare Claujum, iii. 264.

Self-defence, a principle of the law of nature, ii. 418.

Self-denying ordinance, mischievous to the parliament, but beneficial to
the ambition of Cromwell, iii. 106 — ^Account of its progress through
parliament, 108— <^onsequences, 116 — ^A party contrivance, 124.

Sermons, long, preached by the Scottish covenanters, at which
• Charles the Second was obliged to be present, iv. 77.

Service-book, j^^ Liturgy, Scottish.

Sevigne, Madame de, on the comparative merits of Mademoiselle de
Keroualle and Nell Gwin, mistresses to Charles the Second, v, 42.

Sexby, colonel; author of Killing no Murder, iii. 94 — ^Di^ in prison,
iv. 127.

376 GENERAL INDEX.

Seymour, Edward, Esq. p^nsipped to. betray the country pArty« by
Charks the Second, v. 282, 288.

Seymour, Mr. chosen speaker by the commons, and rejected by
Charles the Second, y. 315.

Shaftsbury, lord, his description of king James as a wTiter, i. 160 —
Reconmiends to soverei^s, instead of becoming authors them-
selves, to patronise literature in their subjects, as we surest earnest
of increasmg it, ii. l49-T-Becomes one of die Cabal ministry, v.
125 — Supports the Dutch war in his parliamentary harangues^ 207
— Satirised by Dryden, 208 — His speeches on the diuttiog rf the
exchequer, and the case of the bankers, 274.

Sheffield, duke of Buckingham, see Buckingham.

Sheldon, Dr. recommends moderation in rdigious matters in a sermon
before Charles the Second, iv. 885 — Countenances the duchess of
York's inclination towards popery, v. 81 — ^Extract from his letter
to the bishops of his diocese, aesiring them to enforce the laws
against conventicles and nonconformists, v. 106.

SheHock, bishop, his sanguine description of the effects of the refor-
mation, iv. ssi.

Ship-money, levied by Charles the First, particulars of, ii, 298, a58
-—Conduct of the long parliament respectmg, 305.

Sibthorp, Robert, rewards bestowed on him by Charles the First for
preacHng the doctrine, that kings were not bound tp obserye the
laws, ii. 209.

Sidenham, colonel, a member of Barebone's parliament^ iii. 326*

Skippen, major-general, retains his conmii6sion.in contravention of the
self-denying ordinance, iii. 1 24— Wounded ip the battle of Nasd>y»
128, 130 — Made one of Cromwell's major-generals, 438.

Slingsby, executed for fevouring the cause of Charles the Second,
iv. 127,

Smith, Dr. on the prevention of the sale of archbishop Usher's library,
iii. 420.

Smoking clubs, political, common in the days of the Common-
wealth, iv. 278.

Soldiers, aversion of, to the war with the Scots, ii. 362.

Solenm league and covenant, subscribed by Charles the Second« hr.
73 — Declared to be an unlawful obligation, v. 84, 114 — Obaerya-
tions on this measure, 101.

Solomon, see Salomon.

Somerset, earl and countess of, see Ker*

Somerset House, ordered to be sold for the supply of the Navy,
iv. 219.

Somersett, sir John, his estate in Southampton settled upgn Crom-
well, as a reward for his valour in the battle of Naseby, iii. 134.

Sonnets by king. James the First, i. 163,

Sorbiere's character of the English republicans, iii, 266.

Soverei^s, bound to protea their subjects, from whom otherwise they
can demand no obedience, iii. 344; see Kings and Princeis,

Sovereignty of the 8?a, claimed by the commons, and enforced by
Cromwell, iii. 264 — Relinquished by Charles the Second, v. 218,

South, Dr. e:^tract fropi his Poem in praise of the jgovemment of
Cromwell, iii. 361 — His subsequent apostacy, 36^ — Jl^s poetical <;e|c-
bration of Charles's restoration, iv. 332.

Southampton^ lordi fined for forest encroachments, ii. 2$5^

QfiNBRAt INDEX. 97?

SouthampCOBy earl of, cteceived by Hide, a« to the dtixaMat and capa*
city 01 Charles tJ^t Secoody iv. 323.

