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VOL. I. 


1814. . 

■ ■ • • ■ • ■■ >■ 



"iQODFAii^ Printer, Angel Coort, Skinner Street, Londoq. 



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Of Dr, William Harris, the writer 
of these Lives, few memoirs have been pre- 
served, and what is now laid before the 
reader, rests on no better authority, than 
that of a fugitive pubUcation, except a few 
incidental notices from the Memoirs of 
' '^f.. Dr. Harris was the son of a tradesman 
at Salisbury, who probably was a dissent^* 
He was born in that city in 1720, and re-* 
ceived his education at an academy kept at 
Taunton by Messrs. Grove and Amory , men 
of learning and note, as cfissenting teachers. 
An early love of books asnd a thirst for 
knowledge, rendered apptiattion easy and 







profitable, and he was thought quaUfied to 
preach before he was nineteen years of age. j^^ 

He first officiated to a congregation at 
St. Loo, in CornwaUy^fUful was afterwards 
invited to another in . the city of Wells, 
where he was ordained in 1741. Within a 
few years, his marriage to a Miss Bovet of 
Honiton, occasioned his removal to that 
town^ and his ministerial labours, for the 
rest of his life, were confined to a very small 
congregation at Luppit in the neighbour- 
hood. To what denomination of dissenters 
he belonged we are not told. The strain of 
his discourses is said to have been plain and 
practical, but none of them have been pidl^- 
lished, and he appears to have soon courted 
^%Q[ie in a different pursuit. 

His political, if not his religious creed, 


led him to study the history of the seven- 
teenth century, which in his time had re- 
ceived few of the lights that have since been 
thrown upon it ; and what he read, he read 
with the eagCTi^ye of a nonconformist, de- 

sirous to rescue his brethren from obloquy,* 
and afford them a larger share in the merit 
of perpetuating the liberties of this kingdom. 
With this view, he resolved to become the 
biographer of the English branch of the 
Stuart family, and of Cromwell, and to as- 
sign to each their agency in the production 
of those great events in the seventeenth 
century, the rebellion, the restora- 
tion and the revolution. 

His preliminary attempt was on a singu- 
lar subject, the Life of Hugh Peters, 
which as he published it without his name, 
has escaped the notice of the collectors of 
his works, but is now prefixed, as the first 
in the order of time, and essentially con- 
nected with one of the subjects of his future 
inquiries. In this life he professed to follow 
" the manner of Bayle," and it might have 
been thought that its appearance in print 
would have shown Dr. Harris that his choice 
yrsA injudicious ; but, for whatever reason, 
he followed the same in his subsequent 



works. The Life of Peters was published in 
1751, and in 1753 appeared his Life of 
James I ; in 1758, that of Charles I ; in 
1761, that of Cromwell; and in 1765, 
that of Charles 11: tlxis lasting vols. 8vo. 
It was his design to have completed this 
series with a life of James II; but he was 
interrupted by an illness which terminated 
fatally in February 1770, in the fiftieth year 
of his age. His degree of Doctor in Divi- 
nity was procured for him from the Univer- 
sity of Glasgow, in 1765, by his friend 
Mr. Thomas HoUis, who had assisted him 
in his various undertakings, by many curi- 
ous and interesting communications, and 
the use of scarce books and pamphlets. Dr. 
Birch and other gentlemen in London seem 
also to have contributed liberally to his 
stock of historical materials. It is indeed 
as a collection of such, that these Lives 
have been principally valued, for Dr. Har- 
ris cannot be ranked among elegant wrifc. 
ers. They were all well received on they* 



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first publication, and the recent demand 
has raised them to an enormous price, which 
alone might justify the appearance of a new 
edition, if their curious and valuable con- 
tents had not given them a claim to a place 
in every English historical library. That 
Dr. Harris is always impartial cannot be 
gravely asserted, and that his reasonings are 
tinged with his early prejudices cannot be 
denied, but his facts are in general narrated 
with great fidelity, and the evidence on both 
sides is given without mutilation. 


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Hugh peters* bom in the year 1599, 
was the son of considerable parents^ of Foy 
in Cornwall. His father was a merchant ; 
his mother of the ancient family of the 
Trefiys' of Place in that town. He was 
sent to Cambridge at fomleen years of age; 

' The ancient family of the Trefiys of Place.] Thus 
the name is spelt in Peters's last legacy : but the same 
fionily was lately^ if it is not now in being, in the same 
house, whose name is always, I think, spelled Treffry. 
However, from hence it is very apparent, that Peters's 
parentage by the mother, was very considerable. For 
the antiquity of the family is known to most; nor does 
it yield in gentility to any of the Cornish ; which is no 
mean character in the eyes of those who value them- 
selves on birth and descoit. 

* Chiefly extracted from m dying Father't lest Legecyto an only Child; 
or Mr. Hugh PeterB'a Advice to hiH Diaiighter. London, 1660, 12mo. 


where, being placed in Trinity College, he 
took the degree of batchelor of arts in 1616, 
and of master in 1622. He was licensed 
by Dr. Mountain, bishop of London, and 
preached at Sepulchre's with great success'. 

* Preached at Sepulchre's with great success,] His 
account of his coming to Sepulchre's, and the success 
that he met with, will let us see something of the man. 
"*To Sepulchre's I was brought by a very strange 
providence; for preaching before at- another place, and 
a yoimg mau receiving some good, would not be satis- 
fied, but I must preach at Sepulchre's, once monthly, 
for the good of his friends. In which he got his end 
(if I might not shew vanity) and he allowed thirty 
pounds per arm. to that lecture; hut his person un- 
known to me. He was a chandler, and died a good 
man, and member of parliament. At this lecture the 
resort grew so great, that it contracted envy and anger; 
though I believe above a hundred every week were per- 
suaded from sin to Christ: There were six or seven 
thousand hearers, and the circumstances fit for such 

good work." Great success this! and what few 

preachers are blessed with. But some, I know, would 
attribute this to enthusiasm, which is very contagious, 
and produces surprising, though not lasting effects. 
However this be, it is no wonder envy and anger were 
contracted by it. For church governors are wont to 
dislike popular preachers, cEpecially when they set 
themselves to teach in a manner different from them. 

1 will only remark further, that Peters was as great 

a converter as oui modern Methodists. 

' Pettra'a L^Bcy, p.lO), 


Meeting wiUi some trouble on the account 
of his nonconfonnity', he went to Holland, 

' Trouble on the account of hU nonconformity.] Ne- 
ver was there any thing in the world more inconsislent 
with ChristJaniiy or good policy than persecution for 
conscience sake. Yet, such was the madness of the 
preJaies, during the reigns of the Stuarts, as to harass 
and distress men most cruelly, merely on account of 
nonconformity to ecclesiastical ceremonies. Laud was 
an arch tyrant this way, as is known to all acquainted 
with our histories ; nor were Wren and others much in- 
ferior to him. The very spirit of tyranny actuated 
their breasts, and made ihein feared and loathed whilst 
living, caused them to be abhorred since dead, and 
will render them infamous throughout all generations. 
I can add nothing to what Locke and Bayle have saiil 
on the reasonableness and equity of toleration : to them 
I will refer those, who have any doubts about it. Only 
as to the popular objections of its being inconsistent 
with the good of the state, and the wais and tumults 
occasioned by it, I will beg leave to observe, that it is 
evident to a demonstration, that those communities are 
more happy in which the greatest number of sects 
abound. Holland, the free cities of Germany, and 
England, since the revolution, prove the truth of my 
assertion. And I will venture, without pretending to 
the spirit of prophecy, to affirm, that, whenever the ' 
sects in England shall cease, learning and liberty will 
be no more amongst us. So tliit, instead of suppress- 
ing, we ought to wish their increase. For they are 
corbs to the slate clergy, excite a spirit of emulation, 
and occasion a decency and regularity of behaviour 
among them, which tliey would, probably, be other- 
wise Btrangers to. 


where he was five or six years*; from whenctf 

he removed to New England, and, after 

And for civil wars about religion; they are so far 
from arising from toleration, that, for the most part, 
they are the effect of the prince's imprudence. " He 
must needs (says an indisputable judge) have unseason- 
ably favoured one sect, at the expence of another : He 
must either have too much promoted, or too much dis- 
couraged the public exercise of certain forma of wor- 
ship: He must have added weight to party-<)uarrels, 
which are only transient sparks of fire, when the sove- 
reign does not interfere, but become conflagrations 
when he foments them. To maintain the civil govern- 
ment wilb vigour, to grant every man a liberty of con- 
science, to act always like a king, and never to put on 
the priest, is the sure means of preserving a slate from 
those storms and hurricanes, which the dogmatical spi- 
rit of divines is continually labouring to conjure up'." 
Had Charles the first had the wisdom and pradence of 
this great writer, he never had plunged his kingdoms 
into the miseries of a civil war ; nor by hearkening to 
his chaplains, refused terms which would have pre- 
vented his unhappy catastrophe. 

* Where he was five or six years.] U seems that hc 
behaved himself so well, during his stay in Holland, as 
to procure great interest and reputation in that couif- 
try; for, being afterwards in Ireland, and seeing tbfe 
great distress of the poor protestants, that had been 
plundered by the Irish rebels, he went into Holland, 
and procured about thirty thousand pounds to be sent 
from thence into Ireland for their relief. — Ludlow's 
Memoirs, Vol. III. p. 75. 

' Anti-Machiatel Eng. Trav. p. 328, edit. \1*i. . 



residing there seven years, was sent into 
England by that colony, to mediate for 
case in customs and excise. The civil war 
being then on foot, he went into Ireland, . 
and upon his return, was entertained by the 
earl of Warwick, sir Thomas Fairfax, and 
Oliver Cromwell, afterwards protector'. He 

' Eiitertauied by the earl of Warwick, sir Thomas 
Fairfax, and Oliver Cromwell.] Mr. Whillock shall 
be my vouclier for this. ' Mr. Peters, says he, gave a. 
large relation to the commons, of all the business of 
Lyme, where he was with the earl of Warwick. Again *', 
Mr. Peters, who brought up letters from sir Thomas 
Fairfav, was called into the house, and made a large 
relation of the particular passages in the taking of 
Bridgwater. And' Mr. Peters was called into the 
house, and gave them a particular account of the siege 
of Bristol ;— and he pressed the desire of sir Thomas 
Fairfax to have recruits sent him. — '' Letters brought 
by Mr. Peters, from lieutenant-general Cromwell, con- 
cerning the taking AVinchester Castle ; after which he 
was called in, and gave a particular relation of it. — 
• He came from the army to the house, and made them 
a narration of the storming and taking of Dartmouth, 
and of the valour, unity, and affection of the army, 
and presented several letters, papers, crucifixes, 
other popish things taken in the town. — It is }daiB 
from these <jnotations, that Peters must have been ii 
favour with the generals, and that he must have made 
tome considerable figure in the transactions of those 

' Wbltlock'B Memorials, p. 92, Land. 1732, folio. 
'IbliLp, ni. "Ibid. p. 175. * Ibid. ] 

'Ibid. p. 163. 


was much valued by the parliament, and 
improved his interest with them in the be- 
half of the unfortunate*. He was very zeal- 
ous and active in their cause, and had pre- 
sents made him, and an estate given him 
by them^ 

times. It is not improbable that the distinction witf 
which he was treated by them, attaclied him so firmt^ 
to their interest, that in the end tt cost him his life. 

' Improved his interest with them in the behalf of I 
the unfortunate.] " At his trial he averred he had si 1 
certificate under the marchioness of Worcester's han^ 
beginning with these words : I do here testify, that iir 
all the sufferings of my husband, Mr. Peters was mji' ] 
great friend. And added he, 1 have here a seal, (am 
then produced it) that the earl of Norwich gave me j 
keep for his sake, for saving his life, which I will keep4»* 
as long as I live '." And how great the opinion was of" 
his interest with the persons in power, we End from 
the following words in a letter addressed to secretary_ 
Nicholas, March 8, 1648. Mr. Peters presenting yes- ' 
terday Hamilton's petition to the speaker, made many^J 
believe he at last would escape''. Indeed, here he was 
unsuccessful : but his good-nature, and readiness to 
oblige, were manifested, and one would have thought 
should have merited some return to hiin when in dis- 

' The presents made him, and an estate given him 
by them.] We find in Whillock, that he had 100 

' Exact and impartial 

ififio, p. ns. 

* Ormond' 

^t of ihe trial of the resinides. Loud. Mo. >. 

publiahwl by Cartp, vol. I, p. 333. Lond. 1 "JaS. 


He assisted Mr. Chaloner in his last mo- 
ments, as he afterwards did sir Jn. Hotham'. 

pouhfls .given him, when he brought the news of taking 
IBridgwater ; 50 pounds, when he brought letters from 
Cromwell concerning the taking Winchester Castle; 
that there was an order for 100 pounds a year for him 
and his heirs ; and another ordinance for 1800 pounds a 
year. '* To all which we may add, the estate the par* 
Hament gave him, mentioned in the body of the article 
(if it was distinct from the 100 and (200 pounds per an- 
num mentioned by Whitlock) which was part of the 
lord Craven's ; and the bishop's books (Laud's, I sup- 
pose) vdued, as he tells as, at 140 pounds; and like- 
wise the pay of a preacher as he could get it. ^ These 
were handsome rewards, and shew the parliament to 
have been no bad masters. But, notwithstanding, " he 
says, he lived in debt, because what he had, others 
shared in^'' From hence, generosity or prodigality of 
temper, may be inferred : but as it may as well be at- 
tributed to the former as to the latter, I know not why 
we should not consider him rather as laudable than 
culpable. Indeed, the clergy have been branded, for 
their covetousness ; though certain it is, there have 
been some among them, who have performed as many 
generous, good-natured actions, as any of their ill- 

' He assisted Mr. Chaloner and sir John Hotham.] 
Mr. Chaloner was"* executed for what was called Wal- 
ler's plot, an account of which is to be found in the 
historians of those times. He owned he died justly, 
and deserved his punishment. In compliance with Pe- 

* See Uie pages before quoted in remark 5» ** Peten's Legacy, 

p. 102, 104, 115. ' Id. p. 103. * July 5, 1040. 




tem's request, be explained the part he had had in it, 
and being desired by him, Peters prayed with him*. 
— The business of sir John Hotham is well known. 
Peters attended him on the scaffold ^ and received pub- 
lic thaolis OD it from him. I will transcribe part of bis 
speech, and likewise of Peters's, by bis commaad, ^at 
the reader may judge something of his temper and be- 
haviour. " I hope," said sir John, " God Almighty 
will forgive me, the parliament, and the court martial, 
and all men that have had any thing to do with my 
death. And, gentlemen, I thank this worthy gentle- 
man' for putting me in mind of it."— Then Mr. Peters 
spoke again [he had before mentioned the desire of sir 
John, not to have many questions put to him, he hav- 
ing fully discovered his mind to him and other minis- 
ters ; but that he might have liberty to speak only what 
he thought fit concerning himself] " and told the audi- 
ence, that he had something further to commend unto 
them from sir John Hotham, which was, that he had 
lived in abundance of plenty, his estate large, about 
aoCX) pounds a year at first, and that he had gained 
much to it ; that, in the beginning of his days, he was 
a soldier in the Low Countries, and was at the battle 
of Prague : that at his first going out for a soldier, his 
father spoke to him to this effect ; Son ! when the crown 
of England lies at stake, you will have fighting enough. 
That be had run through great hazards and undertak- 
ings; and now coming to this end, desired they would 
take notice in him, of the vanity of all things here be- 
low, as wit, parts, prowess, strength, friends, honour, 
or what else," 

" Then Mr. Peters having prayed, and after him sir 

•Ruihw. Hiat Collect. Part IIL fol, II. p. 327, 5SS. Lond. 1692, 
fol. " Jm. a, 164*. ' He wai hereunto mliTetl by Mr. 

Peters, eajs Rmhwortli. 



He could tight ' as well as pray ; though, 

JohD, they suog the 38th Psalm; and sir John kneeling 
behind the block, spent above a quarter of an hour in 
private prayer; after which, lying down, the execu- 
tioner, at one blow, did his office'," 

We sec nothing here but great civility in Peters, and 
the due discharge of his office. Here is nothing irou- 
biesoiae or impertinent, but as one would wish to have 
it in like circumstances. Let the reader compare the 
following account of sir John's behaviour with Rush- 
worth's, and judge of the truth of the narration, and 
the justness of the epithet bestowed on Petets. 

" The poor man (sir John Hothain) appeared so dis- 
pirited, that he spoke but few words after lie came up- 
on the scaffold, and suS'ered his ungodly confessor Pe- 
ters, to tell the people, that he had revealed himself to 
him, and confessed his offences against the parliameat; 
and so he committed his head to the block''." 

Peters, we see, said nothing Uke his having confess^ 
his offences against the parliament. Tliis, therefore, is 
mere invention, like too many other things to be found 
in this celebrated history: the charge of interpolations 
and additions against which 1 am sorry, for the noble 
writer's sake, to find affirmed to be groundless, by so 
worthy a man, and so good a judge, as Mr. Bircf. — 
As to the epithet ungodly conferred on Peters, the con- 
siderate reader will judge of it as it deserves. 

' Fight as well as pray.] Let us hear Whitlock. 
" Mr. Peters, at the beginning of the troubles in Ire- 
land, led a brigade against the rebels, and came off 

" Riuhworth, Hist, Cnllfcl. Part III. Vol. IL p. 803, 804. lond. 1 693, 
fcl. ' ClBiendoD's History of the pand Rfbellioii, Vol. IL Part 

II. p. 633. Oxford, n07, ' Life of Hampiien among the Livnof 

illuBtrious Men. A. 7S. 

¥01. 1. b 


xviii THE LIFE OF 

perhaps, in his capacity of a preacher , 

was most serviceable to the cause'". 

with boaour and victoijV So thai we see he knffl 
how to use both swords, and coald slay and kill, as well ' 
as feed the sheep ; which, in ihe opinion of Baroniua, 
Christ gave Peter authority to exercise equally, as oc- 
casion might require*. But, to be serious, this lead- 
ing a brigade against the Irish rebels, ought not to be 
imputed to Peters as a crime : it being equally as jus- 
tifiable as archbishop Williams's arming in rhe civil 
wars in England, or Xk, Walker's defending London- 
derry, and fighting at the battle of the Boyne(in which 
he gloriously lost his life) in Ireland ; more especially 
as the Irish against whom Peters fought, were a blood- 
thirsty crew, who had committed ' acts of wickedness, 
hardly to be paralleled even in the annals of Rome pa- 
pal. Against such villains, therefore, it was meritori- 
ous to engage, and Peters was'undeniably praise-wor- 
thy. For there are times and seasons when the gown 
must give place to arms, even at those times when our 
laws, liberties, and religion are endangered by ambi- 
tious, bloody, and superstitious men. And were the 
clergy in all countries as much concerned for these 
blessings as they ought, they would deserve the reve- 
rence of all orders of men. 

'" In his capacity of a preacher he was most service- 
able to the cause.] Whitlock tells ua^, that when sir 
Thomas Fairfax moved for storming Bridgwater anew, 
and it was assented to, the Lord's day before, Mr. Pe- 
ters, in his sermon, encouraged the soldiers to the work. 

• Whitloeli, p. 486. » Bedel's Life, p. 6, Bvci. Lond. IfiSS. 

' S«e a breiiatc of tome of tba aruclties, muidQi?, fto. i»)inniitted by 
UiG Iriih popish cebali upon the piotestante, Oct. S3, Kill, ip RusliRorfli, 
Part HI. Vol. 1. p. 405. ° Whitlock, p. 163. 



He was thought to be deeply concerned 
in the king'sadeath, and his name has been 

And at Milford Haven, the country did unanimously 
take the engagement, and Mr. Petere opened the mat- 
ter to them, and did much encourage them to take it. 

■ He preached also in the market-place at Totiing- 

tonS and convinced many of their errors in adhering to 
I the king'e parly. — A man of this temper'', it is easily 
j^iaeeu. must be of great service to any party ; and fieema 
Hbo deserve the rewards he received. For in factions, it 
^is the bold and daring man, the man that will spare no 
pains, that is to he valued and encouraged; and not 
the meek, the modest, and moderate one. A man of 
wisdom would not have taken these employments upon 
him, nor would a minister, one should think, who was 
animated by the meek and merciful spirit of the gos- 
pel, have set himself from the pulpit, to encourage the 
soldiers to storm a town, in which his brethren and 
countrymen were besieged. If storming was thought 
necessary by the generals, they themselves should have 
encouraged the soldiers thereunto; bal Peters, as a 
minister of the gospel, should have excited them rather 
to spare the effusion of human blood as mnch as poasi- 
He, and to have compassion on the innocent. Peters, 
however, was not singular in his conduct. The im- 
mortal Chillingwortb, led away with party spirit, and 
■forgetting that he was a minister of the Prince of I'eacc, 
attended the king's army before Gloucester ; and " ob- 
serving that they wanted materials to carry op the 
»iege, suggested the making of some engines, after the 
manner of the Roman tatvdhies cum piuCeis '." — Indeed, 

•Whitlock, p. 4*1. » Ibid. p. 191. ' Maizeaux's Uh of 

r Chllliligworfb, p. 880, Lond. n2S, Svo. nod HuJhworth, Part M, Vol. 
II. p. 290. 

treated with much severity by reason of 

the divines of" both sides too much addicted themselves 
to their respective parties; and were too nnmindful of 
the duties of their fanction. 

" Deeply concerned in the king's death, &c.] Eve- 
(y one knows he suffered for this after the Restoration. 
He had judgment passed on him as a traitor, and as 
such was executed', and his head afterwards set on a 
pole on London bridge. 

Burnet tells us'', " that he had been outragious in 
pressing the king's death, with the cmelty and rude- 
ness of an inquisitor." — Dr. Barwick says, " he was 
upon no alight grounds accused to have been one of 
the king's murtherers, though it could not be sufficient- 
Jy proved against him'." 

And we find in a satirical piece, styled Epula T%esta, 
printed 1649, the followiag lines : 

" There's Peters, the denyer (nay 'tis said) 
He that (disguis'd) cut affbis master's head ; 
That godly pigeon ftf apoEtaoy 
XkieE bnz about his Emti-monarcby, 
liia »caffuld doctrinea." 

One Mr. Starkey at his trial swore*, that " he sliled 
the king tyrant and fool, asserted that he was not fit to 
be a king, and that the oihce was dangerous, charge- 
able, and useless." 

It was likewise sworn on his trial, that in a sermon, 
a few days before the king's trial, he addressed himself 
to the members of the two houses, in these terms': 
" My lords, and you noble gentlemen, — It is you, we 

* OcL IC, 16G0. ' HULofhisownTimeg, DatchediC.iDl2DW. 

Ml. I. 1). S64. c Barwick'a life, Eng. trans, p. S96, Lond. 178*. 

•Tri«l of the Regicides, p. lift ' Ibiil. p. J66. 

He was appointed one of the triers for 

cliiefly look for justice fronii Do not prefer the great 
Baiabbas, murtherer, tyrant and traytor, before these 
poor hearts (pointings to the red eoata) and the army, 
who are our saviours," 

In another semion before Cromwelf and Bradshaw, 
he said, " Here is a great distioorse and tallc in the 
world ; what, will ye cut off the head of a protestant 
prince ' ? Turn to your bibles, and ye shall find it there, 
whosoever sheds man's blood, bj' man shall his blood 
be shed. — I see neither king Charles, prinpe Charles, 
nor prince Rupert, nor prince Maurice, nor any of that 
rabble excepted out of itK" — ^These and many other 
things of the like nature, were sworn against him at his 
trial, and notwithstanding his denial of the most part 
of ihem, caused his condemnation. So that there seems 
pretty clear proof of his guilt, and sufficient reason for 
his censure. 

Let us now hear Peters speak for himself: " I had 
access to the king, — he used me civilly j [, in requital, 
offered my poor thoughts three times for his safety ; I 
never had hand in contriving or acting his death, as I 
am scandalized, but the contrary, to my mean power V 
Which, if true, no wonder he should think the act of 
indemnity would have included him, as well as others, 
as he declares he did, of which vte shall speak more 

That he was useful and serviceable to the king, du- 
ring his confinement, there is undeniable proof. Whit- 
lock writes " that upon a conference between the king 
and Mr. Hugh Peters, and the king desiring one of his 






own chaplains might be permitted to come to htm, tof, 
his satisfaction in some sciuples of conscience, Dr. 
Juxon, bishop of London, was ordered to go to his 
majesty'." And "sir John Denham, heing entrusted 
by the queen, lo deliver a message to his Majesty, who, 
at that time, was in the hands of the army, by Hugh 
Peters's assistance, he got admittance to the king''." 

These were considerable services, and could hardly 
have been expected from a man, who was outrageous 
JD pressing the king's death, with the cruelty and rude- 
ness of an inquisitor. 

And as to what was said of his being supposed to be 
the king's executioner, one, who was his servant, de- 
posed on his trial, that he kept his chamber, being 
sick, on the day the king suffered : and no stress was 
laid by the king's counsel on the snspicioas uttered 
against him on this head. So that, in all reason, Dr. 
Barwick should have forborne saying, " that he was up- 
on no slight grounds accused to have been one of the 
king's raurtherers." 

Certain it is, he too much fell in with the times, 
and, like a true court chaplain, applauded and justifi- 
ed what bis masters did, or intended to do ; though he 
himself might be far enough from urging them before- 
hand to do it. He would perhaps have been pleased, 
if the king and army bad come to an agreement : but 
as that did not happen, he stuck close to his party, and 
would not leave defending their most iniquitous beha- 

Which conduct is not peculiar to Peters. Charles 
the First, at this day, is spoke of as the best, not only 
of men, but of kings; and the parliament is said to 

■ Whltlock, p. 370. " Denham's EpisUDedioaL to Charles II. 


the ministry". And a commissioner for 

have acted right in opposing his tyranny, and likewise 
in bringing him to the bloclt, by the staunch party- 
men of each side respectively. No wickedness is owned, 
no errors are ackuowledgcd on the one pari, nor it there 
any such thing to be granted as wisdom or honesty on 
the other. — Tliese are the men that often turn the world 
upside down, and spirit up mobs, tumults and sedi- 
tions, till ai length they become quite contemptible, 
and perhaps undergo the fate allotted to folly and vil- 

'* One of the triers for the ministry -3 These were 
men appointed by Cromwell, to try the abilities of all 
entrants into the ministry, and likewise the capacity of 
such others, as were presented, or invited to new places. 
Butler, according to his manner, has represented their 
business in a ludicrous light in the following lines: 

" Whufe business U, by cnnuiDg sligbc. 
To casl a figure for men's bgbt; 
To Gn<l in linu of beard and face, 
Tb« phyHOgRtHn; of grace ; 
And by ttac soaod aod twang of Qose, 
If all be sound vithia disclose ; 
Free from a crack or flaw of sinning. 
As men try pipkins by the ringing." 

However, jesting apart, il must be owned, the thing 
in itself was good enough: but instead of examiniog 
those who came before them in languages, divinity, 
and more especially morality, things of the highest im- 
portance, one should think; ihey used to ask them, 
whether they had ever any experience of a work of 
grace on their hearts*? And according as they could 

' Hob's Life, by Calamy, p. at- Lond. 173*. Bvo. 

xxiv THE LIFE O^ 

answer hereunto, were they received or rejected. — ^ftw 
mach more intelligible would it have been, to have en- 
quired, whether they were " blameless, husbands of one 
wife, vigilant, sober, of good behaviour, given to hos- 
pitality, apt to teach, not given to wine, no slrikera, 
not greedy of filthy lucre, patient, not brawlers, not 
covetous P Whether they ruled well their own houses, 
and had a good report of them which were without'?" 
I say, how much more inleUigiblc and important 
would these questions have been, yea, how much easier 
and more certainly determined, than that abovemen- 
tioned ? But it is a very long time ago, that theKe were 
the qualifications required and expected from clergy- 
men: for ages past, subscription to doubtful articles of 
faith, declarations very ambiguous, or most difEcult to 
be made by understanding minds, or the Shibboleth of 
the prevailing party in the church, have been the 
things required and insisted on. Whence it has come 
to pass, that so many of our divines, as they are styled, 
understand so little of the scriptures, and that they 
know and practise so little of pure, genuine Christian- 
ity. I would not be tbouglit to reflect on any particu- 
lar persons; but hope those, in whose hands the go- 
^iit of the church is lodged, will consider whe- 
ther they are not much too careless in their examina- 
tions of young men for ordination? Whether very 
many of them are not unqualified to teach and instruct, 
through neglect of having carefully studied the word 
of God ? And whether- their conversation be not such 
as is unsuitable to the character conferred on them ? — 
It is with uneasiness one is obliged to hint at these 
things. But, surely, it is more than time that they 
were reformed, and St. Paul's rules were put in practice. 


TitB. iii. 2—7. 




amending the laws", though poorly quali- 

'fiedforit. ■** 

A wise, virtuous, prudent clergy is the glory and 
happiness of a community, and there cannot be loo 
much care taken to procure it'. But if triers neglect 
the means of doing this, and admit all who are pre- 
sented to a curacy to orders, if so be they will make 
use of the terms in vogue, whether they understand 
them or no, they deserve censure, and are answerable 
for all the sad consequences which flow from ignorance, 
folly and vice, 

" Commissioner for amending the laws, though 
poorly qualified for it.] He as good as owns this in 
the following passage : " When I was a trier of others, 
I went to hear and gain experience, rather than to 
judge; when I was called about mending laws, I ra- 
ther was there to pray, than to mend laws : hut in all 
these I confess, I might as well have been spared**," 
This is modest, and very ingenuous ; but such a confes- 
sion, as few of our gentlemen concerned in such mat- 
ters, would choose to make. They frequently boast of 
the great share they have in business; though many of 
them may well be spared.— Let us confirm the truth of 
Peters's confession, by Whitlock : " I was often ad- 
vised with by some of this committee, and none of 
them was more active in this business, than Mr. Hugh 
Peters the minister, who understood little of the law, 
but was very opinionative, and would frequently men- 
tion some proceedings of law in Holland, wherein he 
was altogether mistaken"." — The ignorance and inabi- 
lity of the man, with regard to these matters, we see 

* See Hutchinson's Introduction to Moral Flitlosophy, R III. Ch. t. 
Socl, 1, ' Petcra'i Lsgacj, p. IDA " Whitlock, p, 521. 


are as plainly described here, as in his own words ; 
though how to reconcile his op in ion at iven ess and ac- ■ 
tivity in it, with his going to the committee rather to 
pray than to mend laws, I confess, I know not. Per- 
haps he had forgot the part he had acted. — This' 
" committee were to take into consideration what in- 
conveniences were in the law, how the mischiefs that 
grow from delays, the chargeableness and irregularities 
in the proceedings of the law may be prevented, and 
the speediest way to prevent the same." In this com- 
mittee with Peters, were Mr. Fountain, Mr. Rush- 
worth, and sir Anthony Ashley Cooper, afterwards earl 
of Shaftesbury, and lord high chancellor; besides ma- 
ny others of rank and figure. No great matters fol- 
lowed from this committee, by reason of the hurry of 
the times, and the apposition which the lawyers made 
to it. But the parliament had a little before'' passed 
an " act that all the books of the law should be put 
into English ; and that all writs, process, and returns 
thereof, and all patents, commissions, indictments, 
judgments, records, and all rules and proceedings in 
courts of justice, shall be in the English tongue on- 
ly," This act or ordinance (to speak in the language 
of the times of which 1 am writing) does great honour 
to the parliament, and is an argument of their good 
Eense, and concern for the welfare of the people. It is 
amazing so good a law should not have been continued 
by proper authority after the Restoration ! But it was 
a sufficient reason then to disuse a thing, though ever 
BO good in itself, that it had been enacted by an 
usurped power. Of such fatal consequences are preju- 
dices ! But ^aoks be unto God ! we have seen the 

■ This committee was ■ppointed Ju. 30, 16^1, 
Whitlock, p, 475. 

"Oct. 25, 1630. 



He is accused of great vices ; but whe- 
*ther justly, or not, is a question'*. 

time when this inostexcellent ordinance has been again 
revived, and received the sanction of the whole legis- 
lature. — How much were it to be wished, that a com- 
mittee of wise and prudent persons were once more em- 
ployed to revise, amend, and abridge our laws ! that 
we might know ourselves how to act, and not be neces- 
sitated to make use of those, who (we arc sensible) live 
on our spoils. — This would add greatly to the glory of 
our most excellent prince ; and would be the best em- 
ployment of thai peace, which his wisdom has procured 
for us. But much is it to be feared, that our adversa^ 
ries will be too hani for us, and that we shall be obliged, 
for a time at least, to submit to their yoke. But when- 
ever the spirit of true patriotism shall generally possess 
the breasts of our senators, I doubt not, but that they 
will apply themselves to our deliverance in good earn- 
est, and bring it to perfection (as it was long ago done 
in Denmark, and very lately in Prussia) in as much as 
the happiness of the community absolutely depends 

■* Accused of great vices; but whether justly, or not, 
is a question.] I will transcribe Dr. Barwick at large'. 
" The wild prophecies uttered by his (Hugh Peters's) 
impure mouth, were still received by the people with 
the same veneration, as if they had been oracles; though 
he was known to be infamous for more than one kind 
of wickedness. A fact, which Milton himself did not 
dare to deny, when he purposely wrote his apology, 
for this very end, to defend even by name (as far as 
was possible) the very blackest of the conspirators, and 


He was executed shortly after the Resto- 

Hugh Peters among the chief of iheui, who were by 
name accused of manifest impieties by ibeir adversa- 
ries." — Burnet^ says likewise, " He was a very vicious 
man." And Laiigbaine'' hints something of an "aSaic 
that he had with a butcher's wife of Sepulchre's." — 
Peters himself was not insensible of his ill charactev 
amongst the apposite party, nor of the particular vice 
laid to his charge by Langbaine: but he terms it re- 
proach, and attributes it to his zeal in the cause. — 
" By my zeal, it seems, I have exposed myself to all 
manner of reproach ; but wish you to know, that (be- 
sides your mother) I have had no fellowship that way 
with any woman since I knew heCf having a godly 
wife before aiso, I bless God V 

A man is not allowed to be a witness in his own 
cause; nor should, I think, his adversaries' testimony 
he deemed full proof. One loaden with such an accu- 
sation as Peters was, and suffering as a traitor, when 
the party spirit ran high, and revenge actuated the 
breasts of those who bore rule : for such a one to be 
traduced, and blackened beyond his deserts, is no won- 
der. — It is indeed hard to prove a negative; and the 
concurring testimony of writers to Petera's bad charac- 
ter, makes one with difficulty suspend assent unto it. 
But if the following considerations be weighed, 1 shall 
not, perhaps, be blamed, for saying it was a question 
whether he was accused justly, or not? 

1. The accusations against him came from known 
enemies, those who hated the cause he was engaged in, 
and looked on it as detestable. It may easily therefore 

f &iit.Tol. I. p. 264. ' Dramatie Poeli, p. 339. 

f Legacjr, p. IDG. 



ration ; thougli doubtless, he had as much 

he supposed, that they were wilting to blacken the 
-actors in it, or at least, that they were susceptible of 
ill impressions concerning them, and ready to believe 
any evil thing they heard of them. This will, if 
attended to, lessen the weighl'of their evidence con- 
«iderably, and dispose «s to think that they may have 
misreprtsented the characters of their opponents. Bar- 
wick, at first sight, appears an angry partial writer; 
Burnet's characters were never thought too soft; they 
were both enemies to the republican party, though 
not equally furious and 'violent. Add to this, that 
neither of them, as far as appears, knew any thing of 
Peters themselves; and therefore what they write 
must be considered only as common fame, than which 
nothing is more uncertain. 

S. The times in which Peters was on the «tage, 
were far enough from favouring vice (public vioe, for 
it is of tills Peters is accused) in the ministerial cha- 
racter. He must be a novice in the history of those 
times, who knows not what a precise, demure kind of 
men the preachers among the parliamentarians were. 
They were careful not only o£ their actioae, but 
likewise of their words and looks; and allowed not 
themselves in the innocent gaieties and pleasures of . 
life, I do not take on me to say, they were as good, 
as they pretended to he. For aught I know, they might 
be, yea, perhaps, were proud, conceited, censorious, un- 
charitable, avaricious. But then drunkenness, whore- 
dom, adultery, and swearing, were things quite out of 
vogue among them, nor was it suffered in them. So 
that how vicious soever their inclinations might be, 
they were obliged to conceal them, and keep them from 
t the eye of the public. It was this sobriety of behaviour, 

i . 



ihisstrictnessof converaationjoined with their popular 
talents in the pulpit, that created them so much respect, 
and caused such a regard to be paid tioto their advice 
and direction. The people in a manner adored them, 
and were under their governmeol aimoat absolutely. 
So that the leading men in the house of commons, and 
those, who after the king's death were in the adminis- 
tration of affairs, were obliged to court tbeui, and pro- 
fess to admire them. Hence it was, that men of such 
sense as Pym, Hampden, Holies, Whitlock, Selden, 
St. John, Cromwell, &c, sat so many hours hearing 
their long-winded weak prayers, and preachments; that 
men of the greatest note took it as an honour to sit 
with the assembly of divines, and treated them with su 
much deference and regard. For it was necessary to 
gain the preachers, in order to maintain their credit 
with the people: Now, certainly, if Peters had been a 
man so vicious as he is represented, he could have 
had no influence over the people, nor would he have 
been treated by the then great men, in the manner he 
was. For they must have parted with him even for 
their own sakes, unless they would liave been looked 
on as enemies to godliness. But Peters was caressed 
by the great; his prophecies were received as oracles 
by the people; and he was of great service to Crom- 
, well: and therefore he could not surely (at least pub- 
licly) be known to be infamous for more than one 
kind of wickedness, as Barwick asserts. In short, 
hypocrisy was the characteristic of Peters's age: and, 

" Hj^pocrit[c zeal 

3. Peters's patrons seem to render the account of 

his wickedness very improbable. We have seen that 

he was entertained by the earl of Warwick, sir Thomas 

Fairfax, and Oliver Cromwell, and that he was much 



reason to think he should have escaped, as 
manj^' others". 

The charge against him was for compass- 
ing and imagining the death of the king, 
by conspiring with Ohver Cromwcli, at se- 
veral times and places ; and procuring the 

caressed and rewarded by the parliament. How im- 
probable tlien is it, that Peters should be infamoas fbi 
wickedness ! His patrons were never accused of person- 
al vices ; they were men who made high pretensions to 
religion ; and the cause they fought for, they talked of 
(if they did not think it to be)a5 the cause of God. Now, 
witb what face could they have done this, if their chap- 
lain, confident and tool, had been known to have been 
a very vicious man ? Or, how could tbey have talked 
against scandalous ministers, who employed one most 
scandalous i In short, how could they reward Peters pub- 
licly, when they always professed great zeal for godliness, 
and were for promoting it to the highest pitch ? Men 
of their wisdom can hardly be thought to have acted so 
inconsistent a part; nor is there any thing in their whole 
conduct, which would lead one to think they could be 
gu'dty of it. From all these considerations therefore I 
think it reasonable to make it a question, whether Pe- 
ters was charged justly with great vices '. 

" As much reason to think he should jiave escaped, 
as many others], " 1 thought the act of indemnity 
would have included me, but the hard character upon 
me excluded me'." And no wonder he should think 
so, if it was true, " that he never had his hand in any 

* Leg»cy, p. loe. 




soldiers to demand justice, by preaching 
divers sermons to persuade tbcni to take oft' 
the king, comparing him to Barabbas, &:c. 
To which he pleaded in his own deieuce, 
that the war began before he came into 
England ; that since his arrival, he had en- 

man's blood, but saved many in life and estate'." All 
that was laid to Pelers's charge was words ; but words, 
it must be owned, unfit to be uttered: yet if we 
consider how many greater offenders than Peters 
escaped capital punishment, we may possibly think 
he had hard measure. Harry Martyn, John Good- 
win, and John Milton, spoke of Charles the First 
most reproachfully, and the two latter vindicated his 
murther in their public ivrltings. As early as 1643, 
we find Martyn speaking out plainly, " that it was 
better the king and his children were destroyed, than 
many;" which words were then looked on as so high 
and dangerous, that he was committed by the bouse 
to the Tower; though shortly after released and i^e-ad- 
mitted to bis place in parliament''. lie continued still 
virulent against the king, was one of bis judges, and 
acted as much as possible against him. Goodwin jus- 
tified the seclusion of the members, which was the 
prelude to Charles's tragedy ; vindicated his muriher, 
and went in Jo all the measures of his masters; and 
being a man of ready wit and great learning, was of 
good service to them. And as for Milton, there is no 
one but knows, that he wrote most sharply against 
king Charles, and set forth his actions in a terribly 

' Legscj, p. 104. See r«ai»rk 6, 

1 WbUloak, p. ■; 

• % ■ '« _Oi.- : - - - - - ■'^■*= 

HUGH PETERS. xxxiii 

.deavoured to promote sound religion, the 
iseformation of learning, and the law, and 
employment of the poor ; that, for the bet- 
ter effecting these things, he had espoused 
the interest of the parliament, in which he 
had acted without malice^ avarice, or am- 

black light. To take no notice of his writings against 
Salmasius and More; what could be more cruel 
against Charles, than his Iconodastes ! How bitter are 
his observations^ how cutting his remarks on his con- 
duct ! How horribly provoking^ to point out sir Philip 
Sidney's Arcadia, as the book from whence the '' prayer 
in the 'time of captivity/' delivered to Dr. Juxon, 
immediately before his death, was chiefly taken'? 
One should have thought this an indignity never to 
have been forgotten, nor forgiven^ especially as it was 
offered by one who was secretary to Cromwell, aad 
who had spent the best part of his life in the service 
of the antit-royalists. But yet Milton was preserved 
as to life and fortune (happy for the polite arts he was 
^pf^sePfjddX ai|4 lived in great esteem among men of 
wealth .all hiB days. Goodwin had the same good for- 
tune;,^ an4. Martin escaped the fate of many of 1|^ 
fellow judges; though on his trial, he behaved no 
way abjectly or pieanly. All this had the appearance 
of clemency, and Peters might reasonably have ex- 
pected to share in it. But, poor wretch! he had 
nothing to recommend him, as these had, and there- 
fore, though more innocent, fell without pity. Mar- 
tin, as it was reported, escaped merely by his 

* Vid. Bayle's Diet. Article MUtm. ATilton's Works, or Tolftnd't 
Amyntor^^See also Vol. II. p. 119, of tbt praMnl work. 
VOL. I. C 



xixi* THE LIFE OF 

bition ; and that whatever prejudices or ] 
sions might possess the minds of men, y<*' 
Uiere was a God who knew these things to 
be true. 

At the place of execution, when ^chief i 
jiustice Coke was cut down and embowelled, 

vic«a': Goodwin having been a zealous Arminian, 
and a sower ot' divisioD among the sectaries, on these 
Recounts had friends: but what Milton's merit with 
the courtiers was, Burnet says not. 71iough, if I am 
not mistaken, it was his having saved sir William 
Davenani's life formerly, which was the occasion of 
the favour shewn to him. Merit or iniereat, in the 
eyes of the then courtiers these had ; hut Peters, 
though he had saved many a life and estate, was for- 
gotten by those whom in their distress he had served, 
and given up to the hangman, — But the sentence 
passed on him, and much more the execution of it, 
will seem very rigorous, if we consider that it was 
only for words; for words uttered in a time of con- 
fusion, uproar and war. I am not lawyer enough 
to determine, whether by any statute then in 
force, words were treason. Lord Strafford'', in his 
defence at the bar of the house of lords, saya ex- 
pressly, " No statute makes words treason." But 
allowing they were, such a law must be deemed to 
have been hard, and unfit for execution : especially as 
the words were spoken in times of civil commotion. 
For in auch seasons men say and do, in a manner, 
what they list, the laws are disregarded, and rank and 

' Burnet, rol, I. p. afiS, 


Hugh Peters was then ordered to be brought 
that he might see it ; and the executioner 
came to him, rubbing his bloody hands, 
asked him how he Hked that work? He 
told him, that he was not at all terrified, 
and that he might do his worst. And when 

character unminded. Contempt is poured on princes, 
and the nobles are had in derision. These are the 
nataral consequences of wars and tumults; and wise 
men foresee and expect them. But were all concerned 
ID them to be punished, wliole cities would be turned 
into shambles. To overlook and forgive what has 
been said on such occasions, is a part of wisdom and 
prudence, and what has been almost always prac- 
tised. Never were there greater liberties taken with 
princes, never more dangerous doctrines inculcated 
by preachers, than in France, during part of the 
reigne of the third and fourth Henry. " The college of 
Sorbonne, by common consent, concluded that the 
French were discharged from the oath of allegi- 
ance to Henry the Third, and that they might arm 
themselves in opposition to him." In consequence 
of which, the people vented their rage against him, in 
■atires, lampoons, libels, infamous reports and calum- 
nies, of which the most moderate were tyrant and apos- 
tate. And the curates refused absolation to such as 
owned they could not renounce him". And the same 
SorbonJEtg decreed all those who favoured the party of 
Henry the Fourth, to be in a mortal sin, and hable to 
damnation ; and such as resisted him, champions of 

* Mumbgurgh's Hialory of tlie League, IranBlated bip DrjdeD, Oct. 
ieS4. Loud. [>. 133 and 4S7. 

ixxvi THE LIFE OF 

he was upon the ladder, he said to the she- 
riff, Sir, you have butchered one of the 
servants of God before my eyes, and have 
forced me to see it, in order to terrify aiid 
discourage me; but God has permitted it 
for my support and encouragement. 

the faith, and to be rewarded with a crown of martyr 
dom*. These decrees produced terrible effects: and'" 
yet, when Henry the Fourth had fully established him- 
self on the throne, I ^o not remember that he called 
any of tbese doctors to ah account, or that one of th«m 
was executed. That wise prince, undoubtedly, consi- 
dered the' times, and viewed these wretches with pity 
and contempt^ for being the tools of cunning artful 
men, who veiled their ambitious designs under the 
cloke of reUgiow. 

So that really considering what had passed abroad, 
and what passed under his own observation, Peters 
had reason to think that the act of indemnity would have 
included him. — But setting aside all this, I believe all 
impartial Judges .will think be had hard measure dealt 
him, when they consider that those who preached 
up doctrines in the pulpit as bad as Peters's, and 
those likewise who^ though guardians of our laws 
and liberties, and sworn to maintain them, delivciEed 
opinions destructive of them, even from the bench : I 
say,, whoever considers tlie comparatively mild treat- 
ment these men have met with, will be apt to judge 
the punishment of Peters very severe. . What was 
the crime of Peters? Was it not the justifying and 

* MaimUourgh's Hittory of the League, trieuislated by DiydeD, Oct, 
1684. Load. p. 805. 


i^&i0^f the prodigies of those times at- 
tended Peters going to the gibbet'* 5 which, 

magnifying the kiag's death? And is this worse than 
the doctrine of Montague, Sibthorp, and Manwaring, 
which set the king above all laws, and gave him a 
power to do as he listf Is this worse than the opinion 
of the judges in Charles the First and James the 
Second's time, whereby it was given for law, that the 
king might take from his subjects without consent of 
parliament, and dispense with the laws enacted by 
it? Far from it. For the depriving of the people of 
their rights and liberties, or the arguing for the ex- 
pediency 'and justice of so doing, is a crime of a 
higher nature, than the murdering or magnifying the 
murder of the wisest and best prince under heaven. 
The loss of a good prince is greatly to be lamented ; 
but it is a loss which may be repaired : whereas the 
loss of a people's liberties is seldom or eyer to be re- 
covered: and, consequently, the foe to the latter is 
much ttMl^ detestable than the foe to the former. — 
But what was the punishment of the jastifiers' an^ 
magnifiers of the destruction of the rightsandlibertfet 
of the people? Reprimands at the bar of one or other 
of the houses, fines, or imprisonment : not a man of 
them graced the gallows, though none, perhaps, would 
better have become it. Peters, therefore, suffered 
more than others, though he had done less to deserve 
it than others, which we may well suppose was contra- 
ry to his expectation. 

*® One of the prodigies of those times attended 
Peters going to the gibbet.] " Amongst the innumer- 
able libels which they (the fanatics) published for two 
years together, those were most pregnant with sedi- 

xxxviii THE LiFE OF 

as it may afford some diversion to the read- 
er, I shall give an account of. 

tioii, which they published coDceming prodigies. 
Amongst these, all the prodigies iu Livy were seen 
every day; two suns; ships sailing in the air; a bloody 
rainbow; it rained stones; a lamb with two heads; 
cathedral churches every where set on 5re by light- 
ning; an ox that spoke; a hen turned into a cock ; a 
mule brought forth; five beautiful young men stood 
by the regicides while they suffered; a very bright 
star shone round their quarters that were stuck upon 
the city gates. — A certain person rejoicing at the 
execution of Harrison the regicide, was struck with 
a sudden palsy ; another inveighing against Peters as 
he went to the gibbet, was torn and almost killed by 
his own tame favourite dog; — with an infinite number 
of such prodigious lies*." What ridiculous tales are 
here! How worthy to be preserved in a work called 
an history ! The fanatics, if they reported these 
things, undoubtedly reported lies; though pisny of 
them, in great simplicity of heart, believed them. 
However, it is no great wisdom to relate idle stories' 
to disgrace the understanding, or impeach the honesty 
of parties. For weak, credulous, superstitious men, 
are to be found on all sides. The reader, as he has a 
right, is welcome to laugh at these stories. Aad, to 
contribute to his mirth, 1 will add the following "rela- 
tion^ ofachild born in London with a double or divided 
tongue, which the third day after it was born, cried 
a king, a king, and bid thera bring it to the king, 

' Parker'i Hat. of his owa Time, p. S3, trandated b? ttewYim, Laai, 



. He was weak, ignorant, and zealous, and 

consequently, a proper tool for ambitious, 
artful men to make use of. All preachers 

The mother of the child saith, it told her of all that 
happened in England since, and much more, which 
she dare not alter. — A gentleman, in the company, 
took the child in his arms, and gave it money; and 
asked what it would do with it? to which it answered 
sloud, that it would give it to the king," This story 
matches pretty well the others, and, I believe, will be 
thought equally as ridiculous, and yet the relater of 
it, (no less a man than bishop Bramhall) says, he caiv- 
not eateem it less than a miracle*. But let us away 
with these trifles; tbey are fit for nothing but ridicule, 
and can serve no purpose, unless it be to show the 
weakness of the human understanding, or the wicked- 
ness of the human heart: though these are many 
times, by other things, hut too apparent. 

" Weak, ignorant, and zealous, and, consequently, 
a proper tool for ambitious, artful men to make use , 
of.j Feters's weakness, igaorance, and zeal, appear 
from his own confession, as well as the testimony of 
Whitlock before quoted. Now such a man as thia 
was thoroughly qualified to be a tool, and could - 
hardly fail of being employed for that purpose. Fool»« 
are the instruments of knaves: or, to speak softer,, 
men of small understandings are under the dircctioit 
and influence of those who possess great abilities, 
Zietaman be ever so wise and ambitious, he nevej 
would gain the point he aims at, were all men pos- 
sessed of equal talents with himself. For they would 

' Ormoml'* Papers, by CarW, ml. IL p. 80», 


iiif I mill -. I |- iiii^'" 


xl THE LIFE <afr^^ 

ought to be warned by his fate, against go- 

see bis aims^ and would refuse to be made use of as 
tools to accomplish tbem. Tbey would look tbrough 
his spacious pretences, they would separate appear- 
ances from realities, and frustrate his selfish inten- 
tions: so that his skill would stand him in little 

, But as the bulk of men are formed, nothing in the 
world is easier than to impose on them. They see 
not beyond the present moment, and take all for 
gospel that is told them. And of these, there are 
none who become so easily the dupes of crafty, ambi- 
tious men, as those who have attained just knowledge 
enough to be proud and vain. It is but to flatter 
them, and you become their master, and lead them 
what lengths you please. And if they happen to have 
active spirits, you may make them accomplish your 
designs, even without their being sensible of it. Those 
who have great things to execute, know this; and 
therefore are careful to have as many, of these instru- 
. ments as possible, to manage the multitude when 
there is occasion ; for which end they carefully observe 
their foibles, and seemingly fall in with their notions, 
and thereby secure them. Hence it has come to pass, 
that real great men have paid very uncommon respect 
to those they despised. They knew they might be of 
use ; and therefore were worth gaining. — Peters must 
necessarily have appeared in a contemptible light to 
Cromwell: but as his ignorance and zeal qualified him 
for business, which wiser and more moderate men 
would have declined, he was thought worthy of being 
caressed ; and had that respect paid him, ^itih^was 
necessary to keep him tight to the cauA. . And, 
generally speaking, they have been men of Peters's 


ing out of their province, and meddling 

size of understandings who have been subservient to 
the interests of aspiring statesmen^ and the imple- 
ments of those in power. Were not* Shaa and Pinker 
weak men^ in assisting the then duke of Gloucester, 
protector, afterwards Richard the Third, to fix the 
crown on his own head? Armed with impudence, Shaa 
at Paul's Cross, declared the children of Edward the 
,Fourth bastards ; and Pinker at St. Mary's Hospital, 
sounded forth the praise of the protector: both so 
full, adds the historian, of tedious flattery, as no 
man's ear could abide them. What was 3ohn Pa- 
ri ilia's priest*, who did not fail every Sunday to recom- 
mend him, and the sedition of which he was the great 
promoter, with a Pater-Noster and an Ave-Maria? 
Indeed, ill usage from the rebels caused him to change 
his note soon after, and to advise his people to cry out, 
Long live the king, and let Padilla perish ! 

To come nearer home. — Was not Sacheverel a weak, 
ignorant man, to be made the tool of a party ? Would 
any but such a one, have exposed himself by a non- 
sensical sermon, set the nation in a flame, and brought 
himself into trouble? — But he was in the hands of 
iatriguing politicians, who spurred him on, and made 
him the instrument of raising a cry of an imaginary 
danger, which served many purposes to themselves, 
though detrimental to the nation. — And what cha- 
racter have our jacobite clergymen universally deserv- 
ed i If we will not be uncharitable, we must impute 
their behaviour to ignorance, and, the influence they 
have been under. For men of sense and penetration 

• Speed's Hist. p. 902. fol. Lond. 1632. ^ Bayle's Diet Article 

Padilla (John de). 


with things, which no way belong to them ". 

could never have set themselves to infuse notions into 
their flocks, which have no other tendency than to in- 
slave body and soul: and men uninfluenced, would 
not run the risk of the gallows, for llie sake of non- 
sense and absurdity, as jacobitism really is. But they 
have been the dupes of wicked, artful, and ambitious 
men, who have blinded their understandings, and by 
flatteries and caresses, gained their affections; and 
consequently the poor wretches are the objects of 

So that Peters, we see, was as his brethren have 
been and are. His faults arose chiefly from his weak- 
ness, and bis being in the bands of those who knew 
how to make use of him. Had be contented himself 
with obscurity, he had avoided danger; which indeed 
is the chief security for the virtue, ease, and welfare 
of men, in such a noisy, contentious world as this. 