Spain, impolicy of James's treaty of peace with, i. 165 — ^Deprives
Prederick, James's soa-in^aw, of his Palatinate, 183 — (English naval
expedition against, ii. 149 — ^Peace with Eagbnd proclaimed IS4 — j!t»
fleet destroyed by the Dutch, 172 — ^Is the first power that acknow-
ledges the Commonwealth, iii. 345 — ^Negotiates with Cromwellf
363 — ^Its condition at the period of its rupture with him, S76i —
Cromwell's manifesto against, 387 — Rejoicmgs in, om occa6i<mof
the birth of Charles the Second, iy. 2.

Spaniards, their ill treatment of British merchants, i. 175—Tllcir cniel
murder of twenty-six Englishmen, 176, ii.

Speech, freedom of, the sweguard of the government, v. 267.

Speke, Mr. fined by the minions of Charles the Secood, y. 335, 353w

Spencer, Robert, lord, from the bawdy discourse of Charles the First at
Gloucester, supposed himself to be in the drawia^-room, it. 83.

Sports, allowance of, on Sundays, disgustiid to the puritans, iik 54.

^potswood, Kfihop, on the character of James the First, i. 29d-«ifi9
conduct respectmg Kirkman's apparel act, ii. 320 — Made ckaoceHbr^
322 — A|>p<»0es the tumult in the church of £dinbui|^, 826.

$prat. Dr. paoegynaes the naemory of Cromwell, vu 48»-^Hia ac-
count of the encouragement given oy Charles the Second to the Royal
Society, v. 5.

Sprat, judge, on ^ q^oo warranto issued against the city of London,
V. 325'-*-Ojice the panegyrist of Cromwell, 328-^On the character
of lord Russel and .^gemon Sidney,^ 350-— On the mysterious
death of loniEasex, 3.54.

^ Staflordy. iprd, his testMBony aa to the existence of the gui^wdep
plot, i. llo--His deckuation at the bar of the house of peers against
the overweening influence of papists, v. 79«^His objections to Oates's
testimony, 132.

Stamford, Henry, c^l of^ excepted from Charlea the First's {Hroclama^
tion of pardon, ii. 439.

Staokyt earl of Derby, lAoDerfayw

Star, uncommon ai^searance of one at nooa'day, at the birth of Charles
the Second) iy# i. • •

'gtar-chamberf aeverky of its proceedings against Leightcm, ii. 260 —
It& deccee respecting the press, 271 — ^fts cruelty to persons acting in
opposition to this decree, 273r^lta conduct to offenders against fo-
rest laws,. 29^— <Some account of this court, 307 — ^FurtheMnatanceS'
oi'ita cruelty* dOO-r-AboHshed by act of parliament, 314, 376.

State papers, ueir utihty in detecting historical fictions, isL 395.
State reasons. substitut£a£br plain honesty by corrupt governments, iib

295.
State^fgencralof Holfapd lefrise to aanst Charles the Second, unless he
will go to Scodand, iv. 58f-r-Send a! deputation to condole with the
Sngtiuh a^ihassador on the death q£ (Xvgt Cromwell, iv. 173> ue

StBiyner* c^pt. his gallant conduct against the Spaniards, at Cadiz and

San|;a Cruz, iii. 388, 389.
Sterry, Petec, chaplain to Cromwell, iiu 43.
Stone, Mr. OUver Cromwell's letter to, iii. 12.
Stra&rd* lordi his vigour, against the puritans, iii. ^2— -A prc>p.v i

ST« GEKERAL INDEX.

made to Charles ihe First for preserving his life and reinatatiog him
in his former hutiour, ir. 9— Declined by the king, 10, set Went-

Strickland) Mr. a member of Barebone's parhament, iii. 32«.

Strode, Mr. one of the five members irapeached by Charles the Firat,

ii. ■409 — Excepted from the prochmalion of pardon, 439.
StuMT,houBeof, Etrictureson the legitimacy of its succession lo the En-

glish throne, iv. 140.
Sraw>e, Mr. Ifenry, censures Cromwell's treaty with the Dutch, iii.

357 — Writes against that nation, v. B09 — Rewarded by Charles the

Second, ill.
Suarez, writes against king James's Apology for the Oath of Allegiance,

i. 133, 305.

Subacription to arUclea of faith, mischievous tendency of, i. 153 — Ob-

SuhjectB, obedience of, co^extensive with the protection afforded them

by their sovercigris, iii. 344.
Submission to existing autliority, fi)unded on tlie actual power of those

who possesfl it, ir. 46.
Sully, duke of, in complimenting, in his office of ambassador, James
the First on the death of EKzabeth, is not pennitied to appear in
mourning, i. 73 — His conversation with that prince on religion, 9i,
and hunting, 94 — Refijses to strike the French flag to an English
ship, when coming as ambassador to England, 190.
Sunday, sports on, after evening prayer, proclaimed lawfiU by Charle*
the First, ii. sa — Impolicy of this measure, 59 — The religious ob.
servance of Sunday an article of faith with the Scots, 321.
Sunderland, earl of, hia dissausfaction at the conduct of Charles the
First, ii. 441 — Adheres to him, and loses hiiliiein his cause, through
a lugh sense of honour, ib.
Superstition, nature of, described, ii. 61> — Instances of, in Charles the

First, ib. 65, sao — Other instances in great geniuses, v. 9.
Supremacy, arguments respecting, v. 17S.

Sweden, the queen of, ovcrjoyeS at Cromwell's assuming the protec-
torate, iii. 349 — Paid by France for her neutrality, 'v. 233.
Swedish ambassador, his recepdon in state by Cromwell, iii. 32.
Swiss protestant cantons, inteniose with the auke of Savoy, on behalf of
their persecutedbrethrenin theVaudois, without effect, iii. 397 — The
mediation rendered availing by Cromwell, 398.
Sword, powerofthe, the foundation of government, iv. 46.
Sydeserfe, Mr. Thomas, favours the introduction of a liturgy in Scot-
land, ii, 324.
Sydney, Algernon, on the folly of applying the term *' Rebellion" !•
the resistance of the parliament against the usurpations of Charles the
First, ii. 43B — Retains his commission notwithstanding the self^leoy-
ing ordinance, iii. ia4 — Condemns Cromwell for a tyrant, 469 — On
the conduct of Charles the Second towards the English, v. 33— His
reasons for preferring to remain in exile, (*.— On the popish plot,
141, 149 — On the powerofthe priests in reconciling falsehood with
the hope of eternal salvation, ! SO — His character of Charles's pen-
sioned parliament, 89h — Reflections on his principles, and examina-
tion of the connection he could have with the Rye-house plot, 33C,
344 — Extract from his address to the king, 341 — Glaring iostanCM
»f injustice in die proceedings against him, ib.

GENERAL INDEX. 379

Symonty BIr. his eomparison of the sofierings of Charies the First with

those of Jesus Christ, ii. 486.
Sympson, Mr. his letter of congratulation to Cromwell» after the nc-

tory of Dunbar, iii. 239.

Tangier demolished, and the garrison brought over to England, v.

298.

Taverns, meetings at, prohibited by proclamation, iv. 355.

Temple, sir John, on the numbers slain in the Irish massacre, ii. 399
— On the preparations by the commons for the trial of Charles the
First, 481.

Temple, sir William, on the restoration of Charies the Second by the
will of the people, in. opposition to the army, iv. 308 — On the ta*
- lents land character of Charles, v. 2 — On the credibility of the popish
plot, 140 — On the impolicy of the Dutch war, 190, 193.

Tenures in capite, and by knight's service, abolished by Charles the
Second, iv. 366,

Test, a general, proposed in parliament, and lost by a dispute for pri-
vileges between the two houses, 241.

Test Act, proceedings on its first proposal, v. 150 — Endeavours of the
court to qualify some of its provisions, 152 — Passed, ib, — The duke
of York exqkiaed from his post of lord high admiral, and lord Clif-
fbrd from the Treasury, by it, 153 — ^£n£rged on the discovery of
the popish {dot, 156 — ^Exemption in favour of the duke of York,
158.

Theobalds, sir George, See Morley, lord.

Thirty-nine articles, declaration prefixed to, by authority of Charles
the First, ii^ 213 — ^This declaration canvassed in the hunous Ban-
dorian and Trinitarian controversies, 215 — Observations on subscrip-
tion to these articles, 218.