'* All preachers ought to be warned by his fate, 
against going out of their province.] The business of 
the clergy is that of instructing the people in piety 
and virtue. If ever they meddle with civil matters^ 
it ought to be only with an intent to promote peace 
and happiness, by exhorting princes to rule witfi j 
equity and moderation, and subjects to obey witfr.*^ 
willingness and pleasure. This, I say, is what alonft 
concerns them; and if they confine themselves withia 
these bounds, they merit praise. But, if insi 
hereof they mix with civil factions, and endeavour to 
promote hatred, strife, and contention; if they aspire 
to bear rule, and attempt to embroil matters, in order 
to render themselves of some importance ; they then 
become not only leally coatemptible, but likewise 



" The clergy, as the marquis of Onnoade * justly ob- 
serves, have not been liappy to themselves or otbers, 
when they have aspiied to a rule, so contrary to their 
function." — Natuie never seems to have intended ihs 
clergy, any more than the gospel, for state-affairs. 
For men broiight up in colleges, and little versed ih 
the world, as they generally are, make wretched 
work when they come to intermeddle with secular 
matters,— To govern weil, requires great knowledge 
of human nature, the particular inieresis, dispositions 
and tempers of the people one has to do with, the 
law of nations, and more especially the laws of the 
country. Great skill and address likewise are re- 
quired to manage the different and con trad ictorjf 
tempers of men, and make tliem conspire to promote 
the public happiness^ as likewise great practice ia 
business, in order to dispatch it with speed and 
safety. And therefore it is evident, that the clergy, 
from the nature of their education, as well as their 
profession, cannot be qualified for it. — They should 
therefore seriously weigh their incapacity for civil 
affairs ; and how inconsistent they are with the 
business, to which they have solemnly engaged to 
devote themselves. They should consider how con- 
temptible and ridiculous they render themselves in the 
eyes of all wise and good men, when they engage ia 
parties, and most hateful, when they stir up wars and 
tumults. They should have the dignity of their 
character before their eyes, and scorn to disgrace it» 
by letting themselves out to ambitious, self-interested 
men. These things they should do; and a very small 
degree of knowledge and redection will enable them 
to keep themselves from this, which is one of the great- 
est blemishes which can be found in their character. — ■ 
* Ormande'i Paptn, vol. tL p. 497. 


But, perhaps, they are cautioned iit vain''. 

If this is not sufficient, let them call to their minds 
Peters: who, after having heen sought to, and caressed 
by the most eminent personages, was obliged to 
skulk about privately; was seized by the officers of 
public justice; laden with infamy and reproach, and 
embowelled by the hangman. — He that hath ears to 
hear, let him hear. 

'^ Perhaps they are cautioned in vain.] No men 
in the world seem less willing to hearken to advice 
than the clergy. Puffed up with a conceit of their 
own knowledge and abilities, and being used to dictate 
uncontrouled from the pulpit, they with contempt 
hearken to instruction, and are uninfluenced by per- 
suasion. For which reason, I say, perhaps they are 
cautioned in vain. Peters*s fate will not deter them, 
but engage in factions they still will. After the Res- 
toration, the pulpits sounded loud with the doctrines 
of passive obedience and non-resistance; the whigs and 
{Presbyterians were represented as villains ; the power 
of the church was magnified, and the regal power was 
represented as sacred as that of God himself. ITien 
Sam. Parker and his fellows arose, full of rage and ve- 
nom ; who treated all who opposed them, with ill man- 
ners and severity. Then were Englishmen pronounced 
slftves, in effect, by Hicks in his Jovian ; and then was 
the infamous Oxford decree framed, which was doomed 
to the flames, by the sentence of the most august as- 
sembly in the world, anno 1710. 

The bishops stood firm by the duke of York ; and 
the whole clergy)* in a manner, damned the bill of ex- 
clusion. In short, such was their behaviour, that they 
fell under great contempt, and were treated with much 
severityr-*Under James the Second, they acted the same 


part; and would undoubtedly have continued his fast 
friends^ had he not given liberty to the dissenters, 
and touched them in their most tender part, even that 
of their revenue, by thrusting in popish persons into 
their colleges. This alarmed them: they suddenly 
tacked about; wished heartily for the coming of 
the prince of Orange, and prayed for his success. 
He came and delivered them out of the hands of 
their enemies ; but they could not be quiet and thank- 
fuL Numbers of them refused to own his govern- 
ment; many of them joined in measures to restore 
the tyrant James; and a great part did all that in 
them lay, to blacken and distress their deliverer. — 
Lesly, Sacheverel, &c, worked hard to inculcate on 
men's minds the danger of the church ; the designs 
of the dissenters; the villany of the ministry, during 
the first and glorious part of queen Ai^n*s reign ; in 
which they were but too successful. — 

When the protestant succession took place, it w;as 
railed at, and- even cursed by these men, and many of 
them attempted to set up an abjured pretender. Their 
attempts however were vain : though for these their 
endeavours, parson Paul made his exit at the. gallows, 
and the celebrated Atterbury died in exile.---What has 
been, and is the temper since, every one koowi^. The 
Oxford affair is too fresh ia 'memory, to let as .remain 
ignorant of the disposition of BUiny of the clergy. They 
are of Peters's busy, meddling disposition ; though, I 
hope, they will not merit his fate. 

Far be it from me, to point these reflections at the 
whole body of the clergy. Numbers of them have 
been, and are men of great worth : who not only dig- 
Bify their office, but add lustre to the human nature. 
He must have lost all sense of excellency, who is not 
«?truck with the generosity of Tillotson, the integrity of 



Clarke, the Christian sentiments of Hoadley, the worth 
of Butler (on whose late advaacement, I beg leave to 
congratulate the public) and the piety, humanity, and 
patriotism of Herring. 

These, and many others have "been ornaments of 
the body, to which they belong, and have never 
studied to embroil us, or promote a party-spirit among 
us. Rectitude and benevolence, piety, and self- 
government, have been their themes: these with un- 
common abilities they have taught; and those who 
tread in their steps, cannot fail of being honoured 
now and for ever! — But those who make it their busi- 
ness to poison the minds of the people with factious 
and seditious discourses; those who censure their 
governors for actions, of which tbey are frequently 
no competent judges, and traduce and vilify every 
thing, right or wrong; those who join with the sworn 
foes of the best of princes, and strive to promote an 
interest incompatible with the public good, are the 
men, who deserve titles, which I do not care to give; 
and they may be certain, that though through the 
lenity of the present government they may escape un- 
punished, yet contempt will be their portion from all 
men of sense. For, when men pervert so excellent an 
office 39 that of the ministry, to the purposes of ambi- 
tion and the lust of power, hardly any censure too 
severe can be cast on them. 


Since transcribing these Papers for the 
press, a very learned gentleman' has been 
so kind as to impart to me an account of 
Peters's writings (his Last Legacy excepted, 
from which a good deal has been inserted 
in this work) which I doubt not will be 
highly acceptable to the curious'. 

' Which I doubt not will be highly acceptable to the 
curious.] In April, 1646, he preached a sermoa before 
both houses of parliament, the lord mayor and alder- 
men of London, and the asBembly of divines, which 
was printed in quarto. In this sermon he expresses his 
desire that " some shorter way might be fomid to fur- 
ther justice; and that two or three friend-makers might 
be set up in every parish, without whose labour and 
leave, none shotdd implead another." He proposed 
likewise that the Charter-House should be converted 
into an Hospital for lame soldiers. 

Id the same year 1()46, he published at london, 
in a quarto pamphlet of fifteen pages, in titled, " Peters'* 
last Report of the English Wars, occasioned by the im- 
portunity of a friend, pressing an answer to some 
queries :" 

'The Reverend Mr. Bircb, F.R.S. 




As likewise a letter from col. Lockhart 
to secretary Thurloe, concerning Peters, 
which, as very characteristical of tiie^inan, 

I. Why he was silent at the sun-ender of Ozfi^ ? 

II. What he observed at Worcester, it being the 
last town in the king's hand? 

III. What were best to be done with the army ? 

IV. If. be had any expedient for the present differ- 

V. What.^s thoughts were in relation to foreign 
states ? [ .,. 

VI. How tbefise late mercies and conquests might be 
preserved and improved ? 

VII. Why his name appears in so many books, not 
without blots, and he never wipe them off? 

In this pamphlet he observes, p. 14. that he had 
lived about six years near that famous Scotsman, Mr. 
John Forbes ; " with whom," says he, '* I travelled in- 
to Germany, and enjoyed him in much love and sweet- 
ness constantly ; from whom I never had but encou- 
ragement, though we differed in the way of our 
churches. Learned Amesius breathed his last breath 
into my bosom, who left his professorship in Frize- 
land, to live with me, because of my church's indepen- 
dency, at Rotterdam : he was my collegue and chosen 
brother to^ the church, where I was an unworthy 

Jn 1647, he published at London, in quarto, *a 
pamphlet of fourteen pages, intitled, " A Word for the 
Army, and two Words to the Kingdom, to clear the 
one and cure the other, forced in much plainness and 
brevity, from their faithful servant, Hugh Peters.'' 


and containing some curious particulars re- 
lating to him, J cannot forbear giving at 

It appears by a pamphlet, printed in 16^1, written 
by R. V. of Gray's-Ipfi, and intitled, A Plea for the 
Common Laws of England, that it was written in 
answer to Mr. Peters's Good Work for a Good Ma- 
gistrate, or a short Cut to great Quiet; in which Mr. 
Peters had proposed the extirpation of the whole 
system of our laws, and particularly recommended, that 
the old records in the Tower should be burnt, as the 
monuments of tyranny. — 

* I cannot forbear giving at length.] 

Colonel Lockhart to Secretary Thurloe'. 

" From Dunkirk, July 8-18, 1658. 
" May it please your Lordship, 
" I could not suffer our worthy friend, Mr. Peters, 
to come away from Dunkirk, without a testimony of 
the great bene6ts we have all received from him in this 
place, where he hath laid himself forth in great charity' 
and goodness in sermons, prayers, and exhortations, 
in visiting and relieving the sick and wounded ; and, 
ip all these, profitably applying the singular talent God 
bath bestowed upon him to the chief ends, proper for 
our auditory : for he hath not only shewed the soldiers 
their duty to God, and pressed it home upon them, I 
hope to good advantage, but hath likewise ac- 
quainted them with their obligations of obedience' 
to his highness's government, and affection to hia ' 
person. He hath laboured amongst us here with 

* Thurloe'B State Papen, vol. Vll. p, S49, 

■ >■ I f r ' I I ,,i», _ 


much good-will, and seems to enlarge his heart 
towards us, and care of us for many other things, the 
effects whereof I design to leave upon that providence, 
which hath brought us hither. It were superfluous to 
tell your lordship the story of our present condition, 
either as to the civil government, works, or soldiery. 
He who hath studied all these more than any I know 
here, can certainly give the best account of them. 
Wherefore I commit the whole to his information, 
and beg your lordship's casting a favourable eye upon 
»uch propositions, as he will offer to your lordship 
for the good of this garrison. I am, 

May it please your lordship, your most humble, 
faithful and obedient servant, 


» M [This part is all written with Lockharfs own hand.] 

'' My Lord, 
" Mr. Peters hath taken leave at least three or four 
' times, but still something falls out, which hinders his 

return to England. He hath been twice at Bergh, and 
hath spoke with the cardinal* three or four times; I 
kept myself by, and had a care ^bat he did not impor- 
tune him with too long speeches. He returns, loaden 
with an account of all things here, and hath undertaken 
every man's business. I must give him that testimony, 
that he gave us three or four very honest sermons ; 
and if it were possible to get him to mind preach- 
ing, and to forbear the troubling himself with other 
things, he would certainly prove a very fit minister 
for soldiers. I hope he cometh well satisfied from 
this place. He hath often insinuated to me his 

* Mazarin. 


<kqPl to stay here^ if be had a call. Some of the 
officers also have l?een with me to that purpose ; but 
J have shifted him so handsomely, as, I hope^ he will 
not be displeased: for I have told him, that the 
greatest service he- can do us, is to go to England, 
and carry on his propositions, and to own us in ail 
our other interests, which he halh undertaken witli 
IXLUch zeal.'*-— 












3[ames! I. 




i * ■ -. 

AjaatSiJMiUi... . -t.>.4w.. VA'-'^;-.:'.. 

T . 

t ^ 



The design of the following sheets is to give 
a fuller and more distinct view of the character 
of King James the First, than has ever yet been ■ 
exhibited by any writer. It is readily acknow- 
ledged that this character is, in itself, a very 
mean and despicable subject; but as it was 
attended with very extensive and important 4p 

consequences both in his and the succeeding 
reigns; so it is humbly presumed that an at- 
tempt to illustrate that period of English history 
whicff falls within the plan of this subject, will 
meet with a favourable acceptance from the 

There are inserted in these papers a great 
number of curious and interesting facts, entirely 
omitted by our historians, who seem to have 
very little consulted those original writers, and 
state papers from whence the following account 
is chiefly compiled. 

Tlie author does not think it necessary to 
make any apology for the freedora of his reflec- 
tions; but only to declare that they were not 

made for the sake of pleasing or displeasing any 
sect or party in church or state ; but wholly in- 
tended to serve the cause of liberty and truth. 
He professes himself inviolably attached to the 
civil and religious hberties of mankind ; and 
therefore hopes the reader will indulge him in 
that -warmth of his resentment, that honest in- 
dignation, that is naturally raised by every 
instance of persecution, tyranny, and oppres- 
sion; provided he has not any where expressed 
himself in a manner unworthy of the character 
of a gentleman or a christian. 

For the rest it is hoped that the curious will 
find some entertainment, if not information, in 
this accounts ^nd that they will pardon the 
feults and imperfections of it, for the sake of 
its genera] tendency and design. 

One thing the judicious and impartial reader 
will, at least, not be displeased with, viz. that as 
the authorities here quoted are the most au- 
thentic in themselves, so the manner of quoting 
them is the most unexceptionable and just, that 
is, in the very words, letters and points of the 
respective authors, by which the reader may be 
infallibly certain that their sense is rightly repre- 





James stuart, the sixth of that 

name in Scotland, and first in England, 
was born June 19, 1566. He was the 
son of Henry Lord Darnley (son to Mat- 
thew earl of Lennox, by Margaret Dowg- 
las daughter to the widow of James the 
fourth, who was the eldest daughter to 
Henry the seventh of England) and Mary 
queen of Scots, the only child of James 
the fifth, king of Scots, who was son of 
James the fourth and Margaret his 
queen, the said eldest daughter of Henry 
the seventh of England. The murther of 
a favourite secretary ' when she was great 

' A favouriJe secretary, 8cc.] This was the fa- 
mous " David Ttixto, or Riscio, an Italian, a merry 
fellow and good musician, who was takea notice of 

with child, in her presence, had such an 

first of all on account of bis voice. He was drawn in 
(says Melvil) tu sing sometimes with the rest, and 
nftcr wards, when the queen's French secretary re- 
tired himself to France, he obtained ihe said office. 
And as lie thereby entered in greater credit, so he 
had not the prudence how to manage the same rightly. 
For frequently, in presence of the nobility, he would 
be publickly speaking to her, even when there were 
the greatest conventions of the states. Which made 
.him to be much envied and hated, especiaJiy when 
he became so great, that he presented all signatours 
to be subscribed by her majesty. So that some of 
the nobility would frown upon him, others would 
fhoulder him and shut hira by, when they entered the 
queen's chamber, and found him always speaking 
with her. For those who had great actions of law, 
new infestments to be taken, or who desired to pre- 
vail against their enemies at court, or in law-suits 
before the session, addressed themselves to him, and 
depended upon him, whereby in short lime he be- 
came very rich'. " Here was great familiarity we see, 
and such iis could not be much to the credit of a sove- 
reign princess. For 'tis expected that such a one 
should maintain her rank, and scorn to stoop to those 
who have neither birili nor breeding. But Mary gave 
herself up to David, and was advised by him in things 
of the utmost importance. This appears from Melvil, 
who knew them well, and likewise from Spotswuod. 
For both ihese assure us, he was the person, tlie only 

• Memuira of Sir Jamei Melvil, p. 54. till. Loud. 16B3. S^e litei 
the History of tbe Church of Scolland by archbp. SpoUwooJ, |i. 133, 1 
tdit. 3d. fol. Lood, 1663. 


effect on this her son, that even through his 

person who prevailed on the queen to marry Henry 
Lord Damiey. She at first disrelished the proposal, 
bill thro' means of Rixio, " she took ay the longer 
the better hking of" him, and at length determined to 
marry him'," No wonder then common fame was not 
favourable in her reports of Mary, and that the en- 
vious and ill-natured hinted things reproachful to her 
virtue, I pretend not to say any thing criminal passed 
between the queen and her secretary (though her affair, 
after her husband's death, with Bothwell, would in- 
duce one to suspect her not incapable of a familiarity 
so dishonourable); but I think, all men must allow 
that things w ere not so decently managed between 
them as they ought. Persons of an elevated rank, 
should strive not only to be good, but to appear so ; 
and careful to act in so pure and unexceptionable a 
manner, that envy itself may not be able to blast their 

reputation. However Mary had little regard to 

what the world said. She continued her favour to lier 
fiddling secretary, 'till a violent death put an end to 
it, to her great horror and amazement. Kixio, though 
he had procured the queen for Darnley, could not long 
continue in his favour; suspicions being put into his 
head, he consented to his murther, which was perpe- 
trated in the following manner: " At six o'clock at 
night, when the queen was at supper in her closet, 
a number of armed men entered within the court, and 
ing up into the closet (where the king was leaning 
the queen's chair) overthrew the table, candles, 
meat and dishes. Kisio took the queen about the 
waste, cr)ing for mercy, but George Dowglas, plucked 

111 Spotawood, p. 189. 


lite he could not bear the sight of a drawn 

out the king's dagger, and stiuck Rixio first with it, 
leaviog it stickiDg ia him. He making great shrieks 
and cries, was rudely snatched from the queen, who 
could not prevail either with threats or entreaties to 
eave hiin. But he was forcibly drawn forth of the 
closet, and slain in the outer hall, and hei' majesty 

kept as a captive'." .-But they had no command- 

rnent from the contrivers so to kill him, but to bnng 
him to public execution. " And good it had been for 
tiiem so to liave donej or then to have taken him in 
linotber place, >and at another time than in the qaeen's 
presence. For besides the great peril of abortion 
which her fear might have caused, the false aspersions 
cast upon her fame and honour by that occasion, were 
such as she could never digest, and drew on all the 
pitiful accidents Uiat afterwards ensued"." The fright 
and terror the queen was in at the sight of the drawn 
sword, so far influenced the child in her womb, that, 
" Sir Keneltn Uigby assures us, he had such an aver- 
sion to a naked sword all his life-time, that he could 
not see one without a great emotion of spirits; and 
though otherwise couragiuus enough, he could not 
over-master bis passions in this particular. I remem- 
ber, adds he, when he dub'd me knight, in the cere- 
mony of putting a naked sword upon my shoulder, he ■ 
could not endure to look upon it, but turned his face 
another way ; insomuch that in lieu of touching my 
shoulder, he had almost thrust the point into my 
eyes, had not the duke of Buckingham guided his 
hand uigbt'," 

> HeWM, p. 64. 
Sympathy, p. IS 9. 


5*Ford. He was placed in tlie throne after his 
mother's forced resignation, July 25, lo67j 
being but httle above a year old. He had 
the famous George Buchanan for liis tutor, 
by ■whom he seems to have profited little, 
and towards whose memory he had a great 
aversion'. During his minority the king- 

* Tbe famous George Buchanan for his tutor, by 
whom he seems to have profited little, and towar<ls 
whose memory he had a great aversion.] Buchanan'* , 
merit needs not to be celebrated by me. His fame as 
a polite writer, and a man of deep learning and solid 
judgment, is established On the most lasting founda- 
tions". Even those who dislike most of all his prin- 
ciples, refuse not to give him his due praise. And I 
need not be afraid to assert that his writings will be 
read and admired as long as learning in this part of the 
world shall live. Melvil says, " he was a man of 
notable endowments for his learning and knowledge in 
Latin poesie, much honoured in other countries, pleas- 
ant in conversation, rehearsing at all occasions morali- 
ties short and instructive, whereof he had abundance, 
inventing wliere he wanted'." A tutor this, worthy a 
great prince, and lit to form the mind to virtue and 
politeness! for I doubt not but he discharged with 
honour the duty of his trust, and did what in him lay 
to inspire his pupil with just opinions, and elegant 
sentiments. But hia labour was in vain. For it does 
not appear that James improved any thing by his 
master, or studied at all to copy after him, for his 
writings arc wholly pedantic; his style low and mean ; 
his arguments taken irom those baibariaos the school- 

» See Thuanua'i judgment of him in Bayle's Dictionary, nrtiule Bu- 
i^hanao, note (ii). ' Melvil, p. 125, Sm also Spotjwogd, p, 325. 



dom had several regents, viz. his uncle 

men; and liis method of treating his adversaries was 
after the manner of your country controvcrtists, in- 
spired with the most fervent zeal. Abundant proof 
of these assertions will be found in the extracts 1 shall 
give of some of his writings in ihc ensuing notes. 
However, not contented to disgrace his tutor by his 
want of improvement, he Created him with contempt 
idso and reproach. Thus for instance, when the au- 
thority of Buchanan, for resisting kings, was alleged 
by cardinal Perrou, James replies, " Buchanan 1 reclcon 
and rank among poets, not among divines, classical 
or common. 1 f the man hath burst out here and there 
into Bomc terms of excess, or speech of bad temper; 
that must be imputed to the violence of his humour, 

and beat of his spirit\" What a contemptible way 

of speaking of a tutor is this, more especially of so 
great a man as Buchanan i Had Buchanan been ever 
so wrong in his opinion, the least sense of decency or 
gratitude should have reslrainejd his pupil from speak- 
ing of him after such a manner. Kest to parents, 
tutors (if they have discharged their parts well) have 
•always been thought to have desetvci honour*; and 

* Dii maJDruni nmbrig Icrnit m It sipg pondere terrain, 
Spirantesque crocos, & in uma pcrpetuum ter, 
Qui prxcepiorem BBOcti voluere parentis 
Esse loco. Juv. Sat. VII. t. 207. 

Ill pesFp, ye shades of oar great grandsires rest. 
No heavy earth your eacred hones molest: 
Eternal ipiing, and rising flniv'ra adorn 
The relicks of each venerable um. 
Who pious reverence to their tulors paid. 
As parcDlG honour'd anil as Gods abey'd. 

Works of the iDOSt high and mighty prince James by the grai 
I, be. publiihed by James bishop of Winton, 1616. Lond. ft 



the carl of Murray, his grandfather the 
earl of Lennox, and the earls of Mar and 
Morton; with the latter of whom the no- 

those who have refused to give it, have been branded 
with baseness and iDgratttude. For to form the mind 
to knowledge and virtue, to teach youth prudence, 
self-government, and proper behaviour, is a work of 
labour and merit; and such as perform it are entitled 

to gratitude and respect. But in another place 

James plainly discovers his hatred and aversion to the 
memory of his instructor; for he stiles his History an 
infamous invective : " I vould have you, says he, to 
his son prince Henry, to be well versed in authentic 

histories, and especially in our own histories : 1 

mean not of such infamous invectives as Buchanan's 
or Knox's chronicles: and if any of these infamous 
libels remain unto your days, use the law upon the 
keepers thereof." 1 will leave the reader to make his 
own remarks on the baseness of this passage, and the 
littleness of that soul that was capable of writing it 
concerning a preceptor. I will conclude this note by 
observing that the probable causes of this hatred of 
the memory of Buchanan were the part he had acted 
against his mother; the principles of his history, 
whicli were opposite to the notions of regal power 
entertained by James ; and the great awe in which he 
held him in his youth, according to Melvil". I would 
have it carefully observed, that this history stiled by 
James an infamous invective, is said by archbishop 
Spotswood to be "penned with such judgment and 
eloquence as no country can shew a better'." 

■^Tbe Wotkiof the most high and mighty prince James by thf grate frf 

i.~^i I — I , i.;.i.^p of winton, 161C. Load. fol. p. IIS. 

' SpoWwood, p. S^IS. 

jcc. publi«1ied b; James bi 
" MelTil, p. 125. 

bility being dissatisfied, he was obliged to 
quit the regency, and James entered upon 
the government March 12, 1578. Too 
Boon, it may easily be supposed, for his 
own honour, or the welfeie of his subject^; 
He was greatly in the power of liis favouy-r 
jtes the duke of Lennox and the earl of 
Arran, through whose instigations he per- 
formed many unpopular actions'. "NVliere- 

, .' He was greatly in the power of his farpurites, the 
iuke of Lennox and the earl of Arran, 8(,c-] The 
(Juke of Lennox was cousui-german to James's father, 
the carl of Arran was captain James Stuart, ^iromoted 
to that dignity at the exponce of the house of Hamil- 
too, uiyustly deprived of it. "The duke of Lennox 
was led by evil counsel and wrong informations, 
whereby he was moved to meddle in such hurtful and 
dangerous courses, that tiie rest of the nobility became 
jpalous of his intentions, and feared their estates. As 
for the earl of Arran, they detested his proceedings, 
and esteemed him the worst and most insolent instru- 
ment that, could be found out, to wrack king, kirk and 
country, The duke had been tolerable, had he hap- 
pened upon as honest counsellyrs, as he was well in- 
clined of himself: but he wanted experience, and was 
no ways versed in the slate of the country, nor brought 
wp in our religion, which by time he might have been 
brought to have embraced. But the earl of Arran 
was a acomer of religion, presumptuous, ambitious, 
covetous, careless of the commonwealth, a despiser of 
the QobUity and of all honest men'." Hopeful coun- 

■ Melvil, p. 131. 


upon Ijciiig seized by the earls of Mar and 
Gowry, witli others of the nobility, as he 
relurnud! • firoin hunting, and conveyed to 
Kuthv(;n castle, they obtained a charge for 
the duke of Lennox to depart the country, 
and for the confinement of the earl of 
Arran*. This was followed by a proclama- 

sellors these for a joiing king ! and admirably fit for 
governing a kingdom. And yet these were the men 
who carried all liefore tbem, and obtained honours and 
estates by wholesale. Arran from a private gentleman 
" was made gentleman of the bed-chamber, knight- 
ed, made a privy counsellor, and tutor of Arran. A 
few weeks after he was made captain of his majesty's 
guards, and created earl of Arran '." Lennox " in a few 
days after his appearance at court, had a grant of the 
lordship of Arbroath, then he was created earl of 
Lennox, governor of Dumbai-ton castle, captain of 
the guard, first gentleman of the bedchamber, and 
great chamberlain of Scotland, and duke of Lennox V' 

These sudden promotions to honour, and places 

of profit to such men, must necessarily have been very 
unpopular and distasteful, and could not but be highly 
resented. However 'tis but justice to James, to ac- 
quaint the reader that he was very young, and con- 
sequently most easily drawn aside by those who had 
inBuence. over him ; and therefore more excusable than 
he was in misplacing his favours afterwards, as he 
almost always did, 

* Being seized by the earls of Mar, fitc. they oh- 

" Ijves and Characters of the Offlcen of the Crown wui StaXe of Scpt- 
land, by Goorge Ciavfurd, Rsqj p. 137. foU Load. 1136. • 10. p. 331. 


10 THr LIFE or 

tion from the king, discharging the com- 
missions which he had formerly given 
them, and declaring that in so doing he 
acted not by compulsion. However, having 
regained his liberty, he turned out of place 
those wlio had been enemies to his favour- 

tained a charge for tlie duke of Lennox to depart the 
country, and for the confitiemeat of the earl of Arran, 
&c.] "As the king was returning from stag-hunting 
in Athole, in his way towards Dumfeding, he was 
invited by the earl of Gowry to his house of Ruthven, 
near Perth. Tlie earl, who was at the head of the 
conspiracy, instantly seat to advertise his friends of 
what had happened. Whereupon several of the dis- 
contented nobility, and all those that were in the 
English interest at hand, repaired to Ruthven, where 
without any ceremony they resolved to detain the 
king, and keep hioi prisoner. The next day ° when the 
king was essaying to gel out, they stopt him ; where- 
fore growing into a passion and weeping, Sir Thomas 
Lyon boldly, thongli rndely, told him, it was no 
matter for his tears, better that bairns greet than 
bearded men'"." After they had him in custody thev 
presented a supplication to him, "representing the 
false accusations, calumnies, oppressions and persecu- 
tioDB they had suffered for two years, hy means of the 
duke of Lennox, and the earl of Arran, the like where- 
of were never heretofore borne in Scotland." Upon 
this representation, the king, sore against his will, 
sent orders to the duke to leave the kingdom, who 
obeying, died soon after at Paris, and the earl was 

>. 332. Spotswood, p. 320. 





itcs, and insisted on such of the nobility's 
asking pardon as had been concerned in 
the affair of Riithven ; which causing a 
confederacy and a rising, issued in the death 
of the earl of G owry % in revenge of which, 

confiaed for a time. Before this a prociatuation liad 
been issued forth, " declaring that it was his owo 
voluntary act to abide at Perth; aod that the noblemeu 
and others that attended hira, had done nothing but 
what their duties obliged them unto, and which he 
took for a good service performed both to himself and 
the commonwealth'." But all this was a mere act of 
dissimulation, and the effect of constraint. As sooa 
as he was at liberty be returned to the same courses, 
and behaved after his wonted manner. For favourites 
be must have, and so tbcir pleasure was consulted, no 
matter how the kingdom was pleased. 

* Having obtained his liberty, he insisted on such 
of the nobility's asking pardon as were concerned in 
the affair of liuthven, Sec.] James was nevera man of 
his word. Wc see just now, that, by proclamation, he 
liad allowed what was done at Ruthven to he good ser- 
vice, and he moreover had desired the kirk " to find il 
good for their parts, and to ordain the ministers and 
commissioners of every shire to publish the same to 
their parishioners, and to get the principal gentle- 
men's subscription to maintain the same"." But no 
sooner had be got his liberty, but he acted quite dif- 
ferently from what he bad declared to be his sentiments. 
Arran was introduced again into court, " was made 
Chancellor, captain of the castles of Edinburgh and 

* Spotaffood, p. 331, * Me 



as was said, his son engaged in the conspi- 
racy HO much talked of, and variously cen- 

Stirling, aod tuled so as to make the whole subjects 
to tremble under him, and every man to depend upon 
him, daily inventing and seeking out new faults against 
diverse, to get their escheats, lands, benefices." He 
wrought so far with the Ifing, that a proclamation was 
published, "condemning the detaining his majesty's 
person at Rutliven as a fact moat treasonable. Yet his 
majesty declared, that he was resolved to forget and 
forgive that offence, providing the actors and assisters 
do shew themselves penitent for the same, ask pardon 
in due time, and do not provoke him by their unlaw- 
ful actions hereafter, to remember that attempt"!" 
Whereupon divers noblemen and others withdrew from 
the court, for fear, to some place of security; for they 
well knew that their destruction was aimed at. Where- 
upon the principal of them were ordered to confine- 
ment, which they not obeying, were denounced re- 
bels ''. This was shocking behaviour, and enough to 
provoke the most patient men to take a severe re- 
venge; for the king's word was no security, his pro- 
mise could not be relied on, and no man was safe who 
affronted his favourite, who made a mere dupe of his 
master, and sacrificed his honour on all occasions. A 
sure proof this of James's weakness, and a sufficient 
indication of what the world was to expect from him 
hereafter; for the tempers and dispositions of men are 
pretty much the same through life. As they are in 
youth, so are they in reality in age, though they may 

know better how to gloss and disguise. By this 

treatment of those concerned in the Ruthven affair^ 

■ Qavfurd, p. 139. Spotiwood, p. 336. Id. jb. 


sured; which tenninated in the ruin of his 

Severn! of tlie nobility were induced to enter into an 
association, for reforming abuses, securing religion, 
and the preservation of tbe king's person and estate, 
among n'hbm was tlie carl of Gowry, wbo being taken, 
tried and condemned, was executed for treason. " His 
majesty (says Melvil) had no intention of taking his 
life, but the earl of Arran was fully resolved to have 
his lands, and therefore to make a party to assist him 
in that design, he engaged to divide them with several 
others, upon condition that they would assist him in 
the design of ruining him j which afterwards he did, 
having by this means procured their consent aiti 
Totcs"." What weakness and feebleness of government 
was this! Arran was in effect king, whilst James bore 
the name, and under the royal authority committed 
the most unjust actions; for all agree that Gowry had 
hard measure dealt him.— —In time the Gowry family 
was restored to honour and estate, but, as historians 
tell us, nothing could allay the revenge of the two 
eldest sons, for their father's blood, but the death of 
the king, which they attempted to have taken away at 

the earl's own house, August 5, 1600*. But they 

both lost their lives in the attempt, and ruined thereby 
their family ; for their houses were demolished, their 
estates confiscated, and the whole family, by act or 
parliament, prohibited to carry the name of Ruthven, 
The 5lh of August was likewise ordered to be kept 

yearly in remembrance of this deliverance- ;-Wlie- 

tber there was any such conspiracy of the Gowrieg 

* Hel?il, p. 156. SpoUvood, p. 333. Cuttfurd, p. 9M. 
► CtBwTotd, p. 390. SpotswiWil. p. US. 





Mary, queen of Scots, having sentence 

of death pronounced on her, Oct. 11, 1586, 

at Fotheriiighay, by the commissioners of 

queen Ehzabeth, notwithstanding her refus^ J 

against the king, or whether it was only a pretence, ^ 
order to palliate the murther of them, has been vi 
much debated. Spotswooil believed it: it was gen©-' 
rally received as truth by the courtiers at liie time it 
happened; and the assisters of the king received ho- 
nours and rewards". Burnet (no way prejudiced in 
favour of the king) gives credit to it; and Mr. Craw- 
furd tells us, that after what the earl of Cromarty hath 
lain together in his liistoncal account of the conspi- 
racies by the earls of Gowry against king James, he 
hopes few or none will suspect, far less doubt its truth 
and reality". I hope I shall not he thought to be 
" maliciously set against the royal family, or the ' great 
king who was more immediately concerned iu this 
affair," if I give the reasons that may be assigned for 
the doubting concerning the truth of the king's narra- 
tion, I could not act the part of a faithful historian 
without it, and therefore must beg the reader's pardon 
for detaining him a little longer ou ihis subject. 

1. We are to observe, that the next day after this 
happened, the ministers were called together at Edin- 
burgh, and desired to convene their people, and give 
thanks unto God for the king's deliverance: but they 
by no persuasion could be moved to do it''. 

2, Though most of the ministers being hereupon 
commanded to leave the city in 24 hours, and forbid 

* Bumel>9 History of his own Tlmt), vnl. I. p. 23. Duldi edit, 13mo. 

* Cwwfnrd, p. 3S0, ' Crswfiird's epilhet and expraasiona. 

' Spotiwood, p. ♦60. Caldprwood, ]). Mi. 


JAMES 1. 13 

ing to answer and be tried ; and the sen- 
tence being confirmed by the English par- 
liament, and tlieir desire moreover added; 
that it might be put in execution ; James 

lo preacli in his majesty's dominions, on pain of death, 
complied, owning themseires coii¥iuced of the tnith of 
tlie conspiracy; yet we find Mr. Robert Bruce eayiiig, 
he would reverence his majescy's reports of that ac- 
cident, but could not say he was persuaded of the truth 
of it". 

3. Oshorn teiis us, no Scotchman you could meet 
beyond sea but did laugh at it, aud the Peripatetic 
politicians said, the relation in print did murder all 
possibility of credit. But I will not {adds he) wade 
farther in this business, not knowing hoiv dangerous 
the bottom may prove, being by all men's relations 
foul aud bloody, having nothing to palliate It but jeal- 
ousy on the one side, and fear of the other''. And in- 
deed the relation of this affair In Spotawood is confused 
and marvellous. The drawing the king lo Perth ; 
the getting him from dinner to examine a stranger; 
the discourse of Cowry's brother with him; and his 
stout and gallant behaviour (which in no other part of 
his life appeared); and his causing the two. brothers to 
be killed, when he might with tlie-same ease have se- 
cured them; the denials of Cowry's servants of their 
knowledge of the aftair; and the tale of the ead'i 
girdle, are circumstances whicii are not easily to be 
swallowed by the inquisitive or sceptical. 

4. Burnet himself allows, that this conspiracy was 
charged at that time by the puritans in Scotland on the 

is Osbom, Ekq; p, 535. Bvo. 





ordered it to l3e represented to queen Eli- 
zabeth how unjust he held that proceeding 
against his mother, and that it did neither 
agree with the will of God, who prohibited 

king, as acontrivatice of his to get rid of that earl, 
who was then held in great esteem ". And afterwarda 
he says, it was not easj' to persuade the nation of the 
truth of this conspiracy: for eight years before tliat 
time, king James, an a secret jealousy of the earl of 
Murray, then esteemed the handsomest man in Srot- 
land, set on the marquis of Huntley, who was his 
mortal enemy, to murder himj and by a writing all 
in his own hand, he promised to save him harm)e9s 
for it. He set the house in which he was on fire, and 
tlie earl flying away, was followed and murdered, and 
Huntley sent Gordon of Buckey with the news to the 
king. Soon after, all who were concerned in that vile 
fact were pardoned, which laid the king open to much 
censure : and this made the matter of Gowry to be less 

5. Sir Henry Neville, in a letter to Mr. Winwood, 
dated Nov. 15, I6OO, from London, writes, " Out of 
Scotland we hear there is no good agieement between 
the king of Scots and his wife, and many are of opi- 
nion, that the discovery of some affection between 
her and the earl Gowry'a brother, (who was killed 
with him) was the truest cause and motife of all that 
tragedy ''." 

And Mr. Winwood, in a letter to secretary Cecyll, 

* Burnet, fh S9. See a very hnnonr^le chanictcr of Gowry, from Sir 
Hanry Neville, to waetaiy Cecyll, in Wnwood's State Papers, vol. I. 
p. 156. 

" WJnwood'B MemoriBiB of i&in at State 'm the Reigns of Elizabeth 
■Dd King James I. vol. L p,S7<i. fill. Lond. tT35. 

JAMES I. 17 

to touch his anointed ones ; nor with the 
law of nations, that an absolute prince 
should be sentenced and judged by sub- 
jects; that if she would be the first to give 

from Paris, dated 17 May, iGOl, O. S. saya, " The 
ambassador of Scotland hath been advertized of a dan- 
geroua practice agaidst the Scots king ; that lately one 
tailed Glarnet, hath been sent out of Scotland, with 
letters to Bbthwell, to hasten home with diligence, 
wherS he should find sufficient assistance. The prin- 
Gipal party who employed this party is the Queen of 

Scotland. And ietteis have been intercepted out of 

England from master Gray, that the death of Gowry ' 
should shortly be revenged"." These passages com- 
pared, may possibly give the reader some light in thii 
affair. A gallant^ or a supposed one slain, was cause 
sufficient to induce a lady to give her husband trouble, 
and nothing ao likely as this to excite her to re- 
Tenge. — These are the reasons which may induce some 
persons to doubt about the truth of Cowry's conspi- 
racy ; whether they are sufficient the considerate readec 
will determine. However, one reflection naturally 
urises from this subject, viz. that the people euter- 
tained but a very poor opinion of James's veracity and 
honesty. The ministers, we see, could nut be induced 
to give thanks For bis deliverance, out of a distrust of 
his account, till fear of their own safety brought tbem 
to a compliance; and the general belief of the people 
•f ihat nation, both at home and abroad, was, that 
^'nAwmere contrivance in order to screen himself from 

* Spotiwood, p. 336 


that pernicious example of profaning her 
1 and other princes diadems, she should 
nember that both in nature and honour 
"^U concerned him to be revenged of so great 
an indignity; which if he should not do, lie 
should peril his credit both at home and 
abroad'. — But these threats were not re- 
garded by Elizabeth, nor were they of any 
service to his mother ; for she was executed 
in purssuance to a warrant directetl to se- 
cretary Davidson*, the seventh of February 

the guilt and iiiPnmy he must otlierwlge have laiit 
nndtr. Unhappy situation this! truly worthy of com- 
ffiiseration. For a prince believed false, treacherous, 
and bloody, most be despised, hnted and contemned, 
and can expect nothing but unwilling obedience from 
bis subjects. And it must be confessed, James bad 
giien hot too mnch reason to them, to view htm in 
lhe»e hghts. 

* She was executed in pursuance of a warrant, &c.J 
The sentence passed on her was approved by the 
English parliament, and earnestly pressed by it to be 
pat in execution. Nor was any one more earnest in 
ihe matter than Elizabeth herself; for she deemed 
Mary's life incompatible with her own safety, and 
therefore determined to shorten it. But it was b matter 
of much delicacy, and what she would have been glad 
K> have been excused from appearing in. She would 

• SpotiwBoJ, p. 351. 

following: though Elizabeth pretended it 
was quite contfaiy to her intentions, seemed 

fain tlierefore have had her put out of the way by Sir 
Amias Paulet, and Sir Drue Drury, and had it hinted 
to them by the secretaries Davidsou and AVaUingliam. 
But they were too wise to be caught, and too honest 
to execute so barbarous a deed, and therefore boldly 
refused, to the queen's no small mortification. Mr. 
Tindal seems to intimate something of a doubt about 
the genuineness of the letters lierc referred to", but i 
think without reason. For to me they have all the 
marks of genuineness, and are perfectly agreeable to 
that dexterity and management for which Elizabeth 
was so famous. When these arts failed, the war- 
rant in the hands of Davidson, signed by the queen| 
Was made use of by the council, the queen being not 
openly acquainted with it, and Mary, by means of it, 
had her head severed from her body. — So that James's 
conduct could not save his mother, nor could Henry 
HI. of France, by his ambassador, respite the execu- 
tion of her sentence, but a violent death was her fate. 
But, if what historians tell us is true, 'tis no wonder 
Elieabeth paid so httle regard to the solicitations i 
the behalf of the unfortunate Mary. For 'tis affirmed, 
that Bellievre, the I'rench ambassador, whatever in 
public he pretended, had private orders to solicit the 
death of the queen''. And Gray, the Scotch envoy, 
on this occasion, is said likewise in private, lo advise 
the making her away, saying, a dead woman bites 

• Espin's History of EnglanJ, trauakted by TiniJal, vol, 11. p, 134, 
in the natei. fol. Loud. 1733. " Id. <ol. II. p. 133. ' 14. p. 131. 

Winnosd'i Stale Paper, toI. I. p H, 

c a 

greatly grieved at it, and turned out, and 
fined tlie secretary by reason of it'. 

' Though Elizabeth pretended it was contrary tgr^ 
her intentions, and turned ouY, and fined the secretary^ 
by reason of it.] The execution of Mary couM no'tl 
be concealed, nor was it thought proper by ElizabetoU 
to justify it. She therefore threw the blame upoA j 
poor Davidson, and made him suffer for being ai 
Etrument in bringing about what she most of all de-' 
sired. She denied not, but she commanded hiu 
draw a warrant under the great seal for the queen of 
Scots' execution; but after it was done, she seemed 
angry: however she left it in his hands, without tel£-_^ 
ing him what he should do with it. Whereupon thtifl 
founcii being consulted by Davidson, it was unani- 
mously resolved to execute the waiTant, and accordingly 
it was canied to Fotheringay, and produced the dti-u 
sired effect. Elizabeth, in the mean time, pretenderfl 
she had changed her mind ; but none of her counsellors 
talked to her upon the subject, or attempted to hinder 
the execution, as tUey certainly would have done, had . 
they not been satisfied in hel intentions. But wheal 
the wished-for event took place, then Elizabeth pre- 
tended great sorrow, and professed her disinclinatiOB' 
towards it; and to convince the world thereof, she 
wrote to the Scotch king, by a cousin of hers, and 
had Davidson cited into the Star-chamber, where he 
was fined ^10,000, and imprisoned during the queen'i 
pleasure. Though " she herself could not deny, but 
that which she laid to his charge waa done without 
hope, fear, malice, envy, or any respect of his own, 
but merely for her safety both of state and person'." 

■ Ciibala, p. 333. fbl. Lend. 16e3. 


JAMES' I. « 

J*. Indeed Elizabeth and licr ministers ma- 
naged James as they pleased ; they fully 

This sentence on Davidson was very seyere, and car- 
ried the dissimultition to a great pitch, for ill e man 
Jost his post, ajid lay'd long in prison. So hard and 
difficult is the service of princes! So <! an gerous com- 
plying with their inclinations, for there is no laying 
obligations upon them ; and after you have done all to 
please and oblige theui, to serve a turn, or even gratUy 
a present humour, ihey will discard or ruin you ; for 
they think their subjects made for thi'iu; that 'tis a 
favour to employ tliem ; and that they are of no worth, 
any farther than they promote their designs. Jf people 
therefore knew when they were Avell, they would be 
thankful for a peaceable retreat, and strive not to mix 
in counsels with those whose aim it is to outwit and 
mischief each other; nor would they be desirous of 
climbing up so high, as that a fall is fatal. Bnt the 
ambitious in vain are cautioned to check their cfn-eer, 
Nothing but some sad miscarriage, disappointment or , 
disgrace, will teach them the needful lessons of Im- , 
milily a^id moderation, or cause them to enjoy conr 
tentedly the blessings of private life. Before I take 
my leave of this affair, I will observe that from the 
proceedings against Mary, it appears, that the qneeq 
and her parliament had no notion of such a sacredness 
in the persons of princes, as to render them unac- 
countable to any earthly tribunal. For here is a so- 
vereign princess, tried, condemned, and executed, 
with the approbation, yea in pursuance of the request 
of the parliament ; and though Elizabeth, to save 
pearances, feigned sorrow and indignation at the 
eution, yet no one has been so hardy aa to pul 



understanding his temper, councils, and 

designs* : so that tliey acted as they tlrought 

her mQUth a sentence tending to condemn ibe la> 
ness of it. For she was too wise and understand in^;| 
to have done it ; nor could any who knew her chaiac- , 
ter suppose her capable of it. This doctrine was left' 1 
to her successor, who had weakness enough to declare 
expressly, " that kings were accountable toGod odIj'. 
A doctrine big with mischief, and fit for nothing but 
to make tyrants. But of this I shall have occasion ta 
speak more hereafter. 

' Elizabeth and her ministers managed James an 
they pleased, and understood his temper, councils and 
designs.] Il appears from Melville, that the English'! 
were thoroughly acquainted with the temper and beha- 
viour of the king, and had those about him who took ', 
every opportunity to insinuate those notions into him^- 
which were most acceptable to Elizabeth. " Woottoa* 1 
the ambassador became one of his most familiar i 
nions, waiting upon him at all fixed pastimes'" " AnA 
Sir Kichard Wigmore " was particularly instructea'. 
by Walsingham, in all the proper methods to gain 
upon the Icing's confidence, and to observe and give as, 
account of all he saw in him ; which he did very faiths 
fully'." And though James little thought it, his moatT 
secret actions were known to ihe English ministry, 
and all his transactions abroad, how privately soever 
they were carried. For Elizabeth's ambassadors hadq 
very watchful eye over the Scotch; and what by ad-" 
dress, what by considerations of religion, but chiefly 
by money, they became acquainted with every thing 

• King James's Works, p. *59. " JittWi], p. 161. 

* Jtitraeit lol. L p. 5, aod Wilnwni's Mtajoiis, p. 9. Syg. Lond. 111& 

JAMES t. e^ 

fit, without any regard tx> liim, any farther 
than mere coraplinxeots. For the tear of 

James was negotiating eveiy where. Thus for in- 
stance, Sir Henry Neville, though at Paris, had a 
watchful eye over the transactions of the Scotch king 
at Rome, and made himself master of them, though 
ihey were managed with ibe greatest caution' : and he 
was apprized also of the negotiation of baron Ogilby 
in Spain, who offered in the name of " James to he re- 
conciled to the apostolic see, and to enter into a con- 
federacy with that crown, in order to rescue himself" 
from the dangers he was exposed to from Elizabeth, on 
whom he oflered, (upon condition of being assisted with 
twelve thousand men armed and paid all the time titt 
war shouIB last, and five hundred thousand ducats to 
begin It) to make war immediately, and declare himself 
her enemy ^." So that from hence it appears that Eli- 
zahelh had him fast, and could have exposed him to 
the resentments of the English and Scottish nations * 
whenever she pleased. For as WaUingham, Uurnel 
says, " thought the king was either inclined to turn 
papist, or to be ofnoreligion'^;" so these negotiations, 
had they been published, would have brought over 
multitudes of others to the same opinion ; the conse- 
quence of which to him might have been fatal. No 
wonder then James's threntnings were little heeded: 
he was well known by the English court, and to know 
him was to stand in no awe of him; for big as he would 
talk on occasion, fighting was his known aversion, 
indeed, after he came into England, he was weak 
enough to pretend that he had the direction of the 

" Winwood'g State Aper, p. 1 4S , I ifi. The letters are *t\\ worlh reait- 
utitllarje, ^ Wh<I)<| WL Lf. i, 6, T. ' BumM, vol. I. p. e> 

losing Ute succession to the English crown, 
and tlie pension he enjoyed from Elizabeth, 
de him in a]l things obedient to her 

^glish affairs during his predecessor's reign : had this 
sen so, they would have been managed like hia owp 
n Scotland, and as mattei-s afterwards were by him ia 
pngland. Whereas every body knows, never counciU 
e better conducted, never more glory by any admi- 
jstration acquired, than by Elizabeth's, and therefore 
e could have had no hand in the direction. Thai in 
B latter part of that queen's reign, he cultivated a 
Sorrespondence with some of her courtiers, and endea- 
joured by means of them to secure the suatcssioii, is 
■true: and he was successful in his applications. But 
still he guided not, but was guided, and as carefully 
■ (Watched as could be; and, perhaps, a knowledge of his 
''weakness, loye of ease, and aversion to business, did 
not a little contribute to engage some of the great 
ones in his favour; who hoped that under him they 
might acquire honours, power, and wealth, iu which 
they were not much mistaken. For a prince of great 
fLbiJities, how valuable soever to a nation, is not the der 
light of self-interested statesmen. He will see witl^ 
his own eyes, will judge of men as they deserve, and 
jceward only the wise and good; and therefore \inder 
such an one little is to be hoped for by them. 

• The fear of losing the succession to the English 

crown, and the pension he enjoyed from Elizabeth, 

pade him in all things obedient to her will.] Jame^ 

fed not Elizabeth, for she kept him under restraint ; 

i protected bis nobility against him; fomented divisions 

in his kingdom ; and had caused his mother to be put 

He was not much regarded in Scotland 
9 by his nobihty, which was owing, perhaps, 

to death. In short, he looked on her as the cause of 
ali his troubles. These things he strongly complains 
of in his reasons for hU reconciiement ^ith Home, 
and confederacy with Spain', But yet notwithstand- 
ing tlic grudge he bore her, he refused her nothing, 
*ljor dared to contradict her. For he had a yearly pen- 
-sion from the queen, 1 think, ten thousand pounds, the 
loss of which he could not well bear ; which was in- 
creased in ilie year I601, two thousand more, upon his 
request. " Her majesty (says Cecyll) promiKing to 
continue it, as long as he shall make it appear to the 
world, that he is willing to deserve her extraordinary 
care and kindness towards him "." This was a good 
round sum at that time of day in Scotland, and there- 
fore it behoved James to make it appear thai he de- 
■ served ii, by complying with her, whose bounty he so 
I largely shared in. But that which kept James most in 
^ awe was the fear of losing the succession to the English 
1 crown. His being next in blood (though aflerwaids 
• much talked of by him) was no security; had he be- 
haved displeasingly to Elizabeth, and once made her 
,• heartily angiy, 'tis more than probable he would have 
■4ied in his own country. For by a statute of the 13th 
(year of her reign, it was made high treason for any 
person to afHrm, " that the reigning prince with the 
authority of the parliament, is not able to limit and 
bind the crown, and the descent and inheritance there- 
of." This was the rod which was held over James, 
made him fear and tremble. For be could never 
^ gel himself d eel aied by Elizabeth her successor, and lie 

^ Vl'uivooA, vol. I. p. s. * Id. p. 39i. 





as much to their restless temper, as his 

weakness""; nor had he power to govern 

knev full veil what she was capKble of doing when pro- 
voked. He therefore aiifled his anger, dissembled hi» 
resentments, and did not puhUcly du any thing dis- 
obliging to Elizabeth. His private behaviour in bis 
negotiations with Rome and Spain, couid not but be 
unacceptable. But she piobably despised them, and 
took care to frustrate them, and contented herself with 
letting the whole world sen that she was mistress of 
the Scotch king, and stood in no fear of what he might 
do. So that the passion with which he received the 
news of his inulher'd death, and the threats he uttered 
were but mere words, and he was cooled down present- 
ly by Walsingham's letter, " representing how much 
his pretending to revenge it, would prejudice him in 
the eyes of the ancient nobility, by the greatest part of 
whom she was condemned, and of priacipal part of the 
gentlemen of the realm, who confirmed the same in 
pailiaraent; who woidd never submit to his govern- 
ment, if he shewed so vindictive a mind'." Those 
Scotch and English therefore were in the right, who 
assured the English council, it would soon be forgot; 
and " that the blood was already fallen from his m». 
jeaty'a heart ^" For he was afraid of consequences, 
and therefore durst not attempt to fulfil his threats. 

" He was not much regarded by bis nobility, &c.] 
He makes it a reason for his joining with S]>ain, that 
" queen Elizabeth had always protected his enemies 
and rebels, and that by their means she had caused him 
to be three or four times taken into custody'." Wh&> 

JAMES I. 27 

iais clergy, who behaved, as he thought, 
djsobediently towards him". 

ihei' or no Elizabeth was at the bottom of all the at- 
tempts of the nobility against James, ia not my buai- 
ness to determine. But 'tis very certain they paid biia 
"but little regard, and scrupled not to bring him to 
terms, even by rough methods. The affair of Rutbveo 
lias been already mentioned : besides nhich we find 
the banished lords surprised him at Stirling, and caus- 
ed him once more to dismiss Arran, and deprive him 
of his honours; aad Botbwell look the same coune 
-with him to obtain hia pardon, and hinder his adver- 
saries from returning fo court'. 