Thomas^ Valentine, revengeful conduct of James the First towards, i*
61.

Thomlinson^ c^onel, called to sit in Cromwell's first parliament, iii.

326.

Thorpe, baron, displaced for disobeying Cromwell's instructions, iii.

444.

Throckmorton, sir William, on the debaucheries of Charles the Second,

V. 43.

Thurloe, Mi*, on the negotiations between England, France, and Spain,
iii. 363, 392~^On the opposition to Croniwell's government, 469—
On the motion for giving him the title of king, 476, 480 — His cha-
racter of Cromwell, 486 — On the comparative estimation in which
Richard Cromwell and Charies the Second were held by France and
Spain, iv. 17s — Makes terms with Chailes for his restoration, 258—
On the inclination of that prince towards the Roman Catholic reli-
gion, V. 57.

Thynn, sir; James, fined by Cromwell's m^jor-generals, iii. 441.

Thynne, sir Thomas, fined by the star-chamber, ii. 31 1.

Thynn, Thomas, esq. rebuked by Charles the Second, for presenting
a petition from Wiltshire, v. sio.

Tiberius, the blood he and his successors spilt on account of free speak-
ing ineffectual to produce the security ihey soughti v. 867»

Ts^m

GENERAL INDEX,

Tillotsoo, Ittshop, his letter lo lord Russell whiJe under condenuation,

on non-resist;ince, v. 343 — Johnson's remarks on, 243.
Tipp^K-boasca, supprcHed by proclsniauon of Charles the Second,

IT. 356.

Titua, colonel, wrongly supposed to be the author of " Killing no
Murder," iii. 94 — tUs speech against the duke of York, on the mo-
tion for a bill of Exclusion, V. 166 — On the necessity of impeaching
the judges, 330.

Tobacco, kine Janiespublishei a book agtynGt theuseof it, i. 161.

Toferatioo, rdigiotis, political advantages of, ii. !49.

Tom Tell Troath, his addreas to James respecting proiestants in
France, i. 358.

Tmnage and poundagif, duties of, arbitrarily levied by Charles the
Fxrsi, ii. fltto.

Tooko', bidtop, snppciTta king James's " Defence of Oalhs (rf Allegi-
ance," i, 305.

Tortus, Matthew, j«r Bellarmiiie.

Trade, pursuit of, a more honourable mode of procuring riches thaa
following the levees of ministers, iii. S — Combined with power,
STO — Supposed to be inimical to monaicbical institotions, iv. 279.

Trajan, wise spying of, in giving his sword to the capt^n of bis guard.

i. SS9.

Tranquillity of mind, not to be indulged in princes, v. 5.

Traquair, earl of, insmictiona of Chiles the First to, as high coinmi«-

sioner in Scotland, ii. 341 — Prorogues the parfiament, 343.
Tredenham, sir J. a court pensioner in the house of commons, under

Charles the Second, v. sgo.
Trelawney, sir J. cxtraragant grants to, for his parliamentary intrigues,

under Charles the Second, v. 880, S88.
Trenchard, Mr. on the enormities of Charles the Second's re'^, v-

294.

Trevor, Mr. suppOTts the excise bill, iv^ 374.
Trial by jury, iJie birthright of Englishmen, lii. 451.
Trienmal parliaments, provided for in Cromwell's tnstniment of govera-
ment, iii. 335 — Charles the Second desirous of repealing the act for,

V. 306.

Triple league, v. 187 — Offensive to the French, 199.

Tramp, HeHiert Van, Dutch admiral, defeats the Spaoish fleet off Do.

ver, ii. its— Attacks Blake in Folkstone harbour, iii. 68 — Defeated

by Blake* SSS; and by Deane and Moncke, 354.
Tntth, importance oi the observanee of, to princes, ii. 84 — Danger ot

speaking it in cert^ cases, exemplified in the case of George Withers,

Tuckney, Dr. master of St. John's colleg^, Cambiidge, hie eulegium
on Crorawdl's treaty with the Dutch, iii, sm — Celebrates his me-
mory after his death, 489 — His CDDgratulat<»y verses to Ridtaid
Cromwell, on his accession to the protectorate, iv. 181,

Tudor, lemai-kn on the legtiroacf of its succession to the EngSih
crown, iv. 14a.