These were instances of disrespect and disregard, 
and could arise from nothing but an opinion of the 
weaiinesa of the prince to whom they were olTered. 
-Though it must be confessed that the Scotch nobility 
ill those days were of a bold, restless temper, and were 
Beldom quiet any longer than things went just ns they 
pleased; and therefore were unlikely to stand in much 
nwe of one, whose irresolution and want of courage had 
been from his childhood so very remarkable. 

" His clergy behaved disobediently, as he thought, 
towards him.j " The king perceiving that the death 
' uf his mother was determined, gave orders to the mi- 
nisters to remember lier in their public prayers ; which 
they denied to do. Upon their denial, charges were 
directed to command all bishops, ministeis, and other 
office-bearers in the church, to make mention of Iiit 
distress in thdr public prayers, and commend Iter to 
God. But of all the number, Mr. David Lindesay at 
Leith, and the king's own minisiera, gave obedieiicii, 





For this he hated them most heartily ; 
but dissembled his resentment, till he could 

At Edinburgh, where the disobedience was most pub- 
lic, the king purposing to have their fault amended, 
did appoint the third of February for solemn prayers 
to be made in her behalf, commanding the bishop of 
St. Andrews to prepare himself for that day; which 
when the ministers understood, they stirred up Mr. 
John Cowper, a young man not entered as yet in the 
function, to take the pulpit before the time, and ex- 
clude the bishop. The king coming at the hour ap- 
pointed, and seeing hira in the place, called to him from 
his sent, and said, Mr. John, that place was destinate 
ibr another; yet since you are there, if you will obey 
the charge that is given, and remember my mother in 
your prayers, you shall go on. He replying, he would 
do as the spirit of God should direct him, was com- 
manded to leave the place ; and making as though he 
■would stay, the captain of the guard went to pull him 
out; whereupon he burst forth in these speeches, thii 
day shall be a witness against the king, in the great 
day of the Lord ; and then denouncing a woe to the 
I inhabitants of Edinburgh, he went down V This be- 
haviour seems to savour much of indecency and diso- 
bedience, and 1 doubt not but the reader is inclined to 
censure it accordingly. But let us not be too hasty, 
lest we judge unrighteous judgment. The ministers, 
I think, failed more in breeding than any thing else; 
for what was required of them, was to pray that God 
would illominate her (Mary) with the Vight of his truth, 
and save her from the apparent danger in which she 
iras-cast. Now this latter they could not in conscicBcc 

* Spotsirwd, p. 334. 



JAMES I. eg 

ahom it with safety ; when he let all men 

do : for they looked upon her in the most detestable 
light, and wished not for her preserTation, believing it 
inconsistent with the good of the state and religion, 
-And therefore, says secretary Walsingbam, " it wa< 
■wondered by all wise and religious men in England, 
that the king should be so earnest in the cause of hia 
mother, seeing all the papists in Europe that affected 
the change of religion in both realms, did build their 
hopes altogether upon her'." If theietbre the Scots 
ministers thoiight as all the wise and religious men in 
Ungiand did, about this matter, they could not, con- 
sistently with sincerity, have prayed for her deliver- 
ance. The king therefore should have forborne press- 
ing them to do what was contrary to their judgments, 
and they should have used civil and respectful terms of 
refusal; which, if they had done, 1 apprehend, they 
would bave been free from blame. But this was not 
the only affair in which the clergy of Scotland behaved 
disobediently and irreverently towards James. 

For Mr. Robert Bruce, finding the king willing that 
Huntley should return into Scotland, boldly totd him, 
" I see. Sir, that your resolution is to take Huntley in- 
to favour, which jf you do, I will oppose, and yon shall 
chuse whether you will lose Huntley or me; for both 
you caimot keep''." Mr. Blake was likewise charged 
by him with saying, " that he had detected the trea- 
chery of his heart; that all kings were the devil's 
barns; and that the devil was in the coort, and in the 
guiders of it'." — And Mr. John Welch, in the high 
church of Edinburgh, said, " the king was possessed 
with a devil, and one devil being put out, seven worse 

": £^t(wOod, p. 35*. ■ la, p. 417. = Id, p. 423. 


know how much their conduct galled him, 

and what ill will he bare unto tfeem 


were entered in his place''." This was atriujge tall 
and what could not but he very displeasing to Jaincs, 
though he had not power enough to euib and resiriua 
those who were guilty of it. 

'* He dissemhled with thein, till with safety hecould 
shew his resentment, &c.] Notwithstanding all the 
rudeness wilh which he had been Li'eated by bis clergy 
in the general assembly at Edinburgh, 1590, he stood 
" up wilh his bonnet off, and his hands lifted up to 
heaven, and said, be piaised God, that he was born in 
the time of the light of the gospel, and in such a place, 
as to be king of such a church, the sinccrest [purest] 
kirk in the world. The Church of Geneva keep pasche 
and yule [Easter and Christmas] what have they for 
them? they have no institution. As for our neighboiu 
kirk of Edgland, their service is an evil said mass ia 
English; they want nothing of the mass but the lift- 
ings. I charge you my good ministers, doctors, elders, 
nobles, gentlemen, and barons, to stand to your purity, 
and to exhort the people to do the same; and I, for- 
sooth, as long as I brook my life, shall maintain tbs 
same''." And in his speech to the parliament, 1698» 
te tells them, " he minded not to bring in papistical 
or anglicane bishops'." And in 1G02, he assured the 
general assembly, " that he would stand for tlie church 
and be an advocate for the ministiy V A mtui would 
think by this, that James had a very great regard for 
his clergy, and an high esteem of them ; and doubtless 

• Spotiwood, p. +30. " Cal^lirnood's Chnrch History of BcotUnd, 

f. aa&. 60. Edhdh 1E80. ' U. p. 418. ■ SpoltwooJ, p. 468. 


Though we are not to suppose, howe^'er 

be himself inteacled they should think so too. ' But 
this was mere artifice and dissimutation; forathot- 
toin he hated them heartily, and could not bear the 
thoughts of them. Ttiis will appear to a demonstra- 
tioQ from bis writings. "Some iiery spirited men in 
the ministry, be says, oftentimes calumniated him iu 
their popular sermons, not for any evil or vice in bira, 
but because lie was a king, which they thought the 
highest evil." This was theeffecthe thought of parity 
iQ the church. Therefore he advises his son [prince 
Henry] " to take heed to sucli puritans, very pests in 
tlie church and common wealth, whom no deserts caa 
oblige, neither oatba nor promises bind, breathing 
nothing but sedition and calumnies, aspiring without 
measure, railing without reason, and making their own 
unaginatious (without any warrant of the word) the 
square of their conscience. I protest before the great 
God, and since I am here upon my testament, it is 
no place for me to lye in, that ye shall never find 
with auy hie-Iand orborderthicves,greater ingratitude, 
and more lies and vile perjuries, than with these pha- 
uatic spirits, and sufier not the principal of them to 
brook your land, if ye list to set at rest- except ye 
wanld keep them fur trying your patience, as Socriites 
dtid an evil wife'," 

.And in his premonition to aU cbiistiaa monarchs, 
Itc, he tells us " be was ever an enemy to the confused 
aturchy or parity of the puritans, as well appeareth iu 
his BA2lAUi.0N AliPON." And therefore adds he, " I ' 
cannot enough wonder with what brazen face this an- 
twerer (Belkimine) coidd say, that £ was a puritan ia 

• KxBS Jametf Works, p, IflO. 


it has been otherwise represented, either 
through ignorance or prejudice to the then 

Scotland, and an enemy to proteatanta : I that was 
persecuted by puritans there, not from my birth only, 
but even since four months before my birth ? I that in 
the year of God 84, erected bishops, and depressed all 
(heir popular parity. I then not being 18 years of age, 
[this was the year in which the earl of Gowry was ex- 
ecuted, and Arran committed the vilest acts of injus- 
tice] " I that in my said book to my son, do speak ten 
times more bitterly of lliera than of the papists ; hav- 
ing in my second edition thereof affixed a long apolo- 
getic preface, only in odium purilanorvm'.^' This was 
written in England when the king could speak his 
mind, and therefore we may be sure we have his reat 
sentiments, especially 6s all his actions were corr&- i 
spondent unto them. So that T had reason to say, that "4 
James dissembled his hatred and resentment till a pro-' 
per opportunity. But how worthy this was of ^ king i 
rs not hard to jtidge. For nothing is more unbecom-' i 
ing the tank and character of sUch an one, than dissi- 
mulation, especially towards his own subjects. It is 
setting an ill example unto them, which may be of the" 
most fatal consequences ; and depriving princes of that 
love, trust and confidence, in which their safety, 
strength and reputation most of all consist. But trf 
dissemble in the affairs of religion, is vile hypocrisy; 
which yet 'tis plain from the king's own speeches and 
writings he did. But James was a weak prince, and 
lord Bacon has finely observed, " that the weaker sort 
of politicks are the greatdissemblers." — "For, adds he, 
if a man have that penetration of judgment, as he eaitf 

• Kinj James's WorfcB, p. SOS. 

Scottish' clergy, but that 'ftiey' had recoveU' 

discern what things are to be laid open, and what to be 
secreted, and what to be shewed ot half iighta, and W i 
whom and when, (which indeed are arts of state, and! 
arts of Hfe, a3 Tacitus wcU calleth them) to him a habiV 
of dissimulatiou is an hindrance and a poorness. But' 
if a man cannot attain to tliat judgment, then it is lefti 
to him generally to be a dissembler*." I will conclude 
this note witli a passage from honest Montaigne, which 
I dare say every reader of like character will applaud. 
" As to this virtue of dissimulation, I inoriaily hate it| \ 
nnd of all vices find none that does evidence so mucti \ 
baseness and meanness of spirit. 'Tis a cowardly unA I 
servile humour to hide and disguise a man's self undetf I 
a vizor, and not to dare to sliew himself what he iai I 
By that our followers are trained up to treacheiyj ] 
Being brought up to speak what is not true, they make 1 
no conscience of a lye. A generous heart ought noiS j 
to belye its own thoughts, but will make itself seeit | 
within, all there is good, or at least manly. Aristotle ] 
reputes it the office of magnanimity, openly and pro-^ 
fessedly to love and hale, to judge and speak with all 
freedom; and not to value tlie approbation or disliktf' | 
of others in comparison of tnilh. Apolloiiius said, H 1 
was for slaves to lye, and for free men to speak truth'/ I 
'Tis the chief and fundamental part of virtue, we n 

love it for itself. A man must not always tell all; folf I 

tliat were folly ; but what a man says, should be whatf-fl 
he thinks, otherwise 'tis knavery. I do not know wha* 1 
advantage men pretend to by eternally counlerfeiling*! 
and dissembling, if not, never to be. believed when they* T 
speak the truth. This may once or twice pass upon 

' Iiord Racgn'ii Ewy ui 


provocatious by the king's actions, to be- 
have towards him as they did ". 

men ; but to profess concealing tlieir tlioughts, ani} to 
biog, as some of our princes have done, that they 
truiilJ bum their shirts it" (hey knew their intentions, 
ami that who knows not how to dissemble, knows not 
how to rule; is to give warning to all who have any 
thing to do with them, that all tiiey say is nothing but 
Ijing and deceitV 

,." The clergy had received provocations to behave 
towards liim as they did.] I have given an account of 
the undutiful behaviour of the clergy towards James 
from S pots wood : but bishop Burnet tells us, "there 
ts a great defect runs tbrongb archbishop Spotswood's 
history, where much of the rude opposition the king 
met with, particularly from the assemblies- of tlie kirk, 
19 set forth; but tbe true ground of all the jealousies 
they were possessed with, is suppressed by hiin'"." 
These jealousies were of his being in his lieart a papist, 
founded on facts delivered to them by the Englisli 
ministry, and from his favouring and employing those 
of that religion. Walsingham, as I have already ol>- 
served, " thought James was either inclined to turn 
papist, or to be of no religion. And when tlie English 
court saw that they could not depend on him, thej 
raised all possible opposition to him in Scotland, in- 
fusing strong jealousies into those who were enougb 
inclined to receive them,'." Dr. Birch says, " the king 
of Scots was indeed at this time[159y3much suspected 
of inclining to poperj' ; and a copy of a letter, offering 
obedience to the pope, signed by that king, was brought 

' MontaiBqe'a Es&ays, by Cotton, vol. If. p. SOT. 8vo, Lond. 1686. 
" Butnet, vol. 1. p. 5. ' IJ. il). 


However, I ain far enough from defciid- 

■from Rome by tlie master olGtay, and shewn to queeii 
Elizabeth; who sent Sir William Bowes ambassador to 
liim, to advertise him not to build on the friendship of 

Rome*," [This was the letter I'or which lord Balme- 

rino was condemned, but pardoned, in the year IG09 ; 
it being said he surreptitiously got the king's hand 
thereto, wliii^h he himself confessed.] And we findj in 
159^, the ministers complaining to the king of " the 
ft»(Hir granted to the popish lords; the countenance 
given to the lady Huntley, and her invitation to the 
baptism of the princess; tlie putting her in the hands 
of the lady Levingstone, an avowed and obstinate pa- 
pist; and the alienation of his majesty's heart from 
the ministers, as appeared by all his speeches public and 

■private*." In short, the ministers were jealous of 

liis majesty's intentions; they suspected his behaviour, 
■and were aftaid that he only wanted an opportunity to 
■crush them, and the religion Uiey professed. 'Twas 
the belief of this, that made them break out into such 
indecent expressions, and undutiful behaviour; and 
the knowledge of their own power and influence over 
the people, which inspired them with courage and 
toldne^s. And, I think, a!] inipartial persons must 
allow, that if ever 'tis excuseable to go beyond houods 
in any thing, it is in defence of religion and liberty, in 
opposition to popery and tyranny. Most of these men 
remembered the fires which popish zeal had lighted; 
they had seen tlie blood spilt by it, and theretbre it 
is not to be wondered at, that they were mure than 

' Ilirch's 1 
l»nil, Franw 
Burnet, p. 6 

irlcal View of the Negotiations belweeti the Conrta of En^- 
d Bnissels, p. 177. 8vo. Load. 1749. Spo(«»ood, p. iS5. 
I nate i3, * .'jpolswoot!, p. 419. 


iag their whole ^ behaviour '*. In 158£r, 
James married a daughter of Denmark, (af- 
ter having objected against the dignity of 
that royal house, merely through ignorance 
about it " :) and the lady being dciven by a 

ordinarily moved at every thing which had the least 
^ndeticy to bring them back iato so deplorable a 

'* I am far enough from defending their whole be- 

I liaviour.] The behaviour of the clergy was very rough, 

and bordering upon rudeness. They treated majesty 

with too much familiarity. They prostituted their pul- 

-^its to affairs of state, and rebuked after such a maa- 

Ber as tended more to provoke, than to reclaim. In 

Ulese things they were blameworthy. But I should 

I ^ot do them justice, were 1 to omit their zeal for what 

E-^ey thought truth; their labour and diligence in the 

"business of the ministry, and their speaking the truth 

jsithal! boldness. These were virtues for wbieh James's 

(iergy were eminent; and therefore they were held in 

high esteem by the major part of that kingdom, as iviil 

all of tliat profession every where be, who imitate them 

herein, for they are things praiseworthy, and of good 


' He married a daughter of Denmark, after having 
objecledagainstthedignityof that royal house, through 
mere ignorance about it.] James, notwithstanding all 
his boasted learning, was defective in history, the 
knowledge of which is most necessary for princes. He 
had BO little skill in this, that he knew nat the state 
and condition of so Dear a country to him as Denmark ; 
nor was he acquainted with the rank the kings of it 
bare in Christendom, "He was informed, he said^ 

JAMES 1. sy 

tempest into Norway, he, impatient of the 

that the king of Denmark was descended but of jner- 
chants, arid that few made account of him or his couin 
try, but such ae spoke the Dutch tongue'." 'Ti» 
amazing that any oneof James's elevated station should 
be so grossly ignorant. Had he never read of the 
power of the Danes, their ravages and conquests both 
in England and Scotland ? wag he never informed that 
marriage hod been contracted between his own family 
and that of Denmark ? nor that in the year 146S Chris- 
tian I. king of Norway and Denmark, renounced all 
1 tight and title for himself and his successors to James 
III. king of ycotiand, to the isles of Orkney, upon a 
marriage between him and his daughter''? 'Tis plain 
he knew none of these things, and therefore was 
miserably qualiHed to contract alliances, or enter into 

treaties. However Melvil informed him of these 

matters, which made him so exceeding glad, " that lie 
Baid he would not for his head but that he had shewn 
the verity unto him." " Sometime after, as said is, 
he called his council together in his cabinet, and told 
them how he had been advising about his marriage 
fifteen days, and asked council of God by devout prayer 
thereon, and that he was now resolved to marry in 
Denmark'." The lady whom James took to wife wjis 
Ann, second daughter of Frederick king of Denmark, 
Our historians give her the character of a courteous 
find humane princess, and one in whom there was much 
goodness''. It will not perhaps be unacceptable to the 
ieader if I give the character she bore among IbreiguerB, 


■ Meltil, p. 164. 
Load. 1733. 

I Viilma'i Ijfu of Kinj 

imden'a TirUflnnia, by Oibsor,tdi(. 
vit, p. 177. ° SpotaiKoJ, 

s,p. Vi9. £)!. Ijjad, 1653. 


detention of his bride, went thither and con- 

who, oftentimes, sppak more iustly than subjects. 
*' She was naturally, s:iys the duke of Sully, bold and 
enterpiizing : she loved pomp and grandeur, tumult 
and iiiti'igue. ^he was acquainted with all ihc civil 
factions, not only in Scotland, occasioned by the catiio- 
lics, whom she supported, and had even first encourag- 
ed; but also in England, where the discontented, 
whose numbers were not inconsiderable, were not sorry 
to be supported by a princess destined to become their 
queen. — In public she affected absolutely to govern 
her son (prince Henry) whom it waa said she thought 
to inspire with sentiments in favour of Spain: for none 
doubted but she was inclined to declareherself absolute- 
ly on that side '. Afterwards, he tells us, be received 
letters from Beaumont, (the French resident) informing 
hitn, that the queen was disposed to pleasures and 
amusements, and seemed wholly engaged in them, and 
nothing else. She so entirely neglected or forgot the 
Spanish politics, as gave rciison to believe she had in 
reality only pretended to be attached to iliem, through 
the necessity of eventual conjanctures"," Whoever 
knows the rank of Sully, as favourite and prime mi- 
nister to Henry the Great of France, and ambassador 
extraordinary to James, will pay great deference lo bis 
account; for it cannot but be sujiposed he had the best 
informations. And indeed from Winwood's slate pa- 
pers the character of queen Ann will be found nearly as 
Sully has given it, but different with regard to her in- 
clinations to Spain, from what Beaumont informed 
him. I have before pbserved, that while in Scotland 

* Memoirs of the Duke of SuJIy, p. 31 1, 313. vol. I. 
" Id. vol. IL p. 119. 

summated the marriage. From whence, 
upon invitation, he proceeded into Den- 
mark, where being royally entertained, he 

she employed a person lo Bothwell, to hasten him 
home, assiii'iiighim of assistance, ia order thatGowry's 
death miglit K' revenged ". 

And Mr. Winwood, id a letter to the lord Cran- 
borne, Sept. 12, i604, O. S. says, "the followers of 
the constable (of Castile) in their relation of England, 
gave forth that the queen was wholly theirs*"." Mr. 
Levinus Muncke (secretary to the earl of Salisbury) 
in a letter lo Mr, Winwood, Oct. 29, l605, tells him, 
" Mons. Caron (the Dutch ambassador) with much 
ado spake first with the queen, and afterward nith the 
prince. I was glad, adds he, 1 was made an instru- 
ment, under my lord, of his accesses; for otherwise, 
without his assisiance, 1 fear me, he had never spaken 
with her ; for let me lell you in your ear without of- 
fence, she is meerly Spanish, and had promised Areu- 
berg (ambassador from the arch-dukes) not to speak 
with Caron. Bui thebcst is, shecarrieth no sway instate 
matters, and prater rem uxoriam hath no great reach 
in other affairs'." However the Spaniards valued her 
friendship, and upon a letter from her to the queen of 
Spain, "a large pension was granted to one Carre, a 
Scott^." Sir Charles ComwalHs, ambassador in Spain, 
in a letter to the earl of Salisbury, April 13, l(i09, 
writes, that "the [Spanish] ambassador hath advertised 
that the queen should say unto him, be might one day 
peradventiire see the prince on a pilgrimage at St. 
Jago. Whereupon, tho' doubtless she spake in mer- 

' See not* 5. 

' la. p. 155. 


Bpent the winter, aud returned not into 
Scotland till May 20, 1590. 
» ^ During the i'<?niainder of his reign in 

fimetit, they here much infer, and seem to hope thai 
bis majesty will be contented to send him hither to re- 
ceive the rest of his education here, yf" the iaclination 
pf dhance continuesV So that from these passages 
'tis plain Sully did not misicp resent this qneen, in 
, saying, " no one doubled -but she ^as inclined to de- 
[ ciare herself absolutely on the Spanish side." As to 
pomp iind gcaiideur, pleasures and amusements, wlio- 
eyer will take the trouble of consulting the pages re- 
fcrred to in the margin, will see abundant proof of it''. 
!For fi'gm these it appears thai her inclinations were 
^uch towards masques and revels, state and grandeur, 
which probably ran her in debt, and made her melan- 
in ijholy, 'till the king augmented her jointure, and paid 
j i»er debts'. Sir Ediyard Peyton represents her indeed 
a much wpi'se light. According to him, besides 
' Gowry, [it should be Cowry's brother] she had a great 
flfumbcr of gallauts, both in Scotland and England*. 
I But what be says on t^iis i\ead, is to me so very im- 
' probable, that 1 will flct trouble the reader with it. 

She died of a dropsy March I, 16I8-I9, at 

I Hampton-Court, without much lameutation from the 
ifiig, though she was not unbeloved by the people. 
' Osborn observes, that he himself saw "James one 
^vening parting from the queen, aud taking his leave 
St her coach side, by kissing her sufficiently to the 
middle of the shoulders ; for so lovy, says he, she went 

' Id. p. 

3. ' Id. vor. n. p. 44. vol. III. p. IT 

7. " PeTton's Dlriiie Calaslruplie c 

11. Lond.1731. Bfo. 

Scotland, he was engaged in troubles with 
his nobility ; in quarrels with his clergy ; 
and in writing his paraphrase on tJie Reve- 
lations'*. His Daemonologie, stiled a rare 

bare all the days I had the fortune to know her ; 
having a skin far more amiable than the features it 
povered, though not the disposition, in which report 
rendered her very debonair"." But notwithstanding 
the debonairness of her disposition, she could not in- 
fluence her husband, who weakly permitted his fa- 
Tpuril:es to ill-treat her". This probably might in time 
^Iter her disposition, and cauae her to act with wisdom 
and prudeace, and avoid feastings, revels and factions, 
for archbishop Abbot, (a worthy venerable prelate) 
many years after her death, speaks of her with great 
respect, and as of one whose virtue he bad not the 
least doubt of, which, I dare say, he would not have 
done, had her character, in his eye, been upon the 
whole faulty^. I have been the longer upon the cha- 
racter of this princess, because it has been little known ; 
pur historians contenting themselves to speak one after 
the Qther, without examination, whereby, for the most 
part, it Cometh to pass, that they tend little to improve 
or instruct; and, which is worse, fix such ideas of 
things and persons as are difficult to be eradicated, 
tho* ever so false. 

" In writing his paraphrase on the Revelations.] 
"This paraphrase (says Dr. Montague) was written 
by lya majesty before he was twenty years ofageV 



• Osborn, p- i?6. 
p-45G.fol. Load. 1659. 




piece for many precepts and experiments 

And James, at the end of his epistle lo the church mi- 
litant, prefixed tu this paraphrase, desires " that what 
was found amiss in it might be imputed to his lack of 
years and learning''," A strange work this for a youth 
to undertake, and an argument of verj' great weakness. 
For who knows not that this book has exercised the 
wits of the most learned and understanding men, from 
the begimiing of the Christian church; and who is 
tliere igcioraiu that the world has been little the wiser 
for their lucubrations? Great learning, industry, and 
piety have been discovered, it must be owned, in se- 
veral commentators on this book, but still it remains 
in many parts obscure, as at the beginning^ What 
then must we think of a raw young man who shall 
wade so fer out of his depth, and set up for an ex- 
pounder of the deepest mysteries ? Ought we not to 
censure his temerity, and condemn his boldness ? 
And much more reasonable will this appear when we 
consider that James was a prince, and consequently a 
person whose business it was to apply himself to affairs 
of government, and consult the welfare of his people. 
This was his proper business; the other was out of 
his province, and answered no end, either to himself 
or others. Indeed, if Montague is right, these re- 
flections are ill founded. He tells us "kings have a 
kind of interest in this book [the Revelations] beyond 
any other ; for as the execution of the most part of the 
prophecies of that book is committed uiito them, so it 
may be, that the interpretation of it may more happily 
be made by them ; and since they are the principal in- 

' King James's Worki, p. 3> * SecMede, More, Nenton, 

;rAMEs I. 4s 

gtminents that God haih described in that book to 
destroy the kiogdom of Antichrist, to cuusume hi> 
Btate and city; I see not but it may stand with the 
wisdom of God to inspire tlieir hearts to expound it *." 
This is admirable ! and well worthy of a court cliaplain 
who had still hopes of preferment. But, with this 
bishop's good leave, I will take on me to afhrm, that 
James's work is far enough from being a proof that 
the Revelations may be more happily interpreted 
by kings than by others ; or that God puts it into 
their royal hearts at any time to expound it. For to 
speak in the softest manner of this performance, it 
must be said to be poor, low, and mean, and iu- 
capable of bringing any honour to the composer. 
Subjoined to this paraphrase is a " fruitful meditation, 
containing a plain and easy exposition, or laying 
open of the seventh, eighth, ninth and tenth verses 
of the twentieth chapter of the Revelation, in form 
and manner of a sermon," Here he plainly inti- 
mates his opinion that the church of Rome is Anti- 
christ. When this was first printed at Edinburgh it 
had this title.— —"Ane fruitful meditation containing 
ane plaine and facile exposition of the 7, 8, 9 and 10 
verses of the XX. chap, of the Revelation in forme 
of ane sermone. Set down by the maist Chriatiane 
king and syncier professour and cheif defender of the 
faith, James the 6th king of Scottis. 2 Theas. i. 6, 7, 
8. For it is ane righteous thing with God. Iinpremit 

at Edinburgh be Henrie Chajteris, liSSV James 

was fond of meditations on select portions of scripture. 
After the destruction of the Spanish armado in 13b8, 
he wrote a "meditation upon the a^, 26, 37, St3 and 


«9th verses of the xvth chapter of the first book of 
Chronicles of the kings :" in which he compares tlic 
proteatants to the " Israelites, and the catholicks to 
the Philistines, adorers of legions of gods, and rtded 
by the foolish traditions of men\" And long after- 
wards [1619] he wrote a "meditation on the Lord's 
Prayer, of which I shall speak more hereafter; and a 
meditation upon the 27, 28, 29lh vei^ses of the xxvlith 
chapter of St. Matthew, or a pattern for a king's in- 
aaguration." This was dedicated to prince Charles. 
Among several other things we have the following 
passage, " telling Buckinghammy intention, [of writ- 
ing this meditation] and that I thought you the fittest 
person to whom I could dedicate it, for divers reasons 
following, he humbly and earnestly desired me, that 
he might have the honour to be my amanuensis in thii 
work. First, because it would free me from the pain 
of writing, by sparing the labour both of mine eyes 
and hands; and next, that he might do you some 
piece of service thereby; protesting that his natural 
obligation to you (next nic) is redoubled by the many 
favours that you daily heap upon him. And indeed I 
must ingenuously confess to my comfort, that in 
making your affections to follow and second thus your 
fethers, you shew what reverent love you carry towards 
me in your heart. And indeed my granting this re- 
quest to Buckingham hath much eased my labour, con- 
sidering the slowness, illness, and uncorrectncss of my 
hand''." Many of my readers, I doubt not, will be 
pleased with such like passages as this ; for they shew 
the man more than any thing besides. However, 1 
must ask pardoB for running away irom the Revela- 
tions, of which James was a paraphrast, to these me- 

"s Woits, p. 87. 

JAMES I. 45 

in divinity and natural philosophy ' '' ; 

flitatioQs; but the connexion between thdt annexed lo 
that book, and the rest, I hope will be deemed a suffi- 
cient excuse. 

" His Dtemonologie.] This was printed at Ediu^ 
burgh, cum privil. reg. 4to. 1597. It is in form of a 
dialogue, divided into three books. The occasion and 
end of this piece, to do James justice, I shall give in 
his own words. "The fearful abounding (says he) at 
this time, in this country, of these detestable slaves of 

^ the devil, the witches or pnchauters, hath moved me, 
teloved reader, to dispatch in post tliis following 
treatise of mine, not in any wise (as I protest) to serve 
for a shew of my learning and ingene, but only (moved 
of conscience) to press thereby so far as I can, to re- 
•oive the doubling hearts of many; both that suclr 
assaults of Satan are most certainly practised, and 

. that the instrument thereof merits most severely to 
be punished, against the damnable opinions of two 

, principally in our age, whereof the one called Scot, 
an Englishman, is not ashamed iu public print to deny, 
that there can be such a thing as witchcraft; and so 
maintains the old errors of the Sadducees in denying of 

, apirits; the other called Wlerus, a German physiciao, 
lets out a public apology for all these crafts-folks, 
whereby, procuring for their impunity, he plainly be- 
wrays himself to huve been one of that profession. 
And for to make this treatise the more pleasant and 
facile, I have put it in form of a dialogue, which I 
have divided into three books ; the first speaking of 
magic in general, and necromancie in special : the 
secoad of sotcerie and witchcraft : and the third con- 

■ Preface to James'i Wutk'. 






tain! a discourse of all these kinds of spirits, mid 
spectres that appear and trouble persona: together 
with a conclusion of the whole work'." From this 
account 'tis plain James believed that there were 
witches, &C. and that they deserved a moat severe 
punishmeut. And afterwards he tell us, " that witches 
ought to be put to death according to the law of God, 
the civil and imperial law, and the municipal law of 
all Christian nations. Yea, he declares, that to spare 
the life, and not to strike when God bids strike, and 
BO severely punish in so odious a fault and treason 
against God, it is not only unlawful, but doubtless 
no less sin in the magistrate, nor it was in Saul's 
sparing Agag"." Yea, so zealous was he for punish- 
ing these poor wretches, that lie declares it to be his 
opinion "thatbarnes or wives, or never so defamed 
persons, may serve for sufficient witnesses against 
them'." But lest innocent persons should be accused, 
and suffer falsely, he tells us " there are two good helps 
that may be used for their trial; the one is the finding 
of their mark, and the trying the insensibleness thereof: 
the other is their fleeting on the water: for, aa in a 
secret murther, if the dead carkas be at any time 
thereafter handled by the murtberer, ii will gush out 
of blood, as if the blood were crying to the heaven 
for revenge of the murtberer : God having appointed 
that secret supernatural sign, for trial of that secret 
unnatural crime : so that it appears that God hath ap- 
pointed (for a supernatural sign of the monstrous im- 
piety of witches) that the water shall refuse to receive 
them in her bosom, that have shaken off them the 
sacred water of baptism, and wilfully refused the bene- 
fit thereof: no, not so much as their eyes are able to 

' Jamei'J Work", p 91. 

" Id. p, 134^ 

■ W. p. 135. 



■hed tears (tlireaten and torture them as you please) 
while first thej' repeat (God not permitting tliem to 
dissemble tlieir obstinacie iji so horrible a crimel. 
Albeit the women-kind especially, be able otherwise 
to shed tears at every liglit ocoaaioa when they will, 
yea, although it were dissembling like the crocodiles '." 
James, we see, was well qualified for a witch-finder; 
he knew their marks, and could discover ihein by 
swimming, and refraining tears. And acoordingly,he 
permitted persona to be executed who were found guilty 
thereof. In 1597, "there was a great business in the 
trial of witches; amongst others, one Margaret" Atkinsi 
being apprehended upon suspicion, and threatened 
with torture, did confess herself guilty. Being ex- 
amined concerning her associates in that trade, she 
named a few, and finding she gained credit, made offer 
to detect all of that sort, and to purge the country of 
them, so she might have her life granted. Por the 
reason of her knowledge, she said, that they had a 
secret mark, ail of that sort, in their eyes, whereby 
she could surely tell, how soon she looked upon any, 

(whether ihey were witches or not. In this she was so 
readily believed, that for the space of three or four 
months she was carried from town to town, to make 
discoveries in that kind. She accused many, and 
niany innocent women were put to death. In the end 
she was found to be a mere deceiver*"." And most of 
the winter of the year 1591, was spent in the discovery 
and examination of witches and sorcerers. " In this 
year the famous Agnes Samson (commonly called the 
wise wife of Keith) was examined,. who confessed she 
hada familiar spirit, who had no power over the king, 
said, as she took the words to be, il est komme de 


* James's Woilis, p. 13fi. 


FjbfcwV This speech, I doubt not, flattered James's 

r'Wntty, and made him the more stedfast in the belief 

. of the doctrine of wiichcs. For believe it, I suppose, 

I' he did, or otherwise he would not have passed such a 

[ Woody statute, formed out of compliment (as has been 

[i-well conjectured)" to him, by both houses of parlia- 

L iaent, soon after his accession to the English throne. 

■ By this statute it was enacted, "that if any person of 

eisoDG sball use, practise, or exercise any invocation, 

r conjuration of any evil and wiciied spirit, or shall 

■consult, covenant with, entertain, employ, feed or re- 

fward any evil and wicked spirit, to or for any intent 

Pdnd purpose: or take up any dead man, woman, or 

I child, out of his, her, or their grave, or any other 

place where the dead body resteth, or the skin, hone, 

' or any part of any dead person, to be employed or 

' used in any manner of witchcraft, «orcery, charm, or 

' inchaotment; or shall use, practise, or exercise any 

*icchcraft, inchantment, charm or sorcery, whereby 

any person shall be killed, destroyed, wasted, coii- 

»nmed, pined or lamed in his or her body, or any part 

thereof; that then every such offender nr offenders, 

- (heir aiders, abettors, and counsellors, being of any 

, the said offences duly and lawfully convicted and at- 

ainted, shall suffer pains of death as a felon or felons ; 

ind shall lose the privilege and benefit of clergy and 

■ sanctuary'." Upon this statute great numbers have 

been condemned and executed, to the reproach of 

common sense and humanity. And even great and 

good men have been the instruments hereby of con* 

demning miserable innocent creatures. 

A caution to law-makers this, not (in order to please 

• Spotswood, p. 381 '■ Hutchioioii'i Historiual Essay conccniinif 

Witchcraft, p. 18(1. Lond, 1118, Bvd. ' Stat, anno primo Jacob* 


a prince) to enact statutesj especially on the peaalty of 

death, unless upon the i 
For though the general 

<oIid, weighty reasons. — 


I then \ 

, that there 

were witches, am! that they did much hurt and damage, 
yet ought the parliament to have weighed well the 
foundation on which it was built, and the consequences 
of it. Whereas they took the opinion on trust, and 
enacted a most dreadful punishment for an imaginary 

crime. James tells us," that witches ought to be 

put to death, according to the municipal law of all 
Christian nations." He spoke as he knew; but had 
his learning been as universal as it was proclaimed, he .■ 
could not with truth have said so. For Dr. Hutebin- 
son assures us, that 'tis so far from being true, that all 
natious have always had such laws as ours, that he had 
some reason to doubt, whether any nation in the world 
hath, unless it be Scotland'. And with great pleasure 
1 find that there*' was a law in Ethiopia, which pro- 
hibited the people to believe that there is any such 
thing as witches; the belief whereof, they say, is 
founded upon the error of the Manichees, that there 
are two independent gods, a good one, and a bad 
one*." But I will leave this subject, after having ob- 
served that we have reason to be thankful to almighty 
God, and to acknowledge the wisdom and goodness 
of our government, for repealing the statute aforesaid, 
and " enacting, that no prosecution, suit, or proceeding 
shall be commenced, or carried on against any person 
or persons for witchcraft, sorcery, inchantment, or con- 
juration, in any court wtiatsoever in Great Britain'." 
This is a statute as much in honour to our legislators 

• Historical Discourse of Witchcraft, p 
''Geddes Church HisMiy of Ethiopia, i 
' Stat, anno aooo Georgii II. regis, c. f 
VOL. 1. E 







his Trew law of free monarchy'"; but espe- i 

cialiy his piece so highly extolled, entitled 

as any ever enacted, and will transmit their fame down, 
to posterity'; it being foanded on reason and justice, 
and productive of the safety of the people, whose 
welfare is the end of all government. I have said 
above, that I supposed James did believe the doctrine 
of witches. But, in justice to his character, I must 
here add, that after his being in England, liaving met 
with a number of forgeries and cheats, they wrought 
such an alteration upon his judgment, that at first he 
grew diffident of, and then flatly denied the workings, 
of witches and devils\ 

" His Trew law of free monarchy.] This was printed 
in September 1598, without his name. " The bent of 
it, says Calderwood, was directed against the course 
of God's work, in the refonnalion of our kirk, and 
elsewhere, as rebellious to kings'*." And it must be 
confessed, if the doctrine contained in this treatise is 
true, the Scotch and many other of the reformers, will 
with difliculty be cleared from rebellion. For he as- 
serts the regal power strongly ; allows resistance or 
disobedience to it upon no account whatsoever; and 
reflects on the " seditious preachers of whatsoever 
religion, either in Scotland or in France, that had 
busied themselves most to stir up rebellion under cloke 
of religion'." In short, he plainly saya, " the king is 
above the law, and that he is not bound thereto, but of 
his good will, and for good example-giving to his sub- 
jects*"." This is the doctrine contained in the law of 

• FuUer'i Church Hiat. cent. 17. book 10. p. T*. anil Osborn's Work!, 
p. 551. » Calderwood's Church Hist. p. MS. ' James's Works, 

1.198. "lip-aOS. 

JAMES I. 51 

BA2IAIKON AfiPON", for the use of liis 
son prince Henry ; which being published 

free monarchy, than wbicli notliing can be more vile 
and abominable. 

" BAIIAIKON AHPONJ This book U dedicated to 
his dearest son and natural successor, prince Henry. 
'Tia divided into three parts. " The first teachetb your 
duty towards God as a Christian ; the next yoar duty 
in your office as a king; and the third informeth you 
how to behave yourself in indifferent things, says he 
to the prince*. It was wrote for an exercise of his 
own ingenie and instruction of him, who, he hoped, 
was appointed of God to sit on bis tlirone after hint." 

" Seven copies only were permitted to be printed, 

the printer being first sworn to secresie; but, con- 
trary to his intention and expectation, the book was 
vented, and set fortli to public view"." This was in 
the year 1599- This book contains some tolerabla 
things, but int^mixed with strange passages; those 
relating to the clergy, whom he opprobriously terms 
puritans, L have had occasion before to mention': 
what follows, I think, is not less remarkable. " SufTes j 
not your princes and your parents to be dishonoured 
by any: the inlaming and making odious of the pa- ' 
rent, is the readiest way to bring the son into 

tempt. 1 never yet found a constant biding by 

me in all my streights, by any that were of perfil age 
in my parents days, hut only by such as- constantly , 
bode by them ; I mean, specially by them that servsd 
the queen my mother''." So that princes, even aftw , 
their death, are not to have much truth spoken coo-y 

' Works, p. 139. 

" Warki, p. I 


(though censured by the synod of St. An- 
drews) was well accepted in England, and 

ceming them, if they have children to reign afteij 
ihem; and all their tyrannies, oppressions, and ■* 
are to be buried in oblivion, or concealed at least from 
the eyes of the vulgar. What monstrous doctrine it- ' 
this.' how does it take off all awe and restraint from 
princes, and give them hope of reputation after deavtaj 
how ill soever they may beliave! How m 
sensible and judicious were the sentiments of the ? 
ttious and amiable " Queen Mary, who whei 
tions were once made before her, of the sharpness of 
some historians, who had left heavy imputations on 
the memory of some princes; answered, that if those 
princes were truly such, as the historians represented 
them, they had well deserved that treatment; and 
others who tread their steps might look for the same ; 
for truth would be told at last, and that with the more 
acrimony of style, for being so long restrained it was 
a gentle suffering (added she) to be exposed to the 
world in their true colours, much below what others 
liad suffered at their hands. She thouglit also that all 
sovereigns ought to read such histories as Procopius ; 
for how much soever he may have aggravated matters, 
and how unbecomingly soever he may have writ, yet 
by such books they might see what would be probably 
savd of themselves, when all terrors and restraints 
should fall off with their lives'." These reflections are 
solid and just, and could proceed only from a mind 
conscious of its jown innocency and integrity ; whereas 
the advice of James has the appearance of a sense of 

• limnet's EtMy on the Memoiy pf Queen Msiy, p. lis. ISmo, Lomi. 

JAMES I. 53 

raised nn admiration in all men's hearts, 
says Spotswood, of his piety and wisdom. 

guilt, and ilrcad of shame. But the praise of his 
motlier's servants, and the acknowledgment of their 
sinj^uJar fidelity to him is most amazing : for who were 
they bot most bigoted papists, and enemies to the 
reformation r who but they who justified her and 
defended her, even in the most iniquitous and shame- 
ful actions ? who were they hut men enemies to the 
constitution of Scotland, and foes lo law and liberty? 
'Tis no wonder, therefore, that the synod of St. An- 
drews took lire at a book containing these and like 
passages, and asked " what oensure should be inflicted 
upon him that had given such instructions to the 
prince, and if he could he thought well affected to 
religion, that delivered such precepts of govern- 
ment' f" These things being considered, I 

fancy the judicious reader will not think the judg- 
ment of the learned Gataker of this book much amiss ; 
which being contained in a piece very difficult to be 
got, I will transcribe at large, and with it conclude the 
note. " King James, a prince of more policy than 
puissance, while he was yet king of Scotland, penned, 
or owned'' at least, a book entituled Augov Bam^moir, 
which whoso shall advisedly read, though of no very 
sharp eye^sight or deep reach, yet may easily descry a 
design carried all along in it to ingratiate himself with 
the popish side, by commending the fidelity of his 
mother's servants, as to her, so to himself; with the 

' Spotswood, p. 4i6. 
'' Dr. Balcaoqual (who was at the 5ynod of Dort, 
BocheBter) is said to have helped king Jamcn Cu wri 
Jouraej tlirousb Scotland, p> TO. 

Certain 'lis, adds the same writer, that all 
the discourses that came fortii at that time 
for maintaining his right to the crown of 
England, prevailed nothing so much as did 
this treatise. 

prelatical party, bj' giving them hope of continuing 
that government that he should find here established; 
with the common people, by allowing them their may- 
games, and the like sports; only he had bitterly ex- 
pressed himself in high terms against the poor puri- 
tans, whom he least feared, and deemed generally 
disaffected by those other three parties. Howbeit, 
when tl e time drew near of queen Elizabeth's de- 
parture, that his quiet coming in might not meet with 
any disturbance from that party, he prefixed a preface 
lo his book then reprinted, wherein on his honour he 
protesteth, that by the name of puritans he meant not 
all preachers in general, or others, that misliked the 
ceremonies as badges of popery, and the episcopacie 
as smelling of a papal supremacie, but did equally love 
the learned and grave on either side; intended only 
such brainsick and heady preachers, that lesmed too 
much to their own dreams, contemned all authority, 
counted all profane that would not s\?ear to all their 
fantasies*." The reader will be pleased to compare 
this with what James says, note 12, of his having writ- 
ten a long apologetick preface to the second edition of 
this book, only in odium puritanoriim, and then judge 
what stress is to be laid on his word. 

' Thorn 3E Gataker, B. D. liis Vindication of his AnnMationB, againet 
the sciirriloui Aspersions of Uiat grand ItupcMDr Mr. WitUlSl lilfie, p. 15. 
Me. Lond. m53. ' ' • '" - ' -ii'' 

JAMES 1. 55 

■However, James was not so much taken 

up with these matters, as to neglect making 

interest with the great men at the Englisli 

court'", to secure to him the right of suc- 

" James was not so much tjiken up wilh these 
matters, as to neglect malting iDter^st wilh the great 
men at the English court,} " He was careful, says 
Burnet, to secure to himself the body of the English 
nation. Cecil, afterwards earl of Salisbury, secretary 
toqueeti Elizabeth, entered iato a particular confidence 
wilh him ; anti this was mauaged by his ambassador 
Bruce, who carried the matter with such address and 
secrecy, that all the great men of England, without 
knowing of one another's doing it, and without the 
queea suspecting any thiug concerning it, signed 
in writing an engagement to assert and staad by the 
king of Scots right of succession*." A pleasant story > 
or two ft-om Sir Henry Wotton, whose testimony in 
this affair is indisputable, will convince us of the pro- 
bability of what Burnet has here asserted, and confirm 
the truth of the text. 

" There were in court [queen Elizabeth's] two names 
of power, and almost of ikction, ihe Essexian and the 
Cecihan, with their adherents, both well enough enjoy- 
ing the present, and yet both looking to the future, 
and therefore both holding correspondency with some i 
of the principal in Scotland, nnd had received adver- 1 
tisements and instructions, either from them, or imu 
diately from the king. But lest they might detect one 
another, this was mysteriously carried by several in- 
struments and conducts, and on the Essexian side, in 
truth with iniinite hazard ; for Sir Kobert Cecil, who 


ceeding Elizabeth, in which he was success- 
ful, as the event shewed ; though how wise. 

(as secretary of state) did dispose the public addressee 
had prompter and safer conveyance ; whereupon lean- 
not but relate a memorable passage on either party, as 
the story folloiving shall declare. The earl of Essex 
had accomiiiodated master Anthony Bacon in a parti- 
tion of his house, and bad asBigned him a noble enter- 
tainment. This was a gentleman of impotent feet, but 
a nimble head, and through his hand ran all the intel- 
ligences with Scotland, who being of a provident na- 
ture (contrary to his brother the lord viaeount St. 
Albans) and well knowing the advantage of a dan- 
gerous secret, would many times cunningly let fall 
some words, as if he could much amend his fortunes 
under the Cecitians, (to whom he was near of alliance 
and in blood also) and who had made (as he was not 
unwilling should be believed) sume great proffers to 
win him away; which once or twice he pressed so far, 
and with siioh tokens and signs of apparent discontent 
to my lord Henry Howard, afterwards earl of North- 
ampton, (who was of the party, and stood himself in 
much umbrage with the queen) that he flies presently 
to my lord of Essex (with whom he was commonly 
prime admimonU, by his bed-side in the morning) and 
tells him, that unless that gentleman were presently 
satisfied with some round sum, all would be vented. 
This toiik the earl at that time ill provided (as indeed 
OTtentimes his coftera were low) whereupon he was fain 
suddenly to give him Essex house, which the good old 
lady W alsingham did afterwards disengage out of her 
own store with 2300 pounds: and before he had dis- 
tilled 1500 pounds at another time by the same skill. 


or rather honest, those were who admitted 

So as we may rate this one secret, as it was finely car- 
ried, at 4000 pounds in present money, besides at the 
least a 1000 pounds of annual pension to a private and 
bed-rid gentleman : what would he have gotten if he 
could have gone about his own businesb i There was 
another accident of the same nature on the Cecilian 
side, much more pleasant but less chargeable, for it 
cost nothing but wit. The queen having for a good 
while not heard any thing from Scotland, and being 
thirsty of news, it fell out that her majesty going to 
take the air towards the heath (the court being then at 
Greenwich) and master secretary Cecil then attending 
her, a post came crossing by, dnd blew his horn ; the 
queen out of curiosity asked him from whence the 
dispatch came; and being answered from Scotland, 
she stops the coach, and calleth for the packet. The 
secretary, though he knew there were in it some let- 
ters from his correspondents, which to discover were 
as so many serpents ; yet made more shew of diligence 
than of doubt to obey ; and asks some that stood by 
(forsooth in grieat haste) for a knife to cut up the 
packet (for otherwise perhaps he might have awaked 
a little apprehenBion) but in the mean time approach- 
ing with dke packet in his hand, at a pretty distance 
from thequeeDf betelleth her, it looked and smelled 
ill favoiR^yi icdming out of a filthy budget, and that 
it should be fit first to open and air it, because be knew 
she was averse from ill scents. And so being dismissed 
home, he got leisure by this seasonable shift, to sever 
what he would not have seen'." 

* Rfiliqaia WottonianflB, p. 168. Std. Lond. 1673. See also Birch's 
Introdoction to bis Historical 1^0*, p. SI. 



him without any limitations, or restric- 
tions, is not over difticult to guess" 

»** How wise, or rather how honest, those were whi 
admitted him wtthoiil any limitations, or restrictions, 
is not over difficult to guess.] No time can be so 
proper tor a people to claim their just rights and pri- 
vileges, and curb the legiil power within proper bounds, 
as the accession of a stranger king, who, it may natu- 
rally be supposed, at such a time will do any thing rea- 
sonable, rather than disgust those whom he is about to 
rule over, or impede his own advancemeut; foi' the de- 
sire of rule is so very natural, that few will stand upon 
trifles in order to enjoy it; nor will any refuse to gr^nt 
the just conditions of it. A people, therefore, when 
about to place a foreign prince on the throne, ought 
well to consider what grievances they have labouied 
under, what exorbitances have been committed, and 
what restrictions of the regal power, prone always to 
extend itself, aie necessary, in order to secure the hap- 
piness of the society. By these considerations proper 
laws might be formed, which will be as a rule to a 
prince how to behave, and restrain him within the 
bounds of equity. Nor will the most ambitious 
prince, who has a regard to his own satety, dare 
break through what he has consented to, as the terras 
of his admission. And therefore the lords and com- 
mons, February 13, 1GS8, with great wisdom presented 
to the then prince and princess of Orange, a declara- 
tion of the rights and liberties of the subject, previous 
to the setting the crown on their heads; the several 
articles of which they " claimed, demanded, and in- 
sisted upon as their undoubted rights and privileges; 
and it was declared and enacted, that all and sinsrular 


zabeth, after having reigned with the highest 
glory more than forty-four years, at length 

the rights and privileges asserted and claimed in the 
said declaration^ are the true, antient, and undubitable 
rights and liberties of the people of this kingdom, and 
so shall be esteemed, allowed, adjudged, deemed and 
taken to be; and that all and every the particulars 
therein contained, shall be firmly and strictly holden 
and observed ; and all officers and ministers whatso- 
ever, shall serve their majesties and their successors, 
according to the same in all times to come*." Antf 
the event shewed how wisely this was enacted ; for it 
produced a reign most happy to the subject, and laid 
a foundation for all the blessings we now enjoy. Bat 
when the death of the duke of Gloucester^ rendered it 
necessary to provide for the succession to the crown, 
in order to prevent all imaginable inconveniencies, it 
was thought proper still farther to pass an Act for the 
better securing the rights and liberties of the subject; 
and accordingly many excellent conditions were laid 
down on which the stranger prince was to succeed ^ 
I call them excellent conditions, though Burnet tells 
us, '^ King William was not pleased with them, Bup- 
posing they implied a reflection on him and his ad- 
ministration "^.'^ Tis not improbable the knowledge of 
the persons who proposed these conditions, and the 
opposition he had many times undeservedly met with 
from them, might make that truly good prince have 
no favourable opinion of this act enacted by them. 


* Vid. Stat SesB. aeemid. anno primo Gulidmi & Harts, cap. S. per 
totum. ^ July 30, 1700. ^ Statutes anno duodecimo & decimo 

tertio Gnlielmi III. regis, c 2. sect 3. * Burnet, vol. V. p. 523. 


submitted to the stroke of death, March 24, 

l603, in the seventieth year of her age, and 

But, whatever were the motives of the framers of this 
act, I think all iinpaitlal persons must allow that it 
was a good one in i tself, productive of much happiness 
to these kingdoms. Every particular I approve not, 
but, in general, highly applaud it. 

These were instances of wisdom, prudence and dis- 
crelion, and as such ihey will be admired and praised 

through all generations. But James had no li- 

mttations or restrictions laid on him ; he without any 
a^emooy was proclaimed king, and by that title 
thought he had a right to do as he pleased. What- 
ever had been done by the prerogative royal in afore- 
times, whatever the most enterprizing princes had 
attempted on the liberties of the subject, he had 
liberty to do likewise; and accordingly exerted him- 
self in a very extraordinary manner, as 1 shall hereafter 
shew. Whereas had he been tied up, whatever had 
been his weakness, whatever bis depravity of heart, he 
could have done but little mischief; and the miseries 
brought on Uie people by his successoi^s, might have 
been prevented. This Sir Walter Raleigh, Lord Cob- 
ham, Sir John Portescue, &c. were sensible of, and 
therefore desired he might be obliged to articles ; but 
Cecil, Northumberland, and others over-ruled them, 
and permitted him to eiiter uncontronled ', 

To these men then, the nation in a good part owed 
the calamities it suffered from the Stuart race. They 
might eaBUy b^ve prevented them, but they would 
not attempt i|; clQUbtless hoping hei-sby to make their 




thereby made wiiy for James, to the incre- 
dible joy of his Scottish subjects, and to 
the no less pleasure of his English ones, 
who in such crouds hastened to sec him, 
that hb issuetl out a proclamation against 
their thronging about liim. 

In his coming to London he displayed 
something of his arbitrary disposition, by 
ordering* a cutpurse to be hanged without 
any legal process ; as quickly afterwards 
he did his revenge on one "'Valentine Tlio- 

court to James, and enjoy liis favour, from whence 
what they wished tor must flow. Wretched meanness 
of spirit this! inexcusable disregard for the public! 
'Tig allowable for ministers to avail themselves of their 
own services, and their prince's favour; but the man 
who sacrifices the interest of his country, or neglects 
taking those steps which are necessary to establish its 
happiness, when he has it in his power, deserves to be 
treated with hatred and contempt, let his abilities Jbe 
ever so great. The good of the people is the supreme 
law. By this the actions of all ministers are to be 
tried, and he, who, to please a prince or obtain wealth 
and honour for himself, shall act inconsistent there- 
with, merits the highest punlsliments; for he must be 
lost to liberty, virtue, and his country. 