Turks, English Md Irish coasts infested by their [nratw, ii. 179 —
Punishment infiicted on them by the expetution against Sallee, 153,

194.

Turner, sii James, commisnoDed to carry into rffcct the law9 against
conventicles in Scotland, v. 119.

GBNERAL INBESL

Tutorsy respect doe to than, u &

Troden, coansellor, illegally inqHiacmed by Cronnvell, vL 446.

Tynoiny, ever insecure, v. 267.

Tyrone, earl of, chaiged with being concerned in the gunpowder plot,

U209.

Tythes, proceedings in CromwelTs fim psurliaraent relative to, iii.

S30.

Valentine, Mr. comnutted to the Tower for his free qieakii^ in
ment, ii. 284.

Vane, sir Henry, the chief manager of the Dutch war, iiu iKO— Ui»
dinnterestedness, i^. — Unjusdy imprisoned by CromweU^ 446— Ex-
cepted from the bill of indemnity, v. 89 — ^Iijustice of exceptioiuik'—
His life promised by Charles the Second, U. — ^Proceeduigt began
against him, so — ^His trial and justification, t^.<— Base conduct of
the kmg towards him, 91 — ^Executed, i&*

Vassal, Mr. imprisoned for not paying tonnage and poundn^e^ £• S91.

Vaudois, persecuted on account of theur religion, by the duke of Savoy,
iii. 396 — The persecution stopped by the interference of Ciomwttli
who also sends them relief 397.

Vaug^an, lord chief jnsdce, declares a standing army to be illegal v.

301.

Ven, cai>tain, excepted from the pardon proclaimed by Chariot the

First, ii. 439.
VenaUes, see Penn.
Venetians, intercede with France, to obtain peace with En^bnd, ii« 164*

166.

Vice disconniged in Cromwell's court, iiL 409— Proclamation agwstf
by Chalks the Sedoind, iy. S53.

ViBn» MpCkvdaod.

I^ncent, sir WiUiam, opposes the setdement of excise for the revenue
of Cboies die Second^ iv. S7S.

Vines, Mr. expelled the university for refusing to subscribe the ^En-
gagement*' to the Commonwealth, iv. 66*

Fhffnafue Sortesy a species of augury, ii. 65— Tried by Charles the
rim and lord Faulkland, ib»

Virtue, the love and practice of, conducive to public hber€yi tv» 104.

Vorsdus, Conrad, loses the professot's chair of divinity at Leydeo,
through the enmity of king James, i. 134.

Vows, ooservatiofis on, ii. 64.

Voltaire, his character of Cromwell, iii. 487— Inaccurate in many of hfa
historical writiiigs, iv. 109— His account of the means taken to bring
Charies the Second to a renewal of the Dutch war, y. 209.

Uncertdnty of human affairs, iii. 116.

Uniformity in modes and forms of religion^ attempted by Charles tkt
Firpt* ii. 240-— Injurious natuie of sudi uniformity, 249-*-An act of,
imposed on the clergy by Charles the Second in contempt of his de-
claration published at Breda» v. 84 — Its expressive operation, 85*?-
Number of cleigymen ejected by it, i^^— More rigorous than that
issued in the reign of EUzaheChi 89—- Words omitt^ in the dedara-
uoi^ preyent conscieqtious persons from sigois^ it» ^^«i-dn act

■■

#- min.P,r^

383 G£N£RAL IND£X.

for the relief of persons unayoidably prevented from complying wit6
its requirements, 91 — Followed by other penal laws agamst non-
conformists, 102 — Clamours occasioned by those laws, 122 — ^De-
clarations of indulgence, and bills of comprehension framed, for the
relief of non-conformists, but never rendered effectual, i^.— Renewal
of the persecution, 129 — ^This act a step towards the extirpation- of
the spirit of resistance, 240.

Unitarians, countenanced by Cromwell, iii. 43.

Universities, provided for by the commonwealth, iii. 299, 305 — ^Eminent
men there at that period, 305 — ^The discipline in, more strict before
the Restoration than after, v. 8.