" Valentine Thomas, Stc] " In the year 1598, tliis 
man being in custody for theft, charged the Scots 
king with ill designs against the queen. But her ma- 

' Coke's Detection, vol. r. p. 5. Bvo. Lond, 16<>6. 



mas, who had many years before accused 
him of having ill designs against Elizabeth; 

jesty (says secretary Cecil, in a letter to Mr. Ed- 
mondes) deferred his arraignment, and suppresseth the 
matter, to avoid offence to the king of Scots, who hath 
very vehemently denied it with detestation. The king 
of Scots had wrote to the queen on the 30th of July 
1598, upon this affair, in these terms : 'iny suit only is, 
that, while ye hear further from me (which shall be 
with all diligence) ye would favour mc so far as to 
delay the fellow's execution, if he be jet alive, to the 
effect, that by some honourable means, whereiii I am 
to deal with you, my undeserved slander may be re- 
moved from the minds of men." The queen, on the 
other hand, sent instnictions to Sir WiUlam Bowes, 
her embassador at Ediuburtjh, to assure king James, 
that she had stayed Thomas's arraignment, and would 
do so as long as the king should give no canse to the 
contrary,— — -But that king kept a severe memory 
of the accusation cast upon him by Valentine Thomas ; 
and upon his accession to the crown of England, and 
within a month after his arrival in London, in the be- 
ginning of Jwne 1603, ordered him to be brought to 
hia trial and executed*." This every one will easily 
see was revenge, and a very mean revenge too. Afier 
five yeai^s to take away a fellow's life for an accusation 
against himself, (for that 'tis easily seen was the cause, 
though the former theft was the pretence) could pro- 
ceed from nothing but so cowardly a principle. I say 
cowardly ; for James himself tells us, " rancor and re- 
raige proceeds from baseness and want of courage in 

JAMES I. 63 

hereby making good tlie observation that 
cowards never forgive. 

He was attended by great numbers of 
Scots in his coming into England, who 

men^ and even amongst beasts and creeping things, it 
proceeds of a defect and want of courage in them. 

And it is a known and undeniable truths , that 

cowards are much more cruel and vindictive than qiMi 
of courage are : for a coward can never enough secure 
himself of his enemy ; insomuch as when he is lying 
dead at his feet, he is yet afraid*." Never was the trudi 
of this doctrine better exemplified than in the execu- 
tion of Thomas ; and therefore I had reason to say, 
that James thereby made good the observation, that 

cowards never forgive. How much more amiable 

ia tl^ character of those princes who have forgot, on 
their accession to the throne, personal injuries i how 
deservedly famous is the saying of Lewis XII. . of 
France, in answer to those who would have perspa4iB4 
jiim to shew severity to La Tremouille : '^ God,.forlM^ 
that Lewis XII. should revenge the quarrels of thf 
duke of Orleans^." This was truly great and mag^f^ 
nimous. But James*s conduct was wholly mean, and 
betrayed the poorness of his soul. 

— — Quippe minoti 

Semper & infinni est animi exigaique voluptas 



— — > Revenge, which still we find 

The weakest frailty of a feeble mind. Ciebch. 

* King James's Works, p. 587. " See Bolingbroke's Letters od 

the Spirit of Patriotism, p. 848. 8?o. Ijond. 1749. * Juveni^, Sot. 

13. V. 189. 



were advanced to great hoiiovirs*', and shar- 

" He was attended by a large number of Scots, who 
were advanced to great honours.] " The persons who 
attended hira were the duke of Lennox, the earls of 
Marr, Murray, and Argile, the lord Hume, Sir George 
Hume, Mr. James Elphinston, Sir David Murray, Sir 
Robert Ker, with the ordinary gentlemen of the cham- 
ber, besides several of the clergy '." But besides these, 
there were a great multitude who came in with him, 
and reaped the benefit of his favour. Lennox, Marr, 
Hume, and Elphinstone were made privy counsellors 
of England, and many of the Scots became afterwards 
adorned with some of the highest English titles. Sir 
Robert Ker* was advanced to the earldom of Somerset, 
Lennox was made duke of Richmond, Esrae Stuart, 
his youager brother was created earl of March, the 
marquis of Hamilton earl of Cambridge, Sir John 
Ramsey viscount Haddington of Scotland, earl of Hol- 
derness, and James Hay earl of Carlisle"^. Nor were 
they bare honours which the Scots got, for they had 
also large lucrative posts, and uncommon donations, as 
will appear bye and bye. So that there seems some 
reason for the following lines of a satyrical writer, 
though they are much too severe. 

" Tlie ° royal braiicli from Pictlaocl did sacoeed, 
With troops of Scota and scabi from north by Tweed. 

The seven fltst years o 

D EaglisbmeTi. 

' Spotswood, p. *T. 

JAMES I. 6« 

"rgely in his bounty, at the expence and •, 
much to the regret of the Enghsh nation **, 

Thick ai the loauits which in Egypt sworm'd, 
^L* With pride Bud hungry hopes TOmpkiely arm'd ; 

''^* With native truth, diaeaspi, nnti no money, 

Pluuder'd our Canaau of the milk ami honey. 

Here they grew quickly lords and Eentlemen, 

And all their racu are true-bom Engli»hiQen"." 

Had there been then an tinion of the two kingdoms, thia 
had doubtless been good policy ; but as there was not^ 
these promotions could serve no other end, but to cre- 
ate jealousies among the English, and excite com- 
plaints. For why should men of another country have 
the power of legislation f why should they whose pro- 
perty lay elsewhere, and whose connexions were at a 
distance, have a power of enacting laws which they 
themselves might easily get out of the reach of, and 
their families be wholly free from? But such was the 
will oFJames, who, though he seldom considered him- 
self, cared nf>t to be counselled, and therefore general- 
ly acted unwisely. 

** Shared largely in bis bounty, at the expence and 
much to the regret of the English.] Osborn observes, 
that the " exactions rose on the English were spent 
upon the Scots, by whom nothing was unasked, and 
to whom nothing was denied; who for want of honest 
traffic did extract gold out of the faults of the English, 
whose pardons they begged, and sold at intolerable 
rates, murther itself noi being excepted*"." The same 
writer tells us, " that the earl of Dunbar swallowed at 
one gulp, together with the chancellorship of the ex- 
chequer, all the standing wardrobe, wherein were more 


to whom it 16, with some good 


jewels, pearl, rich robes, and princely apparel, than 
ever any king of Scotland (if all of them put together) 
could call his own before ; all which 1 have since heard 
rated by the officers at an incredible sum, whose ser- 
did use to shew them for money, it appearing 
none of the least rarities in London before this great 
disaolution*." Lord Clarendon assures us, "that 
James Hay, earl of Carlisle, spent in a very jovial life, 
above four hundred thousand pounds, which, upon a 

strict calculation, he received from the crown ''." 

Robert Ker, earl of Somerset, had such vast favours 
bestowed upon him, that even at the time of his fall, 
his estate was rated to the crown at three hundred 
thousand poundsV And Sir John Ramsay, when 
made a viscount, had a thousand pounds land given 
him to support the title''. Again, saya Osborn, " the 
Scots bong on James like horse-leeches, till they could 
get no more, falling then off by retiring into their own 
country, or living at ease, leaving all chargeable at- 
tendance on the English^." This is likewise confirm- 
ed by Frankland. Tlie king's gifts in lands to the 
Scots, unthankfully and unfittingly, they sold (says he) 
conveying that treasure into Scotland ^ These pas- 
sages sufficiently shew how much of the wealth of 
England was bestowed on the Scots, and how much 
cause the English had to be displeased at it; for there 
was not one of these men that was any way useful to 
the English nation, though Dunbar and Carlisle were 
men of great abilities ; and tlierefore there could be no 

•Osborn'i Worki, p- 516. * Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, 

»ol. I. p. 62. 8to, Oifbrd, 1713. ' Olboni, p. 517. ' Winwood'i 

Memorial, vol. II. p. SI7, " Oiboni, p. S38. ^Annals of 

Kiof James, p. 10. Lond. 1681. fbl. 

JAMES I. 67 

probability, said, that they - behaved with 
much rudeness and insolency **. 

cause for these excessive donations. ^The king him- 
self was sensible that his liberality to the Scots was very 
distasting, and therefore apologizes for it in a speech 
to the parliament, and promises for the future to be 
more sparing. Let us hear his words. " Had I been 
over-sparing to them, they might have thought Joseph 
had forgotten his brethren, or that the king had been 
drunk with his new kingdom. If I did respect the 

English when I came first,' what might the Scottish 

have justly said, if I had not in some measure dealt 
bountifully with them that so long had served me, so 
far adventured themselves with me, and been so faith- 
ful to me ? Such particular persons of the Scottish 

nation, as might claim any extraordinary merit at my 
hands, I have already reasonably rewarded ; and I can 
assure you, that there is none left whom for I mean ex- 
traordinary to strain myself further*.'* iThis was spo- 
ken Anno 1607, a little before his majesty received 
Ker as a favourite, and heaped on him such immense 
treasures and large possessions as I have just mentioned. 
Well therefore might the English grumble, despise the 
king, and hate his countrymen, by whom they were 
thus fleeced. 

*' To whom they behaved with much rudeness and 
insolency.] " This is attested by the following homel^ 
lines, which were every where posted. 

" Tliey b«g oiir lands, our goods, our liTes, 
They switch our nobles, and lie with their wifoj 
They pinch our gentry, and sepd for our benchers ; 
They stab our sergeants, and pistol our fencers." 

^ King James's Works, p. 515. See also p. 54C. 


However the English were not neglected 
rhy James, for on them also he heaped ho- 

Mr. Osborn has explained these in a very entertain- 
ing manner, to whose works 1 refer the inquisitive 

reader'. Notcoutented to drain the kingdom of its 

wealth, and snatch its honours, tbey moreover claimed 
precedency of the English nobility of the same rank. 

" At a supper madeby the lady Elizabeth Hatton, 

there grew a question between the earls of Arijile and 
Pembroke, about place, which the Scot maintained to 
be his by seniority, as being now become all Britona : 
at which our nobility began to startle V And no 
wonder, for whatever might be the antiquity of many 
of the Scotch nobility, on which probably they valued 
tbemseWes; yet that could entitle them to no place in 
England, any farther than what courtesy and civility 
might require. To set up a claim of right to superio- 
rity by reason of it, could be looked on as nothing but 
an insult, and as such, doubtless, was resented. In- 
deed the Scots seemed so unabie to bear their good 
fortune, and the English were so provoked at their in- 
solent behaviour, that it was almost a miracle it bad not 
issued in torrents of blood ".— — -A lesson this to princes 
not to be too bountiful to persons used to low circum- 
stances; seeing it will only tend to inspire them with 
pride and haughtiness, and excite envy and contempt in 
8tanders-by; much more not to enrich aliens at the 
expence of the natives, and cause them to lift too high 
their heads. There may indeed be exceptions to this 
rule, as when distinguished merit and great abilities are 
possessed, and these exerted for the good of a coun- 



* Osborn, p. ^04. p. 4S3 of the edllion in 1 fiSS. 
Memoriib, voL lit. p. 117. ' See Oibom, p. i95. 

■ Winwgod's 



JAMES I. 09 

noui's iu abundance'"; and 'tis certain. 

try; but where these are not, or not in a most eminent 
degree, it is weakness and imprudence to heap favours, 
which will not fail to hringoncomplaiuts, uneastnesseB, 
and distresses on the conferrors. 

** Honours in abundance were heaped on the Eng- 
lish also.] James in his speech to the parliament, 
Anno 1609, owns that they saw him at his entrance 
into England, "make knights by hundrcths, and ba- 
rons in great number'," This acconnt is not beyond 
the truth. For Sir llich.ird Baker, who had the honour 
of knighthood from him at that time, tells us, that 
" before his first year went about, he made God {{nows 
how many hundred knights"." And if a certain author 
is to be credited, in the two first years of James's reign, . 
no less than one thousand twenty-two knigbis were 
made by him'. A prodigious number this! and such 
as almost exceeds belief. But the authorities already 
quoted in this remark, may possibly reconcile us unto 
it. For when knights were made by hundreds, a large 
sum total must run up in a comparatively short space 

of time. But James contented not himself with 

dubbing knights; he made barons also, and enlarged * 
the peerage to a great degree. In the first year of his 
reign he made four earls and nine barons, among whom 
were Henry Howard, created earl of Norlhamptun, . 
lliomas Howard earl of Sufiulk, and the famous Sir 
Kobcn Cecil, lord Cecil, afterwards earl of Salisbury. 
These were persona who had dexterity enough to insi- 
nuate themselves into James's favour, and obtain al- 
most whatever they had a-mind to, for themselves or 

• King Jamcc's Works, p. 543. '' BakeHi Cbronicle, p. 4n3. 

'Vid.OilKirn'RC»tBli>BueottJie library of Webb, jcc ]i, CIC. 176U 


tliat a great many particular persons obtain- 
ed great wealth, and large possessions from 

dependants; these were the persons who transacted 
most of the business of state during their lives, and 
reaped very great rewards by reason of it, as will 
soon appear. So that though James was lavish of his 
honours on his own countrj'men, the English could not 
say they were slighted ; for be created so great a num- 
ber of them peers, that, with the Scots already mention- 
ed, no less than 60. were added to that illustrious body 
by him*. This occasioned a " pasquil to be pasted 
up in St. Paul's, wherein was pretended an art to help 
Weak memories to a competent knowledge of the names 
of the nobility *." Had these great dignities been 
conferred only on the deserving, there would have been 
little room for complaint. But '* the honours James 
bestowed were in so lavish a manner, and with so 
little distinction, that they ceased in some sense to be 
honours *^.^ ^This was higbl}' injurious to the charac- 
ter of the conferror, and a contempt cast on those 
whose birth and great virtues intitled them to such dis- 
tinctions. It shewed a want of Judgment in James, 
and tended to take off that reverence which ought to 
be kept up in the minds of the people towards the 
English nobility. For what must men think of the 
Understanding of that prince, who could place among 
the great council of the nation, John Villiers, Christo- 
pher Villiers, and Lyonel Crafifield f In how contempti- 
ble a light must the peerage be viewed by those who 
knew that these men had no pretence to such an ho- 

• Torbuck's Parliamentary Debates, vol. VII. p. 135. Svo. Jjond, 1741. 
*• Wilion, p. 7. ' Remarks on the History of England, by Humphrey 

QhlcasUe, Esqj p. d35. 8vo, Lond. 1743. 


JAMES I. 71 

him '% to the impoveriEdiing of the crown, 

Dour, but as related to George Villiers, the insolent 
prime minister? 'Twere to be wished that the great- 
est care at all times was tatcen not to debase so illu^ 
trious an order of men by undeserved creations, and 
that nothing but real merit was the occasion of them. 
Then would the prince be applauded, the dignity of the 
peers be preserved, and all due deference paid to their 
decisioQB. But when it is known publicklj, that und& 
serving men are advanced to this devated rank in order 
to serve a party or please a favourite, then do men mur- 
mur at the crown, and pay tittle respect to those thus 
distinguished by it. For the public will judge of per- 
sons as they are) titles and coronets cannot bias ita 
judgment, or cause it to applaud the ignorant or un- 

*' Many persons obtained great wealth, and large 
possessions from him.] " They that then lived at 
court, and were curious observers of every man's ac- 
tions, could have afifirmed that Salisbury, Suffolk, and 
Northampton, and their friends, did get more than the 

whole nation of Scotland (Dunbar excepted). All 

the Scots in generaJt«carce got the ty the of those English 
getters, that can 'lie satd did stick by them, or their 
posterity. Besides Salisbury had one trick to get the 
kernel, and leave l;he Scots but the shell, yet cast all the 
envy upon them; he would make them buy books of 
fee-farms, some one liundred pounds per annum, some 
one hundred marks, and he would compound with them 
for a thousand pounds, which they were' willing to em- 
brace, because they were sure to have them pass with- 
out any controul or cliOr^e, and one thousand pounds 
appeared to them that never saw ten pounds before, an 
inexhaustible treasure; then would Salisbury fill up 


and the reducing hiutself in a few years to 

gi"eat want. He soon shewed his gratitude 

this book with such prime land as should be worth ten 
or twenty thousand pounds, which was easy for him, 
bciag treasurer, so to do; and by this means Salisbury 
enriched himself infinitely, yet cast the envy on the 
Scots, in whose names these hooks appeared, and are 
still upon record to all posterity; though Salisbury 
had the honey, they, poor gentlemen, but part of the 
wax*." — WilsoQ tells us, " that James being one day 
in his gallery at Whitehall, and none with him but Sir 
Henry Kich (afterwards earl of Holland) and James 
Maxwell, some porters past by them, with three thou- 
sand pounds going to the privy purse: Rich whis- 
pering Maxivell, the king turned upon them, and 
asked Maxwell what says he? what says be? Maxwell 
told him, he wished he had so much money; Marry 
shalt thou Harry (saith the king) and presently com- 
manded the porters to carry it to Iiis lodging, with this 
expression, you think now you have a great purchase, 
hut I am more delighted to think how much I have 
pteasui-cd you in giving this money, than you can be 
in receiving it*." And Sir Philip Herbert (afterwards 
earl of Pembroke) on his marriage with the lady Susan 
Vcre, had a gift of the king of 50Oi. land for the bride's 
jointure', — In short, James himself assures us, " that 
he had dealt twice as much amongst the Englishmen 

as he had done to Scolisfamen''." The truth is, those 

of the Enghsh who had the king's ear, and could fall 

' Sir Anlbony Weldon"* Court ond Cliaraoler uf King Jaiuci.p, 54, J5. 
I^mo. Loud. J651. See also Ralelj^h'; Woikt, vol. 1, p. QUI. 8vu. Lui.d 
1751. ' Wilson, p. TG. ' Winwood, vol. II. 4. 43. "King 

James's WoikB. p. 542, ^ • ■ 

JAMES I. 73 

to Elizabeth for the crown she had left 
him, by permitting no one to appear in 
mourning for her ** before him, and even 

readily into his humours, and contribute to his plea* . 
sures and amusements, were sure of being enriched by 
him. The true courtier in this reign had a good time 
of it, for James was thoughtless ^nd inconsiderate, and 
never knew the value of money till he was in want of 
it. But merit, as such, was always neglected or over- 
looked by him ; he knew it not, or regarded it not, but 
preferred his flatterers to all others. 

*^ lie shewed his gratitude to Elizabeth, by permit-, 
ting no one to appear in mourning for her before him.] 
For this curious particular we are indebted to the duke 
of Sully, whose account cannot but be looked on as 
most authentic. ** One part of the orders I had given, 
(says he, speaking of his English embassage) in regard 
to the ceremony of my audience, was, that all my re- 
tinue shall appear in mourning ; whereby I should ex- 
ecute the first part of my commission, which consisted 
in complimenting the new king on the death of Eliza- 
beth ; though 1 had been informed at Calais, that no 
one, whether ambassador, foreign or English, was ad- 
mitted into the presence of the new king in black : and 
Beaumont (the f'rench resident) had since represented 
to me, that what I intended would most certainly be 
highly disagreeable to the courts where so strong an 
affectation prevailed to obliterate the memory of that 
great queen, that she was never spoke of, and even the 
mention of her name industriously avoided. I should 
have been very glad not to have been sensible of the 
necessity under which I was of appearing in a garb, 


leaking himself not only without gratitudet 

'hich would seem to cost a reproacli on the king and 
1 England; but my orders were herenpon positive, 
it to mention that tliey were aUo most laudable: and 
lis was the reason 1 paid no regard to Beaumont, 
4^0 intreatedmeto deferputling myself to thisirouble 
4iQd espence, till he had wrote about it to Erskiue, and 
some others, who were best acquainted with the court 
ceremonial. He wrote accordingly, but received no 
answer on Thursday, Friday, nor even all day on Sutur- 
~iy; and I still persisted iu my resolution, notwilh- 
nding the reasons whitU he continually gave me to 
le contrary. On Saturday night, which was theeven- 
ig of the day preceding my audience, and so late that 
was in bed, Beaumont came to tell me, that Erekine 
;d sent to acquaint him, that the whole court consi- 
[ered my inientiuii as a premeditated aflVont ; and that 
o offended the king by it, that nothing could 
Lore effectually prevent the success of my negotiation 
'vn its very commencement. This information agree- 
ig with that of my lord Sidney, &c. il was impossi- 
ile for me to be in doubt about it; and through fear 
lest a greater e\il might ensue, I caused all my recinne 
to change their apparel, and provide themselves other* 
S9 well as they could. Leukoner (master of the cere- 
monies) being come the next morning to inform me, 
that I should be presented to the king at three o'clock 
the afternoon; I perceivefl from the satisfaction 
,ich he expressed at the new orders which 1 had 
;jven, that it was indispensably necessary to vanquish 
tay repugnance: nevertheless, it publicly gaintd me 
as much honour as if I had persisted in it throughout, 
iHicanse none were igDoouDt I had complied oulj 

JAMES 1. 76 

respect, or regard of her ; but also with 
contempt, to the amazement of standers- 

through absolute necessity */' I make no apology for 
the length of this quotation ; readers of taste will be 
glad to find it here, and wiH not fail of remarking on 
the unaccountable ingratitude and weakness of James. 
His obligations to Elizabeth were great; she had sup- 
plied him constantly with money when in Scotland^ 
and though she had a power, with consent of parlia^ 
ment, she gave not away the crown of England from 
him ; on her death-bed she declared him her heir, and 
in consequence thereof he took peaceable possessiou 
of the throne. Ought he not then to have retained a 
respect for her memory, and treated her name with ho* 
aour ? should he not have owned his obligations, and 
celebrated her fame ? should he have forbid his sub- 
jects mourning for the loss of so excellent a princess, 
or refused compliments of condolence from foreignera 
on the account of it ? What ! should the memory of such 
a princess be obliterated in a few months, even in her 
own court, and the glory of all her great actions be for- 
gotten i Must her humbling Spain, her supporting the 
protestant interest abroad, and establishing it at bomej 
her attention to the national interest and. bonour> anld 
raising the English crown to be the envy and admiration 
of Europe; must these be unspoken, uncelebrated? 
such was the intention of James. But posterity more 
grateful, more just than that court, has mentioned her 
name with honour, and sounded forth the glories of 
her reign. To resemble her has been thought honour- 
able to princes, and her government has been set forth 
as a model for their imitation. — So that envy, igno- 

* SuU/s Memoirs, voL IL p. 19. 



by *'. He was excessively addicted to case 

Tance, spile, revenge and malice, with their united 
foree, avail litile against the rcputaiioiis founded on' 
great and beneficent actions; and the true hero, the 
patriot prince, may despise their efforts, and rest se- 
cure that in the annals of after-ages, their characters 
shall shine with the greatest lustre, and their actions 
be celebrated as they deserve. A noble motive this to 
generous miuds to pursue the public good with ear- 
nestness! and a motive, whicli, if well considered, will 
cause them to be unwearied, and persevering in the 

'* He spoke with eonlempt of her.] Sully giving 
an account of his first audience at court, tells us, that 
after James had spoken several things to him, " the 
lute ciueen (Elizabeth) was mentioned, hut without one 
word in her praise V In another conversation he had 
with the king, he observes, " that an opportunity pre- 
senting for the king to speali of the late queen of Eng- 
land, he did it, and to my great regret, adds he, with 
some sort of contempt. He even went so far as to say, 
that in Scotland, long before the death of that prin- 
cess, he had directed her whole council, and governed 
all herministeis, by whom he had been better served 
and obeyed than her"." 1 doubt not Sully smiled in- 
wardly at the vanity of James, and heartily detesied 
his baseness with regard to the memory of Elizabeth; 
for no one better knew her worth than this ambassador, 
set a greater value on it. AVith what indigna- 
tion tlieu may wc suppose him tilled, when he heard 
her name thus U'CiUed by her successor? and what a 

•Sully, vol. n.p. 26. 

JAMES I. y: 

pleasure '% and indulged himself iu 

despicable opinion must he entertalti of him? but he 
suppressed his sentiments on this head, and set himself 
to please him, of whom 'tis plain from his memorials, 
he had but a poor opinion. 1 sliail only add here, that 
the highest merit cannot escape the tongues of tht; 
ignorant and malicious, though, for the most pari, it is 
unhurt by them. 

^° He was excessively ^iven to ease and pleasure.] 
Sully relates, that " James (luiited the company to go 
to bed, where he usually passed part of the afternoon, 

sometimes the whole of it '." " .And hia thoughts 

were intent on ease and pleasure, says Osborn''." 
This would have been far enough from a virtue in a 
private man, but in a prince it must be looked on as a 
vice, i'or the love of ease and pleasure enervates the 
mind, and tends to render it incapable of what is great. 
And there are but tew princes wlio have indulged this 
disposition, that have made any greater figure in hk- 
tory than the prince of whom we are discoursing. 
Alexander, Ciesar, and Henry IV. of Prance, loved 
pleasure as well «s any men; but then they had no- 
thing indolent in their temper, and had so much am- 
bition, that they could not possihlyabstain from striv- 
ing to render their names glorious. But James not 
only loved pleasure, but ease, and therefore was inc»- 
" pable of being more significant in life, than arc the 
generality of eastern princes, immured in seraglios, 
and strangers to every thing but what their viziers or 
eunuchs please to inform them of, for their entertain- 
ment or amusement. So that princes of this indolent 
disposition neglect the alfuirs of government, and are 

' SuUy, vol. IL p. 93. 

" Oibarn, p. 470. 


drinking, even so far as to render fiiniself 

sometimes contemptible''. And from his 

niled by ministers and favourites, a.ud the people are 
left to be fleeced and oppressed, to supply die calls of 
luxury and pleasure. Unhappy princes ! unhappy 
people! the former destitute of true worth, the latter 
groaning under vile bondage- — How much then does it 
concern those who are advanced to dominion, to exert 
themselves, and employ their time and talents in exa- 
mining the state of those under them, and promoiing 
their welfare ? how much docs it behove them to be 
diligent in business, skilful io affairs, and attentive to 
the representations and complaints of their subjects? 
By these means alone can they answer the end of their 
advancement, obtain repuUition, procure success, and 
ha\e the love and affection of those over whom tliey 
bear rule. To which let me add, that iudoknt princes 
are very insecure; they become victims frequently to 
the ambition of their own servants, and fall, though 
not unpitied, yet quite unlamented. For the people 
have sense enough to know, that a life devoted to ease 
aiid pleasure, is of no importance to them, and there- 
fore, with iiMlifferencc, see it destroyed, though by 
those who oughtto have defended it. 

^' Indulged himself in drinking, &c.] Weldon ob- 
serves, that " James was not intemperate in his drink- 
ing;" but he adds, "however in his old age, and 
Buckingham's jovial suppers, when he had any turn to 
do with htm, made him sometimes overtaken, which 
he would the very next day remember, and repent with 
tears : it is true, he drank very often, which was rather 
out of a custom than any delight, and his drinks were 
of that kind for strength, as irontiniack, canary, high- 
country wine, tent wine, and Scotish ale, that had he 

JAMES I. 79 

known love of masculine beauty, his exces- 

nol had a very strong brain, might have dRily been 
overtaken, aitlioiigii he seldom drank at any one time 
above four spoonfulls, many times not above one or 

two'." This is very modest in Weidon, But other 

anchors go a little farther, and make James shew him- 
self beneath a man by his intemperance. " The king 
was excessively addicted to hunting and drinking (says 
Coke) not ordinary French and Spanish wines, but 
itrong Greek wines ; and though be would divide hia 
bnnting from drinking these wines, yet he would com- 
pound his hunting with drinking these wines, and to 
that puqjose he was attended with a special officer, 
who was as much as could be always at hand, to fill 
the king's cup in his hunting, when he called for it. 
I have heard my father say, that being bnnLing with 
the king, after the king had drank of the wine, be also 
drnnk of it, and though he was youngand of an health' 
ful constitution, it sodlEordei-edhisbead that it spoiled 
his pleasure, and disordered him for three days after. 
Wiieiher it was from drinking these wines, or from 
some other cause, the king became so lazy and un- . 
wieldy, that he was trust on horseback, and as be was 
set so would he ride, without otherwise poising himself 
on his saddle ; nay, when his hat was set on his head, 
tie would not t^kc ihc pains to alter it, hut it sat as it 



I doubt not but this account is true. 

Sully taking notice, that " James's custom was never 
to mix water with hie wine'." And tlierefore, though 
Sir Edward Peyton he a partial writer, and prejudiced 
much against the Stuart race, yet I believe the follow- 

• WeWon, p. 1S6. " Coke's Dcuntloi 

* Sully, Toi. II.p.9U. 

vol. I, p. la. 


sive favour to such as \vere possessed of it, 

^ story from hJiu will not be deemed improbable. 
' Wiien the king of Denmiirk [brother-in-law to James] 
Uras first of all in England, both kings were so drunk 
Wt Theobald's, as our king was carried in the arms of 
'he courtiers, when one cheated another of the bed- 
mber, for getting a grant from king James, for that 
Fould give him the best jewel in England for ajewel 
a hundred pound he promised him ; and so put king 
Pames in his arms, and carried him to his lodging, and 
i^efrauded the bed-chamber man, who had much ado to 
Hct the king into his bed. And Denmark was so dis- 
;uiaed, as he would have lain with the countess of 
{Nottingham, making horns in derision at her husband, 
; high admiral of England '." I said just now, this 
&tory, I believed, would not be thought improbable; 
tad 1 doubt not the reader by the following letter of 
tJie countess of Nottingham to the Danish ambassa- 
Bor, will readily assent to it, seeing it confirms so chief 
impart of it as the rude behaviour of the Danish king to 
tlady. 'Tis wrote with spirit, and worthy perusal, 
JiicU therefore 1 insert at large. 

" 1 am very sorry this occasion should have been of- 

r'fered me by the king your master, which makes me 

T Jroiibles(flne to you for the present. It is reported to 

FiJiie by men of honour, the great wrong the king of 

jDHnes hath done me, when I was not by to answer for 

'Peyton's DiviniJ Cataalrophe of the Kingly Family of the House of 
Sltiana, p. 3t). 8vo. Low!. n31. These quotations from Weldoo, Coke, 
ud Peyton, are very oddly and inaccurately expressed; hot the reader 
mnst take them in they are, and dot expect them to be altered in order la 


JAMES I. 81 

nimseemly caresses of them, one would 

for if I had been present, I would biive letten 
know how much I scorn to receive that wrong at 
h\i hands. J need not to urge the particular of it, for 
the king himself knows it best, 1 protest to you, Sir, 
I did think as honourably of the king your master, as 
I (lid of my own prince; but now 1 persuade myself 
there is as much baseness in him as can be in any man ; 
for although he be a prince by birth, it seems not to 
,me that there harbours any princely thought in his 
breast; for either in prince or subject, it is the basest 
.that can be to wrong any woman of honour. I deserve 
as little that name he gave me, as either the mother of 
himself, or of his children : and if ever I come to know 
what man hath informed your master so wrongfully of 
me, I shall do my best for putting him from doing the 
like to any other: but if it hath come by the tongue 
of any woman, I dare say she would be glad to have 
companions. So leaving to trouble you any further, I 

" your friend, 


There can, I think, remain no doubt but that Pey- 
ton's account is true ; and consequently, when consi- 
dered with what Weldon and Coke relate, it must be 
believed, that James addicted himself to drinking in 
such a manner, as to render himself sometimes con- 

temptible. " For it is not 

for kir 

3 drink wine, t 


princes strong drink ; lest they drink and forget thii 
pervert t! 


princes t 

jf any of the afflicted ". 
if tbeir guard, and es- 



* SuppJement to 
VOL. 1. 

bals, p. 96. Ub. Lonil, 



be tempted to think, that he was not wliollj 
J from a vice most unnatural''. 

pses those weaknesses which it most of all behoves 
■itbem to conceal ; and it takes off that reverein^ ^r 
Vtheir persons, which is necessary to make iheir'ftjb- 
ijecls stand in a proper awe of them, and pay a submis- 
sion to their commands. It debases the man, sinks the 
prince, spoils the politician, and reveals those secrets 
which are most necessary to he concealed. " Drun- 
kenness, says Montaigne, seems to me to he a gross 
and brutish vice. The soul has the greatest interest in 
alt the rest, and there are some vices that have some- 
, 'thing, if a man may so say, of generous in them. 
Jf'There are vices wherein there is a mixture of know- 
f'iledge, diligence, valour, prudence, dexterity and cun- 
ning: this is totally corporeal and earthly, and the 
-thickest skulled nation [the Germans] this day in Eu- 
rope, is that where it is most in fashion. Other vices 
discompose the undiTstanding, this totally overthrows 
it, and renders the body stupid'." These reflections 
■eem just and obvious, but they occurred not to the 
lind of James, or made liltle impression on him ; for 
he seems to have been guided in his whole behaviour 
V'<more by will and humour, by passion and inclination, 
than by wisdom, prudence, or discretion. So that his 
knowledge was of liltle service to lum, and seldom 
.caused him to act as a wise man, or an understanding 
Iring. It enabled him to talk, but was wholly insuffi- 
■■flent to regulate his actions ; and so, in effect, was no 
I better than ignorance. 
' " From his known love of masculine beauty, SicJ 
. I shall give my authorities, and leave the reader ta 

■ MonlBigne, vol. 11. p. IS. 

Ki^^-L^-MJ^^ »>^ m* A. VSVNW 

JAMES I. 83 

He used cursing and swearing in his com- 

judge what conclusion is to be drawn from them. — 
*' Ai no other reason appeared in favour of their [the 
favourites of James] choice but handsomeness, so the 
love the king shewed, was as amorously conveyed as if 
he had mistaken their sex, and thought them ladies ; 
which I have seen Somerset and Buckiagham labour to 
resemble in the effeminateness of their dressings; 

though in w looks, and wanton gestures, they ex- 

t*eeded any part of woman-kind my conversation* did 
ever cope withal. Nor was his love, or whatever else 
posterity will please to call it, (who must be the judges 
of all that history shall inform) carried on with a dis- ^ 
cretion sufficient to cover a less scandalous b^havioirir'; 
for the king's kissing them after so lascivious a mode 
in public, and upon the theatre as it were of the world, 
prompted many to imagine some things done in the 
tyring-house, that exceed my expressions no less than 
. they do my experience; and therefore left floating on the 
waves of conjecture, which hath in my hearing tossed 
them from one side to another. I have heard that Sir 
Henry Rich, since earl of Holland, and some others, 
refused his majesty's favour upon those conditions thejr 
subscribed to, who filled that place /i|| his affection: 
Rich losing that opportunity his curious face and com- 
plexion afforded him, by turning aside and spitting 
after the king had slabber^ his mouth •."-i-Weldon, 
who saw James's parting with Somerset, just before his 
commitment for Overbury's murtber, says, " that had 
you seen that seeming afft^ction, you would rather 
have believed he was in his rising than settiiig. The 
earl wl^^n he kissed his hand, the king hung about 


G 2 



his neck, slabbering his cheeks, saying, for God's sake 
when shall I see thee again ? on mj soul I shall neither 
eat nor sleep until vou come again ; tlie earl told biin 
on Monday (this being on llie Friday) for God's sake 
let me, said tlie king; shall I^ shall I? then lolled 
about his neck ; then fpr God's sake give thy lady this 
kiss for me: in the same manner at the stairs head, at 
■ the middle of the stairs, and at the stairs-foot '." The 
same writer oh serves, that " he wa? not very uxorious, 
for he was ever best when ferthest from his queen"." 
i^d ia another place he says, " that James naturallj' 
bated women'." Peyton writes, that "James was 
more addicted to love males than females ; and that 
though for compliment he visited queen Ann, yet he 

never lodged with her a night for many years'*." 

"The following satire, said to be left on his cupboard, 
^111 shew us the sense those times had of this matter. 

ADlBprophana, reli^one vans, 
%mt> nxore, OanymnliB noiorc. 
Luge lublata, prenigativa in^ata. 
Tolle libartatem. ineende civiuteoi, 

Ducas spodonem 

Supaiasti Neroaem ', 

I know not well the authority of the book from which 
I quote these lines ; 'tis very bitter against the Stuart 
race, and written with great partiality. I am informed 
by a learned friend, that 'tis thought to be written by 
llie above-cited Peyton : But I am of a different opi- 
nion. Peyton's Divine Catastrophe, though partial 
enough, has many true passages in it ; but the Nonsuch 
^harlea aeems chiefly invention, in order to blackeu 

* • Weldon, p. 95. 'lip. 168. ' Id, p. US. " Pe^'g Divine 
- CMastrapbe, p. U. "The Nonsuch Charles, hii Character, p. 17. 



and defame. Besides, such was the zeal of Peyton 
against Charles and liis house, that I fancy be would 
have thought it a merit to have been the autlior of any 
Work tending to its disgrace, and therefore have set 
liis same to it; for he who had been afraid of after- 
resentment, would never have publickly owned the Di- 
vine Catastrophe. Add to this, that Wood, in reckon- 
ing up Peyton's writings, mentions nothing of this 
piece, which if it had been his 'tis difficult to account 
fur '■ However, as the insinuation in the satire is sup- 
ported by other authorities, 'tis of little importance 
whether the author who gives it us be of any great 

acGOunt, or no, — Let us now return to our subject. 

The authors above quoted may be deemed hy some 
not quite so favourable to the character of James as 
could be wished, and therefore not so much to be relied 
on. But what shall we say to Clarendon, who owu9> 
that the " first introduction of George Villiers iuto 
favour, was purely from the handsomeness of his per- 
son ** : and that the king's natural disposition was very 
flowing in affection towards persons so adorned." Br. 
Birch observes of this same Villiers, that " he had 
scarce any other advantages to recommend him to bit 
majesty, than those of a most graceful person. Upon 
what terms of familiarity, adds he, he was with hia 
royal master is evident, not much to the honour of 
either of them, from two volumes of original letters 
which passed between them, still extant in the Harleian 
library, full of the .ob see nest expressions in our lait- 
guage, and such (fe Dr. Welwood, who lias given soiHe 
extracts from those letters, says, might make a bawd 
to blush to repeat. So impure a correspondence la an 
amaiiug inconsistency with those theological and de- 

■ Wood's Atbena Oionientei, vol. IL c. 1S6. edit. 2. Lood. 1731. folio. 


volional tracis which tliL' king gave tlie world with ao 
much pomp among his works, and which he caused to 
be translated into and published in botb the Latin 
and French tongues '," 

That the reader may have as much light as possible 
in this matter, 1 will traiiacribe Dr. Welwood's account 
of the letters which passed between James and Buck- 
ingham, to xvhich Dr. Birch refers, " The letters, 
says he, which passed between the king and Bucking- 
ham, are wrote in a peculiar stile of familiarity, the 
king for the most part calling him his dear child and 
gossip, and his dear child and gossip Stelny; and sub- 
scribing him his dear dad and gossip, and sometimes 
his dear dad and Stuart ; and once, when he sends him 
partridges, his dear dad and purveyor. Buckingham 
calls the king, for the most part, dear dad and gossip, 
and sometimes, dear dad, gossip, and Stuart ; and sub- 
scribes always, your majesty's most humble slave and 
dog, Steiny. 

" Not to blot these papers with the bawdy thai is in 
some of these letters of king James, I shall only ob- 
serve, that such was the familiaiity and friendship 
between hiin and Buckingham, thai in one of tliem he 
tells Buckingham, he wears Sieiny's picture under his 
waistcoat, ne.vt bis heart; and in another, he bidshim, 
his only sweet and dear child, hasten to him to Bircly 
thatnight, thathts white teeth might shine upon him. 
But the reader may better judge of the rest of king 
James's familiar letters to the duke^^f Buckingham, by 
the following short one, which runs'^us trrl/dtim, and 
is without date. 

■ r-&"i.My only sweet aod dear child, 
" Blessing, blessing, blessing on thy heart's roots, 
and ail thine, this Thursday morning. Here is great ' 

" ' Bitch's View of the NegofiatLoni, b.c p. 3B4. 

JAMES I. 87 

mon conversation"; and- a^k not on oc- 

■tore of game as they say, partridges and stoncorleura : 
I know who shall get their part of them; and here ia 
the fioest compaay of yonng hounda that ever- was 
seen. God bless the sweet master of iny harriers,- 
that made them to be so well kept all summer; I 
mean Tom Badger. 1 afisare myself thou wilt puno 
tnally observe the dyet and journey I set thee dowa 
in my first letter from Theobald's. God bless thee, 
and my sweet Kate, and Mall, to the comfort of thy 
" dear Dad, 


" P. S. Let my last compliment settle to thy heart, 
till we have a sweet and comfortable meeting, which 
God send, and give thee grace to bid the drogues adieu 
this day. 

" Now the reason why James gave Buckingham the 
name of Steiny, was for his hatidsoineness, it being 
the diminutive of St. Stephen,* who is always pain ted 
with a glory about hia faceV' 

I have now given my attthorities for the assertion in 
the text, the infe rente J' leave to the reader, bciug un- 
willing lo say more on a subject so disagreeable to the 
cars of the chaste and virtuous. I have added nothing, 
nor su[tpressed any tiling ; and therefore, as a mere 
relator, am liable, I think, to no censure. Had I 
Imet with any thing favourable to James in this 
matter, I would hare declared it with great pleasure; 
but I cannot allow myself to invent, in order to 

'' He used cursing and swearing.] Here follow my 
proofs. "He woaM make a great deal too bold- 

' Compleal BiHotj of Englud, vol. II, p. <>9T. folio, load. 1706. 



casion, to utter the most bitter impreca- \ 

with God in his pa§sion, both in cursing and swear- 
ing, and one strain higher, verging on blasphemy; 
but would in his better temper say, be hoped God 
would not impute them as sins, and lay them to his 
charge, seeing they proceeded from passion'." An 
excellent reason this! and an admirable excuse for an 
acknowledged crime. James, weak as be was, would i 

have seen the folly of this plea in others, and would 
have censured them for making use of it. But any 
thing will serve for an excuse to those who chuse to 
do as they have been accustomed, and will not be at [ 

the pains to reform. That James was a swearer, sp- i 

pears from Lord Clarendon, who says " he renounced j 

with many oaths the having communicated the prince's ! 

journey into Spain*"." Oaths are highly indecent in 
princes: they are greatly impolitic also, as lessening 
the regard which ought to be paid unto them in 
pourts of judicature, and leading thereby to perjury. 
Princes therefore should shew the greatest reverence 
to oaths, in order thereby to keep up their sacredness, 
and secure the truth and fidelity of their subjects. 
Those of them who will not thus behave, pay generally 
very dear for their liberty j for their servants and sub- 
jects taking example by them, mn into the same ex- 
press, whereby they receive the greatest damage. So 
that interest alone, if well understood and considered, 
will engage those who bear rule, to set before men 
good examples, and abstain from the appearance of 
evil ; and such of them as are not induced hereunto 
by a sense of it, have no great reason to boast of iheir 

' WeldoD, p. 172. " CUreuiloDj wl. I. p. 16. 

JAMES I. 89 

Uons on himself, and on his posterity'*. 

" He stuclt not to utter the most bitter impreca- 
tions on himaelf, and on his posteritj-,] When the 
trial of the murtherers of Sir Thomas Overbutjr was 
going forwards, the king went from Whitehall to 
Theobald's, and so to Royston, and having sent for 
ell the judges, he kneeled down in the midst of liis 
lords and servants, and used these words to thejudges. 
"My lords, 1 charge you, as you will answer it at 
that great and dreadful day of judgment, that you ex- 
amine it [the poisoning of Overbucy] strictly without 
favour, affection, or partiality; and if you spare any 
guilty of this crime, God's curse light upon you and 
your posterity; and if 1 spare any that are found 
guilty, God's curse light on me and my posterity 
for ever'." And in the second year of his reign 
"several lords having declaimed in the star-chamber, 
that some of the puritans had raised a false rumour 
of the king, how he intended to grant a toleratioa 
to papists; the lords severally declared, bow the king 
was discontented with the said false rumour, and had 
made bnt the day before a protestation unto them, 
that he never intended it, and that he would spend the 
last drop of bis blood before he would do it; and 
prayed, that before any of his issue should maintain 
any other religion than what he truly professed and 
maintained, that God would take tliem out of the 
world"." These are deep and horrible imprecations, 
and enough to make a man tremble to think on the 
profanenesa of the mouth that could utter them; 
especially when it is known (that notwithstanding 



■ WtMaa, p. 9! 


S^^oiU, parte, p. 39, Lrad. 1083, 


And yet notwitliatanding, upon times, he 

gave himself great airs of religion ", and 



there were sa many witnesses to these hia words) btf ' 
spared Somerset and liis lady, the principal actors irf ' 
Overburj-'s tragedy; and that he not only intended^' 
tint did grant a toleration to papists, as will be shewrf 
hereafter. How far his imprecaiions have affected hit 
posterity, Is not, I think for man to say. But, with-' 
out h roach ofch.Trity, we may assert, that James wa*' 
very rash and iiicoasiderate, and guilty of a great 
fault in calling down the judgments of heaven thus oil 
himself and his family. 'Tis good advice which the 
wise man gives, and which was worthy of the regard 
of this British Salomon, in the following words, "B(i 
not rash with thy mouth, and let not thy heart be bast/ 
to utter any thing before God; for God is in heaveuj 
and thou upon eanh; therefore let thy words be few*," 
A sense of the omnipresence, power, wisdom, and 
majcaiy of the superintending mind, would have re- ' 
strained James from these rash and horrible wishei; 
but he seems to have had little notion of any of these 
things, but rather to have been one of those who deal 
in holy things without any feeling. ThesS, in lord ' 
Bacon's opinion, are "the great atheists, who must, 
says he, be needs cauterized in the end""." Deplorable 
state ! dismal condition ! happy those,- who, by att 
uniform course of virtuous actions, can look on this 
almighty Being as their friend ! who are careful at aH 
times to do what they tliemselves think right, and * 

recable tO him : the relis 

of a 

ch is real, and 

their happiness certain. 

*' He gtive himself airs of religion, &c.] Here 

' Bacotf* Essay on AtheU 

JAMES I. 91 

talked after such a manner, as to lead those 

follows a passage from Sully, tending to verify the 
text. " James asked me, says he, whether I went to 
the protestant church in London? upon my replying 
that I did, then, said he, you are not resolved, as I 
have been informed, to quit our religion, after the ex- 
ample of Sancy, who thought thereby to make his 
fortune, but by God's permission, did just the con- 
trary. I treated this report as a calumny, and said, 
that my living in France in friendship with so many 
ecclesiasticks, and being so frequently visited by the 
pope's nuncio, might, perhaps, have given rise to it. 
Do you give the pope the title of holiness ? said 
James. I replied, that, to conform to the custom es- 
tablished in France, I did. He was then for proving 
to me, that this custom was an ofienc« against God, 
to whom alone tjiis title could justly belong. I re- 
plied, that I supposed a greater crime was not hereby 
committed, than by so frequently giving to princes 
such titles as they were well known not to deserve*.'' 
Let us add the following memorandum of the illustri- 
ous archbishop Usher to Sully, and we shall need 
nothing more to convince us of the solemn airs of re- 
ligion James, at some times, could put oo. '^ I was 
appointed by the lower house of parliament, to preach 
at St. Margaret's, Westminster, Feb. 7, 1620. Feb. 
13, being Shrove Tuesday, I dined at court, and be- 
twixt four and five kissed the king's hand, and had 
conference with him touc.iing my sermon. He said, 
I had charge of an unruly flock to look unto the next 
Sunday. He asked me how I thought it could stand 
with true divinity, that so many hundred should be 

* Sully*f Memoin/ toI. IT. p. 33. 

92 T1[E LIFE OF 

who were miacquaiuted witli liim, to be- 

tied (upon 60 short warning) to rective the communion 
upon a day, all could not be in charity, after so late 
coutentioDS iu the bouse: many must needs come 
viihout preparation, and ear their ottu condemnation : 
that himself required all his whule houahold to re- 
ceive the communion, but not all tiie same day, uuiess 
at Easter, when the whole Lent was a time of prepa- 
ration. He bad me to tell them, I hoped they were 
all prepared, but wished they miglic be better; to 
exhort them to unity and concord ; to love God first, 
and then their prince and country; to look to the 
urgent necessities of the times, and the miserable state 

of Christendom, with bis dal qui cilo ilal '." This 

kind of talk would have suited well enough the mouth 
of some honest, well-meaning ecclesiastic, and edified, 
no doubt, very much those who Jieard it. But it 
sounds strange from James, who was addicted to so 
many vices, and whose oaths and imprecatioDs were 
so common. Shall we suppose him wholly hypocri? 
tical in these speeches, and entirely unconcerned about 1 
the things he talked of; though from other partf 
of his behaviour, one might be led to make this con- 
clusion, yet, pci'haps, we should be mistaken in so 
doing. For, however it be, meu's characters are looj 
often inconsistent, and they strangely blend what thg 
call religion, with the practice of the most odious a 
detestable vices. By a concern for the one, they e^. 1 
cuse to themselveH the other, and so come at length Uf : 
imagine, that they are acceptable to the Weity, though 
they break the jnost sacred of his laws. Thus we 
read of John Basilides, great duke of Muscovy, the 

' Uaber's Life and LeuetB by Parr, p. 11,18. Lotid. 168S. fulio. 



lieve that he had a more than ordinary de-r 

most wicked of men, the moat detestable of tyrants, 
that he would pray and fast in a most extraordinary 
manner, and be as devout as possible himself, and 
make others so too ^. And, in the same manner, num- 
bers of cmel persecntors, and ambitious, selfi^sh, ava- 
ritious wretches; are exceedingly zealous and exact 
in their devotions, and come not behind, in these 
things, the most sincere and virtuoos persons. So 
that 'tis not improbable James might be inNeamest 
when he talked in these strains, and please tnmself to 
think, that he was both so wise and so religious a 
king. Amazing delusion! terrible deceit! To the 
all-pieroing eye of heaven all is nak^d and &pm, no 
disguises can conceal from, no artifices impoise on it ; 
and therefore men should look well to it, that they are 

what they would 'seem to be. A prince openly 

vicious and profane, only hurts the interest of religion, 
by appearing, on occasion, its votary. Standers-by 
will look with ridicule and abhorrence on his interest- 
ing himself in its affairs, and will not be prevailed on 
to believe that he is in earnest about it.^— ^^ — Hence 
possibly it has come to pass, thiat courts4i4Ve been «o 
little famedfor the practice of religion. Tor the man- 
ors of the generality of princes being not over good, 
those about them think they shall pay their court to 
them, more by conforming to their example, than by 
obeying, their edict. When they speak therefore of 
religion, they are not listened unto ; when they com* 
inand; by those about them, they are not obeyed : for 
they, are considered as only acting a part, and there 

* SeeCa8aubonofEiithi»iasm> p. 279. 8vo. Lond. 1656. 

*■ ■ • :«'. 



gree of sanctity. Hunting*^ was a fa- 
fore having.. no real concern about what they seem to 
engage in. 

^* Hunting was a favourite diversion with him, &c.] 
-Let us hear Sully. " From this subject [the insincerity 
of the Spaniards] the king of Englapd passed to that 
of the chace, for which he shewed me tin extraordinary 
passion. He said he knew very well that I was no 
.great lover of &e chace ; that he had attributed the 
late sodpess of^ft sport to me, not as marquis of 
Bosny^tiAt-m^ anikassadoi; from the king, who was 
not only the greatest prince, but the greatest hunter 
in the world; to which, with the greatest politeness, 
he added, that Henry was in the right not to carry me 
to the chace, because I was of greater service to him 
elsewhere; and that if I pursued the chace, the king 
of France could not. I replied, that Henry loved all 
the exercises ; but that none of them ever made him 
neglect the care of his affairs, nor prevented him from 
a close, inspection into the proceedings of his minis- 
ters'." Had James jn^itated his brother of France in 
attending his affairs, and inspecting the proceeding of 
hisminialeri, he might have enjoyed the pleasure of 
hunting without censure. For 'tis but reasonable that 
princes should have a relaxation from business as w0|||| 
as other men. 

But says Mr. Chamberlaine to Mr. Winwood, in a 
letter dated Jan. 26, 1604, " the king finds that feli- 
city in that hunting life, that he hath written to the 
council, that it is the only means to maintain his 
health, which being the health and welfare of us all, 

* Sully, vol. II p. 39. 



vourite diversion with him, which he prac- 
tised so much, as to neglect the great and 

he desire9 them to take the charge and burden of 
aifairs^ and foresee that he be not interrupted nor 
troubled with too much business V A man who pre- 
ferred hunting to the affairs of state^ was unworthy of 
the crown he wore, and undeserving the regard of his 
people. For such a one neglected the end of his ap- 
pointment, and therefore merited the contempt he met 

with. James never loved business. *' In Scotland, 

says Melvil, the earl of Arran desired him to recreate 
himself at hunting, and he would attend the council, 
and report again at his majesty's return, all our opi- 
nions and conclusions V He hearkened to his advice, 
or rather followed his own inclinations, and thereby 
numberless mischiefs ensued. He was never the wiser 
for this we see ; for his aversion to business was the 
same, and so was his passion for hunting : so that he 
had lived to no purpose, and was incapable of being 
taught by experience. 

Osborn tells us, he saw " him dressed in colours 
green as the grass he trod on, with a feather in his 
cap, and a horn instead of a sword by his side*^." A 
pretty picture this of a prince, and tending to excite 
much reverence in the beholders. But when men's 
minds are bent on diversions, they care for nothing 
more than their own pleasure and amusement, and are 
thoughtless of what standers-by think or say of them. 

1 will give the reader some fine observations on 

this subject of hunting, from a writer whose great 
genius and elevated rank entitle him to be heard with 
deference and respect, and with them conclude the 

• Winwood, rol. II. p. i6. * Melril, p. 1 39. • Osborn, p. 495. 


weighty business of state, and leave every 
thing of consequence to be transacted by his 

bote. "Hunting is one of those sensual pleasures 
^ifliich exercise the bofly, without affecting the mind; 
?t is an ardent desire of pursuing some wild beast, for 
the cruel satisfaction of destroying it; an amusement 
which renders the body robust and active, and leaves 
the mind fallow and uncultivated. Sportsmen; per- 
il will reproach me here with gravity and preach- 
ing, and alledge, that I assume the prerogative of a 
priest in his pulpit, who may assert whatever he pleases, 
without being alrald of contradiction. Hunting, say 
fliey, is the noblest and most antient of all amuse- 
ments : the patriarchs and many other eminent men 
were hunters; .ind by this we continue to exercise 
that dominion over the beasts, which God vouchsafed 
to give Adam. But no folly is the better for being 
antient, especially if it is carried to extravagance: i 

many great men, I own, have been passionately fond 
of this diversion; but these had their weaknesses as 
well as perfections : Let us imitate their great quali- j 

ties, without copying after their little and idle occu- \ 

pations. The same patriarchs were not only given to 
hunting, but to polygamy, nay, would marry their 
own sisters, and had many other customs which savour- ' 

ed of the barbarous ages wherein they lived. They ] 

were rude, ignorant, and uncultivated idle men, who, 
to kill time, employed it in hunting, and threw away I 

those moments in useless amusements, which they had ] 

no capacity to employ in the company and conversa- 
tion of men of understanding. Let me now ask 
whether these are examples to be imitated; whether 


JAMES I. 97 

He had a Tehcment desire to be thought 
'^learned, and master of the controversies 

these barbarous ages, or others that were more refined, 
I ought to be the model of the present? To enquire 
^ whether Adam received dominion over the beasts, 
Tould be foreign to ray subject; but it is well known, 
that men have beea always more cruel and ravenous 
than the beasts themselves, and make the most tyran- 
nical use of that dominion they pretend to. if any 
thing gives us advantage over these animals, it ia cer- 
tainly our reason ; but professed hunters, for the most 
part, have their heads furnished w ith nothing but horses, 
dogs, boars, stags, and the like. They are sometimes as 
wild and savage themselves as the beasts they pursue; 
and it may well be feared lest they should become as in- 
human to their fel low-c real u res as they are to their fel- 
low-animals, or at least that the cruel custom of perse- 
eutiug and destroying these, may take away their sym- 
pathy for the misfortunes of the others. And is this so 
noble an occupation, so worthy of albinking beingf It 
may be objected that hunting is an healthful exercise, 
and that those who are given to it live to a great age, as 
appears by experienoe ; thatit is a harmless amusement,. 
and very proper for sovereigns, as it displays their mag- 
nificence, dissipates their cares, and in times of peace 
presents them witli an image of war. 1 would be far 
from condemning a moderate use of this exercise, but 
iet it be remembered, that exercise in general is hardly 
accessary to any bnt the ihtemperate. Never prince 
lived longer than cardinal Fleury, cardinal Ximenes, 
OT the late pope, and yet neither of the three was a 
hunter. But is it neceasary to chuse an employment. 
Which has no other merit but that of promising long 



ti^iea on foot, wlucli made him expose 
bimsdU^ much in the conference at Hamp- 

life ? Monks commonly live longer than other men } 
must a man therefore become a moak? there is no 
need of leading an indolent and useless life, as long 
as that of Methusalem : the more a man improves ht6 
uuderstanding, and the more great and useful actions 
he performs, the longer he lives. Hunting, besides, 
IB .of all amusements that which is least proper for a 
pn^ce: he may display his magniliceace a thousand 
ways, that are all more useful to his subjects : and it' it 
■bould be found, that the peasants were ruined by the 
too great number of wild beasts, the care of destroying 
these might be committed to professed hunters hired 
for that purpose. The proper employment of a prince 
is that of improving his own mind, and governing his 
people, in order to acquire more knowledge, and con- 
sequently be able to accommodate his government to 
their interest. It must not be omitted, that to be a 
great general, there is no need of being a hunter, 
^uatavui Adolphus, marshal Tureune, the duke of 
fr'Jdarlborough, and prince Eugene, whose characters a> 
|ble generals and illustrious men, will not be question- 
s not hmiters ; nor do we read of the huntings 

f Alexander, Cassar, or Scipio. 1 conclude there- 

, that it is excusable in a prince to go a hunting, 
F^if it is but seldom, and to refresh him after his serious 
\ And often melancholy emploj'menta. I say once more, 
I object to no honest pleasure ; but the care of render- 
ing a state flourishing and happy, and of protecting 
and encouraging arts and sciences, is unquestionably 
S much superior pleasure, and much fitter employ- 
nent tor a prince ; and whoever betakes himself t» 


JAMES I. 99 

ton-Court", between the episcopalians aiid 

aay other, neither consults his pleasure nor his in- 

^^ Wbich made him expose himself much in the 
<»nfereBce at H amp ton-Co urc, Etc,] This conference 
was begun Jan. 14, l603, in pursuance of a proclama- 
tion for that purpose, dated Oct. 24, of the same year. 
The professed design of it was to examine into the ob- 
jections of the puritans, against the doctrine, govern- 
ment and discipline of tlie establislied church, and rec- 
tify abuses crept into it. But the khig had little of 
this at heart ; his design was to shew his learning, and 
mortify the puritans, which he did as well as he could. 
He talked therefore of the name and use of confirma- 
tion, and the occasion of its being first brought in ; 
of absolution, private baptism, and excommunication ; 
points well worthy the study of a king, and coming 
with great propriety from his mouth, " Absolution, 
he declared, was apostolical, and a very good ordi- 
nance, in that it was given in the name of Christ to 
one that desired it, aud upon the clearing of his con- 
science ''." He maintained " the necessity of bap- 
tism, where it might be lawfully had, id est, ministered 
by lawful ministers, by whom alone, and by no private 
person, he thought it might not in any case be ad- 
ministered. After which he learnedly observed, that 
though the minister he not of the essence of the sacra- 
I mem [of baptism] yet he is of the essence of the right 
and lawful ministry of the sacrament'." These dis- 
courses passed between the king and bishops alone on 

■ Anti-MacliiBvcl, p. 155—164. Bvo. Lond- IW. 
Acmunt of Che Conference Bt HamptooXqurt, in vA- I. of tl 
p. US. Svo, Load. 17(17, ' Id. p.ut 



the puritans, where he set up for a dispu- 

the first day, greatly, I dare say, to their rejoicing. 
On the second day, the ministers wlio were to proposfe 
the demands of tbe puritans being called in, viz. Rey- 
nolds, Sparks, Kuenstubhs, and Chadderton, together 
with Patrick Galloway, sometime minister of Perth 
in Scotland ; and their objections being all reduced 
into four heads, the king took on him to dispute the 
matters contained in them, with the ministers. It 
would be endless to relate all he said, for he loved 
speaking, and was in his element whilst disputing. 
Two or three instances of his ostentatious pedantry 
shall therefore suffice. " His majesty taxed St, Jerom 
tor his assertion, that a bishop was not divhite ordina- 
tionis; which opinion he much distasted, approving 
their calling and use in the churchj and closed it up 
with this short aphorism, no bishop, no king'.' 

" Dr. Reynolds having made it an objection against 
the Apocrypha (ordered by the Common Prayer to be 
read) that the author of the book of Ecclesiastic us, 
chap, xlvili. 10. held the same opinion with the Jews 
at this day, namely, that Rlias in person was to come 
before Christ; and therefore as yet Christ, by that 
reason, not come in the flesh : I say Dr. Reynolds 
having made this objection, his majesty calling for a 
bible, iirst shewed the author of that book ; who he 
was, then the cause why he wrote that book ; next 
analized the chapter itself, shewing ihe precedents and 
consequences thereof; lastly, unfolded the sum of that 
place, arguing and demonstrating that whatsoever 
Ben Sirach had said there of Elias, Etias had, in his 

' Barlow's Account of the Coorereace at HamptOQ- Court, in voi, 1, of 
lb* Pbeaix. p. 153. Bro. LuO. HOT. 


tant, and behaved with a great and visible 

own person while he lived, performed and accomplish- 
ed'." He moreover declared, " that he had never seen 
a bible well translated into English; that the transla- 
tion of Geneva was the worst of all ; that pains should 
be taken about an uniform translation of it, under cer- 
tain restrictions, and more especially that no marginal 
notes should be added, having found, said he, in 
them which are annexed to the Geneva translation, 
some notes very partial, untrue, seditious, and savour- 
ing too much of dangerous and traitorous conceits^." 
Thus James shewed his learning in the midst of the 
lords of the council, and the bishops and deans who 
attended. I doubt not, though Reynolds was awed by 
tlie presence, and made not the figure he was capable 
of, that he heartily despised the prince who could talk 
after this rate, and dictate in matters out of his pro- 
vince. Let us now see how his majesty endea- 
voured to mortify the puritans. 

After expounding the chapter of Eceleslasticusjust 
mentioned, he addressed himself to the lords, and 
said, " what trow ye, make these men so angry with 
£cclesiasticusf by my soul I think be was a bishop, 

or else they would never use him so'." In answer 

to a question started how far an ordinance of the church, 
Tvas to bind, without impeaching Christian liberty? 
' James said, " he would not argue that point, but an- 
swer therein as kings are wont to do in parliament, 
le roy s'avUera; adding withal, that it smelled very 
raokly of anabapttsm, comparing it to the usage pf a 

• Barlow's Acconnt of the Conference at Hampton- Cowt, in tqI. I. 
of Uie Phenix, p. 162, 163. Svo. Lend. HOI. * li p. 151., 

• Id. p. 163. 



Indeed, his conduct in tliis 

beai-dless boy (one Mr. John Black) who the last con- 
ference his majesty had with the ministers of ScotlansJ 
in Dec. 1602, told him, that he wouM hold conformit^ 
with his majesty's ordinances for matters of doctrine:, i 
but for matters of ceremony, they were to be left in 
Christian liberty to every man, as he received more 
and more light from the illumination of God's spirit, 
even till they go mad, quoth the king, with their ow& 
light. But I will none of that, I will have one dooi 
trioCj and one discipUne, one religion in substancd I 
and in ceremony; and therefore I charge you neve* j 
to speak more to that point (how far you arc bouHa | 
to obey) when the church hath ordained it V Aftefi J 
wai'ds 5peaking_to the lords and bishops, he said, "I ^ 
will tell you, I have lived among this sort of men 
ever since I was ten years old ; hut I may say of my- 
self, as Christ said of himself, though I lived among 
them, yet, since 1 had ability to judge, I was nevet" 
of them*"."— Thinking by somewhat Dr. Reynolds 
said, that the puritans aimed at a Scotch presbytery, 
the king observed, " that it agreed with a monarchy, 
as God and the devil. Then .Tack and Tom, and 
Will and Dick shall meet, added he, and at their plea- 
sure censure me and my council, and ail our proceed- 
ings. Then Will shall stand up and say, it must be 
thus ; then Dick shall reply, and say, nay, marry, hnt 
we will have it thus'." Afterwards asking if they had , 
any thing further to object ? and being answered no,' 
he said, " if this was all, he would make them con- 

* Barlow's Aceount of the Conference at HampUm-Court, io toI. L oF 
the Phenix, p. 166, Svo. Lond. 1107. *■ Oampaie thii with ttie notw 

ISandia. 'Id, p. !69, "' ' , 



I affair was such, as has been severely ceu- 

ifbrm, or would hurry them out of the land, or else do 
worse'." This was the behaviour of James in thii 

celebrated conference; a behaviour contemptible and 
' ridiculous, and such as must expose him to stantlera- 

l hy. What then must we think of archbishop 

f "Whitglft, who said " that undoubtedly his majesty 
I spake by the special assistance of God's spirit?" 
I "What of bishop Bancroft, who on his knee protested 
" that his heart melted with joy, and made baste to 
acknowledge unto almighty God, the singular mercy 
I in giving them such a king, as, since Christ's time, 
the like had not been '"." Or what of the temporal 
lords, who could applaud his majesty's speeches as 
" proceeding from the spirit of God, and from an un- 
derstanding heart'." May we not say, that they knew 
well how to dissemble, and to maintain the character 

of good courtiers better than of honest men? • 

parlow thought he had done a great piece of service 
to James, by publishing tliis conference; but a worse 
office, in reality, could not have been done him. 
Posterity, by his account, see James's pedantiy; and 
to see it, is to despise it. The puritans, therefore, 
needed not to have complained so much as they have 
done of Barlow"'. If he has not represented their ar- 
guments in as just a light, nor related what was done 
by the ministers as advantageously as truth required, 
he has abundantly made it up to them by shewing, 
that the bishops, their adversaries, were gross flacter- 
ers, and had no regard to their sacred characters ; and 


' Bsilon'i AcMtant of the Conference at Hamptuii -Court, in vol. I, ot 

<• Id. p. 174. 'M. p. no. 

.17. p. SI. Lond. less.&ljo. 

■ 6m Fuller's Chutch Hitt. book 10. c( 




sured on almost all hands '', as it well de- 

that iheir morta] foe James had but a low understand- 
ing, and was undeserving of the rank he assumed in 
the republic of learning. This he has done efiecttially, 
and iherefore, whatever was his intention, the puritans 
should have applauded his performance, and appealed 
to it for proof of the insufficiency of him who set 
himself up as a decider of their controversies. 

" His conduct was such, as has been severely cen- 
sured, &c'.] I say nothing of the puritans; they were 
too much parties to be looked on as impartial judges; 
and James's conduct towards them was such, as must 
necessarily give them but a poor opinion of bis under- 
standing and justice. Nor will I give the opinion of 
■Barlow or Heylin : the first had his court to make, the 
oUier was a bigot in the greatest degreca man of sense 
(for such he was) could be ; and therefore the judgment 
of neither of them is much to be regarded. I will give 
the sentiments of a clergyman, zealous enough for the 
church ; and a statesman, who cannot be thought par- 
tial to the puritans, when lis known that he most zeal- 
ously promoted the occasional conformity, and schism 
bills. "Had there not been too stiff an adherence 
(says the reverend writer) to some few tilings at this 
conference at Hampton-Court, which, without danger, 
might have been altered, had not the bishops then had 
such an ascendant throughout the whole conference 
over the king, which he was well pleased withal, 
havingby the contrary party in Scotland been so roughly 
handled all his time ; 1 say , certainly that conference had 
terminated in a great advantage to the church of Eng- 
land ; for the puritan party was not so numerous, nor 
eonsequently so strong as afterwards; nor yet tlieir dis- 


JAMES I. 106 

served. In the year I6O0, on tlie fifth day 
of Nov. was that most detestable conspi- 

afTectionB so greataa they have been since, a very little 
and easy condescension liad spoiled the market of the 

designing men, both gentry and ministers loo'." 

"Learning, says the other writer, was the part npon 
which James valued himself; this he affected more than 
became a king, and broached, on every occasion, in 
such a manner as would have misbecome a school- 
master. His pedantry was too much even for the age 
in which he lived, Jt would be tedious to quote the 

part he took in ihe conference at Hatnp ton-Court. 

Let us only observe that the ridicule which arose from 
hence, and which iixed on him was just, because the 
merit of a chief governor is wisely to superintend the 
whole, and not to shine in anv inferior class, because 
different, and in some cases perhaps, opposite talents, 
both natural and acquired, are necessary to move, and 
to regulate the movements of the UKichine of govern- 
ment; in short, because as a good adjutant may make 
a very bad general ; so a great reader, and a writer 
too, may be a very ignorant king''." And in another 
place, the same fine writer observes, " that in haste to 
shew his parts, he had a conference between the bishops 
and the. puritan ministers at Hampton- Court, where 

he made himself a principal party in the dispute. 

But surely such a conference, however it might frighten 
and silence, could neither instruct nor persuade, and 
the king was so far from trusting, like his predecessor, 
to the force of truth, and aid of time, that i n this very 
conference* he threatened to employ another kind of 

■a Viniiicatiun of their MajertlraWWom in tile nomination to the va- 
Gsnl bisbopricks, p. 1, iw. liiad. USl. * Oldcutle's I^mArlw, p. 337. 



racy against the protestant religion, known 
by tho name of the powder-plot, discovered; 

force, if be did not meet with compliance in a. time lo 
be limited. The bishops were at first to admonish 
paternally, and to confer amicably; but lest they 
should not succeed by preaching, writing, living men 
into conformity, (the sole means they ought to desire, 
or, if they desired others, the sole means they ought to 
be suffered to employ) they were to have recourse to 
compulsion afterwards. On these principles he pro- 
ceeded, and the consequence of this conduct was, that 
those sects who were not dangerous at first, became so 
at last. They became so, in some degree, from the 
very moment the declarations we have mentioned were 
made; for nothing is found more true in nature and 
experience than this, that they who are oppressed by 
governments, will endeavour to change them; and 
that he who makes himself terrible to multitudes, will 

have multitudes to fear'." " If those of them [the 

puritans] who were friends to order, had been once 
incorporated with the establislied church, the remain- 
ing sectaries would have been but of little moment, 
either for numbers or reputation ; and the very meani 
which were proper to gain these, were likewise the 
most effectual to hinder the increase of them, and of 
the other sectaries in the mean time. Upon the whole 
matter we think it plain, that king James I. had an 
easy and secure opportunity of preventing any bad 
consequences, which might be apprehended from the 
divisions of his protestant subjects; and that the im- 
provement of that opportunity consisted 'in giving 
neither alarm to the well affected, nor pretence to the 

' Oldcastle's Bemvki, p. U7B, 379. 

which, though disowned and disbelieved by 

factious'." That the reader may the better be able to 
judge of the justness of these censures, I will add what 
was requested by the puritans at this conference; and 
this was, 

1. That the doctrine of the church might be pre- 
served in purity, according to God's word. 

2. That good pastors might be planted in all 
churches to preach the same. 

3. That church government might be sincerely mi- 
nistred, according to God's word, 

4. That the book of Common Prayer might be fitted 
to more increase of piety*. This was all that was 
asked, and one would have thought, as the difference 
in doctrine was little, that it had been a very easy mat- 
ter to have reconciled things. But James's hatred of 
the puritans, the slifiriess of the bishops, and their un- 
willingness to own any thing in the constitution of 
the hierarchy to be wrong, though seen to be such by 
all indifferent observers, hindered a coalition of parties^ 
and produced the troubles and persecutions of a great 
number of honest, well-meaning men. May the same 
temper never agaiii prevail! but may it be the ambi- 
tion of princes and prelates, to reform whatever is 
amiss in the ehurch ; that it may be so pure and spot- 
less that every honest and sincere Christian may be 
looked on as a member of it, and entitled to all its 
privileges. Then will our church indeed be the bul- 
wark of the reformation, the glory of the nation, the 
promoter of truth and virtue. Infidelity will fail; 
schism and heresy, those ecclesiastical scarecrows', be 
no more heard of among us, but peace, unity, and 

" BbtIdv, p. 149, 



many, yet cannot, I think, reasonably be" 

love flourish and prevail among all ihose who profess 
the religion of tbe meek and holy Jesus. 

'' The powder-plot cannot, I think, reasonably 

be doubted of.] The history of this is so well known, 
that 'tis needless to relate it in this place. I will only 
observe, that the writers of the narratives of this affair, 
pay a compliment to James's understanding at the 
expcnce of truth; for it was not he that guessed from 
the expression in the letter to lord Monteagle, " that 
they should receive a terrible blow this parliament, 
and yet they should not see who hurts them," 1 say, 
it was not he who guessed that it should be some sud- 
den danger by blowing up of powder, but the earl of 
Suffolk, lord chamberlain, and the earl of Salisbury, 
as the latter himself relates in a letter to Sir Charles 
Cornwallis, dated Nov. g, l603'. However, the wri- 
ters on this subject are excusable, having authority to 
rely on. For such was the flattery of James's cour- 
tiers, that they g t it inserted into the preamble of the 
act for a public thanksgiving to almighty God, every 
year on the fifth of I^ovember, that " the conspiracy 
would have turned to the utter ruin of this whole king- 
dom, had it not pleased almighty God, by inspiring 
the king's most excellent majesty with a divine spirit, 
to interpret some dark phrases of a letter shewed to his 
majesty, above and beyond all ordinary construction, 
thereby miraculously discovering this hidden treason " 
This appears to be gross flattery, and 'tis amazing how 
any man, who knew it to be such, could thus publicly 
receive it, much more the most great, leained, and reli- 
gious king that ever reigned in this kingdom, as in the 
said preamble James is stiled. But the drawers of this 

• WiniTMcl, vol. JI. p. IT!. 

JAMES I. 109 

doubted of. Every body knows, that in 
consequence of the discovery, several of the 

Rct, I dare say, knew his taste, and were willing to 
gratify it, thougli thereby they exposed him to the 
laughter of those who were in the secret, as great 
numbers mtiBt have been. However, by ihe way, it 
ought never to be permitted to recite falshoods for 
truths in statutes; for these being enacted by the 
highest authority, the facta in them declared should 
be strictly true; otherwise whatever obedience may 
be yielded, the enactors will have little esteem or 
regard from the people, to whom the dealers in un- 
truths seldom appear in an amiable light. 'Tis 

well known, that many of the papists then and now 
have denied the fact, and imputed the whole of the 
affair to the artifice of Salisbury; and we are told, that 
others of opposite principles have confidently asserted, 
" that there never was any such thing really as the 
gunpowder plot, but that it was a plot of king James's 
contriving, to endear himself unto the people'," But 
whether this is not all idle talk will appear, it" we con- 
sider a few confessions of Roman catholics themselves. 
That worthy good-natured man. Dr. Tillotson, speak- 
ing of this horrid affair, says, " Sir Everard Digby, 
' whose very original papers and letters are now in my 
hands, after he was in prison, and knew he must suffer, 
calls it the best cause; and was extremely troubled to 
hear it censured by catholics and priests, contrary to 
his expectation, for a great sin. Let me teU you (says 
he) what a grief it is, to hear that so much condemned 
which I did believe would have been otherwise thou^t 
of by cathoUcs. And yet he concludes that letter ia 

' CatanlMii of Creilulitrand InCreilulitj, vol, L p. 302, 8vo. Lond. l$6i. 



chief conspirators were executed, and an 

annual tlianksgiving ordained. And in 

these words : in liow full of joy should I die, if I could 
do any thing for the cause which I love more than 
my life. And in another letter lie says, he could have 
•aid something to have mitigated the oditun of this 
business, as to that point of involving those of his 
own religion in tlie common ruin. I dare not, says 
he, take that course that I could, to make it appear 
less odious; for divers were to have been brought out 
of danger, who now would rather hurt them than 
otherwise. I do not think that there would have been 
three worth llie saving, that should have been lost. 
And as to the rest that were to have been swallowed 
up in that destruction, he seems not to have the least 
relenting in his mind about them'." Dr. Burnet tells 
us, he had the same papers in his possession, and gives 

the like account from them'', But to put the matter 

beyond all dispute, I will give port of a speech of lord 
Stafford at the bar of the house of lords, Dec. 1, 1680. 
which, as far as I know, has never been quoted by any 
writer. Every body almost knows that this unfortu- 
nate nobleman was strongly attached to the Romish 
religion- and that upon the evidence of those times he 
was convicted and executed for the popish plot. It 
may well enough therefore be supposed, that he would 
not blacken his own side on this occasion, or endea- 
vour to render his prosecutors more apprehensive of 
the etiterprizing spirit of the catholics, than the truth 
compelled him to do. His evidence therefore being 
unexceptionable, let us attend unto it. " My lords, 

•TilhiUoo'i SEtmon before the House of Commons, Nov. 5, 1678. 


order the better to secure the obedience of 
the catholics, the oath of allegiance*, by au* 

•aid be, I have heard very much of a thing that was 
named by these gentlemen of the house of commons, 
and that very properly too, to wit, of the gunpowder 
treason. My lords, I was not born then, but some 
years after heard verj- much discourse of it, and very 
various reports; and I made a particular enquiry, 
perhaps more than any one person did else, both 
of my father, who was alive then, and my uncle, 
and others ; and I am satisfied, and do clearly be- 
lieve, by the evidence I have received, that that 
thing called the gunpowder treason, was a wicked 
and horrid design (among the rest) of some of the Je- 
suits, and I think the malice of the Jesuits, or the wit 
of man, cannot offer an excuse for it, it was so exe- 
crable a thing. Besides, my lords, I was acquainted 
with one of them, that was concerned in it, who had 
his pardon, and lived many years after : I discoursed 
with him about it, and he confessed it, and said, he 
yras sorry for it then ; and 1 here declare to your lord- 
ships, that 1 never beard any one of the church of 
Rome speak a good word of it: it was so horrid 8 
thing it cannot be expressed nor excnaed. And God 
almighty shewed his judgments upon them for their 
wickedness ; for hardly any of the persons or their 
posterity are left that were concerned in it; and even 
a very great family too [Peiroy, earl of Northumber- 
land, I suppose] that bad collaterally something to do 
in it, is in the male line extinct totally; and I do think 
God almighty always shews his judgments upon such 
lik actions V What will any one say to this? needs 

* 9taL anna tenioJacobi regis, c. 4. Beet. 13. 
; lord SUJfcri's Trial, p. 53. Lond. 16S0-1, f^k 


thority of parliament, was enacted, whereby 
the power of the pope to depose the king, 

there any further witnesses when a popish lord de- 
clares the ihing to lie fact, and that he himself was 
ncquaiiited with one concerued in it, who confessed it? 
must not those be past conviction who will still dis- 
pute it, or obstinately deny it i 1 will add, that it ap- 
pears from Dr. Birch's view^of the ncgotiaiions be- 
tween England, France, and Brussels, that many 
catholics abroad were acquainted with it, and that the 
English regiment in the arch-duke's service, was de- 
signed to be transported upon the execution of it". 
Indeed, says Sir Thomas Edmonds, ambassador with 
the archduke, in a letter to Sir Charles Comwallis, 
dated Dec. 27, 1605, O. S. "It was long ere I conld 
persuade them here to believe the truth of the said 
conspiracy, because the catboliques were interested 
therein; but sometimes they would ^ave it to be an 
artifice of the puritans against those sanctified per- 
sons, and then a design of the Hollanders (which are 
enemies to monarchy) to have reduced our estate to 
the same condition as theirs is of a commonwealth. 
But now lastly, when they see they can no longer dis- 
pute the doubtfulness and incertaintie thereof, they 
report to this consideration, that it is a work of tbo' 
devil's expressly to banish and extirpate the catholiqufr 
religion out of England. For my own part, adds be, I 
will freely confess, that I do effectually desire (whatso- 
ever judgment they make thereof) that we make that 
vse of it, as we have just cause so to do''." These 
things considered, 1 believe the reader will think with 
Dr. Birch, " that the papists of later times ail'ord an 
instance of amazing scepticism, and equal 

* Sm Bircb'a Ncsotiatiom, p. 233,3^6. ■■ Winiroad, rot. [I. p. 185. 


JAMES I. lis 

or dispose of any of his majesty's dominions, 
^^\ , was to be disowned, and true faith and al- 

who affect, without the least shadow of probability, tp 
represent so complicated and deep laid a conspiracy, 
as a meer ministerial and political contrivance, formed 
by the earl of Salisbury, for the disgrace and ruin of 
the Roman catholic religion in England*." However, 
though their scepticism and assurance are thus amazing, 
yet it is not to be wondered at, that they are unwilling 
to avow a fact, which admitted, must cast the greatest 
odium on a church whose ministers not only counselled 
it, but were actors in it; and though by the judgment 
of their country pronounced conspirators and traitors, 
and as such treated; yet have been deemed by her 
infallible self, saints and martyrs, and reckoned among 
their miracle workers^, A proof this, that zeal for 

* Negotiation?, p. 255. In the Calendar! nm Catholicum, for the year 
1686, among the memorable obsenratiuns is the following. 

Si nee the horrid powder-plot, suspected to be politickly contrived*^ 
by Cecil, bnt known to be acted by a few desperadoes of a religion f yeart 
that detests such treasons, though ambition and discontent madeC 0081 
them tray tors. •^ 

Consult 'bishop Barlow's Genuine Remains, p. 368. Lond. 1693. Svo. 
where is a censure of a passage of a like nature in the Calendarium* Ca* 
tholicum, or Universal Almanack for the year 1662, which the bishop 
says, was writ by a man of some parts and quality. 

•» See Osbom, p. 485. Fuller's Church Hist. cent. 17. book 10, p. 40, 
and Winwood, vol. ii. p. 500. Monsieur S. Amour tells us, that among the 
several portraits of Jesuits, publickly sold at Rome with permission Of ^btt ^ 
iuperiour, he saw one of Garnet, with this inscription. Pater HenricusG€n-" 
nettus Anglus, Londini pro Jide catholich suspensus df^§etiUf 3 Mail 1606. 
Father Henry Garnet hanged and quartered at T4MMito» for the catholio ' 
faith ; by which we see that treason and catholic Ikith mn all one at Rome; 
for nothing can be more notorious, than that Gamat tuffiBred oilly mi the 
account of the gunpowder treason, of which, as M. ft Amour observes, he 
, acknowledged himself guilty before he died. Stillingfleet's Idolatry of the 

Church of Rome, p. 345. SnK Lond. 1G76. 

VOL. 1. I 



legiance to him promisedj notwithstanding 
any excommunication or deprivation made 
by the pope. This oath the cathoHcs, for 
the most part, complied with, as thinking 
it lawful, and among the rest the arch-priei?t 
BlackwelL At this the pope was alarmed, 
and on the 10th of the calends of October 
1606, issued out a brief, forbidding the tak- 
ing the oath ; but the catholics apprehend- 
^g it a forgerj^, paid little regard to it, 
whereupon the next year his holiness sent 
them another^, in which he plainly told 

mother church will sanctify the greatest villanies, and 
raise men to the highest honours, though ever so un- 
worthy. May all men have in abhorrence this spirit! 
may they guard against all attempts to revive it, and 
look upon it as their greatest happiness, that they are 
not under the rule of those who are actuated by it. 

*^ His holiness sent them another brief, &c.] In his 
first brief the pope [Paul V.] tells the English catho- 
lics, " that the oath of allegiance could not be taken 
without hurting the catholic faith, and the salvation of 
their souls, seeing it contains many things flat con- 
tnir^ to faith and salvation*; and therefore he admo^ 
nishes them u^erly to abstain from taking this and 
the like oiaiffil?.'' Mr. Rapin therefore should haver 
said, dilkt the pope in this first brief, plainly told the 

• King James's Works, p. Q5U 

tiiein, that they were bound fully to observd 
the things contained in the former, and to*- , 
reject all interpretations persuading to the 
contrary. Bellannine also writ a letter trf ] 

catholics, " if they took the oath tliej forfeited all • 
hopes of salvation':" I say, he should have said this 
of the first, and not the second brief, as he has done] . 
though forfeiting all hopes of salvation, is very di& I 
ferent, in my opinion, from hurting the salvation < 

their souls, which are the words of ihe brief. But 

holiness's commands were not obeyed. The ciitlioIi<| 
pretended that" his brief was issued not of his ov* 
proper will, but rather for the respect and insligatio 
other men." This he assures them was false in his 
cond brief, dared the lOth of the calends of Sept. 160?^,"^ 
and lets them know" that his former letters concerning 
the prohibition of the oath, were written not only upon 1 
his own proper motion, and of his certain knowledge^ j 
tut also after long and weighty deliberation used coibk4 
oeming ail those things which were contained in thetn^ 1 
and that for that cause they were bound fully to ol 
serve ibero, rejeeting all interpretation persuading I 
the contrary''." Strange sort of mortals these popesif 
who pretending to be vicars of" Jesus Christ, who owned ! 
bis kingdom was not of this world, intrude into the ' 
alfairs of foreign nations, and pre»<cribe laws to th« 
subjects of them. This Paul V. was possessed of t 
true spirit of Hildebrand. He laid the Venetians ui3d 
der an interdict, raised Ignatius Loyola to be a sainl 
and talked and acted io such a manner, aaif he haA^ 
indeed thought himself superior to all that "is called f 
God, or is worshipped." And had he happened to hav»' 

' KapiD.-vo'. ir.-p, 174, ^ King J«mei"t Works, p. SiB. 





Blackwell, against the oath, and exhorted 
him to repair the fault he had conunittcd, by 
taking of it, even though *' death should be 
the consequence. Hereupon James dreWj J 

lived ia those ages when the spirit of croisading for d 
lake of what was called religion, prevailed, I doubt ' 
not but he would have made as vile wort: as ths | 
worst, and most enterprisiog of his predecessors, 
the times in which he lived permitted him not ti 
agreeably to his wishes. Princes had more wisdoEU < 
than to become his dupes, and excommunicaiions v 
of little signiticancy, for learning and good sense iioi9~l 
begau to prevail, and where these are, ecclesiastical aa^ i 
thority will be little regarded. However, this pop% ] 
we see, talked big ; his briefs have an air of authority^ .' 
sad he did what in him lay lo dispose the EngU^ J 
catholics to behave contrary to their own interest an 
the laws of their country, and consequently to keep u 
a party dependant on himself, and subservient to hii 1 
will, a thing of the worst consequence, and therefor* j 
loudly complained of by James, as we shall soon s 

*' Bellarmioe also writ a letter to Blackwell agaiaat J 
the oath, &c,] Tliis letter begins with retnemberin|f 4 
Blackwell of the long friendship that had been betweett ,j 
them; expresses his grief for Blackweli'a sufferingaj 1 
but more especially for his having, as it was fearet^ 1 
taken the oatli, which he says teiids to this end, that 4 
(he authority of the head of the church in Englal«|1 
may be transferred from the successor of St. Peter to 1 
the successor of king Henry VIII. He declares that ^ 
for this one head of doctrine, Fisher and More led the 
way lo martyrdom to many others, to the exceeding 
giory of the English nation. And then he concludes 
with desiiiog him " not to prefer a temporal liberty to 

JAMES I. iir 

his pen, and published his apology for the 

the liberty of the glory of the sons of God : neither for 
escaping a light aad momentary tribulation, lose an 
eternal weight of glory, which tribulation itself doth 
work in you. You have fought a good fight a long 
time; you have well near finished your course; so 
many years have yoH kept the faith ; do not therefore 
lose the reward of such labours; do not deprive your- . 
self frf that crown of righteousness, which so long ago 
is prepared for you ; do not make the faces of so many 
yours both brethren and children, ashamed ; upon yoa 
at this lime are fixed the eyes of all the churcli; yea 
also you are made a spectacle to the world, to angels, to 
men; do not so carry yourself in this your last act, that . 
you leave nothing but laments to your friends, and joy 
to your enemies: but rather on the contrary, which, 
we assuredly hope, and for which we continually 
pour forth prayers to God, display gloriously the ban?- , 
ner of faith, and make to rejoice the church, which 
you have made heavy; so shall you not only merit ■ 
pardon at God's hands, but a crown, Tarewcl ; quit 
you like a man, and let your heart be strengthened. 
This letter is dated from Rome, Sept. 28, 1607'." 
Bellarmine mistook the sense of the oath about which 
he writes, as we shall see by James's answer. But not 
to insist on this, for the present, I would ask whether 
(here is not something very odd in this peisuading * 
men to undergo martyrdom, when we ourselves are in 
ease, and like to continue so? does it come with a 
good grace from the mouth of a rich cardinal, who had ■ 
aspired to the papacy, and even now enjoyed the great- 
est plenty of all things. When we see men under suf- 
ferings, triumph and rejoice in them, and coateutedly 

f Kinj James's Works, p. 361. 




.4)ath of allegiance, against the two briefs of 

bear tiiem themselves, and exhort others to do so like- 
vise, their exhortations >vill have great force and effi-: 
cacy; their propriety is seen and acknowledged, and 
all virtuous men are edified. But to persuade others 
to submit to what we ourselves are strangers to, and 
.which probably we should shrink at the undergoing, 
is not quite so well in the eyes of the world. But Bel- 
larmine was at ^ distance; Blackwell's reproaches 
.could not have made bijn blush ; and so the authority 
of the pope ^as maintained, it mattered not who suf- 
fered. Modest man! good friend! happy for him to 
Vrhom he writ, that he knew what was right, and for 
his own interest, or else probably tribulation would 

Jiave been bis portion. One would be apt to wonder 

how it com^s tp pass, that those men who were so for- 
ward tQ serid others on dangerous expeditions, to 
promote the interest of the church, and make mea 
proselytes aa|ong infidels and heretics, and encourage 
jhem so much with the prospects of the highest rewards 
hereafter: I say one would be apt to wonder why 
hardly any of these persons ever set out on these expe- 
ditions themselves, and strive to obtain those glorious 
prowns they set before the eyes of others. . We see 
^ey chuse themselves that part of the vineyard where 
is the richest spil, and the least ^wk to be done. In 
. this they take their ease, and enjoy tlvemselves comr 
fortably, and never change unless it be for the better. 
What are we to conclude from hence? do not they 
believe what they teach to others? are they disposed 
to procure their own advantage by th^ 9Weat, labour, 
?axd blood of the honest, the simple, the credulous ? the 
ynWi^^ii^g race would say so ; and those who belong 
not to that tribe of men, would yet be glad to know 
how^ on this head^ to confute them. 

JAM£S 1. 119 

pope Paulus Quiiitu8*',and theletter of car- 

*' James published his apology for the oath of all**- 
giance against the two briefs, Ecc] Take the follow- 
iug account of the occasion of this apology from 
bishop Mountaguc, James's prefacer, " After the pope 
had put forth liis brMs, and the cardinal had sent his 
letters to the arch-priest; the one to enjoin the people 
not to take the oath of allegiance, affirming that they 
could not take it with safety of their salvation : the 
other to reprove the arch-priest for that he had taken 
it, and to draw him to a penitency for so foul a lapse. 
His majesty, like as become a prudent and religion^ 
prince, thought it not meet, that these things shoald 
pass for current, but that it was expedient bis people 
should know, that the taking this oath was so far from 
'endangering their souls, as that it intended nothing 
but civil obedience, and without touching any point 
of their conscience, made the state secure of their alle- , 
giance. To peifoiia thii work, his majesty thought 
the bishop of Wi^^ttsKc' [Dr. Bilson, if 1 rightly re? 
member] that tliAb-waB>a very lit man, both for bis 
singular leamlitg) U ibr that he had long laboured in 
an argument, not much of a diverse nature from this; 
whereupon his majesty calling for pen and ink, to give 

'This Biahop was Dr. T. Bili^an, who was adtsneed to that see In 1397, 
and died ia 1516, TUe book uf liis referred lo by bishop Moata^e, mu 
probably that |iriii(edat Oxford 1 j'.S, in4lo. andiiititled, ' The true differ- 
ence betveciiecdristiansiibjeetinn niidantichriitisa rebellion; whcreio ths 
priDEes lanfull poner unci ciimmniid For tniEth, aod imIepriTeabte ri^ht to 
liKire the Kvoril ore defendciJ again^i the papist ceniara, and Uip jptoitt 
tiiphismea uttered In tbeir spnlogir and defence of Edgliah cathnlikea with 
a .kinnnrtratioD, tliat tfcethinai rel'ocirmed in the cbiiTCb of England by the 
liiivcsof this rcaline are truly cat hoi ike, notwithstanding the vajne abev 
made to the contrary in their late Rhemisb Tuatament, by Thorn a « BLltoa, 
warden of Winchester. Penned and allowed bf publike autboritie.' 


dinaJ Bellarminc to G. Blackwell tlie arch- J 

my lord of Winchester directions how and in what 1 
mauntr to proceed in this argument, I know not hoWf | 
it came to pass, but it fell out true that the poet saitivJ 

" Amphora roepit 

" for the king's pen ran so fast, that in the compass of , 
six days, his majesty had accomplished that which hft i 
now calleih his apology; which when my lord of Catv- 
terbury [Bancroft] that then was, and my lord of Eiy- 
[Andrews] had perused, being indeed delivered by hi^ J 
majesty but as brief notes, and in the nature of a n 
nute to be explicated by the bishops in a lai'gervo-i j 
lome; yet they thought it so sufficientan answer both;,! 
to the pope atid cardinal, as there needed no other. 
Whereupon his mnjesty was persuaded to give way tOi 
the coming of it forth, but was pleased to conceal hit i 
name ; and so have we the apology beyond his man ' 
jesty's own purpose or determination'." Tlie readeris 
welcome to believe as much or as little of all this as hQ' i 
pleases. For my own part, I doubt not, but James 
was well enough pleased to engage in a controversy in 
which he was almost sure of success. For the pope, 
with all his in fallibility, had urgud nothing material . 
against the oath of allegiance, and the cardinal ha^ I 
quite mistook the sense of it ; as every one upon con 
paring the briefs of the one, and the letter of the olh^^l 
with the oath, will plainly see, as James in this pieis^ f 
has fully shewn. Indeed all objections of the latter 1 
are pointed against the oath of supremacy, which is a 
very difFerent thing from the oath of alle'giance. 1h 

■ Preface to King James's Works. 

JAMES I. lei 

priest. Though James had not set his name 
to tliis piece, no one doubted but he was the 

this piece James, after mentioning the powder pla^ 
takes notice of the intention of the oath, whicji hit 
says, " was specially to make a separation between JD 
many of his subjects, who although popishly affectd^ 
yet retained in their hearts the prints of their natural 
duty to their sovereign ; and those who being carried 
away with the like fanatical zeal that the powder* 
tray tors were, could not contain themselves within the 
bounds of their natural allegiance, but thought diver- 
sity of religion a safe pretext for all kinds of treasons 
and rebellions against their sovereign*." He thea 
mentions the good effects the oath had produced; 
the mischiefs yf the pope's briefs ; the incivility of the 
pope in condemning him unheard ; and after that pro-^ 
ceeds to a formal examination of them. In this part 
of his work he sets forth his great favour to the catho- 
lics, in admitting them to his presence, dubbing many 
of them knights, freeing recusants from their ordinary 
payments, and bestowing favours and honours equally 
on them with the. protestants. He then formally eiH 
ters into the discussion of the pope's briefs, and by 
scripture, fathers, and councils, attempts to coofate 
them* He proceeds to attack Bellarmine ; and shiews 
that he had mistook the oath of supremacy for the o&A 
of allegiance, and on this mistake had proceeded in 
his letter to Blackwell. He asserts the oath of allegi« 
^nce to be confirmed by the authority of ancient coun- 
cils : shews that no decisiop of any point of religion 
is contained in it; that Bi^armine had contradicted 

^ King James's Works, p. 24A, 


author of it. It remained not long without 
feplies*^ containing such things as highly 

Ibis fonner writings; and that his authorities from the 
Others were insufficient. This is the substance of this 
.ijpology, in which, though there is nothing in it of 
gjreat merit, we may justly say James came off con- 
queror. However, we may remark, that though his 
favours to the catholics might manifest them guilty of 
ingratitude towards him, yet could they be no great 
recommendation of him to his protestant subjects. 
They shewed an indifferency with respect to the two 
religions, which, I suppose, was not so well digested 
by them. But James was not one of those who fore- 
saw consequences. What made for his present pur- 
pose he catched hold of, without reflecting that one 
day or other it might be made to serve against himself. 
An imprudence which controvertists frequently are 
guilty of. The least shadow of an argument they 
make use of; weaken, or endeavour to invalidate the 
most important doctrines which at any time stand in 
their way; and blab out those things which it is most 
their interest to conceal, and which hereafter they, 
bitterly repent of, when they find the uses made of 
them by able or artful opponents. 

*' It remained not long without replies, containing 
^ch things as highly displeased him.] Tliough James's 
name was not prefixed to the first edition of his apo- 
logy, yet he made presents of it to the foreign ambas- 
sadors in his own name, and his arms were put in the 
frontispiece thereof, as hinaself tells us *. This was suf-. 
ficient to put the author out of doubt. But notwith- 
standing his adversaries treated him without ceremony. 

» Works, p. 990. 

JAMES L 193 

displeased him. Whereupon he writ his 

-The famous Robert Parsons began the attack> in a 
book called the Judgment of a Catholic gentleman, 
concerning king James's apology for the oath of alle- 
giance. Qu. S, Omers, 16O8 *. Bellarmine continued 

it, under the feigned name of Mattheus Tortus, and 
gave his majesty the lie in express terms, and seven 
times charged him with falsehood, which was thought 
by him equivalent to a lie ^. The king is here told^ 
that pope Clement thought him to be inclined to their 
religion ; that he was a puritan in Scotland, and a per- 
secutor of the protestants ; that he was a heretic and 
po christian. His majesty was also let know, ^' that 
^ome of bis officers of estate put the pope and cardh? 
nals in hope that he would profess himself a catholic, 
when he cauie to the crown of England ; yea, that he 
himself had written letters full of courtesie to the two 
cardinals Aldo-brandino and Bellarmine, wherein he 
praved, that one of the Scottish nation might be created 
cardinal; that by him, as an agent, he might the more 
easily and safely do his business with the pope*^." — — r 
This must have veiled James pretty much, I suppose^ 
OS the reader, by comparing what is contained ip note$ 
8 and 13, will be apt to think there was some truth in 
it. A third answerer ,of this apology ^as Francis 
Suarez, well known in the learned world. Sir Henry 
Saville, whose i&dition of St. Chrysostom has perpe- 
tuated bis fam^, being prevailed on, I know not. by 
what motive, to help translate James's book into Latin; 
it soon got to Rome ; froni thence Suarez was com- 

■ Wood's AthcnaB Oxoni^sep, vol. I.c.362. *» King James's Works,p,294. 
* Caldcrwood, p. 600. See the letter itielf in the sanoe writer, p. 427. 
|t is addressed to the pope ; but there are instructions aftfirKards added> 
for applying to the cardinals. See also Roshwotth, vol. I. p. 162. 




premonition** to all most mighty raonarchg. 

mandcd to answer it, who performing hia taste, it WM 
published, and as soon as the copies came into England^ 

one of them was burnt*. Nicolaus CfsffeteafyM 

bishop of Dardanie, preacher to Henry IV. of FrancejT 
answered James, as he said, very moderately and nio» 1 
destly, " But llie king was nothing pleased with hi* i 
fawning, nor t6olt it in better part than if (as he said)> 
he should have bid a t — d in his teeth, and then erf j 
Sir reverence ".", Let us observe here by the way, 
mistake of Mr. Perrault, in speaking of Cceffeteau, I 
saj's he, " the king (Henry the Great) committed 1 
him, at the solicitation of Perron, the answeringof llw 
king of England's book on the eucharist, which lie d 
with a great deal of cogency'." Now James ne\ 
writ on the cuchariat. The book Cceffeteau answer* 
was his apology ; consequently Perrault is mistakea- I 
Nor can 1 persuade myself he speaks truly, when h* j 
says, the then iTench king cominitted to him the an- ] 
swering James's hook. The doctrine contained in ^. j 
could not he displeasing to Henry, and I believe h^l 
would have been sorry it should have been subverted, f 
I know of no more answers to James's apology; and | 
whether I am as exact as I should be in my account ■ 
of these, I cannot well determine ; being far removed 
from libraries, firom which help might be expected ■■." ' 

** Whereupon he writ hia premonition to all most . 
mighty monarchs, Etc.] " After the apology was out^ J 
says Dr. Mountague, his majesty divers times would be ] 
pleased to utter a resolution of his, that if the pope^fl 
and cardinal would not rest in his answer, and sit down f 

■Wood, yol. I.e. 468. «■ Win wood, vol. III. p. 1 17. ' Ch 

Historicat and raiiegytical, vol, II p. ) 1. Sto. LonJ. 1'05. 





JAMES I. 125 

kings, free princesj and states of Christen- 
by it, take the oath as it was intended for a point of 
allegiance and civil obedience, he would publish the 
apology in bis own name, witli a preface to all the 
princes in Christendom; wherein he would publish 
such a confession of his faith, persuade the princes so 
to vindicate their own power, discover so much of the 
mystery of iniquity unto them, as the pope's built 
should pull in their horns, and himself wish he had 
never meddled with this matter. The cardinal con- 
tending against the apology, his majesty confirmed 
Lis resolution, and with the like celerity in the com- 
pass of one week, wrote his monitory preface ; and being 
so written, published it and the apology in his own 
name, and made good his word, sent it to the emperor, 
and ait the kings and free princes in Christendom'." 
Great dispatch this! but as we have a bishop's word 
for it, we cannot refuse to subscribe to the truth of it. 
In his dedication to the emperor Rodolph II. and the 
princes and states of Christendom, be stiles himself 
professor, maintainer, and defender of the true, chris- 
tian, catholic, and apostolic faith, professed by the 
antient and primitive church, and scaled with the blood 
of so many holy bishops, and other fiiithful crowned 
with the glory of martyrdom ^ Ue^en in a particu- 
lar manner addresses himself unto them, and tells them, 
" that the cause iu which he is engaged is general, and 
concemeth the authority and privilege of kings iage* 
neral, and all super-eminent temporal powers^," He 
proceeds to give reasons fur printing the apology with- 
out his name ; shews why he thought now proper to 
avow it, and goes on to shew the occasion of it. He 

amei'i Worki. ' James's Works, p. B3S, ' IJ, p 2S9. 


tlom, published it, and the apology in hisi 

lets them know, that the publishing his book had' 
brought such two answerers, or rather railers, upon hira^ 
as all the world might wonder at. He then tails foul- 
on Parsons, for whom he says a rope is the fittest an- 
swer; and proceeds to Mattheus Tortus, who called' 
himself llellarniine's chaplain. "An obscure an thory 
says he, utterly unknown to me, being yet little knowa* 
to the world for any other of his works ; and therefor* 
must be a very desperate fellow in beginning his ap- 
preniisagc, not only to refate, but to rail upon a king "." 
One would ihiok by thia James knew not that in th«^ 
republic of tetters no man holds any other rank thani 
what he can procure by his own industry and abilities/ 
For which reason if the greatest prince commences w. 
member of it, be is to expect, injustice, no other re- 
gard than what his fellow-members shall judge he 
really merits, if he would not be treated like an au- 
thor, he should not commence author. The moment 
he acts publicly in that cliaracter, he is liable to hft 
refuted, ridiculed, or exposed; nor has he any bod j5 
but himself to thankforii.—Butletusgo on without! 
subject. James, from some passages, concludes that 
Bellavmine was bfs real answerer, under the feigned- 
name of Tortus, aiid as such he speaks of him. After 
ffliantioning the epithets bestowed on himself by hi» 
^HWerer, lie asks the princes whether this be mannerly' . 
diBaJing with a king ? and he doubts not but that they 
will resent such indignities done to one of their qua^ 
lity. He then shews the insufficiency of the cardinal's 
reply to his apology, aggravates the power he gives to' 
the popes, shews that they formerly were in subjection.' 

JAMES I. 187, 

oWn name, and sent it to the emperor, and 
princes, to whom it was addriessed. The^ 

to christian emperors^ and that their assent was necet; 
sary to their elections, and that they had been deposed 
by them. Kings also, he says, have denied the tempo- 
ral superiority of the popes, more especially his own 
predecessors. Apostate he shews he is none, and he- 
retic that he cannot be, as believing all the three 
creeds, and as ^' acknowledging for orthodox all those 
other forms of creeds, that either were devised bj^ 
councils or particular fathers, against such particular, 
heresies as most reigned in their times*.'' He then 
gives a long-^winded confession of faith, with reasons^ 
such as they are, of his belief; and afterwards spends 
no less than twenty folio pages on the subject of Anti- 
christ, which he thus concludes, " Thus has the cardi- 
nals shameless wresting two of those places of scripture, 
pasce oves mens, Is tibi dabo claves, for proving the 
pope's temporal authority over princes, animated me 
to prove the pope to be the antichrist out of the book 
of scripture; so to pay him his own money again. 
And this opinion no pope can ever make me to recanjty 
except they first renounce any farther meddling witli 
princes, in any thing belonging to their temporal jurise 
diction V Returning then to Bellarmine's reply, he? . 
complains loudly of the lies contained in it, and of the 
ill-manners wherewith it abounds ; and after a gr^at 
deal of heavy stujff about the powder-plot, oath of alle- 
giance, the villany of Gamer, &c. he addresses himself 
to the kings and princes, and prays God that he and 
they may not suffer the incroaching Babylonian mo- 

? Works, p. 302, * Id. p. 328. 


prefacer of liis majesty's works tells us of 

the great effects produced by this premoni- 

narch to gain ground upon them. It is very remark-' J 
able, that in this answer to Bellarmine, contained irf^ 
the premonition, James takes not the least Dotice of 
the BccoUDt given by him of his having formerly v 
ten to the pope, and begged a cardinal's hat for oneof'_-l 
his subjei'ts, in order that through him he miglitbtf'l 
the more able to advance his affairs in the court oPI 
Rome. This, I say, is remarkable, and argues iff',, 
James a convlctiou of the truth of what w!;s allcdged ' i 
against him. Indeed, with no face could he preteiMPB 
to deny it: for it was well known to bis own and foreignj^J 
ministers, that his ambassador at the French court hatf J 
frequently solicited it, and thereby had reflected on hii ' 
honour and judgment'; and that he himself had nego- 
tiated with the pope by means of cardinal Aldo-bran- 
dini, in order, as was thought, to his becoming catho- 
lic". He had not the face therefore to deny, in a 
work addressed to foreigners, a fact which could so' 
easily have been made good against him. However,*. 
iii order to amuse his own subjects, he pretended the 
letter written to the pope, produced in this controversy "i 
was surreptitiously obtained by lord Balmerino; an^^l 
accordingly that lord, following the direction in i 
things of lord Dunbar ', after having confessed that bt' ' 
himself drew the letter without his majesty's know-' 

isent, and got him ignorantly to sign i^*J 
had sentence of death passed on him for this bis ae-"' 
tion. No doiibt of it, James thought hereby to have 
cleared himself in the eyes of hia subjects of all cor- 

lemorUli, toI I. p. 3S8. 
ici Caltlcniwid, p. 604. u 

"Biich'i N«gotiati 
I Spot. wood, p. 501. 




JAMES I. 139 

tion*% but> if we deal impartially, vrt mtKt 

respondeace with the pope. " But when BnlmSHno 
was presently pardoned, and, after a short confinement, 
restored to his liberty: all men, says Bimiel, believed 
tfaattlie king knew of the letter, and that the pretend- 
ed confession of the secretary was only collusion to 
lay the jealousies of the king's favouring popery, 
which still hung upon him, notwithstanding his writing 
on the Revelations, and his affecting to enter on all 
occasions into controversy, asserting in particular that 

the pope was antichrist V So that his artifice was of 

no avail, the covering was too thin; and all who had 
eyes must see that there was but too much truth in 
what had been said concerning him. Such are the ef- 
fecta of dissimulation ! whereas honesty, integrity, and 
fair-dealing, appear openly and above-board, and al- 
ways on examination are honourable to those by whom 
they are practised, and generally profitable. 

" The prefacer to his majesty's works tells us of the 
great eifccta produced by this premonition.] He Ob- 
serves, " that upon the coming forth of that boot, 
there were no states that disavowed the doctrine of it 
in the point of the king's power; and the Venetian* _ 
maintained it in their writings, and put it in execu- 
tion; the Sorbons maintained it likewise in France." ^ * 

Gdly, "That their oivn writers that opposed it, so 
overlashed, as they were corrected and castigated by 
men of their own religion." 

3d!y, "That his majesty's confession of faiih had 
been so generally approved, as that it had converted 
many of their party ; and that had it not been for the 
treatise of antichrist, he had been informed many more 

130 THE UtE OF 

acknowledge that it met but with a very 

would easily liave been induced to subscribe to all id 
ihat preface." i 

4thly, " That kings and princes had by his majesty^ 
premonition a more elear insight, and a more perf'eQ 
discovery, into the injury offered to them by the popffi ' 
in the point of their temporal power, than ever they 
hiid, insomuch as that point was never so thoroughly 
disputed in Christendom, as it had been by the occa- 
sion of his majesty's hook." 