Usher, archbishop, conversation of James the first with him, on the
subject of receiving the communion, i, 91 — Courteously treated by
Cromwell, and honoured with a public funeral at his death, iii. 43 —
His valuable library sent to Dublin by the protector, 420 — His fruit-
less endeavours with Cromwell, to procure a remission of the edict
against Episcopalians, 429.

WagstafF, vindicates Charles the First against the charge of plagiarism
in one of his prayers, ii. 121 — Denies Gauden to be the aumor of
the Icon Basilike, 132.

Walcot, captain, his confession relative to the Rye-house plot, v. 337.

Walker, sir Edward, curious alteration said to have been made by
Charles the First in a book written by this baronet on the Irish re-
bellion, ii. 401.

Walker, cruelty of the star-chamber to, for libelling his neighbour, ii,

310.

Walker, Mr. author of the History of Independency, his caution to
Charles the First against parasitical priests, ii. 102 — ^Affirms inot
Gauden's own authority, that he was die author of Icon Basilike, 127
— On the discontents occasioned by the gifts, preferments, &c.
bestowed upon members of parliament, iii. 131 — On the comparative
merits of Fairfax and Cromwell, 137 — His account of the protesta^
tion of the secluded members, 187 — ^On Cromwell's behaviour in
the commons, on the first motion for proceeding capitally against the
king, 199.

Wall, Mr. on the means of quelling religious dissensions, iii. S04.

Waller, Edmond, his anecdote of James the First, i. 156 — Lines by,
on the taking of Sallee,ii. 192 — On Cromwell's literary attainments^
iii. 4 — Of his affectation and hypocrisy, 17 — ^His poetical compli-
ment to Cromwell more than mere flattery, 33 — Lines by, on the
naval exploits of the protector's commanders, 390 — Panegyrises
Cromwell's ffovemment, 489 — Clwnges his strains on the restoration
of Charles the Second, iv. 332.

Wallis, Dr. discovers the art of decyphering letters, iv. 136 — ^His ac-
count of the origin of the Royal Society, v. 6.

Wallop, sir Henry, fined by the star-chamber, ii. 311.

Walpole, Mr. on the desert and infliction of death of princes, iv. 337
— On the licentious manners of Charles the Second's court, v. 365.

Walter, Lucy, mistress to Charles the Second, her profligate conduct,
iv. 162 — Said to have been married to Charles, 167.

Walton, Dr. permitted by Cromwell to import paper free of duty, for
his Polyglott Bible, iii. 420. *"

CSXI3JC IM^SaL .^^<

Snirr- v=ai> Ssinw axi£ wcr ^ateiMT c^tcWiikv!

Sir z u:. , ' M iz *!>"-nir.¥'eI.*> r-iraas. :». «i^-<^J^^J,^
.lit.

hzf ranirjrsiT^ ic^zr. Heaiirios. :^ .". * — cs-irr; is .v> :-.5jc.v.\ vie

Or his srs appesrzsce ir pirjiirai-:, i~ — O: trsc ;ViS3i.:\c v"* «^'' *x^

S5T.
Wanidgiiac, lord* cc ihe pirsis irifL-.-^asul :n hric^rc «^So;;: ;V
Kfuoraaoa, rr, sis.

vitfaoni HcBcse, iL £Ti .

WtftaoBy sr Levis, saed ihre* ihou&i^i ivund* ror tb4>»: oitciwiclv
ments, iL S9€.

Watson, scToky of dae stiTniiinber to, tor tju:>ilv;ns:: ::,< ixvouis* r..
SIO.

Watsooy Mr. on the m'fcpplicanoa of the »:in *• m..itYr** to Ch.i:K*s
the First, ii. 489.

Wayte, Mr. his account of tlie corMiuct ot Ci'omwcll in p:ocuui\t; the
death of the Idng, iii. eoo.

Weakness of mind, attached to great trJont$> in coitaiu ir.st.uuw'it \ . s.

Welch, Mr. John, saying of, respecting James the Fiisi, i. :2i).

Welwood, Dr. an anecdote told by him relative to ti'o cession ot" Oiin-
kirk to the English, an absolute fiction, iit. ^94 — On the naval im^vi-
city of Charles the Second, v. 227 ; which he prostiiuied to \\w soi-
vice of France, 228 — On die circumstances auendin»:^ the death ot
that prince, 359.