Laatly, " That for the point of antichrist, he had 
heard many confess, that they never saw so much light 
given into it, as they bad done by this performance.". 
So that, adds he, " though controversies he fitter subi- 1 
jectB for scholars ordinarily, than for kings, yet whea 
there was such a necessity in undertaking, and such a 
success being performed, I leave it to the world tOi 
judge, whether there was not a special hand in it of 
God or no *." 

And I will lea\e the world to judge of the gross flat- 
tery, not to say impiety, of this prelate in talking after, ■ 
this rate. What! mast we attribute the squabbles of' 
pedants to God ? must his hand be concerned in usher- 
ing into the world the dull heavy performance of a, , 
king? far be such thoughts from us! when God acts,- 
he acts like himself; all is wise, good and successful; 
nor can we more dishonour him than by calling him in . 
as an encourager or assister of our whims and extra- 
vagancies. But this bishop had no sense of propriety; 
as long as he could praise he was sutisfled, let it be in 
ever so wrong a place; by which his own character 
suffered, and his master was despised. 

* Prefacs to J>me>'« Workii. 

JAMES I. 131 

indifferent reception abroad, especially from 

It is pleasant enough, however, to see such effects at- 
tributed to this work of James's. The Venetians, up- 
on the coining out of this book, maintained the doc- 
trine of the supreme power of temporals in princes and 
free states. It is true they did j and they had done it 
before ever James had put pen to paper on this sub- 
ject; for the quarrel with the pope, which produced 
the interdict, arose from thence; now this commenc 
Anno 1606, and James's Apology was not printed 1 
the year 1609, and consequently neither it nor llie prej 
monition which came after it, could be the cause i 
their holding this doctrine". As to theSorbonne, ever, 
since the extinction of the civil wars in France, they: ' 
had taught itj nor could be expected any sovereign 
state would disavow it: so that whatever the bishop 
might say,itis certain nothing this way was produced. 
As for James's adversaiies being opposed by men a': 
their own religion, it is not to be wondered at. There 
are every where men who love controversy, and there- 
fore that will oppose, if only for a shew of their parts 
and learning. How many were converted by his ma- 
jesty's confession of faith I cannot say, I remember to 
have read but of one, the archbishop of Spalatro '' ; but 
I know very well that within a few yean of this con- 
troversy, great numbers of the British protestant sub- 
jects revolted to the Romish communion, none of 
which, I believe, were induced to return by this per-* 

formance. If many were converted by it, why had 

they not been pointed out ? we know Waddesworth, 

'Fatber Paul's life, by Lwkman, prefixed to Ms traatiK of ecclesiat 
rnl beneOcei, p.4S. Sro. Load. 1136. and Bircb's NegatiBfions, p. "199. 
'' Fraaklond's AnnalB, p, S7. 


most of the princes and states to whom 

it was addressed ** ; though tliere were not 


chaplain to Sir Chailes ComwalJia, ambassador i 
Spain, was reconciled lo the church of Rome, b 
several of the said Sir Charles's kinsmen': We kno^ 
likewise that Toby Matthews (afterwards Sir Tohj)^ 
son to tlie archbishop of York, went over to il like- 
wiBc''; but their return is never mentioned, nor i 
there any conversions by means of his majesty's book," ' 
except that one I have spoke of, recorded, and which, 
if true, was of no consequence: for it is well known 
that Spalatro went off from the protestants, and came " 
to a most nnhappy end at Rome: so that the bisho^H 
has been very unhappy in his assertions witli respect^ 
to the consequences of the premonition, and cannofe' 
but be put down as an inventor. As to the fourth and 
last things mentioned as following from this book, C 
have nothing to say to them : they are before the 
reader, and he may view^liiem in. what light he 

** It met with but a very indifiereot reception I 
abroad, &c.] Let us hear a zealous hugonot : " Thi» 
work [the apology and premonition prefixed] served 
for no more than to shew the little account the catho-^ 
lies made of the author. It was not looked upon id 
Spain; 'twas burnt in Florence; the inquisition at 
Rome put it in the number of prohibited books; 'twa» 
ill received in France by the catholics, and the king 
forbad it should be translated or printed. 'Twas only 
at Venice where the reading of it was not prohibited*." 

' tliitary of the Ediat of Nantes, >oL ]. 

n. 4to. LoDil. 1694. 

JAMES i. 133 

wanting those at home who applauded and 
defended it. 

Arminius dying Oct. 19, 1609, Conrad 
Vorstius was invited to succeed him in his 


There is some truth in this, though the account given is 
not very exact. Let us correct it as well as we can 
from Winwood's State Papers. Lord Salisbury, in a 
letter to Sir Charles Cornwallis, dated June 8, I609, 
tells him that "his majesty had thought fit to send 
his book to the Emperor, to the French king, who hath 
received it, and all other christian kings and princes, 
as a matter which jointly concerns their absolute ju- 
risdiction and temporalities'." But though it was 
acnt to all other christian kings and princes, it was uot 
received by them. The arch-dukes would not accept 
of it""; and even the state of Venice, " after they had 
received the king's books, they did by public ordi- 
nance forbid the publishing of the same; which (says 
Sir Thomas Edmondes) Sir_ Henry Wooion took so 
tenderly, as thereupon he charged them with the breach 
of their amity with his majesty, and declared unto 
them that in respect thereof he could not longer ex- 
ercise his charge of a public minister among them. 
This protestation of his was found so strange by that 
state, as they sent hither^ in great diligence to under- 
stand whether his majesty would avow him therein, 
which did very mnc^ trouble them here to make a 
cleanly answer thereunto, for the salving the ambassa- 
dor's credit, who is censured to have prosecuted the 
matter to an over great extremity V This must have 

*Wlnwoi.d,v^Siui.p.5l. "Id.p. 68. 

londw, Oct. i. 1609. " WipwooJ, toL III. p. T 

' This ii written from 



professor's chair of divinity atLeyden : after 
a year's deliberation he accepted of it. But 
James, in the mean time, having seen some 
of his writings, sent orders to his ambassa- 

been a great mortification to James, bad he had much 
sensibility of temper; but yet, even this was nothing 
to the slight which was put upoQ his piece by the Spa- 
niards ; for it was no sooner known in Spain that ■ 
James was about to write against the pope, than the 
secretary of stale sent word to Sir Charles Cornwallia, 
" that the king his master did much grieve at it, and 
marvelled that the king of Great Britain (the pope in 
no sort meddling with him) would put his own hand 
into such a business V But though the ministers of 
state in England knew this, yet, when Sir Charles 
Comwallis received his majesty's letter of revocation, 
" he also received a book of his majesty's, together 
with a letter to the king of Spain." But for fear of an 
indifferent reception, or rather a refusal of both the 
one and llie other, he was ordered by Lord Salisbury, 
from the king, to " present the letter and the book to 
the king of Spain himself, as speedily and conveniently 
as might be, without giving any foreknowledge that 
he was to present any such matter ; for which purpose, 
adds his lordship, the letter for your revocation may 
serve you for a good pretext of access ''." They saw 
there was need of dexterity to get the book accepted ; 
indeed they could not help it ; for the Spanish ambas- 
sador at London had refused the book, when sent him 
by the lord treasurer' ; and what he had done, it was to 
be feared, his master would do. An,d Bt^it fell out ; ^ 

' WiDVOod, ToL IL p. 4 

Id. vol, III. p. 51. ■ Id. tdI. IIL p. 55. 



JAMES I. 135 

dor, Sir Ralph Winwood, in Holland, to re- 
present the vileness of his doctrines, and de- 
sire that he might not be admitted to his 

for just before Sir Charles had his last audience of the 
king of Spain, the duke uf Lerma let him know plainly, 
that he was informed that he intended at his taking 
leave of his master, to present his Britannic majesty's 
book to him; that he was surprised that it could be 
imagined it would be received; and therefore gave 
him fair warning to forbear presenting the bookj 
" whereby, said he, might be avoided a refusal that 
would be so unpleasing to the one lo give, and so dis- 
tasteful to the other to receive." Cornwallis replied to 
Lerma with zeal and understanding; but it was all in 
vain ; he was told positively, " the king of Spain ' 
would never receive, much less give reading to any 
book containing matter derogatory to his religion and 
obedience lo the see of Rome." This silenced him ; 
he took his leave of the Spanish king, and was obliged 
to carry back the book with him'. What an affront 
this ! how provoking to one so full of his own abilities 
as James ! he thought, doubtless, that his fellow kinga 
with attention would have read his works, applauded 
his talents, and magnified his art and dexterity in con- 
troversy. But he was mistaken, few foreigners spoke 
well of his writings, and we see with what contempt 
he was treated by some of those to whom his book was 
addressed. However his flatterers at home kept up his 
spirits. Most wise, most learned, most understanding 
were the epitheu bestowed on him by the designing . 
courtiers, and aspiring clergy. These he was so long 

.1. Itl, p. 6' 


place. The states returning an answer not 
satisfactory, he renewed his application ( . 
aftd in order the more effectually to exclude 

need to hear, that it ig not improbiible he might coh^ 
at length to think he deserved them. It would b« 
useless to take notice of the several writers of thf 
English nation who appeared in defence of Jamoi 
»gaiasl his adversaries. Their names may be seen ifl 
Fuller'; but for their works they are almost out of re- 
membrance I ODg ago, the reverends and right reverend^ 
by cruel fate, were doomed to be 

Martyrs of pics, aad reliqUES of the bum. 

But all writings are not formed to abide any coi>.' 
siderable spate of time : and well were it for the world, 
if the dread of oblivion would restrain the zealot, the 
pedant, the half-thinker from troubling its repose by 
tlieir controversieB. 

I will only observe before I conclude this note, that 
Gaspar Scioppius, that man of great reading and mudi 
learning, who had parts superior to most, and severity 
and ill manners equal to his abilities, published two 
pieces against James's apology and premonition; the 
one entitled Ecclesiaslicus auctOTitatt ieieiiissimi D. .fa^ 
cahi MiigntE Brllttiiiiia regis oppositia, printed in l6l 1 j 
and llie other siiled Cnllyriam regiiivi Brilumria regi 
gratiter ex ocuiis laborauli muneii vthtum, printed the 
(ume year. It may be supposed no great regard could 
be paid James by a writer of such a character; btit it 
had been better tor him to have used a little mote dc- 

* Cbkuch Historj', cent, !''. book lO-Pi 43. 

JAMES I. 137 

Vwstius from the place to which he had 
been chosen, and also had accepted, he pub- 
lished a declaration *' concerning the pro- 



cency.forhe had well near lost liia life by the iKiaiiU^ 
some of the English ambassador's aervaiils at Madrid, 
for his want of it*. The truth is, no men deaerre 
paDishmeiit more than writers of ScioppiuB's temper. 
He railed, he reviled, he reproached, he uttered a tliou- 
sand falsehoods against his adversaries, and stuck at 
nothing in order to defame. Men's reputations he 
valued not, nor cared he who was hurt by his calum- 
nies. He deserved chastisement from the hand of the 
magistrate ; and it wou d have been no more than jus- 
tice to have treated him as a criminal. For there is a 
great deal of difference between refuting and defaming 
an adversaiy, between shewing the inconcluBJveness 
of his reasonings, and inventing lies in order to blast 
his characier; and 1 cannot help thinking that he who 
does the latter, ought to be looked on as a wretch who 
is a disgrace both to learning and humanity, and ex- 
posed to the punishment of calumniators. 

" He published a declaration concerning the pro- 
ceedings in the cause of Vorstius.j This declaration 
is " dedicated and consecrated to the honour of oui' 
Lord and Saviotir Jesus Christ, the eternal Son of the 
eternal Father, the only ©EANQPHnOZ, mediator and 
reconciler of mankind, in sign of thankfulness, by his 
most humble, and most obliged servant, James, &c. ^" 
If this dedication be thought extraordinary, the decla- 
ration itself will be judged more so ; for he declares it 

• S«e Bayle's 1 

' James's Worki, r 

teioppiiia, notes (o) and («). 


ceedings with the States General of the Unit- 
ed Provinces of the Low Countries in the 
cause of D. Conradus Vorslius, in which, 

to be the duly of a christian king to extirpate heresies; . 
professes ihat it is zeal for the glory of God which 
alone induces him lo move for the hanishmeat of Vor- 
stius, vvhom he stiles a wretched heretic, or rather 
atheist, out of the State's dominions; and then goes 
on to give an account of what he had done in that af- 
fair. He gives us a copy of his first letter to Sir Ralph 
Winwood, in which he orders him to tell the States, 
that "there had lately come to his hands a piece of 
work of one Vorstius, a divine in those parts, wherein 
he had published such monstrous blasphemies, and 
horrible atheism, as he held not only the book worthy 
to be burnt, but even the author himself to be most 
severely punished;" and withal he commands him to 
" let them know how infinitely he shall be displeased 
if such a monster receive advancement in the church ; 
and that if they continue their resolution to advance 
him, he will make known to the world in print how 
much he detested such abominable heresies, and all 
allowers and tolerators of them ;" and that the states 
might not want proper information, he sent a catalognt 

of his damnable positions'." But the states weiB "i 

not so furious as James; they iiad more knowledge^ ^' 
and consequently more discretion. All the answer. J 
he could get amounted to no more than a represents i 
lion of the good character of Vorstius, his great abili- fl 
ties, the rea»oaab1eness of allowing him to defend ' 
himself against his adversaries, and an aBSurance thit 

' World, p. 350. 

JAMES r. J39 

among other things, he declares, that only 
for the title of one of his books, viz. de 
Jiliatione Christi, an author so suspected as 

if upon examination lie should be found guilty, be 
should not be admitted to the professor's place*. Be- 
fore the receipt of this answer J»mes was determined 
to shew his zeal, and manifest his indignation against 
the heretic. He ordered his books to be burnt in St. 
Paul's church-yard, and both the universities; by this 
means confuting them in the shortest manner. Buthe 
stopt not here; ho renewed his instances to the states 
for the setting aside Vorstius, and again represented 
his execrable blasphemies, and assures them never any 
heretic better deserved to be burnt than he; and lest 
they should hearken to his denials of what was charged 
on him, he asks them, "what will not he deny, that 
denieth the eternity and omnipotency of God. He 
concludes with threatening them that if they should 
fail of that which he expected at their hands, and suf- 
fer such pestilent heretics to nestle among them, he 
should depart and separate himself from such false and 
heretical churches, and also exhort all other reformed 
churches to join with him in a common council, how to 
extinguish and remand to hell those abominable here- 
tics"." — But notwithstanding these threatcniugs, Vor- 
stius came to Leyden. This caused Winwood to pre- 
sent himself before the States, who in a set speech back- 
ed his master's letters, and gave in a catalogue of Vor- 
Btius's errors. But the States answered coldly, and no- 
thing to James's expectation. Winwood therefore, 
according to his orders, protested against the Stales re- 
ceiving Vorstius; and at length an answer was given 

■ Works, p. 35a, 353. 

"Id. p. 356. 

^ is worthy of tlie faggot ; and that if hc 
*1iad been his own subject, he would have 

by them more satisfactory to James. This pleased 
him, hut still in his writings be went on to expose the 

professor, and entered into a very tedious and insipid 

reply to his apology for his writings. This was the 

treatment which a man of piety, parts, and learning 
met with from James, uponaccount of some metaphy- 
sical reasonings on the nature and attributes of God, 
and an error which he held with some of the fathers, 
concerning the corporeity of deity'. I should not 
wonder to hear an inquisitor talk after the manner he 
did ; it would only be in the way of his profession. 
But, I own, 1 can hardly tell how to bear such language 
firom a professed protestant, and a temporal prince. 
And it excites iny indignation to behold a man who 
made no scruple of breaking the laws of the gospel, 
and living in defiance of God himself, by acting 
counter to his commands : 1 say it fills me with in- 
dignation to hear such a one making a loud cry about 
heresy, and stirring up men to punish it. Bnt thus it 
has been, thus, perhaps, it always will be. The great- 
est persecutors have been some of the most wicked and 
abandoned of men. Without a sense of God, or re- 
ligion on their minds, they have pretended to he actu- 
ated by a great zeal for them; and covered with this 
pretence they have gone on, even with the applause of 
the superstitious and bigotted, to glut their ambition, 

their pride, their revenge. James is said to have 

been excited to declare against Voratius, by Abbot, 
archbishop of Canterbury " ; and it is not unlikely. 

* See Dupln'i HlEt. of EoulesiBitical Writers, voL I. p. 93. fal. LDOd. 
1693. " AbrKlgmcDt of Bpndt's Hist, of ihe PeTarmiitloii of Ui< 

Low Countries, wl. 1. p. 3IB.W*o. Load. 1725, and Winwood, vol. ill. 

•I' JAMES I. Ml 

«d him to hare confessed those wicked 
heresies that were rooted iii his heart; and 

Most of the ecclesiastics of that time abounded with a 
fiery zeai, wbich frequently hurried them into actions 
not to be justified. But had not James had' an incli- 
nadon to the work. Abbot would not have been able 
to have prevailed upon him to undertake it. He 
thought, doubtless, that he should acquire fresh ho- 
nour by his pen ; that his people would applaud his 
zeal, and hold in admiration his piety ; and it is not to 
be doubted but many were imposed on by him. How- 
ever Sir Ralph Winwood did not escape censure at 
home, for what he had done in this affair. He had 
protested, as I had just observed, against the States 
receiving of Vorstius ; but he added also, that he pro- 
tested against the violence offered unto the alliance 
between his majesty and those provinces, which, said 
he, "being founded upon the preservation and main- 
tenance of the reformed religion, you have not letted 
(so much as in you lies) absolutely to violrite in the 

proceeding of this cause V James, when he first 

heard of this, said, Winwood hath done secumlum cor 
tneum: but soon afterwards he changed bis note, and 
said " the protest was made at an unreasonable time, 
when he was to receive kindness (namely reimburse- 
ment of money) at the States hands ; and so calling 
for the copies of bis letters, found that the ambassador 
had exceeded his commission, in protesting against 
the alliance which should have been but against the 
religion*." This it is to serve weak princes; they take 
up their resolutions without consideration, and aie 
Boon turned from them. To-day their servants are 

• King Jan 

' Wmimod, vol. III. p. 319, 


I doubt not but he would have been aii \ 

good as his word ; for soon after he caused^ \ 

commended, to-morrow blamed for followiag their in- 
structions. So that little reputation is to be got itf < 
their employment. Winwood received notice of thi^ ■ 
"but the wiser part of the world (says his friend Mr. 
John More to him) considering the tenor of his ma^* 
jesly's sharp letter to the States, and how often, ifl' 
open discourse, he hath threatened not only to write 
hut to fight against them, rather than Vorslius shouW 
rest at Leyden, will more readily conclude that i ' 
majesty varieth in himself, than that you have eTred'.l 
At length, however, Winwood had the pleasure 
hearing that his majesty held him in his favour, j 
spoke well of him ; but for Vorstius, he was oblig 
through these solicitations of James, to renounce) I 
provisionally his employment, and leave Leydenp J 
and expect elsewhere a definitive sentence conceriW ^ 
ing this dispute. He retired to Gouda about May: 
1612, where he lived quiet till the year 1619, when be 
was forced to leave Holland ; for the synod of Doit: 
having declared him unworthy of the professor's chair, 
the states of the province deprived him of that em- 
ployment, and condemned him to a perpetual hanisb- 

ment *■. So sad a thing it is for private men to have 

princes for their adversaries ! right or wrong they . 
must submit, and cannot make resistance. Thoi 
how honourable it is for princes to attack sach, 
reader will determine. 

I will conclude this note with observing that this d 
claration of James against Vorstius, was printed in 

' WinxoDd.Tol. Itl. p. 331. 

* Bayle's DictioaaTj, article Vtintius (Conrad.) 


two of his own subjects to be burnt for 
heresy **. 

French, Latin, Dutch, and English, and consecinently 
his monstrous zeal, his unprincely revilings, and his 
weak and pitiful reasonings were known ihroughout 
Europe". Bui after all, I presume, it was held in 
small account. For Mr. Norton, who "had the print- 
ing of it in Latin, swore he would not print it, unless 
he might have money to print it ''." ^ 

" He caused two of his own subjects to be burnt , 
for heresy.] The names of these two were Bartholo- 
mew Legate, and Edward Wightman. The first of 
these was n man of great skill in the scriptures, and 
his conversation unblameable. His errors were some- 
what of the same kind with those attributed to Soci-' 
nus ; and withal he had the hardiness to say, that the 
Kicene and Alhanaaian creeds contain not a profession 
of the true Christian faith. James caused him to be 
brought to him, and attempted his conversion; but 
when he found that he was intractable, he dismissed 
him with a contemptuous speech; and afterwards by 
the bishops being declared an incorrigible heretic, he 
gave orders to direct the writ de h/eretico combtirendo Do 
the sheriffs of London, and in Sraithfield he was 
burned to ashes. What Wightman was, or what his 
errors, is hard to say. The heresies of Ebion, Cerin- 
thus, Valentinian, Arrius, Macedonius, Simon Magus, 
Manes, Manichceus, Photinus, and the Anabaptists, 
were reckoned up against him in the warrant for his 
burning; but probably, he knew not what they meant 
thereby, any more than they themselves did who insert- 
ed them m his accusation. They were hard words, and 

III. p. 33^. " D9ber'9 Leiten, p. 13. 

14* THE LIFE or 

It is very remarkable, that in this decla- 

they thought, it may be, that they would terrify atri 
alTright. However, this is certain, that for his errorft 
whatever they were, he was burnt at Litchfield'.i 
These executions were in the year l6l 1. 

James had another heretic to exercise his zeal on 
also ; but seeing those that suffered were much pitied, 
he very mercifully let him linger out bis life in New- 
gate. Had I not reason then to say, that I doubted 
not James would have been As good as his word, 
in making Vorstius confess his heresies, had he been 
his subject ? I make no doubt but that he would have 
used his endeavours; and if these had failed, would 
have treated him as bad as he did Legate and Wight- 
man. For he had the spirit of an inquisitor : no pity, 
no compassion was within him: he had no sense of 
tlie worth of those men who preferred a good con- 
science before all things ; be thought it was only obsti- 
nacy in them, and therefore deemed them worthy of 
punishment So easy is it for men who have no prin- 
ciples themselves, to censure and condemn those who 
are truly honest and sincere. 1 wish for the honour of 
human nature, for the honour of Christianity, and the 
honour of the reformation, that no such instances of 
persecution had been to be found; but, as we cannot 
blot them out, we ought to set a mark on those who 
occasioned them, that so their names may be treated 
with that indignation they bo justly merit. 

Since the writing the above, by means of a very 
worthy friend, I have got sight of the commissions 
and warrants for the condemnation and burning of 
Legate and Wightman. The commissions are directed 

ration against Vorstius, he tails foul on the, 

to Thomas lord Elsmere, chancellor of England. Thd 
warrant for the burning Legate ia addressed to the 
sheriffs of London, the other for Wightman, to the 
sheriff of Litchfield. By the commissions the chan- 
cellor is ordered to award aud make out, under tlie 
great seal of England, writs of execution ; and ihe 
sheriffs by the warrant, are required to commit the 
heretics to the fire. The heresies of Legate are (as I 
have represented them from Fuller) reckoned up as tb« 
reason for putting him to death. As for what is charged 
to Wighiman's account, if it be true, (for great doubt 
is to be made of the truth of persecutors) he was cer- 
tuiuly an enthusiast, but, for aught appears, a harm- 
less one; for he is charged with holding, that "he was 
the prophet spoken of in the eighteenth of Deutero- 
nomy in these words, I will rise thein up a prophet, 
&.C. and that this place of Isaiah, I alone have trodden 
the winepress; and that other place, whose fan is in 
his hand, are proper and personal to him the said Ed- 
ward Wightman. He is also accused with believing 
llimself the comforter spoken of in St. John's gospel, 
and the Elias to come ; and that he was sent to perfonn 
his part in the work of the salvation of the world.'.V 
But for his holding the opinions of Manes, aud M^ 
nichees, (as with great learning and judgment they'll 
are distinguished in the warrant) and Simon Magus, 
nothing at all appears even from the enumeration of his 
adversaries. So that I guessed right, that the inseriingp*" 
of these hard names was to terrify and affright*. I' 
will insert a paragraph from the warrant for the exe-' 






Dame of Amiinius**; antl that afterwardsr 

cution of Legate, with the reader's leave, which will 
sliew U3 pretty much the temper of James, and so 
conclude. "As a zealot of justice, and a defender 
the catliohc faith, and willing to defend and mainti 
the holy church, and rights and liberties of the 
and the catholic faith, and such heresies and errors 
every where what in us lieth, to root outand extirpate, 
and to punish with condign punishment such heretic* 
BO convicted, and deeming that such an heretic in 
form aforesaid, convicted and condemned according to 
the laws and customs of this our kingdom of England, 
in tljis part occasioned, ought to be burned with fire, 
we do command, &c. '." 

** He falls foul on the name of Arminius.] 

Anniniuswas aman of sense; he saw the consequences 
of tlie calvinistical doctrines, and set himself to op- 
pose them ; bnt he did it with candour and modesty.- 
Whether his scheme be in all parts of it defensible, of 
whether he in any place has ruft into one extreme in,' 
order to avoid another, and needlessly made innova- 
tions in the received doctitaes of the refonuedchurche^ 
1 leave to divines to be considered. It is sufficient 
here to observe tliat his doctrine was received by many) 
men of great understandings, and that his manners 
were Irreproachable, His memory tlierefore ought to 
liave beeB dear lo every good man, and his reputation, 
should have remained unsullied. But James attacked) 
hiin ; he calls him a " seditious and heretical preacherjj 
an infector of Leyden with heresy, and an enemy of. 
God* :" and W.itljal he complains of his " hard hap not 

, beidg B 


JAMES I. 147 

^^e^onwibut^d iniiCli to the condemnation 
of his followers, by sending liis diviiles to 

to hear of him before he waS dead, and that all the 
reformed churches in GeVinanj had with open mouths 

complained of hio 

-Hard hap indeed .' to be , 

ignorant of the senlimenta of a professor of divinity, 

and unable to enter the lists with him; for this pro^ 1 

bably he would have done, had he found any ihiug tS " 

have fastened on. But James's anger against Armti 

nius soon declined. Though he here branded him fc(f 
an enemy to God, "yet having seen the opinion of ' 
his followers, and their adversaries, and thcarguiDentiJ i 
by which they were supported, discussed at large, hti ] 
tells the States General, it did not nppear to him that 
either of them were inconsistent with the truth of the 
Christian faith, and the salvation of bouIsV This 
letter is dated March 6, I6l3, and is plainly contradic-i 
tory to what I have just cited from his writings. But ] 
a contradiction was nothing to him, A man shalt 
be an enemy to God, or the contrary, just as he takes' 
it in his head; for it was a smalt matter with him t<l^ ] 
accuse, revile, and rail: he was a king, and he ex- I 
pected his word should be taken, though he renderecl ( 
not a reason. However James's fit of good-humout ^ 
lasted not long, with respect to the followers of Armi-' ' 
nius in Holland; they soon again were bad men, helif J 
wicked doctrines, and such as were worthy of his cart^ ] 
to extirpate, as we shall presently see. He joinCti ( 
with their adversaries, and contributed to their und*- 1 
ing; so that he had no stability of judgment, or reeo- 1 
lution, but was various as the wind. 

* Snoa'a Works, p. 350, 334, 3.!5. * Abridgment of BrandlMfl 

Hut. of the Rebrmitin, vol. L p. 39^ Mia^inwood, vul. Ill, p. * 



the synod of Dort '% where their doctrine 
was rejected, the contrary thereunto con- 

^ He contribotcd much to the coodemnatioii of his 
foJIowerSy by sending his divines to the syood of Dort.}- 
The end and design of this synod was to condemn the 
remonstrants; it was called by their professed ene- 
miesy and composed of such as were most of all set 
against them. They took an oath indeed, ** that in 
examining and deciding, they would use no human 
u|4Dg> hut only the word of God. And that during 
all their discussions, they would aim only at the glory 
of God, the peace of the church, and especially the 
preservation of the purity of doctrine ■.•* But this 
was no guard ; every thing was determined according 
to their preconceived opinions, and the contrary was 
judged false and heretical. For it is the manner of 
these assemblies to assume to tliemselves somewhat 
more wisdom than the writers of the New Testament 
ever pretended to. They know better how to express 
doctrines, how to guard against heresies, how to secure 
the peace of the church, and above all how to silence 
and convince gaiusayers in the most effectual manner. 
But, somewhat unluckily, it has happened out, that 
where they have once done good, they have ten times; 
done hurt. Where one breach in the church has been 
made up by them, many have been caused ; and where 
one heresy, as it is called, has been suppressed, numbers 
have been occasioned by them. So that it would be a 
very difficult matter to say what good purpose they 
have ever answered. To tlie members of them, in- 
deed, they have been useful. They have established 
their reputation for orthodoxy with the unthinking" 

* Abridf meat of Brandt, >oL XL p. 41 T. 

firmed, and they themselves stigmatized as 
introductors of novelties, obstinate and dis- 




vulgar ; given them an opportunity of gratifying their 
ambition andloveof power ; and above all of satiating 
their revenge on those who have eclipsed their reputa- 
tion, and hindered them from making the figure they • 
were inclined to. But too sad a truth is it, that they 
never have promoted peace, unity, and love among 
Christians, or the practice of those other virtues 
which are so strongly inculcated in the gospel'. And 
therefore well were it for the world, if it had an as- 
surance of tbeir never more coming into reputation ; 
for the mischiefs they always cause are innumerable. 

No wonder then that the synod of Dort turned 

out as it did. It had beep a miraclp if peace had been 
%he consequence of it. For whatever has been the 
pretence, I believe it liardly ever was the real end of 
the meetings of this sort. But let us see what hand 
James had in this synod, and how he contributed to - 

llie condemnation of the followers of Arminius. 

The synod began to meet Nov. 13, 16I8. It consisted 
of thirty-six ministers of the United Provinces, and 
five professors, together with twenty elders; to these 
■weic added twenty-eight foreign divines, among whom 
were the following sent by James, George Carleton 
bishop of Landaff, Joseph Hall dean of Worcester,' 
John Davenant -^ofeasor of divinity and master of 
queen's college at Cambridge, and Samuel Ward arch- 
deacon of Taunton, head of Sydney college at Cam- 
bridge, and sometime after, Walter Balcanqual, a 

' Sec Andrew Marvel's Hist. Essay touching gcnoral councils, creedi, 
^c. and Jortin'e Preface to liis Remarks oa Ecclaissbcil Hiilory, toI. !• 



obedient, preachers of erroneous tlQcjtrine, 
and corrupters of rdigion ; and as such 

Scotch divine, wot added to them, to represent the 
churches of his country '. [The ever memorahle John 
Haleg also alteuded the syaod, not as a member, bul 
vraa sent by Sir Dudley Carleton, the English am- 
bassador at Holland, whose chaplain he was, to give 
him an accouot of what passed in the synod''.] These 
divines sent by James were not as furious in iheir be- 
haviour towards the remonstrants, as their own coun- 
trymen ; but they performed the eiTand forwhicb they 
vere sent, the condemnation of the opinions of Anni- 
nius, and establishment of those of Calvin. For this 
purpose these gentlemen, though one of them a bishop, 
and most of the other dignified in an episcopal church; 
the*e gentlemen, I say, took on them to handle the 
controverted points, and to engage against the errors of 
the Armioians, in a synod made up of mere presbyters, 
and the president of which was only one of the same 
character'. They made speeches to overtiirow certain 
distinctions framed by the remonstrants, for the main- 
tenance of their positions, and evasion from the con- 
tra-remonstrant s arguments^. They differed among 
themselves*, and fell into heals with some of tli^ 
other members'; hot they agreed in approving the 
Belgic confession of faith, and the Heidelberg cate- 
chism '. In short, they dispatched tbe work intended, 
and contributed to the woes which followed soon after 

upon the poorArminians.' It isremarkablealso that 

Geven years did not suffice to allay t)ie wrath of James 

• Abrklgmcnt of Brandt, rot. II. p. 106. ■> Halt^ Coldea Re- 

ITBins, p. 454. Bto. Jond. 16R7. ' H, ib. « Id. p. W3. 

• lA p. tTP. ' Jd. p. 484, >ad 506. • Abridfieeiit of Bi»wlt, 


condemned to be deprived of all ecclesias- 
tical and academical functions. 

against VoiBtius : for almost at the conclusion of the 
synod, his clergy read an extract of that professor's 
errore; they called those errors blasphemies against 
the nature of God, and said that the sale of Vorstiua's 
book should be prohibited. Lastly, they demanded 
that his book de Dee should be burned in a solemn 
manner; and they produced a decree of the university 
of Cambridge, by virtue of which that book had been 
burnt publicly". The effect of these representations 
I have mentioned iu note (45). If it be asked why 
the part the English clergy took in the affairs at Dort, 
is attributed to James ? the answer is, that they them- 
selves owned, that they had been deputed to thesynod 
by the king, and not by the church of England". 
And so intent was he on the business of the synod, 
" that he commanded them to give him a weekly ac-r 
count of all its memorable passages, with the receipt 
of which he was highly pleased'." " Yea, they were 
instructed at all times to consult with the English 
ambassador [Sir Dudley Carletou] who was acquainted 
wilhtheformof the Low countries, understood well the 
questions and differences amongst them, and from lime 

to time received James's princely directions'*." So 

that he was properly the actor iu this place, and the 
condemner of the opinions held by the enemy of God ' 
and his followers. Whoever calls to mind the depri- 
vations and baniehment which followed the decisions 
of this synod, of such great men as Episcopius, Uyten- 
bogart, Corvinns, Btc, and the persecution which en- 

i- lit p, 501. Tulle.'* 


But severe as James was against the Ar- 
minians abroad, he favoured them much at 

sued throughout the United Provinces, against th^ , 
^riniiiirins; whoever coosiders tbese, wiil be apt t(f J 
entertain but a poor opinion of those men who were 1 
actors in it. Some of the divines might possiblj 
mean well ; but the kings, princes, and great men ' 
concerned therein, had, undoubtedly, worldly views, 
and were actuated by iheni. For though purity of 
doctrine, peace of the church, extirpation of heresy, 
were pretended, the state faction of the Anniniang 
was to be suppressed, and that of Maurice prince of 
Orange cxalied. A synod was judged necessary for 
these purposes, and it extremely well performed what 
it was intended for. The remonstrants were rendered 
odious to the populace; their men of parts sent into 
exile; iheir strength was exhausted; and they could 
no longer oppose the measures of their adversariea. 

0r. Heylin observes, that "as king James had 

formerly aspersed the remonstrant party, so he con- 
tinued a most bitter enemy unto them, till he had 
brought them at the last to an extermination. Ba.t 
he seems at a loss to tell what shoold^nducc him herer 
nnto. Some suppose, says he, llial he was drawn in- 
to it by Abbot and Mouniague; others imputed it to 
his education in the church of Scotland : one thought 
that he was drawn into it by his affection for priuce 
Maurice; another ihathe was moved by reasons of Etate, 
for the preventing a dangerous and incurable rupture, 
which otherwise was like to follow in-the state of the 
Welherlands." This last reason he thinks most pro- 
bable. He afterwards adds, " thi^t James sent such of 
his divines as were must likely to be sufficiently active 

JAMES I. *■ 153 

home *% and advanced several of them to 

ia the condemnation of the Arminians*." Reasons of 
state might have had some influence on James^ though 
he had little knowledge of it, and generally was little 
influenced by it. But I fency it was a regard to his 
own character which chiefly induced him to act as be 
did in this afl*air. For we have seen how he had treat^ 
the name of Arminius, in a writing dispersed through- 
out Europe. Had be failed on such an opportunity to 
extirpate his errors, his zeal for orthodoxy might have 
been thought to have been lessened, and he to have 
failed in that which he had declared to be the duty of 
a king, tl^e extirpation of heresy. 

'* He favoured tlie Arminians much at borne.] The 
articles of the church of England are plainly calvU 
nistical, as will appear to every one who will read them 
attentively . They were " agreed on by the archbishops 
and bishops of both provinces, and the whole clergy, 
in the convocation holden at London, in the year 1562, 
for the avoiding of diversities of opinions, and for the 
establishment of consent touching true reIigion^'' 
The avoiding of diversities of opinions, and the estab- 
lishment of consent was the professed design of them, 
and doubtless the compilers of them imagined that 
they should effectually accomplish it, by requiring all 
who entered into the church to subscribe to them. 
But they were" very much mistaken. Diversity of 
opinions soon arose, and men who subscribed the same 
articles, held contradictory opinions. Nor could it 
.possibly be otherwise ; for while men are inquisitive 
they will see things in new lights - and those who are 

* Ileylm's Hist, of the Presbyterians, p. 402. fol. Oxford, 1670. 
^ Vide the Articles of Religion, «nd Constitutions and Canoos Eciilesiaf- 
tical, Canon 36. and Statute 13 Eliz, c 12. sect. 1. and 3* ' 



the greatest dignities. So amazingly inrJ 

consistent was his conduct. 

honest and sincere, will not speak contrary to tha 
Gentiments. Subscriptions then are only clogs and in- 
cumbrances; they answer no good end, but may oc- 
casion many mischiefs. Yea, many there are who 
believe that " the imposing articles has given occasion 
to almost all the uncharitableness and persecutions, 
the devastations and destruction of christians, that 

have ever been since articles first were made'," In 

the time of Elizabeth there was a pretty great uni- 
fonnity of belief in the doctrinal points of religion 
among the clergy; they in general were Calvinists, 
and so were their successors in the reign of James. 
Bancroft indeed was very diiTerent in his opinion. 
But Ahbot, Mountague, and almost all the rest of the 
hishops adhered to the doctrine of the church in 
like manner as their predecessors. Thus things con- 
tinued till about the year iClG, when James being 
acquainted with what dangers would proceed from 
training up of young students in the grounds of Cal- 
vinism, dispatched some directions to the vice-chan- 
cellor, and professors of divinity at Oxford, which 
was " the first step, says Dr. Heylin, towards the sup- 
pressing of that reputation which Calvin and his wri- 
tings had attained unto in that university''." And 
in the year l622, instructions were drawn up and sent 
to the archbishops, and by them to tlie bishops, ip 
which they were required to see lo it, " that no preacher 
of what title soever, under the degree of a bishop or 

* Kisiy en impuEing >nd subscribing Articles of Religiun, by Pbileleu- 
tbenis CniilahrigienEis, i<. 31. Loiud. 1719. 8io. '' Upylin't Lif* qf 

Laud, p. 'i2. Lond, i6CS. to). 


Cardinal Perron having pronounced in 
the chamber of the third estate at Paris, 

dean at the least, do henceforth presume to preach in 
any popular auditory, the deep points of predestina- 
tion, election, reprobation, or of the universality, effi- 
cacy, resist! bihtj-, or irresistibility of God's grace'." 
Laud had a hand in drawing this up, and what his in- 
tent was thereby, is not difficult to guess. However 
so it wasj that the Calvinists continually lost ground 
in the king's favour, and the Amiintans had credit 
with him. Laud, Howson, and Corbet were advanced 
-to bishopricks by him, though publicly known to be 
j\miiniaDs: Neile, of the like opinion, was in great 
favour, and received many promotions from him: 
and Richard Montague, one of the most Tiolent Armi- 
tiians of the age, received his open protection and ap- 
probation of all the opinions contained in the book 
for which he was afterwards questioned in parliament''. 
What shall we think of such a conduct as this? are 
the same doctrines hercsiesabroad, and truths at home? 
are men in Holland to be deemed enemies lo God, 
and worthy of synodical condemnation for holding 
particular opinions, and in England fit for the highegt 
ecclesiastical promotions ? what must the world judge 
of the man who behaved so very contradictory ?—— 
But James had his reasons for favouring the Arminians 
in England. They were supple and fawning, they 
knew how to flatter artfully, and, above all, they 
seemed very zealous in preaching up 

The rijlit fliviiic of kings to govern wroojt, 

f ihyWi Ijfc of Lfliirl. p. 98. TjniiJ. 1668. tal. " Id. p. 12i. a 

Cabala, p. 1 1 1. ^ Pope's Elba; on Man, ep. a, !. 913. 



Jan. 15, l6l5, an oration, and sent it to 

James, he soon after published liis remon- 

Nothing could be more acceptable to liiin tliati this, it 
atoned for their errors, yea made tliem most orthodox 
in his sight. For he was either indifferent as to all 
religious principles, or believed juat nothing at all 
about thetn ; or otherwise he cpiild not lii^ve acted aii 
we see he did. 

The fullowing account from Mr. Waller's life will 
make a proper supplement to what has been said con- 
cerning the artful flatter;', and high prerogative notions 

of the Anninian clergy at this time. "On the day 

of the dissolution of the last parliament of king 
James I. Mr. Waller, out of curiosity or respect, 
went to see the king at dinner, with whom were Dr, 
Andrews the bishop of Winchester, and Dr. Neal 
bishop of Durham, standing behind his majesty's 
cliair. ThCTe happened something very extraordinary 
in the conversation those prelates had with the king, 
on which Mr. Waller did often reflect. His majesty 
asked tbe bishops, My lords, cannot I take my sub- 
jects money when I want ii, without all this formality 
in parliament? The bishop of Durham readily answer- 
ed, God forbid. Sir, but you should; you are the 
breath of our nostrils : whereupon the kjng turned 
and said to the bishop of Winchester, well, my lufd, 
^hat say you ? Sir, replied the fjishop, I have no 
■kill to jtidge of parliamentary cases, llie }iing 
answered, no pnt-offn, my lord, answer me presently. 
Then, Sir, said he, ! think it is lawful for you to take 
my brother Neal's money, for he offers it. Mr. Wal- 
ler said the company was plejised with this answer, 
and the wit of it seemed to affect the kingV 

I oT the Life anAh^ritings of Mr. Waller, prefhed to bis 
pMBU, p, C7. edit. Land. \'!i2. Umo. 




strancc '" tor the right of kings, and the 
iudependance of their crowns, against the 

" He published his re monstrance for the rights of ■ 
kings.] This piece is written with much more de- 
cency than the other controversial tracts of James. ■ 
He (tcknowledgetli Perron to be a prelate in great au- 
thority, and of no leas learning', and owns his cour- 
tesy in sending him a copy of his oration''. But at 
the same time he insinuates that in the cardinal's 
speech, his lips looked one way, and his conscience 
iiaother: and professes, "his rest is up, that one of 
the maynes for which God had advanced him upon 
the lot'tie stage of the supream tlirone, was, that his 
words uttered from so eminent a place, for God's 
honour, most shamefully traduced and vilified in his 
own deputies and lieutenants, might with greater fa- 
cility be conceived'." Then he gives the reasons for 
his engaging in this controversy : which were first, 
" the common interest of kings." 

Secondly, "The cardinal's speaking as one repre- 
senting the clergy and nobility." 

Thirdly, " Because he himself had been represented 
by him as a sowerofdissention, and a persecutor, under 
whom the church is hardly able to fetch her breath; 
yea, for one by whom the catholics of his kingdom 
are compelled to endure all sorts of punishments." 

Lastly, " By reason that l-'rancc was reduced to ao 
miserable terms, that it was become a crime for a 
iVenchman to stand for his king, it was a necessary 
duetie of her neighbours to speak in her behalf." 

These aie the reasons alledged by James for en^ 

gaging against Perron. After tliis he proceeds to his 

■ King Jamts'b Work., p. 383. 'W.p.OSG. ' Id. p. 1S3. Mil.p, S^a 


oration of the most illustrious cardinal of 

Perron. This was his last controversial 

defence of the right of kings, and endeavours to shew 
<' that what the cardinal had advanced in support of hia 
doctrine, that it was absurd and incongruous to con- 
demn, or wrappe under the solemn curse, the abetters 
of the pope's power to unking lawful and sovereign 
kings : he endeavours to prove that what was said by 
the cardinal in behalf hereof, was meer nullity, matter 
of imagination, and built upon false presuppositions'." 
To enter into a minute detail of James's arguments 
would be tiresome to the reader. Let it therefore 
sufRce to say, that he quotes fathers, councils and 
schoolmen ; and that history and scripture are allcdged 
by him, and sometimes not impertinently. It ap- 
pears from this defence of the right of kings, that 
James had had a correspondence with Perron for years 
before; that he had sent him a discourse in writing, 
to which in three years the cardinal had not replied, 
which 18 attributed not to a want of capacity, but to 
" well advised agnition of his own working and build- 
ing upon a weak foundation''." If one knew nothing 
more of James than what might be gathered from this 
book, one should be tempted to imagine that he was 
a most zealous proteslant. For he attributes all the 
miseries of Ffnnce and Great Britain to the Romish 
clergy', whom he paints out in no very agreeable co- 
lours; and at the same time praises the French pTo~ 
testanls in an extraordinary manner. He tells us he 
could never " learn that those of the religion in France, 
look arms against their king. In the first civil wars, 
says he, they stood only upon their gnard; they armed 


» Id. ji. 470. 'Id. p. 393. 

JAMES I. ]5g 

work. But besides the pieces already 

not, nor toot the field before they were pursued witlv 
fire and sword, burnt up and slaughtered. They were 
a refuge and snccour to the prhices of the blood ; ia 
regard of which worthy and honourable service, the 
French king hath reason to have the protestant» ia 
&is gracious remembrance. He then sets forth their 
great merit with respect to the third and fourth Henry, 
to whom they stood ia all their battles, to bear up the 
eronn then tottering and ready to failV This is a 
very remarkable testimony to the tideliiy and loyahy- 
of the Hugonota, as it comes from one who hated' 
their principle of parity in the church, looked on such 
AS held it as very pests in church and commonwealth, 
and who spoke more bitterly of them than of the pa- 
pists ". For the French protestants differed nothing 
at all from the English and Scotch puritans, either in' 
discipline or doctrine. This remonstrance against 
Perron, was written first in French by his majesty, af- 
terwards by his leave translated into English, as also 
into Latin, Anno iClfi, in 4to. for I remember to have 

seen such an edition of it in that language. Perron 

though he had neglected James's private writing re- 
turned an answer to this public remonstrance, for ia 
riie account of the said cardinal's writings in Perrault'* 
characters', and in Collier's dictionary'', I find a work- 
intitled, "a reply to the king of Great Britain's an- 
swer." Whether this is the whole of the title I know 
not, any more than I do what the answer contained^ 
for both these authors are by much too superficial in' " 
their accounts of the most eminent writers, and their 

' King James's Works, p. *30. " See nole 12. ' Character* 

Hi5loricol and PaQegyrical, vol. H. p. 5. " Great Histoiical Dictio- 

mry, article Psrron (Jamei Davj da.) ^ 

160 THE LrFE OF 

mentioned, he published also a counters 

performances'. As this remonstrance is the I 

poicmica] work of James which we have to menlioi 
Lord Shaftsbury's descri pt ion of him as a prince-write 
will not improperly conclude this note. An to which, 
from what has been seen by the reader already, he may 
in a good measure be able tojudge of its truth and 
propriety. "A prince of a pacific nature and fluent 
tliought, submittiDg arms and martial discipline to the 
gown ; itnd confiding in his princely science and prt>^ 
found learning, made his style and speech the c 
and sinew of his govc-rnnicnt. He gave us his w 
full of wise exhortation and advice to his royal son, i 
well as of instruction to Ids good people; who < 
not without admiration observe their author- 
thus studious and coutempiative in their behalf. ' 
then one might have seen our nation growing younj 
and docile, with that simplicity of hciirl which qu«j 
lifted them to profit like a scholar- people under t 
royal preceptor, l-'or with abundant eloquence I 
graciously gave lesions to his parliament, tutored 
ministers, and edified the greatest churchmen ■ 
divines themselves; by wbose suffrage be obtained tl 
highest appellations which could be merited by t 
acutest wit, and truest understanding. From hent^ 
the British nations were taught to own in common J 
Solomon for their joint sovereign, the founder of thei 
late com pleated union''." Whether this deacriptia 
of our author-soveieign, as his lordship styles bin 
too soft or severe, I leave entirely to ihejudgmeHt t 
the reader : nothing doubting but be will be pleased to 
see it, whatever he may think of it. 

•Vide Appendix. 

^tts, vol. I. p. 192. eJiU 12iiii>. 1146. 

'''JAMES L 161 

ilaste to tobacco ", began a trahslation of 
the psalms of king David ; and writ a 

" He published a counterblaste to tobacco.] This 
was first printed in quarlo, without name or date. It 
is a wretched performance both for matter and manner. 
In it he sets forth how dishonourable it is in us to imi- 
tate the beastly Indians in so vile and stinking acustom 
as using tobacco; how unreasonable the pleas alledged 
in defence of it are; and the mischievous consequences 
flowing from the use, or fiUhy abuse of it. Here he 
tells us chat by using tobacco men are guilty of sinful 
and shameful lust; that it is a branch of the sin of 
drunkenness ; that it enervates the body, and ruins the 
estate; for, adds he, "some gentlemen bestow three, 
some four hundred pounds a year upon this precious 
stink "." If this is true it is very amazing. Though it ia 
certain James laid a most heavy duty on it, in order 
to hinder its consumption. "For there is extant hia 
warrant to the lord treasurer Dorset, Anno l604, for 
laying a good heavy imposition on tobacco, that less 
quantity, may be brought into the realm, and only suf- 
ficient for the better sort, who will use it with mode- 
ration for their health; wherefore he authorizes the 
said treasurer to order, that from the 26th of October 
ensuing, the proper officers should take of all who 
import tobacco, the sura of six shillings and eight 
pence upon every pound weight, over and above the 
custom of two pence per pound usually paid hereto- 
fore''." Excellent policy this!- to discourage the taking 
of that which has since proved one of the greatest re- 

' King James's Works, p. 231, * RymeHi Ftedera, lom, 

XVI. fol. eoi. apud Olijs'a Life of Rakigh, p. 39. noted. fi>L Land. 
I-rsa >Dddi:tsRegi>,p. 51B.ft>l.Loiid. n34. 
VOL. 1. H 


THE Lte Sf 

few sonnets and epitaphs'*. So I'ond wa» 

he of shewing his parls, instnictiiig aiid 

Venues of the crown, and has produced vast benpfit t 
Britain, and her plantations. Por two of our coloiiiB^ 
are supported by it; great numbers of sLipB and sea- 
men are employed in bringing it over; and the custom • 
duties of it are counted, on a medium, to amount to., 
169,0791, Os, lOd. per annum. But it is no vrondel 
" that such a philosopher, as eould magnify the powei 
of witches, after the manner he has done in one of hii-l 
learned pamphlets, should be such a politician as to-' 
discourage the Caking of tobacco in another," says Mr<,J 
Oldys'. " But those who have not admired," cond' 
nues the same gentleman, " at his prejudice iu this 
tempt to dispel the fumes of that herb with greater _ 
his own, if I may allude to the witty title of bis per-'^l 
formance without imputation of irreverence to his 
memory, may yet applaud his policy, in so far con- 
ducing to its suppression, as to exclude it from the 
body of his works, when tins royal pamphleteer re- 
solved to become an author in folio." If I understand 
this paragraph aright, it is asserted in it that the coun- 
terblast to tobacco, makes no part of James's folio 
volume. But tins is a mistake, and could proceed 
from nothing but trusting, I suppose, too much to 
memory, in a thing ofsmall importance. A fault, tliat 
even the most exact authors are liable to fall ioto. 

'* He began a translation of the psalms of king 
David, Scc.j In lord Anglesey's catalogue, I find 
king James's translation of the psalms to be simg after 
tbe old ttines, I6SI''; and I am assured by a learned 

» OUp, p. 35. ' BibliDllieci Angleutoa, art«ile [Divinity, i 
Si«. Ilmo. kc. p. 19.) Loih]. 1686. il* 

entertaining his good subjects, and over- 
coming his adversaries in literary contests! 

friend, from one who has seen it, that such a transla- 
tioa was published in his name, though I have not yet 
been so fortunate as to meet with it. But this traiisia- 
tion was only begun by James, as we may learn from 
the following quotation. " This translation he was ia 
hand with, says bishop WiHiama, (when God called 

him to sing psalms with the angels.) He intended ta i 

have finished and dedicated it to the only saint of his *l 
devotion, the church of Great Britain, and that of • 
Ireland. This work was staied in the one and thirty (' 
psalm'." ' We have two sonnets of his in hii^ 
works ** ; an epitaph on the chancellor of Scotland, ia 
Spotswood'; and another on that valiant, polite, and 
learned gentleman. Sir Philip Sydney, in Collier's die* 
tionaiy. This latter, being but short, I will give ta 
the reader, as a specimen of James's poetry. 

When Venus san !he noble Sydney dying, 

Sho thought it her belored Mara had been ; 
AtmI wilb the thouKbt thereof she Wl a crying, 

And cast anaj her rings and carkuets clean. 
Be, that in death a goddess nu>ck'd and griat'd, 
What had be done (Jrow yon) Lf be had lived*. 

This, 1 think, is one of the best of his poetical conb- '' 
positions. The reader, after this, need not be told that 
James's talents for poetry were not extraordinary. Be- 
sides the pieces of poetry 1 have mentioned, I am in- 

* Qreit Britain'! Salomon. A lermoa prtaobed at the magniliceat 
funenl of Ihe most high and mighty king Jamw. By John lord bishop 
of Lincolne, lorj keeper of the great scale of England. London, printed 
for John Bill, priater to the king's mtxt eicellcnt majesty. 1635- p 4i. 
4to. •• Jamea'j Works, p. B9, 137. ' Ch. Hist, p, til. "Great 
Hbt«iical Dietionary, artt^ Sidjkey, (Si^Pbill^) 

but he had an absolute aversion to war". 
This led him hastily to conclude a peace 


formed by (he very worthy and learned Dr. Bircb, that 
there is (.-xtatit ia James's name, another iiititled, 
" His Majesly's Lepaiito, or Heroical Story, being 
part of his poetical esercises at vacant horns, Loar 
don, l603. ia 4lo." A sight of this, perhaps, might 
afford some diversion. This book being burnt among 
titose of the honourable Cbarles Yoric, Esq. at Lio^ 
ct^n's Inn in the late fire there, Mr. Birch conid give 
no further account of it. 

" He had an absolute aversion to war.] " I know 
not by what fortune the dicton of Pacilicus was added 
to my title, at my coming into England : that of the 
lyon expressing true fortitude, having been my dictoti 
before: but I am not ashamed of this addition; for 
king Solomon was a figure of Christ in that, that he 
was a king of peace. The greatest gift that our Sa- 
viour gave his apostles, immediately before his ascen- 
sion, was, that he left his peace with ihem ; he himself 
having prayed for his persecutors, and forgiven his 
own death, as the proverb is"." In the first au- 
dience the duke of Sully had of James, he told him, 
" that ifhe had found the English atwarwith the French, 
his endeavours would, nevertheless, have been to live 
ID peace with a prince, [Henry the fourth] who, like 
himself, had been called from the crown of Navarre to 
that of France : it being always commendable, said he, 
to overcome evil with good''." These are good senti- 
ments enough for private persons; but they may be 
carried much too far by princes. Forgiveness and im- 
punity from these only draw on fresh injuries; and he 

• King Jamej's WorU, p, S90. ■■ SuUj's Meini»re, vol. ii. p. la. 

JAMES I. 155 

with Spain'^ to the amazement and great 

wl» will not at any time avenge wrongs received, Will 
be sure to meet with enough of them. Princes owe 
protection to their subjecis ; but this cannot be af- 
forded many times, unless chastisement be inflicted on 
those who injure them. Wars therefore are sometimes 
oecessar}'; and a warlike prince will be always respect- 
able to his neighbours. But the known coward will 
be looked on with contempt. He will be affronted 
perpetually, and every opportunity w'iil be taken to ri- 
dicule and oppress him. So that though the love of 
peace in princes be commendablCj yet, when it is car- 
ried too far, it degenerates into a fault, and gives just 
ground for the subjects' complaints. Happy the people 
who have a prince who neither loves nor feare to draw 
his sword! They may be sure of being defended in 
their j ust rights by him ; of being guarded from unjust 
invasions, and secured by his valour from the evils 
which threaten them. His power will make him con- 
siderable in the eyes of his neighbours; they will at- 
tend to his reasons, and be influenced by his persua- 
sions. For they will not slightly provoke one known 
not tamely to put up injuries. So that the profession of 
fortitude and resolution, of courage and magnanimity, 
becomes better the mouths of princes, than that of 
meekness and forgiving of injuries; for the former 
may, possibly, he of-ufle aad service, but the latter can 
answer no good purpose in the present slate of die 

, "' This led him to conclude a peace with Spain, 
&c.] The peace was concluded Aug. IS, 1604. But 
before this, in a few weeks after Jame:^ came into Eng- 
land, he revqliei^.tbe letters of reprisal on the subjects 
of Spain, which had been granted by Elizabeth, with- 


advantage of the Spaniards ; who thereby 

<Mt atsjine to be nti<nted od that bead, or to be com- 
pluneated oo his accession to the throne^ by the king 
of Spain*. So that he disarmed his subjects before he 
iMd proTided for theii better sectuiiy. He sto|>ped 
dmu in the course of doing ihemselTes jastice, before 
be was sore of obtaining reparation for their past 
losses. ^Tlie king of Spain had now reduced him- 
self to a very lev ebb, by bis wars with England and 
the Netherlands, in which, for the most part, he had 
been unsuccessful. Tte king of Spain, says Sir Wal- 
ter Raleigh, in his discourse touching a war with 
Spain, written before the conclusion of the peace, and 
intended to be presented to James. " The king of 
Spain, says he, is now so poor, as he employed his 
Je&tiita to beg for him at every church-door in Spain. 

" His revenues are mortgaged in such sort, as of 
twenty-five millions, be has but five millions free; 
his ships are worn-out and consumed, and his people 
io general exceeding poor. 

" He hath of late received many affronts and losses ; 
and in Peru many of the chiefest and best towns are 
recovered from him by the natives. 

" And commonly, when great monarchies begin 
once in the least to decline, their dissipation will soon 
follow after, 

" The Spanish empire hath been greatly shaken, and 
haxh begun of late years to decline; and it is a prin- 
ciple in philosophy, that omnis diminutio at preparatio 
ad corrupliojtem. That the least decay of any part is a 
forerunner of the destruction of the whole. 

* Oldcmtlr'sBcaacki go the ICtt of England, p. 93B, ud Acla ScEia, 

.TAMES I. 167 

had an oppovtiiuity given them of retriev- 

" And though it may be awhile upheld, aa the state 
of Rome was by Vespasian and Trajnn ; yet following 
the former declination, relra slatim mblapsa fertur 
usque diiin plane stihtena f'uit. h prpseiitly fell back 
again, and never left declining till the Roman stata' 
was utterly overthro^vn. 

" But if now the king of Spain can obtain peace 
upon any condition reasonable, so as lie may fortify his 
weakness, both in Europe and the Indies, and gather 
again sulTicicnt riches, putting tiie English from the 
exercise of war in those parts, and so make us to for- 
gethis Indies, till those be consumed that know them; 
he will soon grow to his former greatness and pride; 
and then if your majesty shall Icaietbe Low Countries, 
and he- finds us by ourselves, it will not be long e'er be 

remembers bis old practices and attempts'." But 

no such consideralions as these could have any influ- ' 
ence on James, He had revoked the letters of reprisal, 

and a peace be was determined to have. You shall 

now understand (says lord Cecyll to Mr, Winwood, in 
a letter dated Ap. 12, 1604.) " that the constable of 
Castile is come to Dunkiric, and resolved presently tp 
take his passage; so as there is now nothing so cer- 
tain as a treaty, and in my opinion nothing more Jikely 
than a peace. For as it \s must true, that his majesty's 
mind is mo^ irKJioabJe thereunto, and that in C0I^- 
tejnplation thereof, ^ings have been so carried her^ 
as if a war were now somewhat unseasonable, so yoij 
may see by the king of Sp-ain's great descent from liie^ j 
lieighth of bis ^riss towards other princes, aa be is' 

' The Wnrtu of Sjr Waltar Raleigh, Kt. political, ooiniBercial, nad phl- 
Ig-opliii-Bl, by Tho. Bircli, M. A. vol, II. p. 11. Bva Loud. 17il, 


ing iheir almost desperate affairs, and of 

determined to go throagh with it; being novt it seenu 
confinned in the French position, qui a leprofit a Fhon- 
luur. A matter I do confess to yoo I do clearly fore- 
«c he will have, unless the estates of ibose poor c 
tries [the Netherlands] have some more adjuvance*J 

towards their auhsistiug'." The treaty was soon J 

concluded, of friendship and amity, and mutual trade .; 

to each other's dominions ^ It is very remarkably J 

that low as the Spaniards were, depending on James'l^ 
pacific disposition, tbey stiffly denied the English fref 
trade aad commerce with the East and West Indies'; J 
and got it inserted in the articles that do aid or assist-^ 
ance whatsoever should be given to the enemies or r 
bels on either part ; yea moreover they had the Engli^ 
in Spain subjected to the power of ihe inquisition *- 
CecjU indeed said it were vanity to have expected 
more than they had concerning the matter of trade to < 
the Indiis, cind the inquisition. Bat it does not ap- 
pear that he had rt-ason'for his afhrmation. For the ) 
.Spaniards were in so much want of a peace, that they J 
would have submitted to almost any thing to obtaiog 
it; and they themselves were surprised to find that iU 
was made on so advantageous conditions. Sir CharleaJ 
Cornwullis, in a letter to the same Cecyll, lord viscounl 
Cranborne, principal secretary to his majesty, froffl 
Spain, dated June 2, 1605, has the following remark-J 
able expressions. " I find here by many argument* J 
that this peace came opportunely for this kingdoin, J 
and is admired of all Europe, yea of thia kingdoni itself, 
how it was possible with m advontiigeous conditions 

*n'iD««tM],10l. II. p.18. 

' w. p. aa. 



pushing on the war witli the Dutch, against 

to them, and so little profitable to our realm it could 
be effected. The duke of Anera discoursing with one ' i 
of great privacie and trust with him, after he had heard 
that the peace was in such forme concluded, said iib 
plain termes, that the king and counsellors of England|K 1 
had not their senses when in such sort theyagreei' j 
upon it. And some Spaniards have lately reported,' * 
lliat the king of Spain's money purchased this quiet; 
ollieiwise peace, with so good conditions could never 
have been obtained. I know thac besides yourlord-i 
ship's exceeding wisdom, your lordship out of your 
true noble disposition, hath ever equalled the care of 
the saftie and honor of yoar countrie with your own 
life. I verily persuade myself that the king's owa 
christian and earnest inclination to peace, lead on the 

treaty with speedy feet. But by those collections 

that I have made, and relations of others well practised 
in this state, I Bnd that England never lost such an 
opportunity of winning honor and wealth unto it, as 
by relinquishing the war with Spain. The king and 
kingdom were reduced to such an estate, as they could 
not in all likelihood have endured the space of two 
years more; his own treasurie was exhausted, his rents 
and customs sussigned for the most part for the pay-, 
ment of money borrowed, his nobility poor and much 
indebted, his merchants wasted, his people of the 
countrie in ail extremitie of necessity, his devices of 
gaining by the increase of the valuation of money, and 
other such of that nature, all plaid over; his credit in 
borrowing, by means of the incertaintie of his estate 
during the war with England much decayed, the sub- 
jects of bis many distracted dominions held in obedi- 
ence by force and feai'e, oot by love and dutie ; aad 


170 TilE LIFE OF 

whom thej' were, in a manner, iiuplacable, 

therefore rather a care and burllien, th:tii a relief and 
strength to him. Himself very young, and in that t«4 
gftrd with his people iii no great veneration; and tb^ 
less for suffering himself to be wholly governed by V 
man generally hated of his own counlry; his strciigtfat 
at aea not ahle to secure his ports at liouie, niueh iesfi 
bis Indies, or his treasure honiewnrds '." This is rather 
a stronger picture of the deplorable state of Spain thaai. 
Sir Walter Kaieigh':!, and from it, it cleurly nppcaiRk 
that we needed not have been afraid to have insisted 
on ahnost any thing from it; and eonseqiientiy inu(^., 
less have submitted to a. deprivation of the Indian trad«)< 
and to the inquisition. But James's earnest iiicltnali 
for peace, and the Icing of Spain's money procured ttiit' 
treaty: tbnnoney was distributed in abundance among- 
the English conrtiers who promoted the, as ap** 
pears not only from what is asserted by Sir CharlcB' 
Cornwallis in the above letter, but from other uniiueg*' 
tionable authorities. In the memoirs of Sully we rea^' 
'• That no sooner was the Spanish ambassador arrivetj' 
in London, than he multiplied ihe number of his ere»-^ 
lures, by his extraordinary liberalities to all those whoia- 
he considered as necessary to be gained ''." And Sir 
Henry Neville in a letter to Mr. Winwood, date^ 
Aug. 19, lti04, writes, " We say liie Spanish ambsa?' 
sadors have taken up many jewels here (we suppose «» 
bestuw upon our grandees ; so not to leave any advaO'' 
tage to the I-'reoch, who began that angling fashion 
unto them) with the king's privity and all men'« 
wouilcr ',"-—— And after the peace was made, the eart 

* Wianood, »ol, II, p. 1,1, <• Sully's ml. IL f. 181. 

' WiiiBOod, TOl. IL p. 36, 

JAMES I. 171 

on account of their revolt for religion and 

of Nottingham, lord admiral, ambassador extraordinary 
into Spain, had bestowed on him at his departure, in 
plate, jewels and horses, to the vdue of twenty thoot 
sand pounds, by that king. And to some other of llM 
principal attendants were given chains and jewels of ' 
great value". And it appears from Sir Charles Corn* 
wallis's letter to the earl of Salisbury, out of Spaing ' 
that there were many pensions given in the court of , 
England ''. Osbom, therefore, seems to have reasoS 
for saying, " that James cast himself as it were blind* . 
fold into a peace with Spain, far more destructive to 
England than a war; for it hath not only found that 
prince an opportunity to recover his strength (muc^ 1 
abated by the queen's happy successes at sea) but gaV«' . 
him a fair advantage to establish himself in the king^ 
dom of Portugal, and quiet the distempers of his owH 
people. And as this peace, adds he, was of infinite i 
consequence to tlic Spaniard, so he spared for no cost 
to procure it: and to prevent the inserting any articit 
that might obstruct his recourse to or from the Indies 
(the magazine of strife) either on this side or beyond 
ihe line (thought by the English eommissioners not io* 
eluded, however the contrary was after pretended, and 
no farther disputed by king James, than with patienoft 
and a quiet submission of his subjects to their sense, 
not rarely punishing such as transgrest, at their coming 
home) he presented ail, both Scotish and English witll 
gifts, and those no small ones ; for by that the earl of 
Northampton, brother to Suffolk, had, he was alon* ' 
sble to raise and finish the goodly pile be built in thA 

• Wiowood, vol. 11. p. 39 and Birch's 

J, p. 293. 


liberty. But notwithstandiDg, the articles ] 

■tnind. — Nor are there a few others no less bra«e houses 
fresh in my memon', that had their t'oundatioti!, if not 
their walls and roofs, plastered with the same mortar.—* 
Hiis I shall add as no improbable conjecture made by 
many in those days, that his Catholic inajesiy was so 
frighted by the apprehension of a possibility that our 
king, according to the nature, no less tlian the obliga- 
tion of bis country, might fall into a conjunctiou with 
France, that he would scarce at that time have denied 
him any thing, lo the half of his Indies. Aad from 
hence all princes may calculate the vast difference that 
lies between a council suborned, and one free fi-om cot^ ' 
ruption '." This last reflection, appears to me vetjf 1 
judicious. " A gift blindcth the wise, and penertefil 
the words of the righteous," says the great Hebre# i 
legislator". No prince can ever be safe who permit " 
his counsellors to take presents from foreign princesj i 
For their judgments will be biassed, their affections be ' 
engaged, and they be disposed to serve others, mocft* 
than their own master; so that of the utmost conseJ"' 
quence is it to hare ministers depend wholly on th^ 
prince, if tliey rece'tve presents from others, they mun 
earn them; by giving counsel suitable lo the instruo-^ 
tions they receive, or by divulging those resolution* J 
which ought most of all to be concealed. They must 1 
be spies to those who bribe ihem, and unfaithful to ^ 
their master by whom they are intrusted. So that it ii.l 
amazing that James should consent to his grandees re-^ 
ceiving the Spanish presents ; for a moment's reflection * 
would have set before him the pernicious consequences 
of it. The prince who would preserve his reputation, 

' Osboni'B Works, p. 470. >• Eiod. 23, 8. 


of the peace were but poorly observed by 
them ", and produced not the effect ex- 

and accomplish his ends, should keep his counsels se- 
cret. He should have a strict eye on the ambassadors 
sent to him, that they gain not the weak by their ad- 
dress, the proud by their fawning, or the interested by 
their bounty. For nothing is more certain than that 
by flattery, cunning and seduction, they endeavour to 
delude ministers into a discovery of the secrets of state. 
In short, as a great writer expresses it, " they do all 
the mischief they can ; their profession allovra them to 
transgress ; they sin out of duty, and are sure of impu- 
nity: 'tis against the wiles of those spies that princeft , 
ought to be chiefly on their guard '." 

" The articles of the peace were but poorly observed 
by them, &c.] My authorities for this wiil not be dis- 
puted. Sir Henry Neville, in a letter to Mr, Win- 
wood, dated London, December 8, l604, writes, " It 
is commonly reported that our merchants are ill-used 
in Spain by the inquisition; and besides that, that the 
trade proves nothing so beneficial as was expected; 
pai'tly by reason that the merchants there are become 
poor by these wars, and not able to buy but upon days, ■ 
and many of those that have been trusted, have played 
bankrupts, insomuch as some of ours have brought 
back their commodities, rather than they would sell 
upon credit; and partly, by reason, that in this time 
of long restraint of trade, they have been forced to 
betake themselves to the making of cloth there, and ■ 
do make it now in that quantity, as they care not' 
much for ours, which was wont to be our chiefest trade 
thither. And as for corn, the French, both by reasoa 

> Anli-MachiaTel, p. 316i 



H pectcd in point of profit, by the English, to 

■ whom the peace soon became very disagree- 

^ of their nearaets and abundance, will ever furnish thetn 

better cheap than we can. So as there appears little 
hope of any fruit of oar peace in that regard; which 
joined with some other considerations of state, that 
have reference to your alTairs there, [Holland] begiiu 
to cool that ardent affection which cairied us so strong- , 
ly to that treaty, and begets some discourses, (even 
amongst our greatest governors) that this will be but a 
short peace". 

And Sir Charles Cornwallis in a letter to the earl oft 
Salisbury, dated Valladolid, October 18, 1605. O. S. ^ 
tells him, " the Spaniards had made a geucral stay or 
justice to all or any of the king his masters subjects''," 
And the same gentleman, in a letter written from Ma-r 
drid, in May 1006, tells lord Salisbury also, " that 'ti| 
written to him from Sevill, that Don Lewis Firardo, i 
his voyage, met with certain ships from England, 
loaden with corn and bound to Sevill. That he firaf 
took tile masters, and first set their necks In the stocks; 
after removed them to the admiral, and there with hif 
own hands did as much to their leggs; revileiug thenu 
and calling them heretiques, Lutheran dogs, and ene^ 
mies of Christ, ihreatning to hang them; and in conr 
cluiiioii having taken from them what he thought fit, 
returned them into their own ships. Besides the cruelty 
(le shewed to those of Mr, Edward's ship in the IndieSj 
he holdeth still in the gallies all the mairiners of Mr. 
Jlall's and Mr. Eldrid's ships, also those of Mr. Brom- 
ley V The letlers of Sir Charles are full of the wrongs 

" Winwood, vol. If. p. 38. and Cabala, p. 199. " IViqwood, «ol. ilt 
p. 1^3. ' I''., p. SIS. KB bIm Calais, p. 'JOl. 



JAMES I. 17^ 

able, by reason of the ill treatment they re- 

tlie English received, and the endeavours he used in 
order to get satiafaction, though many times in vain. 
When he compiained to the duke of Lerma, prime 
mititster of Spain, of the behaviour of Firardo with re- 
gard to confiacatitig the merchants' effects, and sending 
the mai'iners whom he took in tlie Indies to the gallies; 
Lerma very sharply answered, " that Firardo shall be 
failed to account for that he did not instantly executs 
tfaein '." In short, But.'li was the iil-treatment the sub- 
jects of the British Crown received from the Spaniards, 
that Sir Henry Neville, in a letter to Mr. Winwood, 
dated June 4, 1606, writes, " that upon Sunday last 
divers merehants and mwchaiits wives were at the 
court, and made grievotis complaint unto the king, the 
one of their servants, and the other of their husbands, 
ifupriEoned and put to the gallies in Spain, and of much 
injustice and oppression dune there to our nation; be- 
sides some particular contumely to the king pcrsoor 
ally; the like complaint was made before to the lords. 
I hem it hath moved much, and this I will assure you, 
that the kingdom generally wishes this peace broken, 
but JacobuB Paeifictja I believe will scarce incUne to 
thftt tilde ''." At length the patience of the merdiantA 
began to fail. They saw uo relief from James, and 
therefore applied to the house of commons, to be a 
meaus for them to obtain letters of mart. The coo^ 
mens received favourably their address, and desired the 
assistance of the upper house. But this was i-efased. , 
Though this gave occasion, saya lord Salisbury, in a jet- 
t«r to Sir Charles Comwollis, dated July 15, IS07, " to 
the lords of the cuuncil yesterdiiy, to call the mcr- 

'WiiwBod, VdLII. |k33I. 

' w. p. in. 



caved. But James's pacific disposition 

chants before them, and to acqnaint them with th« 
substance of thrae answers sent from Spain ; and to 
advise them (if they find such a general ill usage in 
Spain as they complain of) to be more moderate in 
their trade thither, and to withdraw their stock and 
factors from thence, that so his majesty might grant 
them letters of reprisal, without prejudice to others 
that have large stocks there. Otherwise it would prove 
a most preposterous course, to grant letters of marte, 
where the king of Spayne hath so great occasion to re- 
venge himself upon, and we scarse a ship or man to 
requite him in itV But letters of mart and reprisal 
were never granted ; though the Spaniards continued 
treat the English extremely ill, even when they pre- 
tended great friendship. For Sir Walter Raleigh 
(peaks of it as a known fact, in a letter to king James 
himself, " that the Spaniards murlhered twenty-six 
Englishmen, tying them hack to back, and then cat- 
ting their throats, when they had traded with them a 
whole month, and came to them on the land, without 
so much as one sword''." — Surely the Spaniards must 
have had a very great reliance on the pacific disposi- 
tion of James, to act after this manner, in their circum- 
stances ! and most amazing is it, that the national 
spirit had not exerted itself, in its own defence, more 
than it did. — Before 1 leave this subject, ! cannot help 
remarking that almost all our treaties with Spain, seem 
to have been but badly observed by her. This first 
arose from tlie negligence of James, in making the 
peace. He contented himself with concluding a treaty 
of amity, and mutual Irade to each other's dominions ; 

A'lnwood, vol, IL p. 3fl6. 

» Baleigh'f Worki, lol. IL p. 376. 

JAMES I. - 9?7 

continued ; nor could the distresses of his 
only daughter, and her numerous progeny, 

Jiut trade and commerce being dented to the East an4 
West Indies, and tlie Spaniards lookingoii all America 
as their own, it came to pass that tbey seized all vessels 
tSiey found in those seas, thongh going only to those 
colonies which ivere indisputably discovered by the 
English. So thai there was a continual war thtre, 
when there was peace Jn Europe, In 1668, and I671, 
treaties were again, made with that nation, whereby 
the right of commerce and navigation, and the bounds 
of the several territories possessed by the two croons 
in America, were fixed. But these treaties wfere but 
in observed likewise; and great complaints werC madS 
l^ the English, of the hardships they suffered from the 
Spaniards'. In 171^, a new treaty was made at, 
Utrecht. But this was observed like the others. Com- 
plaints soon followed it; as they did" that made at 
Seville, in 1729- The representation of our merchants 
with regard to their ill-treatment by the Spanish guard'd 
coatas; the imprisonment of our brave sailors to th/ 
number of seventy ; the cutting off Jenkins's ear, atiS 
many oilier things still fresh in memory brought on 
the late war, which was ended by the peace at Aix la' 
Chappelle, the effect of which must be left to time to 

discover; What can be the reason that our treaties 

with Spain have been thus ineffectual for the maiwte^' 
nance of peace and friendship? Are they niore false 
than others, or we more incroaching 'in order to' obtain 
those riches tbey so carefuliy guard'frtnn tisr'are not *■. 
the treaties suiheienlly plain and ^^pIicU"? dft tbey' 

1 of the board of ti 

fciick's Parlinnjeiitary tj^batc^' vol. IX. p, 4 

lo K. Gcmi^ I. ID Toe 


excite him to enter into a war '* for their 

defence : But he suffered them to lose their 

admit of diSerentsenaes, and bear divers constructions F 
or hare we nOt capacity sufficient to negotiate advan- 
tageoasly with them? — These things must be deter- 
mined by those who have opporiunities and abilitifis 
for their discussion. For my own part, I must say 


" Nor could the distresses of his only daughter, and 
her numerous progeny, excite him to enter into a war, 
8tc.] This his daughter was Elizabeth, married to 
Frederick the fifth, elector Palatine, Feb. 14, 1613, 
N. S. to tlie great joy of all true protestants". The 
marriage was celebrated widi great pomp, and the 
prince gained the love and good-will of the English by 
bis affability and great generosity'. The Spanish am- 
bassador, and the ambassador from the arch-dukes, 
were not present at the marriage, being greatly enraged 
at it, " fearing indeed thereby," says Mr. Trumbull to 
Sir Ralph Winwood, " that we do akn at wresting th« 
empire out of the Austrian's hands, which they say 
shall never be effected, so long as the conjoyned forces 
of all the catholiques in Christendom, shall be able to 
maintain them in tliat right, which now they have ia 
9 manner gotten by prescription^." But they had no 
reason for this their fear, for James so far from think- 
ing to wrest the empire out of the Austrians' hands, did 
not so much as seriously resolve to support his otva 
daughter, and her children, in their possessions. — I 
need not enter into a detail of the reasons which is- 

• Vir. E. 3. 1, lOS. 

' Id. p. 43a, 




JAMES I. 179 

territories, and be exiles in a foreign land, 

duced the Bohemians to shake off the Austrian yoke, 
&Dd assert their own just privileges hy electing Frede- 
rick for their king, Aug. S8, IS19. Our historians will 
satisfy the curiosity of such as want information in 
this matter. Let it suffice to say, tlifit after the elec- 
tor of Saxony, and the duke of Savoy, had refused iha 
kingdom of Bohemia, Frederick accepted of it, without 
waiting the advice of James, his fathei-in-law, which, 
by his ambassador, he had asked '. In consequence of 
this he was crowned king of Bohemia, and at first met ^ 
with great success. For Silesia, Moravia, Lusatia, and "- 
Austria had taken up arms against the emperor Ferdi- - 
nand ; as did likewise Bethlem Gabor, a prince of great 
credit at the Otioman porte, valiant, courageous, and ■■ 
already master of the greatest part of Hungary. — But: 
his success did not last long. On November 8, 1620, 
was the battle of Prague fought, which proved fatal to 
Frederick, and his brave Bolieuiians. His army was 
icattered and routed ; himself and queen obliged lo flj 
with precipitation from that country; and his people 
were subjected to all the insults and cruelties of an en- 
raged conqueror, and a bigotted prince; and withal 
he was censured for having engaged in an aflair, with- 
out probability of success, the consequence of which 
was like to be fatal to him. Gut this censure seems to 
have been ill founded. Things turned out very differ- 
tmt from what might have been reasonably expected, 
and therefore though the elector Palatine was unfor- 
tunate, he was not to be deemed unwise. 

" For who could have believed that the protestanti 
of Germany would have abandoned him, they who un- 


• RuBhwortb, vul. L p. 13. 




to the great amazement of strangers, and 

dcr the name of correspondents had engaged from ilie 
year ]609. to maintain lilterty and the protestant reli- 
gion in the empire ? They who believed that the via- 
peror was an enemy to both ? They, in short, w^ 
haviag been consulted by Frederick, iheir chief, in tbe 
assembly held at Rotlenbiirgb, Septem. 12, 1619, an- 
swered that he ought to accept the crown of Bohemia, 
not only as being a new dignity, but also as what was 
necessary tor the pnblic good of Germany, and that of 
tlidr allies, and advised him to set out immediately 
lor Bohemia ; Who could have believed that France, 
which in those times exclaimed so loudly against 
princes that are too powerful, and solicited all Europe 
to make leagues against the house of Austria, would 
neglect so favourable an opporlunity of weakening it? 
who would have believed that France would aide with 
Ferdinand, against those who aimed at depriving hiia 
of a part of his power ? who could have believed that 
tielhlfun Gabor, after such fortunate beginnings, after 
nil the reputation he had acquired, and all the interest 
he had with the Turk, would be of no service to the 
Palatine ? Let us therefore say, that Frederick was de- 
ceived by a train of events so singular, that the most 
refined prudenw could never have suspected it. Le( 
us not believe those who pretend that the vanity of the 
duke of Bovillon, his uncle, joined witli that of the 
electress, threw him into an imprudent undertaking, 
Thej say, thai the duke wrote to his friends at Paris, 
that while the king of France was making knights at 
Fountaiablean, he was making kings in Germany. 
He might have said^so ; but as he was one of the ablest 
men of his age, it is not probable that he would have 
advised hts nephew to accept a crown, if he ought io 


JAMES I. 18i 

the grief of his own subjects; who most 

prudence to have refused itV But let us return to 

our history, No sooner hnd Frederick lost the battle 

of Prague, and with it the kingdom of Bohemia, but 
almost all his allies forsook him. He now found him- 
self proscribed by the emperor, attacked by the Spa- 
niards in his own country the Palatinate, and had at 
length the misfortune to become an exile in Holland, 
deprived of his patrimony, together with his regal and 
electoral dignities; and reduced to great necessities; 
from which it never was his fortune to get free. In 
his fate his wife and children were involved, and con- 
sequently he was an object of great compassion. 

Let UH now see how his father-in-law behaved towards 
him in these circumstances. No sobner had Frederick 
accepted the crown of Bohemia, but he shewed his dis- 
like of it, and would never suffer the title of king to' 
be given him in his presence'*. Yea, he ordered his 
ambassador. Sir Henry Wotton to make it known " to 
all princes, whom it might any way concern, that in 
the election of his son-in-law to the crown of Bohemia,- 
he had no part by any precedent counsel or practice'." 
And in pursuance of his instructions, the said Sir 
Henry Wotton assured the emperor, " that his majesty- 
bad not given the title of king to his son-in-law, or of 
queen to his daughter, in any letter either public or 
private; nor had permitted the same title, in any ser- 
tnons within his kingdom''." Indeed he declared, that 
"though he was resolved to suspend his judgment- 
ahoul the differences between the emperor and the Bo-" 

' Bayle'i Hirtnrical Discourse on the Life of GusUvuB Adolphua at tli« 
•nd of the last editioa of hia dictionary, p, 61B. " Rushworth, vol. I. 

p. 13. ' Reliquis WatlonianiB, p. *96. ' Id. p. 503. 


readily and willingly would have assisted 

heraiaus, yet he found himself tied both by nature and 
by reason, not to Jeave the patrimonial inheritance of 
hiis own descendants, that is, neither the inferior, nor 
superior Palatinate in the hands of any alien usurper'." 
Accordingly when Spinola was about to inarch into the 
Palatinate with thirty thousand men, he sent one regi- 
ment thither under the command of Sir Horatio Vere^ 
for its defence, who performed good service *■, But 
even this he meanly npoiogized for to the emperor, 
and declared tliat " the troops sent towards the Pala- 
tinate, were mcerly voluntaries, without his m^eities 
contiibution, and defensively intended, before any: 
noise of the invasion V After Frederick's misfor- 
tune before Prague, and when his own territories begaa 
to be seized, James sent the princes of the union thirty 
thousand pound to keep them in arms, but withal re- 
solved at the same lime to treat of peace''. In shorl^ 
though an order of council was made for raising money 
by way of free gift, for the support of the PaJatinat^ 
and afterwards the parliament gave a supply for the rei j 
coveryof it; and the people were disposed zealously t^ j 
engage in its behalf j yet James contented himself wit)t { 
sending embassies to recover it when it was attack64 
on ail sides; and weakly imagined that princes flushei^ 
with victory, would hearken to his iotrcaties, or per- 
suasions. Doncaster, Wotton, Digby, Weston and < 
others were sent from time to time, who though mea 
of sense, and able negotiators, could prevail nothing: 
the Palatinate was taken while they were treating, and 
they had the mortification of finding themselves laugh- 

" RusbwOTt]), TOL I. p- 14. 

■' Rushwortb, vol. L p. 18. 



them with all their power. Yea so strongly 

ed at, and contemned, as well aa their maater who sent 
them, That I have not exaggerated matters will ap- 
pear from the following extracts from James's own let- 
ters- In a letter to the earl of Briatol, dated October 3, 
1622, he writes thus: "There is none knows belter 
than yoMrself how we have laboured, ever since the ba- 
ginning of these unfortunate troubles of the empire, 
notwithstanding all opposition to the contrary, to 
merit well of our dear brother the king of Spain, and 
the whole house of Austria, by a long and lingering 
patience, grounded still upon his friendship, and pro- 
mises that care should be had of our honor, and of our 
children, patrimony, and inheritance. We have ac- 
quainted you also, from time to time, since the begin 
ujflg of the treaty of Bruxels, bow crossly things there 
have proceeded, notwithstanding the fair professionfi 
made unto us, both by the king of Spain, the Infanta, 
and all his ministers, and the letters written by him 
unto the emperor, and them effectually, (at the least, 
as they endeavoured to make us believe.) Butwh^^ 
fruits have we of these, other than dishonor and scorn? 
whilst we are treating, the town and castle of HeideU 
bergh taken by force, oiiv gairison put to the sword, 
Manheim besieged, and dl the hostility used that 19 
within tlie power of an enemy'." And in a letter to 
the emperor Ferdinand, dated November 13, lG31, h« 
complains " that whiUl treaty was in hand, his sou-in-. 
law was wholly despoiled and robbed of his hereditwy 
patj'imony that remained unto him, excepting the lower 
Palatinate, which was all, says he, by con)l»ajidiaent 
•f your imperial majesty, taken and ppsse?s^ by th^ 

' CitwlB, p. £39. 


■was tKis dispositron'to peace rooted wJthm 

duke of Bavaria, according as himself confessed^ with 
■ ■ strorig hand and force of arms, and that fur such reasons 
as' are mcerly new, and such as the' like were never 
hitherto once heard of." He further represents unto 
■him, " that notwithstanding it plainly appeared, by 
'the answer given to his ambassador, that his Imperial 
■majesty had caused the suspension of the bann or pro- 
'scription in those countries, yet he permitted the taking 
of arms again in hand, whereby tliere had been raised 
a most cruel war, and most part of the country taken 
in by the Spaniards powerful strength*." And as 
-James complained, so did his ambassadors likewise; 
"whilst things (says Sir Dudley Carleton to the duke 
of Buckingham, in a letter dated Dec. 13, 1623,) have 
teen held sonietlmcs in terms, always in talk of accom- 
inodation, the electoral is given to Bavaria by the em- 
■fteroT, and avowed by a congratulatory embassage froii 
■Brusels ; the upper Palatinate is settled in his possep. 
■sion, with some portion to Newburg, for his contenta- 
tion and engagement. A principal part of the lowef J 
Palatinate is given to the elector of Mentz, with the | 
consent of those of Bruxels, where he (was lately ill I 
person to obtain it) though they grossly dissemble iC , 
and promises of parts of the rest are made lo other 
princes'" ." And Sir Richard Weston, in a letter froin 
Bruxels to Buckingham, dated Sept. 3, 1(522, has the 
following expressions. " Notwithstanding his majesty' 
hath followed them in all their desires, and the prince 
elector hath conformed himself to what was demanded; 
that the count Mansfelt, and duke of Brunswick, the 
pretended obstacles of the treaty, are now, with alt 

' CsbalB, p. 260. 

"Id. p. 192. 

.him, that tliough he met with scorn, and 
derision from those ^vith whom he treated 
about the restitution of the Pahitinate, and 


their forces removed; no face of an enemy in the Pa- 
latinate, hut his majesty's power in the garrisons;' aO 
other places repossessed which Mansfelt had taken; 
■no cause of continuing any war now, nor any cause of ■ 
jealousy or fear, for the future, considerinf^ his ma^ 
jesty's fair and honourable offers; yet are they so fajr 
from a cessation, that they are fiJIen upon Hcidef- 
bergh, and either want the will or power to remove the 
siege. And all I can get, is two letters of intreaty 
from her highness to the chiefs of the emperor, to pro^ 
ceed no further ; and after some eighteen days since, 
I made my proposition for the cessation, I have yet 
no answer; so that being able to raise no more doubts, 
they make use of delays. I have said, and done, and 
■used ail diligencics within my power to bring forth 
■better effects, and can go no further; and therefore, I 
humbly beseech your lordship that I may have leave tb 
return, when I shall hear that they will not remova 
the siege at Heidelbergh. For their pretending to re^ 
store all, when all is taken, is a poor comfort to me^ 
and as little honour to his majesty : and how far they 
&re to be believed in that, is to be examined, more 
exactly than by writing* by weighing, how the weak 
hopes given me here, agree with the strong assurances 

given by my lord Digby out of Spain"." Thus 

was James treated, as he himself says, with scorn and 
dishonour; but yet he made no efforts to avenge him- 
self or his family, till the breaking off the match with' 

■ Cabal>, p. MU. 


found himself deceived by the emperor, 
Spaniards, and arch-dukes, he still went on 
to treat with them, and thereby rendered 

Spain, when twelve regiments were rose, and pat iid- 
dei the command of the gallant Mansfield : but these, 
by an unaccountable weakness or neglect, having had 
no passage stipulated for tbem through France or Hol- 
land, through famine and pestilence mouldered awaj^ 
and the design of recovering the Palatinate came to 

nothing '. Thus did James suffer hia son-in-law, hia 

daughter, and his grandchildren to be driven out from 
their dominions, without affording them that relief, 
and assistance which were necessary. Strange conduct! 
unheard of behaviour! but James dreaded war, and 
would submit to any thing rather than engage in it. 
For even the breaking off the Spanish match, and the 
raising the regiments under the command of Mansfield, 
were things greatly displeasing to him, and brought 
about contrary to his inclinations by his son, and bis 
great favourite Buckingham ^ And, then he was out- 
witted by the Spaniards, who made him believe that 
notwithstanding Frederick was overcome, and his af- 
fairs in a very desperate condition, yet he need but 
signify his pleasure about his restitution, and he should 
be obeyed '. Nor did James in the least suspect, but 
that upon the conclusion of the marriage of his son 
with the Infanta of Spain, the restitution of the Pala* 
tinate would follow, though he had made no terms ia 
that treaty about it ". "The count de Gondomor, the 
Spanish ambassador, who had an absolute ascendant 
over him, gave him to understand, that the king of 

■ HuihwoTtli, vol. I. p> 154. ^ See CUieudoD, toL L p. 34. 

* RMhwortb, TOl. I. p. IB. ' Id. p. 91. 


JAMES I. 187 

the affairs of the unfortunate Frederick his 
son-in-law desperate and deplorable. 

Nor was his conduct better in other 

Spain being on the point of giving his daughter to the 
prince of Wales," (which, by the way, he never in- 
tended, though his successor probably was sincere in 
the treaty for the match) " would look on the interest 
of the Palatine prince as his own, and not suffer him 
to lose the Palatinate, that even though the emperor 
ahould be master of that country, there was a good 
way for both sides to come off with honor; for, by 
favour of the marriage, the emperor might make a 
present of the Palatinate to the Infanta, who would give 
it the prince her husband, and then the prince might 
restore it to his brother-in-law. James took all this to 
be gospel, as if indeed he had had a positive promise 
from the emperor and the king of Spain, that every 
thing should be done as the ambassador had proposed. 
This was the reason he was more and more intoxicated 
with the notion that the best way to save the Palati- 
jiate, was to live in a good understanding with the 
court of Vienna, and Madrid"." In short, such was 
the management of Gondomor in this affair, and such 
the weakness of James, that in a letter to the duke of 
Lerma, we find the ambassador boasting, " that he had 
lulled king James so fast asleep, that he hoped neither 
the cries of his daughter uor her children, nor the re- 
peated solicitations of his parliament and subjects la 
their behalf should be able to awaken him *'," 

I shall only add that the Palatine family remained 
in exile till the year 1648, when, by the treaty of 
Munster, they were restored to the best part of their 
dominions, without having received any considerable 

' Acta Regis, p. 54f>. 


it with impunity, and he contented himi 

self with remonstrating, when he ought to 


a foul macder upon his majesty's subjects in Ireland, 
that were under protection •." — But for tiie honour of 
the English nation let it be observed, that till the dis- 
position of James was known bjhis subjects, the com- 
manders of our ships acted very differently. For on 
his accession to the throne, " the duke of Sully being 
chosen by Henry the Great of France, for an extraor- 
dinary embassy into England, embarked at Calais in 
a French ship, with the French flag on the main top- 
mast ; but no sooner was he in the channel, than meet- 
ing with ayatch which came to receive him, the com- 
mander of it commanded the French ship to strike. 
The duke thinking his quality would secure bim from 
■uchan affront, refused it boldly; but his refusal being 
answered with three cannon, shot with bullets, which 
piercing his ship, pierced the heait of the French, 
force constrained him to do, what reason ought to have 
secured him from, and whatever complaints be could 
make, he could get no other reason from the English 
captain, than that as bis duty obliged him to honor 
his quality of ambassador, it obliged him also to com- 
pel others to pay that respect to his master's flag, 
whidi was due to the sovereign of the seaV Thus 
ip^ks the famous cardinal Richlieu ; and Sully him- 
self, though be tells the story somewhat diff'erently, 
owns that the English commander fired on the French, 
and obliged him to take down his flag''. It is pity 

■ OUcastle'a Rfmarks, p. 239, io the note. " CudioBl lUchlieB!* 

PoIilicalWilUndTeslBmenC, partad. p. B2. flro.tond. 1695. ' Sally'i 

M«Dioin, vol. I. p. 174 — !73. It is Eurprkmg that Qui [illant acQon ' 

has been overloako! I)y aur histonani, aad even by Burchet, in hit naval 


have required in a proper manner satis- 
faction. But notwithstanding this treat- 


the name of this English captain has not been handed 

down to posterity, 1 have said in the text that 

James suffered not only the British flag to be affronted, 
bot his merchant ships to be taken by the Dutch, when 
trading to the ports of Spain or Flanders. In order to 
understand tliis, it is necessary to observe, that though 
James had made a peace with the Spaniards, the war 
Waa continued several years after between them and 
the Hollanders. Such therefore of the Enghsh ships 
as were found carrying goods to the Spaniards and 
trading with them, were frequently seized under a 
pretence of their being contraband ; when they them- 
«elves connived at their own subjects doing the same; 
and consequently were guilty of the greatest insults. 
Here follow some of my authorities. Lord Cranhome 
[Cecyle] in a letter to Mr. Winwood, dated Oct. 23, 
1604, tells him, " we are credibly informed, that the 
States have not only sent new orders to their men of 
war on the coast of Flanders, to impeach our trade to 
the arch-dukes ports by all means possible, but also to 
bum all such ships as they shall take of foreign 
princes. And withal are advertised, that many of 
their own people are daily resorting (under colour of 
private licences) to the said ports with ail kind of 
victuals and commodities. And that tltesebe no vain 
reports, their daily practice maketh demonstration; 
for on Monday last was seven-night, five of their ships, 
laden with wine and salt, were seen peaceably to go 
into Newport, their men of war riding before the 
faffi:bour; and since likewise, his majesty's admiral of 
the DWTOW seas, being upon occasion of service upon 



ment, he delivered up to them the cau- 
tionary towns ^, which the}' had deposited 

»he coast of Flanders, did see two UlissiDgersput into 
Ostend, in sight of four of their men of war, who 
aever oStred them violence. Besides, there arc fifteen 
small fly-boais and pinks of Holland laden with fi=h, 
gone this last spring-tide from Yancouth towards 
Newport, with private licences as they gave out from 
the admiralty there'." And it appears from a variety 
of other letters of the same secretary to Winwood 
ambassador in Holland, that the Dutch sliips never 
made any scruple of violating the nenirality of our 
ports, and treating even the £nghsh after such a man- 
ner as produced complaints infinite and unsupport- 
able^ But all these things J^mcs bore with patience. 
He contented himself with remonstrating, and the 
Dutch understanding his humour, went on pillaging 
his subjects, often times their utter undoing'. To 
such a contemptible pass was this nation brought, in 
a short time, by the cowardice and pusillanimity of its 

,*■ He delivered up to them the cautionary towns, 
'&c.] In the year 1385, the States of the Isetherlands 
were so greatly distressed by the Spaniards, that they 
renewed the applications they had formerly made to 
Elizabeth, to accept of the government of the United 
Provinces, and take them into her protection. The 
queen heard their deputies with favour, but at first re^ 
fused both their protection and government. But 
"Antwerp being taken by the prince of Parma, she soon 
afterwards, by the advice of her council, determined 
to assist thetn upon condition, among other things, 

^ ■ WinBwi(l,vot, I(. p.3*, Mci. p. 971. .-^ W. p. 31, ' 





fti the hands of queen Eliaabeth, for the 

that Flushing and the caatle of Rammekins in Walket- 
iii, and the [sle of Hrill, with the city and two forts, 
should be delivered into the queen's hands, for caution, 
to pay back the money which she should expend on 
her forces, with which she might assist them during 
(ire war. It was moreover stipulated that the said 
fdaees, after the money was repaid, uhould be restored 
again, to the estates, and not delivered to the Spaniards, 
or any other enemy whatsoever. And also that the 
goVemov-general, and two Eniriishmeii whom the 
queen should name, should be admitted into the coun- 
cil of the estates". Accordingly Elizabeth sent the 
earl of Leicemer to their aid, had the towns put into 
her hands, and her governor had a piace among the 
Stated-general; whereby the English had a share ia 
their councils, and they were kept in dependance oa 
them. It is well known with what valour and conduct 
the Dutch resisted tlie Spaniards, and by the help of 
their auxiliaries, rose themselves to an admired and 
envied state of power, wealth and liberty. Spain 
weary with endeavouring to enslave them, was con- 
tented to treat with them as Free-States, and con- 
cluded a truce at Antwerp, March 29, 1609- It was 
then Holland lifted high its head, and looking on the 
cautionary towns as manacles and shackles on tbeni, 
and fearing that James, whose meanness of spirit, con- 
■exion with the Spaniards, and great want of money 
Were known, might one day deliver them into their 
enemies hands, as by them he had been requested ; 
it was then, I say, that they determined if passible to 
get them from him, but upon the easiest terms. But 

' CsDiden't nuu at Q. Eliiab. ia rannpleat Elst. vol. II. p. Xt. 



money she had Scorn time to time expended 

this was Dot to be Aoae in a hnrrj', they look time, and 
acted afia soch a Mianner, as ^i; aceamplished theis 
purpose; Tboagb the towns wen gaxnsooed bj ilw 
E^nhfthe gairisoa was paid by tkcDvtch. In oidet 
Ifaerefore to brio; aboat what they had in view, tbey 
ceased, all at once, to pay the English garrison, as by 
treaty tbey were olAgcd. Complainta were berenpM^ 
made to Sir Noel Caion, the Dutch ambassador q/^ ^ 
London. He excased it by the poverty of hisaiasUs^ 
bat withal iuiDnaled as from himself, that H^a^Mm 
tannic maja^ would dc:Ure ii of the States, ihey, oat 
of their regatd fibi him, would take up moaey at higb 
interest, and at once discharge the whole debt due ta 
tbe crown of England. James listened to the proposal^ i 
and wrote about it to the States. By them Baraevdl^ 
WW sent over, who B<^otiated go ably, ibxt ^ kim_ 
^reed to deliver up the towns tor less than three mj||| 
lions of fktrins, in lieu of eight million^! that were dat^ ' 
and about 18 years interest'. Tlus was in May l6lft 
Whot the opinion of the world was on this aflnir 
appeikr front part of a letter firom Sir Thonias . 
roundes, written from Paris the same month, to Sis' 
Ralph Winwood. In it he observes that the agre&r 
meat for the rcaConng the caulionaiy towns, was 
thgiBght strange by the principal persons in the French 
council, and particularly by Moiis, Villeroy, wiio wa^ 
of opinion, " that no consideration of utility oughtfi^jT 
have ouide his majesty quit so great an interest as he 
hiid, for the retaining thiit people, bj iliat means, in. 
devotion to bim ; alled^iig i'or example that they her(\ 

I, mt. t. p. 1^ Cabila, p, sne. Acta tUiph, p. SiS, 
Coke, vol I.p.39i HcnrelfiUtMmip. 16. Load. nU. Sio. 



p troops in theii' service, for compara- 
tively a trilling sum ; and thereby lost the 

without any such gages, do tlisburae yearly unto the 
States, the sum of a00,000 crowns, besides tl»e abso- 
lute remittal of twelve or thirteen Ditllions of livres, 
which they had disbursed for them in the last wars, 
only to draw that i>eople to a like depeedence on this 
UBie, as they do on his majesty. Adding ttlso there- 
imto, that his majesty having ordinarily a greater 
power over the atfections of that people, by the more 
natural love which they bare unto him, than they here 
oan promise themselves, but oiiiy in respect of the 
jtresent great faction, which they liave mad*' by the 
means of Mons. Barneveh; it seemetli, by the oonrse 
which we have now taken, that we absolutely quit 
the advantage to them. Sir Thomas then adds, that 
those who be his majesty's zealous servants, are sorry 
to see such a divorce, as they interpret it, between his 
majesty and Uiat people: and after mentioning tlie ne- 
gotiation for a match with Spaiu, he concludes with 
saying, I am sorry, that our necessities (if that be the 

cause) should carry us to these extremiliesV 

Coke, and Burnet in speaking of this affair are guilty 
of a great mistake. The former supposes it was con- 
trary to the seventh article of the peace maiie with 
the Spaniards in the year I6'i4 " : And the other says, 
that James, after his coming to the crown of England, 
bad entered into secret treaties witli Spain, in order 
to the forcing the States to a peace; one article of 
which was, that if they were obstinate, he would de- 
liver these places to the Spaniards '. But in fact there 

' Birtii'a NegoiiatiaDS of Sir Tho. Eilmondcs, p. SSe. 
p. 53. ■ Buraet, vol. I. p, IT. 


THE LrpE or 

dependence those provinces before had on 
the EngUsh crown. Nor did the cruelties 

isJQSt nothing at all in this. The Spaniards, in making 
the treaty in lG04, insisted on having ihe cautionary 
(owns delivered up to ihem, npoa pajnent of the. 
monies due from Holland. This was stiffly denied. 
Whereupon says secretary Cecyll, in a letter to Mr. 
Winwood, dated June 13, 1G04, "They are descended 
to content themselves with some modification, whidi 
we have delivered in fomi of sa article, (wiuch may be 
seen in Coke;) wherein, as we do forbear (at their 
motion) to express that his majesty meaneth not to 
deliver the said cautionaries, to any other but fite 
States united, so if the modification be well examined, 
yon see itcannotany wise prejudiceelthei his majesty, 
in honor, or the States in their interest in the towns; 
for as long as the election of good and reasonable con- 
ditions for the States pacification, is referred lo his 
majesty's judgment, there can arise no incoDTCniency 
of it ; it being always in his majesty's hands, to allow 
or disallow of that, which shall not be agreeable to the 
concurrency of his affairs with the united provinces ',** 
Thus speaks lord Cecyll who had the chief hand in this 
treaty; and upon a car^l perosal of the article re- 
ferred to, I am persuaded he is right; and consequent- 
Jy the above-cited historians, as I said, are greatly 

The following remark was communicated to me by 
the reverend Dr. Birch. The account given by Burnet, 
vol. i. p. 15. Rapin, &c. of Bamevclt's coming over to 
England to negotiate the purchase of the cautionary 
towns from king James I. in IfilG, is absolutely fal«^ 

J Wiowiwd, voU IL p. 33. 




JAMES I. 197 

exercised by the Dutch on the English, at 

as I cannot find the least tface of it in a series of MS. 
letters, which I have read, between Sir Dudley Carlet on, 
who went over ambassador to Holland, in March \6\5- 
16, and the two secretaries of state. Sir Ralph Wiu- 
wood and Sir Tliomas Lake. The former, Sir Ralph 
Winwood, in his letters from Whitehall, to the ambas- 
sador, of the lOth of April I6l6, mentions, that the 
lords had delivered their resolutions to the king, that 
it was more for his majesty's service, upon honourable 
conditions, to render up the towns, than still to retain 
them ; and that his majesty had taken some days to 
advise of it. Sir Dudley Carleton, in his letter to Sir 
Rich. Winwood from the Hague, of May 3d, com- 
plains, that a matter of that great consequeuce (though 
" it had," says he, " the beginning, before my coming 
hither, yet since ray arrival, hath had some subject of 
further treaty) is altogether managed by the minister 
of this state, (Sir Noel Caron) resident with his ma- 
jesty, without my having any hand therein." The 
lung's commission to the lords to treat with Sir Noel 
Caron concerning the surrender of the cautionary 
towns, is dated May 21, l6lG, and that to Sir Horace 
Vere, to deliver up the Brill, on the SSd. — Sir R. Win- 
wood, in a letter to Sir Dudley, from Greenwich, on 
the 23d of May, gives him a particular relation of the 
proceedings in this treaty, that some years before, dur- 
ing his employment in Holland, Sir Noel Cai'on, in the 
name of his superiors, made an overture to the king 
for ihe reddition of these towns, upon seasonable aqd 
honest composition ; which being not hearkened uqto, 
itiay asleep, until the month of December, I6l5, at 
which time, Sir Noel being newly returned troiu bis 
superiors, revived that motion with earnest instance, 




Amboyna*', and the deprwing them of 

Koi for that purpose expressly demanded audwacc of 
bU maJMty. It iiappeiied at the self-same time, th«t 
the governor of these towns (ktivered to Sir Ral^ 
WiBwood, to be exhibited (o the lords, a complaint, 
that the garriWB had not received their pay for mimj 
weeks: the danger whereof the lords talcing into their 
eons [deration, the question was moved by a great coim- 
adlor of eminent place, whether it were not better fm 
Iris majesty's serrice to render Hwac towns, itian stiti to 
bold thera at so great a charge. Keport being made 
to the king at the nsing of ihc lords, that this questicHi 
had been moved in cormcil, he acquainted themwiA 
ihe instance of Sir Nod, and tbeti gave ifaem charge 
■B advise and consult thereof, to deliver to him their 
Judgment and resolutions; with which he, afte* Ae 
deliberations of ten or twdve days, concurred for the 
Sale of the towns. 

This account is absolutely inconsistent with the sup- 
position of Barnevelt's journey to EoglDnd, on the af- 
fair of the pcrchase. 

Sir Thomaa Lake maitioDs the resalt of the treaty, 
in a letter to Sir Dudley, from Greenwich, of the <E8lh 
of May, in these words ; 

" We have now debennined of the return of the cau- 
tionary towns, a matter vulgarly ill taken here, and 
witb many of the best. Bnt necessity is of the coun- 
cil. I think your lordship will hear of it by those 
that have more hand in it thmi L** 

•' The cruelties exercised by tbc Du^cb <« the Eng- 
lish at Amboyna, &c.] Amboyna ifl an i&land in the 
East-Indies, and is the principal place where nutmegf, 
friace, cinnamon, cloves and spice grow. In the year 
1619, a treaty was concluded between James and tha 

their share of the spice trade, cause him to 
attempt the vindication of the rights of his 

Datch, with regard to the trade of the East-Indies, in 
consequence whereof, the English enjoyed part of the 
Bpice trade, and greatly enriched themselves. This 
made them envied by the Dutch, who were determined^ 
if possible, to deprive them of the advantages they 
reaped. A plot iherefore was pretended, in which the 
English, with the assistance of a few Japonese soldiers, 
were to seiae on the fortress, and put the Dutch to the 
Bword: whereupon they were seized and examined; 
but stiffly denying the fact, they were tortured most 
barbarously. This produced (what the rack almost al- 
ways does produce) a confession ; hereupon ten English- 
men, seven of whom were agents, factors, and assistants, 
were ordered to be executed, Feb. 1623, six Japonese, 
and three natives, who all uniformly denied their know* 
ledge of the plot to the last moment. The Dutch ac- 
count transmitted to the English East-India corap&ny, 
in vindication of this aflnlr, admir« that all the evidence 
they had was obtained by tortnre, and that those who 
Suffered professed theif innocency, a clear proof thi» 
that they were condemned wrongfully; for when men 
of different countries and interests are accused of joint 
conspiracy, the denial of every individual at the article 
of death, amounts with me to the clearest proof of their 
innocency. However, these executions so terrified the 
English, that they thought they could not safely abide 
in Amboyna; they departed thence, therefore, and the 
Dutch very honestly took their effects, to the value of 
400,000 pounds. After this the neighbouring spice 
islands were seized by them, and the English wholly 
dispo9«essed of their factors and trade, to their incredi- 


people, or punish those who had so vilely 

treated them. 