Wentworth, Peter, committed to the Tower tor l\is t"»i\' spe.ikinj^ in
parliament, i. 231.

Wentworth, Sir Thomas, complains when loid liouicnant ol' liyiand ot
the depredations of the Turkish pirates on t!\e Irisli coajils, ii. r;j» •
Detained in Ireland by danger trom dio«e pirates, 181 - Holaies the
proceedings of the Irish convocation for C(M\t"on\nty in nunlej* ami
forms of religion, 245 — ^Assigns reasons for the failua* of the intio-
duction of the liturgy in Scotland, 330 — Advises tile king to foi'lity
Berwick and Leith against the Scots, 337 — Made earl of SirallbiUp
and sent again as lord lieutenant to la'Iand, 3!2U — ImUs tlie kin^j; with
high notions of the loyalty of his Irish subjects, ih, — MiHtaken iii thiM
matter, 354 — ^Appointed general of the army against the ScotH, on tho
sickness of the earl of Northumberland, 3Ca— "Particularu ol hid im-
peachment, 370 — Secret consultations to prevent his tieath, mn4— ilii
opposition to the allowance of forces to the earl of Anti ini, 3f>7.

Westmoreland, earl of, fined nineteen tligusuud pounds iur iurcsl en«
croachments, ii. 296.

— ■ *

r»i^Hfl^akMiM*i.&^ I

St4 GENERAL INDEX,

Wettcm, a catholic, appoiated lord treasure]- by Charlea the First, ii.

330.
Whalley, one of Cromwcit'a fflajocgenerala, iii, 438.
Wharton, appoinled to command an army for the relief of BWisrer, and

detained (or want of the king's commissTDn, ii. 403.
WheetcTi Sij- C. 3 court pensioner undei- Charles the Second^ V. SfH.
Whichcot, Dr. an eulogist of Cromwi-I!, on occasion of tlie Duich

treaty, iii. 360— E;(traci from his verses on the niiid government and

peaceful end of the protector, 189.
Wniston'a condemnation of the courts of princes as d.icgetoua to virtue,

Whitbread, particulars of his condemnation as an accomplice in the

popish plot) V. Ml.

Wiiie, .Tereftuah, admitted a chaplain to Cromwell, iii, 43,
Whiiehall,fiiiiiiture,plaie,&c. beloneingtcsoldbyitheRumpParKameni,

for discharging the debts incurred during the protectorate, iv. SOO.
WhitJield) rewarded for his services in die aibitrary proceetEngS of

Charles the First, as lo the enlargement of forests, it. 3S3.
Whitcift, archbiahop, his serviie adulation of James the First, i. 103.
Whitlock, on the conduct of Charles the First in the treaty at Oxford,
ii. 104— Of the extremity to which the parliament \raB reduced when
the Militia Bill was passed, 416— On the weakness of the parlia-
mentary aiiny in the early part of tlie ivar, 437 — Of lord FaBtland'f.
despair on account of the ascendancy of the papists over Charles the
First, 443- Of the negotiations in the Isle of Wight, between Charlfs
and [he parliamentary commissioners, 4 66— Of ihe reception of the
V* army's Remonstrance in the coimnons, 470, iii, 65— Of Cromwell's
^/enthusiasm, iii. 16— His temper, en- His inauguration, 30— His j-e-
eption of the Swedish Jtmbassador, aa, S3— Of the conferenc* at
_ sex House for the overthrow of Cromwell, 88 — On the jcalourie*
I *iienained by the parliament, of Esses, toe— His speech against the
f telf-denying ordinance, ill — His account of the battle of Naaeby,
t-iss — Oa the proceedings of Cromwell between the battle of Wor-
wtKata and the expulsion of the pariiament, 31 1— Joy with which the
i" ^een of Sweden received the intelligence of Cromwell's assunwiJon
fiWthe protectorate, 349 — On Cromwell's aversion to persons of dia-
"llute lives, 4 10— Displaced from his commission of the great Seal,
It refusing to observe an ordinance pf Cromwell's, 444— His cha-
Bifacter of Oliver's (irgt parliament, 470 — Oa the fections Which arose
r'dwing the suapenaion of the parliament by the army, iv, 241 — En-
MSavours to persuade FJenwood to make terms with Charles the
^^coad, ii, — On Charles's predilection for the church of Rome, v.

ft.
Whorthood, lady, consults LlUy, the astrologer, about the escape oi

Charle* the First, ii. 66,
Wicquefort on the glory of Cromwell's government, ii, 345,
Widdrington, commissioner of the great seal, displaced for refuaiag b>

obey an Ordinance of Cromwell's, iii, 444.
VTi^tman, Edward, bmmed at Litchfield for heresy, i, H3 — Crimes

charged against him in the warrant, 145,
WwmM^, sir R. set as a spy on the conduct of James the First, i. 32.
Wildman joins the royalists on Cromwell's assuming the protectorate,

iii. 491— Falsely and cruelly imprisoned, v. S9.
Wiikms, bishop, his noble resistance of the overtures of Charles tbe
Secon(l, with respect to the Conventicle Act, v, 322.

GENERAL INDEX. »B5 .

Wilkinson) Mr. refused ordination, ii. 223.

Wtlttamiy Dr. bishop oi' Lincoln, numerous church preferments enjoyed
by, i. STO — His curious sermoo on (he 4eath of James ihe Fii'st, SBa
— Dexterity in diacovering the grounds of Buckingh^'s disgrace, ii. ^
16— Insincere conduct of Charles the First towards him, 6T — Advised
by lord Coventry to absent himself from pariiament, 286— Jostled
from his sec by Laud and Buckingham, iii. 48.

Williamson, sir J. originally a foot-boy, pensioned for his vote in the
Commons by Charles the Second, v. 281 — Sent to the Towerfor dis-
closing the military commissions granted to papists, 397.

Willis, sir Kichird, corrupted by Cromwell to give information of the
ro^lists' plana, iiL *35 — Inquiry into the accuracy of the accounts of
his treachery, iv. SI5.'

Willis, Mr. Brown, his account of the sale of Inshops' lands in the pro-
vince of York, iii. 306.

Wilmot, lord, put under arrest, by order of the council, iv. 18.

Wilmot, Mr. concerned in the project for over-awing the last parlia-
ment of Charles the First, ii. 384.

Wilson, Mr. puritan minister, persecuted by Charles the First's clergy,

aval expedition

against Spain, ii. 151.
Windebank, a notorious catholic, made secretary by Charles the First,

ii. 230.
Windham, counsellor, illegally impriaoatd by Cromwell, iii. 446.
Winnington, sir F. his report from the committee of secresy, of corrup-
tion exercised on the members of the House of Commons, v. 388.
Winwood, sirK. his conduct in the persecution of Vorstius.l. \3b — His

conversation with prince Maurice respecting the weakness of James

the First, 20s.
Wiquefort, attempts to prove the lawfulness of ministers receiving pay

from foreign courts, v. 229.
Wisdom and folly, frequently united in the same character, v. B.
Wiseman, sir R. a tool of^ Charles the Second for corrupting the

House of Commons, v. 289.
^ Witchcraft, severity of the proceedings against, during the reign of

James the First, i. 44 — Sanguinary statute respecting, repealed by

George the Second, 49.
Wither, George, extract from his " FiiUj Jnglicana, or a Plea for

the public Faith," iv. 354 — Imprisoned for his free speaking, 359.
Withers, judge, a mean fellow promoted for his servility to the

Wolsely, sir Charles, a member of Barebone's parliament, iii, 329,

Wood's account of the youtliful days of Oliver Cromwell, iii. 5.

Wootton, ambassador, minion of James the First, i. 22.

Worcester, Charles the Second defeated at, by Cromwell, iii. 244. iv.
99 — This victory probably inspired Cromwell with the idea of seiz-
ing the government, iii. 310 — Its effects upon the royalists, iv. 99.

Worcester, ear! of, lus lands ^ven to Cromwell, after the battle of
Naseby, iii. 134.

Worslo^, Col. one of Cromwell's major-generals, iii. 438 — His own
account of his proceedings, 440.

WWthington, an eulogist oT Cromwell's gOTemment, iii. 364, 489.

•VOL, I. c C

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Full text of "An historical and critical account of the lives and writings of James I. and Charles I. and of the lives of Oliver Cromwell and Charles II ... From original writers and state-papers"

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