Ue loss and damage '. It may well be F^npposed, that 
an affair of this nature conld not long remain a secret. 
The news reached England, and sufficient proof was 
made of the treachery and cruehy of the Dutch in it ; 
aad, no doubt, it was expecled that reparation would 
be demanded and obtained. And had James made pro- 
per representations to the States-General, justice pro- 
bably would have been done; for no stale would openly 
have abetted such villatiies. But he pocketed up the 
affront; submitted to the injury even without recjuiring 
satisfaction ; and contented himself with barely telling 
the Dutch ambassador, " that be never heard, nor read, 
a more cruel and impiaus act, than that of Amboyna. 
But," added he, " I do forgive them, and I hope God 
will ; but my son's son shall revenge this blood, and 
punish this horrid massacre V Wretched must be the 
people who have a prince thus pusillanimous! What 
can they hope for from tlioap about thpui, but oppres- 
sion, insults and injuries ? Princes owe to their subjects 
protection ; if they afford it not, they have no reason 
to expect allegiance, nor should they murmur if it is 

By the way, we may obseiTe that James was a false 
prophet; neither his son, nor his son's son, revenged 
this bloodshed at Amboyna, or puuished this horrid 
massacre. But Cromwell, born to avenge the wrongs 
of the British nation, and restore her lost glory, effec- 
tually did it; for among the conditions on which be 

* See the Hist, of the barbarous Criieltifs Committed by the Dutfhintli 
East-Indies, Bvo, I^oiid. 1713. Coke, vol. I. p. 96. Wilson, p. 281. Bol^J 

veCaJlftMIliit. p. 309. foL lond. 1720, » Coke, roL L j^ ST. 



JAMES I. 201 

To all these instances, if we add his per- 
mitting his only son to go into Sp^n, to 
bring to a conclusion the match '' with the 

gave peace to the Dutch, in April, l654, it was insert- . 
ed, " that they should deliver up the island of Polerone, 
in the East-Indies, fnhich they had taken from the 
English in the time of king James, and usurped it ever 
sincet into the hands of the English East-India com- 
pany again; and pay a good sum of money [300,00CiJ 
for the old barbarous violence, exercised so many years 
since at Amboyna; for which the two Jast kings could 
never obtain satisfaction and rep.iration''." It were to 
be wished all princes had tlie honor of their countiy 
so much at heart, as it appears from this, and many 
other instances, Cromwell had ; then would their cha- 
racters truly shine in history, and instead of the disa- 
greeable task of censuring, writers would be emulous 
of pointing out their excellencies, and iheir fame would 
be as lasting as letters. Whereas most princes have 
been contentetl with the incense offered thera by flat- 
terers, and therefore have seldom endeavoured to pro- 
cure that solid reputation, which alone results from 
great and benevolent actions; hy which means their 
weaknesses or wickednesses fill up their annals, and 
cause their names to be treated with indignation and 

" His permitting his only son to go into Spain, ficcj 
James had treated both with France and Spain, for a 
match with prince Charles, though he knew well the 
inconveniencies which wouid arise from his marrying 
a lady of a different religion; for in his Basilicoii 

' aaiendon'i HiX. vul. VL p. 4S9. and Tiaial'^ 
p. 591. 

Ill RaiUp, vol. II. 


Iii^nta, we shall perliaps be tiitly satisfied 

of the Treakness of his conduct. 


Doron, addressed to prince Henry, he has ihe follow- 
ing ronarlcable pass;^e : " 1 wonld ratherest bav« you 
to marrie one tbat was fuUj of your own religioQ ; ber 
rank and other qualities being agreeable to your estate; 
fur although to my great regrate, the number of waj 
priucea ot' power, anrl accounts professing our religion, 
be but very siBfiii ; and th;it therefore this advice 
seems to be the more >trait and didicile : yet ye have 
deeply to \veigh, and consider upon these doubts, 
how ye and your wife can be of one fiesh, and keep 
uiiitie betwixt you, being members of two opposite 
churches : disagreetsent in rehgion bringeth ever with 
it disagreemcat in manaers; and tiie disseniion be- 
twixt your preachers and hers, will breed and foster a 
dissentiou among your iiubjects, taking then- example 
from your family ; bcaidts the peril of the evil educa- 
tion of your children. Neither pride you that ye will 
be able to make her as ye please : that deceived 
Solomon the wisest king that ever wasV There is 
Ecuse in this passage ; and yet the writer of it never 
attempted to match either of his sons with a pro- 
testant princess. The eldest, prince Henry, he en- 
deavoured to marry with a daughter of France or 
Savoy ; the youngest, prince Cliarles, as I have just 
observed, with France or Spain. With France the 
negotiations were broke off for that purpose, and 
those with Spidn commenced about the year ItjlS". 
But for several years the Spaniards had no other end in 
entertaining the negotiations, hut to aoiase James and 

*&JteWork9, p. I7e. " Diicli'i Vjpwof IbeNefoiiBtioits.&c. 





JAMES I. £03 

No wonder then that he was burlesqued, 

hindn him frain concerning litmself in the business) of 
Cleves, or eflectually succouring the Patatiiiate. This 
appetrs plainly from the king of Spiiin'tt lebbor to 
C<m3t Olivarea, dated Nov. 5, lC23'. However, it 
BCemB probuble, thai afterwards the Spaniards' ioten- 
tioDs were sincere for the match, and that a short space 
of time wou|^ have completed it. For matters hiid 
been t:am«d to such a length, and James bad yielded 
to tH tfceir proposals so readily, thai they could not 
well ixfuieto conclude it. This match was odious to 
the body of the Englieh nation, and the parliament 
advised the breaking off the treaty''. But James gave 
them ft severe re|>rimand for then- advice, and deter- 
mined not to comply with it. He longed for the 
Spanish goJd, (two millions, bat of what value appears 
not) which the Infanta was to bring with her, and was 
in hopes of getting the restitution of the Palatinate; 
and therefore proceeded with zeal and earnestness. 

■ While things were in this stale, the prince, 

perstiaded by Buckingham, had an inclination to see 
and woo his misUess. Tltej opened it to the king, 
and he, after much opposition, being bullied into it 
by Sleney", complied ; to the amazement of the whole 
world. For it was an unparalleled thing to see " the 
only son of a king, the heir of the kingdom, hazard 
himself in such a long voyage, and carry himself rather 
as an hostage than a spouse, to a court of contrary 
maKims of religion and state, humbly to supplicate 
for a wife*"." What was this but exposing him to the 
danger of impiisonment, the soHcitations of Jesuits, 

' RoallVDrfh, wifi, ^/^ tl. if IiL p. 42. ' See lord Clanncinn, 

nL l.p. li— 1^< » 'Naai'«H»t.»£Venioe, p. 196. fol. Lond. 167.1, 




ridiculed, and exposed abroad, by those 

the importunities of tUe Komish clergy, and thereby 
exciting fears and terrors in the minds of the subject, 
and UAhe them draw (he n-orst conclusions possible i 
}-ea,-what was this but to put it in the power of the 
Spaniards, to insist on what terms they thought fit, 
and cause him to execute them, they having the person 
of llif prince thus in tlieir power ? And how weak and 
imprudent must it be, to take a step of this nature, 
without su moch as communicating it to the council, 
and taking their advice on it! What was easily to be 
foreseen happened. " The change of his religion 
(prince Charles's) was muth hoped for by the court of 
Spain, at this first coming thither. To perfecl which, 
be was plied from lime to time wifh many persuasive 
arguments, by many persons of great honor about the 
ting : and many of the most learned priests and Jesuits 
made their addresses to him, with such rhetorical ora- 
tions, with such insintiating artifices, and subtile prac- 
tices, as if they had a purpose rather to conquer him 

by kindness than by disputation. The pope also 

addressed his lines' unto the prince, estolUng the piety 
of his predecessois, their zeal unto the catholic clmrcb, 
and to the head thereof the pope, inviting bin by all 
the blandishments of art, to put himself upon followiof; 
of their brave examples. Never a prince had a harder 
game to play, than prince Charles had now. He found 
himself under the power of the king of Spain, and 
knew that the whole business did depend on the pope's 
dispensation, wilb whom if he complied not iu some 
Imndsoue wsy, his expectation might be frustrate, and 
all the frniis of that long treaty would be suddenly 
blasted, lie therefore writvs unto die pope in such 
general leam, lu teemed to give his holiness soma 

uch • 

}ma I 

JAMES I. 20i 

^i^o obsrireed his conduct; and that he 

assuraiicea of liim : but being reduced into particulars, 
signified nothing else but sume civil ctMnplemcnts, 
mixt «v>tl) some promises of hh endeavouta to make 
up the breaches in the church, and re stOire Chris tendom 

to an happy aad desirable peace. In England the 

king liad as hard a game to play. For having left snch 
a pawn in Spain, he was in a manner bound to his 
good behaviour, and of necessity to gratity the popisb 
party in this kingdoa vrith more than ordinary favour. 
He knew no marriage could be made without the 
pope's dispensation, and that the pope's dispensation 
could not be obtained, without indulging many graces 
to his catholic subjects. To smooth his way therefore 
to the point desired, he addressed several letters to the 
pope and cardinals, in which he gives him the title of 
most holy father'; and employs Gage as his agent in 
the court of Rome, to attendtlie business. At home 
he discbargeth all such priests and Jesuits as had beea 
formerly imprisoned; inhibiting all processes, and su- 
perseding all proceedings against recusants; and in a 
word, suspends the execution of 3uc:h penal laws as 
were made against them. 

" The people hereupon began to cry out generally 
of a toleration, and murmur in all places, as if he were 
resolved to grant it^.*"- Sec here some of the effects of 
this weak expedition. The same prince who was for 
proving to the duke of Sully, that it was an oil'eiice 
against God, to give the title of holiness to any other 
than him, now very freely gives it to the pope'^; and 
the man who had pfoclaimed aloud in his writing, that 

■ See B leltcr in Cabala, from Jumot. to Ocegocy XVtb, on thii occi- 
iD.p.412. * HeylAt'iIifs-of LauiV9«I«9, 111. f See note 3V 


Fi of' most coDteinptuon^ even by 

lihr fx^pcwas Siitt-cfanst, now dignifies him with the 
ntk' «t' ami boly t'atiier. But James, 1 fancj, \aA 
kv^M DO bhuh, or he couid hardly have thus pubHo^ 
vatndictQd himfiell'. However, fortune favoured prince 
C l wri cs, in freeing him from the dangers into wklch 
dtt* absurd and romantic voyage bronght him. H* 
jriH tlirougli France, thouo^h pursued after; and by the 
boBorand genero!>ity of the Spaniards, was periTiitled 
to return saie into England, where, by the iniitigatioa 
of Buckingham, he »el himself in an abrupt and uitgrah 
ciuDs manner to break oif the treaty of marriage, aod 
earnestly endeavoured to engage the aatiuu in a war 
Vtth Spain, in which he was successful. liut it is very 
otieervRble, " that the reason given for bieakiag the 
match was not tlie true one. The restitution of the 
Palatinate had beea very coolly pressed, not to say 
flegiected, even whilst the prince was at Matlrid ; and 
yet after he came from thence, the king of Spain had 
signed an act by which he engaged for this restitution ; 
so^iat on the principles on which this negotiation had 
been conducted, there seemed to have been no reason 
for breaking it off, given by Spain at the time, when it 
was broken'."— I will conclude tills note by observing, 
that I do not remember any one writer, who has thought 
<hi« journey of priuce Charles info Spain prudent or 
ju«liti«L>ie, and consequently James could not but be 
blameworiliy for permitting it. For he ought not to 
have been overcome by the solicitations of liis son, 
wiK-h lesj by the rudeness find insolence of Bncking- 
hwiu >le- iliould have adhered to what be cx>Bld not 
Wl see iw be for the interest of the State, and not 

' OUcMlte'fl Remsrks, p. M9. 



Ikis best firiendsy Maurice pinnee of Orange, 
and Henry the Great of France^', as well 

ghren it up to please soa or favourite. But he 
wedcfy gBTe way to them, and thereby exposed those 
w^ dear to him to the greatest dangers, and inyolved 
iMnftelf m such difEculties as exposed him to the ridi- 
cule of fovsigHers^ and the coBtenpt and ill-wiU ^ hia 

^^ He was TMKtflded abroad^ and contemptuovsly 
spoken of, bjr^Manrice prince of Orange, and Henry 
the Great of jHanc*.} In Sir Walter Rawleigh's G bost^ 
written in iSfiO^ [not 16M^ as in the printed copy,] 
we find him intiodiiccd speaking to Gondomar, a friar 
and a jesoity eoncesning the cruel representations that 
batd been made of soim of our princes^ isince the refor* 
mation, by the Spaniards in their pictures. And aftet 
having spoken of thekr painting Henry VIII. naked^ 
without a grave, as if a heretic were not worthy to be 
buried; of the picture of EKasabethy iriio was used as 
bad by them for the same reason^ and because she was 
their mortal fbe; after having spoken of these, he adds, 
'' but to come to his m^esty, (king James) what have 
you done by him even of latft^ days ? in one place yoit 
pictui*e him with a scabbard without a sword; in anoN 
ther, with a sword so fast in his scabbard, that no bod^ 
eould draw it. In Brussels you made him in, his hose 
doublet ; his pockets hanging out, and nev«r a penny 
in his purse. In Antwerp you painted the qneen of 
Bohemia like an Irish Giibbin, her hair dishevelled^ 
a child at her back, and in a mantle, with the king^' 
(her. father) carrying the cradle for herV— *-^in the- 

* Sir WaherKawleigh's Ghost, in Morgan's Phoenix BrilttBlciui, p. 323* 
tond. 1732. 4to. and Wilson, p. 192. Oldys, p. 111. 




as by his subjects, who could notwithoat 

indignation behold the empty, insignificant 

year 1609, was the truce conclnde<j between Spain and 
the L'aited Provinces ; under ihe mediation of James 
and Henry the fonnh of France. During the nego- 
tiations great coioplainis were made of tbe partiality 
of JamCT towards the Spaniards, by the French mi- 
tiiatcrs to their master; how justly 1 shall not deter- 
mine. But in answer to a letter from one of his am- 
bassadors, Henry writes, " that he knew James's ill 
intentions tow^irds the States; and withal tells him, 
his carriage did not break his sleep ; ending his letter 
with this word of contempt, rarely used among princes 
of that rank, I know his capacity and the inclinations 
of his snbjects '." And the same Henry, when one 
called " James a second Solomon, replied, that he 

hoped he was not David the fidler's son V Nor had 

Maurice prince of Orange any better opinion of him, 
than the most christian king, as will appear from the 
following curious relation. 

Sir Ralph Winwood being present in the council of 
State, where the sincerity of the courts of Madrid and 
Brusstls in the treaty [for the tiuce] was questioned by 
the prince, told his highness, that, notwithstanding he 
thought it the interest of the republic to go on with it, 
because if the archdukes should at last refuse to com- 
prehend the king of Spain, as well as themselves, an 
eternal dishonor would light upon them, and the two 
kings of England and France would have more reason 
to assist tbe States. The prince took him up briskly 
with these words, we will not go plead a process before 

■ Comptrot Hist. toL !L p. 683, i 

' Osborn, p. ill. 

JAMES I. 209 

figure the nation was reduced to by his ma- 

ihe king's : and le Roi vostre maistre n'ose pas 
parler au Roi d'Espagne, (and the king your master 
dares not speak to the king of Spain.) Sir Ralph an- 
swered, Monsieur, vous avez tort : le Roi mon maitre 
a &. resolution de se ressentir, & puissance de se re- 
vencher du Roi & prince qui se soit. (Sir, you are 
mistaken. The king, my master, hath both spirit to 
resent an injury, and power to avenge himself on any 
king or prince that shall ofier it.) The prince replied. 
Comment s'est-il resscnti de la trahison du poudre? 
(How did he resent the gun-powder plotF) Sir Ralph 
rejoined. Comment scavez-vous, qui le roi d'Espagne 
s'y soit mele? (How do you know that the king of 
Spain had any hand in that affair?) Owen en il 6t6, 
(Owen had) said the prince, Lequel on a demand^ ; & 
le Comte de Tyrone est soutenu par le roi d'Espagne. 
(Whom they have in vain required the king of Spain 
to deliver up; and the earl of Tyrone it is not6rious is 
supported by him.) Sir Ralph replied, Quant k Owen, 
ce n'est pas a vous, a qui le roi mon maistre en rendra 
conte: &, pour Tyrone, tout le monde scait qu'il est i 
Rome, & non pas en Espagne. (As for Owen, his ma- 
jesty is not accountable to you for his behaviour in 
regard of him ; and for Tyrone, all the world knows 
he is at Rome, and not in Spain.) Owen ^, here spoken 
of by the prince, had been demanded of the archdukes 
and the king of Spain, to be delivered up by SirThomas 
Edmondes, being charged with being privy to the gun- 
powder plot ; and Tyrone, who had fled out of Ireland, 
upon account of his attempting a rebellion, had been 
asked of them likewise, but both unsuccessfully. In- 

* Birch^ View of the Negotiationi, a^c p. S8£. 
VOL. I, P 


nagement, and the scoffs and jeer? where- 

deed they were bot]i caressed by the Spaniards ; ai]id 
Tyrone in particular^ though he resided at Rome, a$ 
Wipwood said, had a pension of six hundred crowns a 
month from the king of Spain, and therefore the in- 
terest of James was justly deemed insignificant at die 
Spanish court, by prince Maurice \ It is true, upon 
GC^mplaint of the English court, prince Maurice, in a 
very respectful letter, endeavoured to mollify James'f 
.anger; and afterwards, in a second letter, he acknpvr- 
ieij^ed his offence, and cleared himself in the beat 
manner he could, from any malicious ii^tention to ini- 
peach his majesty's service, or ^perse his character. 
But it is easy enough to see, that his apologies arose 
from the situation of his affairs, and that what in 
warmth he had spoken, he indeed thought. — Let U9 
tbftQ conclude, that Jaines's best friends, as I obaeryed 
i^ the text, spoke most contemptuously of him ; for 
such Henry ^d Maurice were. — If we would know 
further in what e^iteem James was with his neighbours, 
the following epigram made in France will, in some 
measure, perhaps satisfy us. 

** Tandis qu* Elisahotb fut Roy, 

L'Anglois fut d*Epp9gne Peffrojr. 
' Maintenaaty devise et caqaette, 

Regi par la Reine Jaquette.** 

Thtit is literally in English, 

Wfailft ElM»th was king, 
The English were of Spain the terror^ 
Bat now governed by Qneen Jaquet, 
They only talk and prattle. 

Or, if the reader likes it better in rhyme, it is given in 
English, thus : 

* See Bn«h*s N^otiations, p. 249, 375. 


JAMES I. 211 

with they were insulted by thdr neigh- 
bours. But ho^vever weak and pusillani- 

WhUe Elizabeth was England's King, 
That dreadful Dame itbroogh Spfun did ring. 
How alter'd is the case,— —ad sa' me I 
These jaj^Iiog days of glide Queen Jamie * ! 


And that it may not be imagioed that libellers and 
satyrists only contemned James^ and represented him 
in a more ridiculous light than they ought, I will add, 
that the grave and knowing duke of Sully tells us, 
that Henry, in derision^ called James captain of arts 
and clerk of arms ^; and that he himself, and his bro- 
ther, had spoken in terms not very respectful of him. 

Nor did his own people come behind in ridiculing 
and censuring his conduct. '^ They mouthed out that 
(jreat Britain was become less than little England ; 
that they had lost strength by changing sexes, and 
that he was no kiug, but a fidler's son, otherwise he 
would not suffer such disorders at home, and so much 

dishonor abroad. And they say further, why 

should he assume to himself the title of defender of 
the faith, that suffers the protestants of Germany and 
France to be extirpated. That he might almost have 
purchased such a country as the Palatinate, with the 
money spent on ambafl^ges ; and that his promising 
the French protestants assistance (by their agents that 
interceded for them) made them the joiore resolute, and 
confident to their ruin : So that they might well call 
England the land of promise. And all that he got by 
his lip-labour assistance from the French king was, that 
(&U ambassador, Sir Edward Herbert, was snapt up by 

* Rapin, vol. 11. p. 236. and Morjiran's Phcpoix Britairaicus, p. 324. 
* Sully's Memoirs, voL I. p. 209. Edict of Nantz, vol. L p. 452. 

P 2 



mous James's conduct was abroad, at hora«i| 
he behaved very haughtily. He valuo 

Luynes the young constable, and favourite there, wii 
n hat hath your master to do with us and our business, 
Whereas the English fleets, the glory of the worlti 
-mployed) would have taught the French pridi 
tnow, that a looker-on sees more than the gamesi 
and be that strikes with passion, will many times th 
them that take him off" by friendly admonici 
discourses as these flew up and down from I 
that it was almost treason to hear, much 
speak '."—How weakly, how imprudently must a prmi 
have behaved, to have drawn on himself such hiltw 
reflections and cutting sarcasms, both at home and 
abroad ? How mean a figure must he have made, and 
with what conicmpt must his promises and threat) 
ings be received ? It couttl not be ill-will, it could 
be malice, or the love of slander alone, which coi 
bring on a regal character so much contempt wh< 
living : there must have been foohsh wretched mana; 
ment, as we have seen there was, to render it pas 
But of all things, princes should dread falling 
contempt: seeing that thereby their reputation, ani' 
consequently their power ceaaea> and they are rendered 
incapable of executing any great design. For, as Car- 
dinal Richlieu has well observed, " reputation is the 
_ more necessary in princes, in that those we have a 

^h good opinion of, do more by their bare words, than 

H those who are not esteemed with armies. They are 

^& obliged to value it beyond life; and they ought sooner 

^B to venture their fortune and grandeur, than to suJIer 

^^L tti« least breach to be made in the same, since it is 




himself much on his hereditary right, and 
lineal descent **, to the crown, and talked 

most certain that the least diminution a prince re- 
ceives, though never so sUght, is the slep which is of 
most dangerous coiiseijuence for his ruin. In consi- 
deration of which I declare freely, that princes ought 
never to esteem any profit advantageous, when it re- 
flects the least upon their honour; and they are either 
blinded or insensible to their true interests, if they re- 
ceive any of this nature. And indeed history teaches 
U8, tliat in all times and in all states, princes of great 
reputation are always happier than those, who being 
inferior to them in that point, have surpassed ihem in 
force and riches, and in all other power*-" Pity it la 
but princes knew what was said of them! If they had 
any thirst after fame, any desire of real glory, it v.'ould 
excite them to direct their actions to the good of tlie 
public, and it would make them weigh and consider 
things so, as that their resolutions might appear- to be 
the result of prudence and discretion. If they will not 
act thus, hut blindly follow their own whims and hu- 
mours, or submit to be led by weak, ignorant, self- 
seeking men, as was the case of James, they may de- 
pend on it, that though flattery niounts up their ima- 
ginary excellencies to the clouds, and represents them 
as demi-gods for powei' and wisdom, slanders by will 
laugh at them, and posterity expose and condemn 

"* He valued himself much on his hereditary right- 
and lineal descent,] In his first speech to the parlia- 
ment, March 19, l603, he tells them, that the first rea- 
son of his calling them together was, " that they 

' Tljclilieu'f Political Teslanient, part 8il. p. 4S, 



oi' it in most pompous terms, though no- 
thing could be more absiuxJ and chimerical. 

might with theiirortii ears hear hiiu cieJiver unlo ihem 
the assurance of his ihankfulnesa, for their so joyfnl 
and general applause, to l^ie di'ctai ing and receiving of 
him in ihat siiat, whtdi God, by his birth-righl and 
lineal descent, had in the fulness of time provided for 
him*," And in other piirli of the same speech, he 
speaks of his lineal descent oat of the " loins of Henry 
the seventh;" and of his being " lineally descended of 
both the crowns''" (of En^and and Scotland.) One 
should have thought an £Bglish parliament should 
have stared at hearing such an unusual language frora 
the throne. But such was the complaisance they had 
for their new kinp, and so williog were they to make 
their court to hioi, that tliey spoke in like terms with 
him, and echoed back, not as has sometimes been done 
iti ao address, but in an act of parliament, his words 
and sentiments on this subject. For in the first aet of 
parliament passed in this reign, intitled a " most joyful 
and just recognition of the immediate, lawful and un- 
doubted succession, descent and right of the crown," 
we find the following expressions: " Your majesty's 
xoyal person, who Is lineally, rightfully, and lawfully 
descended of the body of the most excellent lady 
Margaret, eldest daughter of the most renowned kin^ 
Henry the seventh, and they therein desim it may be 
published and declared in the high court of parliament, 
and enacted by aulhorliy of the same, that they (being 
bounden thereunto both by the laws of God and man) 
do recognize and acknowledge that immediately upon 
the dissolution and decease of Ehzabedi, late queeaof 

I'l Works, p. WS. 

' 14 11,481,438. 


JAMES I. ei» 

consequence hereof he entertained* 

England, tlie imperial crown of the realm of England, 
and of all the kingdoms, dominions and rights belong-. 
ing lo the same did by inherent birthright, and laWfiil 
and undoubted succession, eJeseend and come unto hifir 
most excellent majesty, as being lineally, jastly, and 
lawfully, next and sole heir of the blood royal of this 
realm'." This was complaisance indeed! And thia, 
together with tiieir ascribing to bim in the same act, 
" the rarest gifts of mind and body," and acknowledg- ■' 
ing " his grciit wisdom, knowledge, experience, and '* 
dexterity," could hardly help rivetting in liis mind 1; 
kbsnrd opinions, and high self-eatimation. 

I call his notions of hereditary right and lineal d 
Icent, absurd. For I know of no right that any persod 
has to succeed another in wearing a ciown, but what 
the laws give him; if he is by law appointed the next 
heir, his right to succeed is built npon the most Stable 
foundation. But the laws relating to the succession 
may be changed, according as the exigencies of the 
State and the public good require; and if, by such a 
change, any person or family is set aside from succeed- 
ing, the right they m^ight before have had vaniabea> 
and without usurpation cannot take place. When that 
political law {says a justly admired writer) which has 
eatablisbfd in " the kingdom a certain order of succes* 
sioii, becomes destructive to the body politic for whose 
•ake it wa3 established, there is not the least room to 
^onbt but another political law may be made to change 
thii order; and 90 far would this law be from opposing 
fhe first, it Would in the main be entii-ely conformable 
to h, since both Would depeild on this principle, tha^ 

• Vr* fltst. AoDD Pril 

1. [tcr tot urn. 



high notions of the prerogative, and car- 

the safety of the people is the supream law *."— And 
indeed this hereditary right to the crown, here boasted 
of by James, was " a raeer chimera ; contradicted by 
the general tenor of custom from the Norman invasion 
to his time ; by the declared sense of bis immediate 
predecessors; by many solemn proceedings of parlia- 
ment, and by the express terms of law, ^Two fami- 
lies (for the race of Plantagenet was grafted on the 
Norman race, and they may be reckoned properly as 
one) had furnished, indeed, all' our kings; but this con- 
stituted no hereditary right. When a prince of the 
royal family, but in a degree remote frop the succes- 
sion, comes to the crown, in prejudice to the next heir, 
hereditary right is violated, as really as it would be if 
an absolute stranger to this family succeeded. Such a 
prince may have another, and we think a better right, 
that for instance, which is derived from a settlement of 
the crown, made by the authority of parliament ; but 
to say he hath an hereditary rigbt, is the grossest abuse 
of words imaginable. This we think so plain, that we 
should be ashanied to go about to prove it. — Our kings 
of the Norman race were so far from succeeding as 
next heirs to one another, and in a regular course of 
descent, that no instance can be produced of the next 
heirs succeeding, which is not preceded and followed 

by instances of the next heirs being set aside.' 

Thus Edward the first succeeded his father Henry the 
third ; but his father Henry the third, and his grand- 
father John, had both been raised to the throne, in 
plain defiance of hereditary right : the right of Arthur, 
nephew to John, and the right of Arthur's sister, cou- 

* Spirit of Lavis, vol. II. p. 318. Lond. 1750. 


JAMES L ai7 

»in-germaii to Henry. Edward the second suo 

eeedcd his father Edward the first; but Edward the 
third deposed Edward the second ; the parliament re- 
nounced all allegiance to him; and Edward the third 
held the crown, by a parliamentary title, as much as 

William the third. If we go up higher than thia 

sera, or descend lower, we shall find the examples uni- 
form. Examples, sufficient to countenance this pre- 
tension of hereditary right to the crown of England, 

are no where to be found. The British race began 

in Henry the seventh ; and from him alone king Jame& 
derived that right, which he asserted in such pompoua 
terms. Now surely, if ever any prince came to the 
crown without the least colour of hereditary right, it 
was Henry the seventh. He hfMi no pretence to it, 
even as heir to the house of Lancaster, His wife, 
might have some as heir of the house of York ; but ithe 
title pf his wife had no regard paid to it either by him 
or the parliament, in making this new settlement. He 
gained the crown by the good will of the people. He 
kept it by the confirmation of parliament, and by his 
own ability. The notional union of the two roses was 
a much better expedient for quiet than foundation of 
right. It took place in Henry the eighth ; it was con- 
tinued in his successors; and this nation was willing 
it should continue in James and his family. But nei- 
ther, Henry the eighth, nor his son Edward the sixth, 
who mifght have done so with much better grace, laid 
the same stress on hereditary right, as king James did. 
One of them had recourse to parliament on every oc- 
casion, where the succession to the crown was con- 
cerned ; and the other made no scruple of giving the 
crown by will to his cousin, in prejudice of his sisters 
right. This right, however, stich as it was, prevaileci ; 
but the authority of parliament was called in aid by 




Mary, to remove the objection of illegitimacy, whicli 
lay against it. Elizabeth had so little concern about 
hereditary right, thiit she neither held, nor desired to 
hold her crown by any other tenure than the statute of 
the 35 of her father's reign. In the 13th of her own 
reign she declared it by law high (reason, during her 
life, and a Priemunire, after her decease, to di^iiy the 
power of parliament, in limiting and binding the de- 
scent and inheritance of the crown, or the claims to it; 
and whatever private motives there were for putting to 
death Mary, queen of Scotland, her claiming a right, 
in opposition to an act of parliament, was the founda- 
tion of the public proceedings against her. 

" Such examples as we have quoled, ought to have 
some weight with king James. A prince who had 
worn the crown of Scotland, under so many restraints, 
and in so great penury, might have contented himself, 
one would think, to hold that of England, whose pen- 
sioner he had been, by the same tenure, and ro establish 
hra authority on the same principles, as had contented 
(he best and greatest of his Predecessor's ; but his de- 
signs were as bad as those of the very worst priirces, 
who went before him'." The good sense and nnan- 
swerable reasoning in this quotation will make ample 
»mend« for the length of it, and therefore needs no 
apology. But it is amazing to consider,, nolwilh- 
»taiiding such facts and reasonings, there should yet 
be found people weak enough to hold this doctrine of 
hereditary right, a doctrine absurd in itself, and big 
with mischief, Did men bnt think and consider, did 
they weigh and examine, were they honest and impar- 
tial, they soon wonW see irs folly and ridicule it. But 

■ OldaHtle's HemMki, p, 2*1. Sae ali-o the Brief History of the S.ic- 
temm, in the Stala Tnela, relatiog to [he times oT Chmres the 2d. and 
Sir JabllHtioleS'9 Spnch >t the Trial of Saoheveral. ^ 

JAMES I. ai9 

ried the doctrine of the regal power*', to 

such Is the laziness of mankind, ihat they are at 4U 
times inclined more to believe on trust, than to take 
the pains to consider; and therefore run into the most 
whimsical and ridieulous opinions. Prinees may tliink 
it their interest to have such a doctrine as this incul- 
cated ; but the teachers of it ought to he looked upon 
as tlie foes of mankind, and had in abhorrence by those 
to whom liberty and virtue are amiable. 

" iJe entertained high notions of the prerogative, 
and carried the doctrine of the regal power to a very 
great pitch.] James, as I have observed, was bred up 
under Buchanan, whose hatred of tyranny is well 
known, and who, like a very honest man, endeavoured 
to inspire his pupil with a detestation of it; and he 
seemed to have had some hopes, that his labours would 
not have been wholly vain. Por in the conclusion of 
bis short dedication to James, of his Bapthles, sive 
cahtmni tragadia, among his poetical wtwks, there are 

the following expressions : " lUud auteui peculia- 

rius ad te videri potest spectare, quod tyrannorum cru- 
ciatas, St cum florere maxime videntur, miseriaa dihi- 
cide expoDat. Quod tc nunc intelligere non conducibile 
modo, sedetiam neccssariumexistimo: ut mature odisse 
incipias, quod libi semper est fugiendum. Volo etiani 
hiine libcilum apud posteros testem fore, si quid ali- 
quando pravis consultoribus iuipulsus velregni licentia 
rectam educationem superante secus committas, non 
prwceptoribus, sed tibi, qui eis recte monentibus non 
sis obsecutus, id vitio vertendum esse. JJet Domimis 
Qieliora, & quod est apud tuum Salustium, tibi bene 
facere ex consuctudine in natnraui vertat. Quodequi- 
draa cum multisSt spero, & opto. Sterlino, ad Caleod 
MoT^anbris, 1^76." i. e. " But this more especiallj 



a pitch was amazingly great, and bordering 

seems to belong to you, which explains the torments 
and miseries of tjTants, even when they seem to be in 
the most jflourishing state, which I esteem not only ad- 
vantageous, but even necessary for you now to under- 
stand: that you may begin early to hate, what you 
should always avoid. I desire also that this book may 
be a witness to posterity, that if at any time you act 
otherwise, by the influence of wicked counsellors, or 
the wantonness of power getting the better of educa- 
tion, you may impute it not to your preceptors, but to 

yourself that slighted their good advice. God grant 

you a better fate, and (as your favourite Sallust has it) 
render beneficence natural to you by custom. Which 
I sincerely wish, and hope with many others." 

James was little more than ten years of age when 
this was written to him. Two years afterwards Bu- 
chanan dedicated his celebrated piece, in titled, Dejure 
Regni apud Scotos, to James, in which he tells him, 
'' that he thought good to publish it, that it might be 
a standing witness of his affection towards bim, and 
admonish him of his duty towards his subjects. Now 
many things, adds he, persuaded me that this my en- 
deavour should not be in vain : especially your age 
not yet corrupted by prave opinions, and inclination 
far above your years for undertaking all heroical and 
noble attempts, spontaneously making haste thereunto; 
and not only your promptitude in obeying your in- 
structors and governors, but all such as give you sound 
admonition ; and your judgment and diligence in exa- 
mining affairs, so that no man*s authority can have 
much weight with you, unless it be confirmed by pro- 
bable reason. I do perceive also that you by a certain 
natural instinct do so much abhor flattery, which is. 

JAMES L 221 

on impiety. Nor could he with any pa- 

the nurse of tyranny, and a most grievous plague of a 
kingdom ; so as you do hate the court solecisms and 
barbarisms, no less than those that seem to censure all 
elegancy, do love and affect such things, and every 
where in discourse spread abroad, as the sauce thereof 
those titles of majesty, highness, and many other war 
savoury com pellations. ^ow albeit your good natm'al 
disposition, and sound instructions, wherein you have 
been principled, may at present draw you away from fall- 
ing into this error, yet I am forced to be something jea- 
lous of you, lest bad company, the fawning foster-mother 
of all vices, draw aside your soft and tender mind into 
the worst part ; especially seeing I am not ignorant, 
bow easily our other senses yield to seduction. This 
book therefore I have sent unto you, to be not only 
'your monitor, but also an importunate and bold ex- 
actor which, in this your flexible and tender years, 
may conduct- you in safety from the rocks of flattery, 
and not only may admonish you, but also keep you in 
the way you are once entered into: and if at any time 
you deviate, it may reprehend and draw you back, ,the 
which if you obey, you shall for yourself and for all 
your subjects, acquire tranqoiUity and peace in this 
life, and eternal glory in the life to come. Farewel, 
from Sterveling, Jan. 10, 1579*." 

I have been forced to give this in the words of a 
translation, for want of an opportunity of turning to 
the original: which the good-natured reader, I hope^ 
will pardon. In these dedications we may see the en- 
deavours and hopes of Buchanan, which I have just 

*■ Dedication of Bncbaoao de jure regni apud Scotos, in Rojlisb. 4to* 


tience bear that any should assert its being 

mentioned, of inspiring his pupil with a detestation of 
tyranny. But bis hopes were ill-fonnded, his endea- 
vours were ineffectual. James hated the man who 
connselled him, and spoke a doctrine directly contrary 
unto that taught by him \ What he writ on this sub- 
ject when in Scotland, weiiave before mentioned^. He 
there inculcated the doctrine of tyranny, and in England 
he continued to avow it, and that even before the par- 
liament itself. In his speech to the lords and commons 
at Whitehall, Anno I6099 we have the following pas- 
sage: ^' Kings are justly called Gods, for that they 
exercise a manner or resemblance of divine power 
upon earth: for if you will consider the attributes of 
God, yon shall see how they agree in the person of a 
king. God hath power to create or destroy, make or 
unmake at his pleasnie, to give life or send death, to 
judge all, and to be judged, nor accomptable to none; 
to raise low things, and to make high things low at 
his pleasure, and to God are both soul and body due : 
and the like power have kings : they make and unmake 
their subjects; they have power of raising, and casting 
down; of life and of death; judges over all their sub- 
jects, and in all causes; and yet accomptable to none 
but God only. They have power to exalt low things, 
and abase high things, and make of their subjects like 
men at chess ; a pawne to take a bishop or a knight, 
Bsad to cry up or down any of their subjects, as they 
do their money. And to the king is due both the af- 
fection of the soul, and the service of the body of his 
subjects V And in the same speech are the following 
words : ** I conclude then this point touching the 

• See note 2. Mn note 41. «K. James's Works, p. 529. 


JAMES I. 823 

liable to -be contradicted or controuled. He 
treated his parliaments in many cases most 

[)ower oF kings, with tliis axiom of divinity, that as tu 
dispute what God may do, is blasphemie; but quid 
salt Dtns, that divines may lawfully and do ordJaarily 
dispute and disciisse; tor to dispute a posse ad tsse ia 
both against logicke and divinitie: so is it sedition in 
subjects to dispute what a king may do in ihe heiglit 
ofhispowei'V These passages shall suffice to shew 
James's notions of the regal power ; tbeir opposition to 
those of his preceptor; and that lord HoJinghroke was 
very mucli ralstakea in saying that " James retailed 
the scraps of Buchanan''." I thought to feave con- 
cluded this note here, but I find it proper to add that 
James had the ntmust indiguation against those who 
lield tliat princes were accountable, or contronlable. 
This appeared from his citing a preacher before him 
from Oxford, who had asserted that the inferior ma< 
gistrate liad a lawful power to order and correct the 
king if he did amiss; and who for the illustration of 
bis docti'ine, had used that speech of Trajan's uuto iho 
c^^tain of his guard; Acdpe huiic glatliuta, quem pro 
me si bene imperaveru distriitges ; sin minus cottlra me; 
i, e. receive this sword, which I would have thee me 
for my defence if I govern iveli ; but if 1 rule tfte 
empire ill, to be turned against me. The preacher of 
tbi» doctrine being strictly examined by the king con- 
cerning it, laid the blame on Pareus, who iti his com- 
mentary on the Romuns, had positively delivered all 

which be had vented in his sermon, even to that 


spying of the emperor Trajan. Whereupon the king. 

■ K.James'j Works, p 
p. Sift, 


contemptuously^^ both by words and ac- 
tions ; giving himself extraordinary airs of 

though he dismissed the preacher, ou account of his 
youth, and the authority he had produced, gave order 
to have the book of Pareus burnt in Oxford, London 
and Cambridge; which was done accordingly*. So 
high was James's opinion of regal power, so ill could 
he bear opposition to it, though in a foreigner, and 
one with whom he had nothing to do ! 

^ He treated his parliaments in many cases most 
con tern ptuouslj'] Here follow my proofs. In his 
speech to the parliament in 1605, speaking of the 
house of commons^ he tcHs them, that *^ that was not a 
place for every rasli and hair-brained fellow to propose 
new laws of his own invention,'* lliat " they should 
be warie not to propose any bitter or seditious laws, 
which could produce nothing but grudges and discon- 
tents between the prince and his people; and that it 
was no place for particular men to utter their private 
conceits, nor for satisfaction of their curiosities^ and 
least of all to make shew of their eloquence, by tj-ning 
the time with long studied and eloquent orations V 
And he adds just afterwards, " that men should be 
ashamed to make shew of the quickness of their wits 
here, either in taunting, scoffing, or detracting the 
prince or state in any point, or yet in breaking jests 
upon their fellows, for which the ordinaries or ale- 
houses are fitter places, than this h(jnourable and high 
court of parliament." 

In his speech to the parliament at Whitehall, in the 
year l609, he " wishes the commons to avoid three 
things in matters of grievances. 

» Heylin's Life of I^ud, p. 95, ^ K. James's Work?, p. 506, j07. 


JAMES I. ■ 225 

trisdom and authority, afad undervaluing 

- " First," says he, " that you do not raedtHe with the 
main points of government ; that is my craft : tractent 
fabrilia/abri; to meddle with that were to lesson me : 
I am now an old king; for six and thirty years have I 
governed in Scotland personally, and now have I ac- 
complished my apprenticeship of seven years here 5 
and seven years is a great time for a king's experience 
in government. Therefore there would be too many 
Phormioa to leach Hannibal: I must not he taught 
my office. 

" Secondly, I would not have you meddle with such' 
antient rights of mine, as I have received from my 
predecessors, possessing them, more majorum: Eucb 
things I would be sprrie should be accounted for 

" And lastly, I pray yoii to beware to exhibit for 
grievance, any thing that is established by a settled 
law, and whereunto (as you have already had a proof) 
you know I will never give a plausible answer: for it 
is au undntiful part in subjects to press their king, 
wherein they know before-hand he wilt refuse them'." 

Had James stopped here he might have been ex- 
cused. Elizabeth had set him an example of directing 
the commons to be cautious in making use of their 
liberty of speech; and they complained not of it". 
But he went farther. For in the year 1031, the com- 
mons having drawn up a petition and remonstrance to 


the ki 


a; the danger of the protes 

ligion at home and abroad, and advised him to aid the 
protestants in the wars in which they were engaged; 

■ K. Jam»s'fl Works, p. i37. ' See He)-wooa Townshmd'f Historical 

(MllectioDs, p. 37,53, G3. fol- Lond. 1680. 

their power, skill and capacity. And not 


' Ineak with the king of Spain, end marry bis ton to a 
|iriocesa of tlie reformed religion, with eome oiher 
things : the commons having drawn np this petition 
and remonstrance, and it coming to the king's ear* 
that they were about to present it, the following letter 
B writtea by htm (o tlie speaker, from Newmarket. 


" We have heard, by divers reports, to our great 
grief, that our distance from the houses of parliament 
caused by our indisposition of heallh. Lath emboldned 
some fiery and popular' spirits of some of the house of 
commons, to argue iuid debate publickiy of the matters 
far above their reach and capacity, tending to our high 
dishonor, and breach of prerogative royal. The»e are 
therefore to command you, to make known, in oor 
name, unto the house, that none therein shall presiUne 
henceforth to meddle with any thing concerning our 
government, or deep matters of state, and namely oot 
to deal with our dearest son's match with (be daughter 
of Spain, nor to touch tite honour of that king, or any 
other our friends and confederates : and also not to 
meddle with any man's particulars, which have their 
due motion in our ordinary courts of justice. And 
whereas we bear, that diey have sent a message to Sir 
Edward Saadys, to know the reasons of his late re- 
srTiunt, you sliall in our name resolve them, that it was 
not for any misdemeanor of his in parliament. But to 
pot them out of doubt of any question of that nature 
that may arise among them hereafter, you shall resolve 
them in our name, that we think ourselves very free 
and ahie to punish any man's misdemeanors in pailia- 
uicnt, as well during ibeir sitting as after; which w* 

JAMES I. 22? 

contented herewitli he openly and avowedly 

mean not to spare hereafter, upon any occasion of any 
tnan's insolent behaviour there, that shall be mJnistred 
unto US ; and if they have already touched any of thew 
points, which we have forbidden, in any petition of 
theirs, which is to be sent unto us, tt is our pleasure 
that you shall tell them, that except they refurm it 
before it come to our hands we will not deign the 
hearing, nor answering of it"." Hereupon the com- 
moDs drew up another petition, which they sent ac- 
companied Willi ihe former remonstrance; to which 
the king answered amnng other things, " that he must 
use the first words which queeo Elizabeth had used, is 
as answer to an iasolent proposition, made by a Po- 
lotiian ambassador unto her; that is, legntum expecta- 
ftamiis, heraldiini accipimus; that he wished them to 
rem.eiaber that he was an old and experienced king, 
needed no such lessons as they had given him; that 
they had usurped upon the prerogative royal, and 
meddled with thing? tar above their reacb, and then in 
the conclusion protested the contrary ; as if a robber, 
says he, would take a man's purse, and then protest he 
meant not to rob him. After tliis he asks them how 
they could have presnmed to determine about bis son's 
match, without committing of high treason i These 
are unfit things, (the brealitng of the match with Spain, 
ftad concluding one with a protestant) to be handled in 
parliament, except your king should require it of you; 
for who can have wisdom to judge of things of thaC 
nabire, but such as are daily acquainted willi the par^ 
tlcolars of treaties, and of the variable and fixed con- 
nexiou of affairs of state, together with the knowledg* 

^ rrinklin's Aiiiule cf King Junca's, p. £1Q, and RuihnorCb, tol. I. p. 4S. 


violated - their privile^, by impruoning} 

of the secret ways, €i>ds, and inientioiis of princes in 
tbdr several negotiatioas f otherwise a small mistaliing 
of maners of ibis nature may produce more efferti 
than can be imagined : and therefore, jk tutor ultra 
trtfidam." He coociiules with saying, " we cannot 
allow of the style (\a the peiitioa and renons trance) 
calliag it vour antient and andonbted right and talie^ 
rttance; but could rather have wished, that ye had 
said, that TOUT prlTJle^cs were derired iVom the grace 
and pennission of our ancestors, and us ; for most of 
ihem erow from precedents, which shews rather a tole- 
ration than inheritance." 

At this the commons were alarmed ; and thereftnv 
solemnly protested ihat the liberties, franchises, privli* 
l^es and jurisdictions of parliament, are the antient 
and undoubted birthright and iuheritauce of the sub- 
jects of England; that the affairs of church and state 
arc proper subjects of counsel and debate in parlia- 
ment; that in handling of ihcm every member ought 
to have freedom of speech; and that they are not to 
be impeached, molested or imprisoned for the same, 
without the advice and assent of all the commoos 
assembled in parliament. But this protect bad no' 
effect on the king. His anger was not abated, be' 
grew hot more calm or considerate, but in full as-> 
sembly of his council, and in the presence of the^ 
judges declared the suid protestation to be invalid,. 
Toid, and of no effect; and did further manu sua 
jtrafiria, \Bitt the said protestation out of the journal 
book of the clerk of the commons house of parlia- 
ment' -With reason then did I say, that Jamea 

,^^ ;'.Ft«ii4.lin,p. ea— EG. RwUttoith, v 

JSMES I." 829 

aiid otierwise.-grievnig such of their-memi- 

treated hrs parliaments, in many cases, most contempt- 
-xuously; and even a parliament, concerning which be 
himself had declared, that a part of it, "the house (rf 
«otnirions> hud shewed greater lijve, and used him with 
more respect in all their proceedings; than ever any 
house of commons had hitherto done to him, or, as he 
thought, to any of his predecessors"," Their love aiid 
respect were requited by langui^e destitute of all 
civility and politeness, and they were threatened, bui* 
lied, and insulted. Yea, what was more extraordinary 
■was, that a new doctrine was broached by Jamea, that 
the privileges and liberties of parliament, with respect 
to the commons, were derived from the crown, and 
were. rather matters of toleration, than inherttoncei 
This struck directly at their rights and privileges, and 
was. that which they had the greatest reason to resents 
For if they were derived from the crown, and were 
things barely tolerated by it, they might be abrogated 
and destroyed; and consequently the constitution 
might be altered, and despotism take place. But 
James was mistaken with regard to the foundation of 
the privileges and rights of the house of commons 
They flowed not from the grace of our kings; but 
were coeval with our constitution; as some of our 
best writers" have shewn in opposition to those ecclfc 
aiastical, or court parasites, who vainly strove to pen 
suade the world of the contrary. May they be per- 
petual! may all our princes think it their duty and 

'RnAworth, vol. I. p. 25. • See Sir Rob. All,yiis"s Pi>wer. Jurisdie- 

tkm, and Privileges of Fnrliamept, fbl. Loud. 1669. S;dnsy cm Goifeni-^ 
meat, p. 379. ib[. Umi, 1&9B. See hEsq Spirit uf Lam, vol, 1. p. £30. 
and Townehend'lColleclioOT, p. 45, 


THE Liftf OF 

as had''' dared to speak contrary to 

%iterest inviolably to preserve them; and mn^ they be 
-(tted so as to secure the liberties, the rights and the 
Welfare of the meanest individual. 
* *' He violated the privileges of parliament, fay im- 
prisoning and otherwise grieving such of the memberB 
as had acted in the house disagreeable to his will.] 
We have heard James in the foregoing note, declaring 
that he meant hot to spare punishing any man's beha- 
viour in parliament, which should be insolent. By 
insolent, I suppose he meant nnacceptfible, or disa- 
greeable to himself or minister, how beneficial Boever 
it might be, or intended to be to the public. For it is 
the manner of princes bent on establishing (heir owa 
wicked wills, in contradiction to taw and the common 
good, to give odious names to the actions of the sons 
of liberty, and brand them with ignominious titles. 

However, James fully made good his threats. He 
punished those who were for assisting the proiestanta 
abroad, for breaking with Spain, and making a mar- 
riage for prince Charles with one of iheiv own religion. 
Por soon after his tearing the protestation of the com- 
mons out of t!ie journal book with his own hand, be 
dissolved ihe parliament, and " committed Sir Edward 
Cook, and Sir Robert 1 hilips to the Tower; Mr. Set- 
den, Mr. Pym, and Mr. Mallory, to other prisons and 
cOofineraenia. Likewise Sir Dudley Diggs, and Sir 
Thomas Crew, Sir Nathaniel Rich, and Sir James 
Perrot, for punishment were sent into Ireland, to en- 
quire into sundry matters concerning his majesty's 
service'." This was a direct breach of the privileges 
of the parliament as every one must see. For if ibe 

" Rushworib, voL t p. JJ. Franklin, p. fB, 

JAMES I. 931 

his mind in the house ; to their no small 
loss and damage. Nor did he be-i 

members of it are liable to be called to an account and 
punished for what they may have spoken, by any but 
the body to which they belong, tlie freedom of it 
ceases, and it no longer has that power and iiidepen- 
clency which is allotted to it by tEie constitutioo- But 
the Tiolating the privileges of parliament was no new 
thing to Jnmes, For having dissolved the parliament 
in 1614, "it pleased him the very next morning to 
call to examination, before the lords of his council, 
divers members of the house of commons, for some 
speeches better becoming a senate of Venice, where 
the treaters we perpetual princes, than where those 
that speak so irreverently, are so soon to return, 
(which they should remember) to the natural capacity 
of Gubjeets. Of these examinants four are committed 
close prisoners to the Tower: 1. Sir Walter Chute. 
2. John Hoskyns," (a man of great pEirts, learning and 
merit, who lay in prison a full year, where he was in- 
timate with Sir Walter Raleigh, and revised his his- 
tory, and where he wrote the following lines to bis 
little child Benjamia. 

Sweet Bei^amin, since thou art young. 

And bast not yet the use of toaguc. 

Make it U\f iIbvc while tbou art free. 


" 3. One Wentworlh, a lawyer. 4. Mr. Christopher 
Nevil, second son to my lord of Abergaveny '." In- 
deed the principle on which James set out was that of 
crushiDg the freedom and privileges of parliament. 






lia%'e better with regard to his other subjects. 

Those who opposed his will, surely smarted. 

For in his prodnmation for calling hiu first parliami 
"he gave order what sort of men, and how 
should be chosen by the commons ; and concludes, 
nolil'y by these presents, that all returns and certificates. 
of knights, citizens and burgesses, ought, aad are to 
be brought to the court of chancciy, and there to be 
filed upon record; and if any be fouud to be made 
contrary to this proclamation, the same is to be re- 
jected as unlanfi]], and insufficient, and the city or 
borough to be fined for the same; and if it be found 
that they have committed any gross or wilful default 
or contempt in the election, return or certificate, that 
then their liberties, according to the law, are to be 
seized as forfeited: and if any person take upon htna 
the place of a knight, citizen or burgess, not being 
duly elected and sworn, according to the laws and 
statutes in that behalf provided, and according to the 
purport, effect and true meaning of this our proclama- 
tion, then every person so offending, to he fined and 
imprisoned for the same^ ." As soon as the members 
were chosen, James shewed his authority by vacating 
the election of Sir Francis Goodwin, knight of the 
shire foe Buckingham, (under pretence of his having 
been outlawed) and sending a new writ, in virtue whereof 
Sir John Fortescue was chosen, " notwiihstaiiding (says 
lord Cecyll, in a letter to Mr. Winwood, dated April 
12, 10D4) the lower house having had notice that 
he was once chosen^ and having found that the out- 
lawry was .pardoned in effect, by his majesty's general 
pardon upon his inauguration (although in true con- 

ted. ^J 

, we 

' Coke, ToL I, p. 20. 



JAMES I. 233, 

for it, and very light and trifling, or even. 

stinctioii of law he ia not rrctus in curia, until he hath 
sued out his Scire fucian) they somewhat suddenly, 
fearing some opposkion (which was never intended) 
allowed of him, and rejected the other; which form of 
proceeding appeared har^h to the king rather in form 
than matter. And therefore being then desirous that 
the higher house might have some conference with the 
lower house, (which as we of ourselves did intimate 
unto them) they grew jealous of that proposition, aa 
a matter which they misliked to yield to after a judg- 
ment; and therefore did rather chuae to send to the 
king, ihat llicy would be glad to shew himself the 
reasons (to whom they owed all duty as their sovereign) 
rather than to any other, taking it somewhat derogative 
from tiieir house, to attribute any superiority to the 
higher house, seeing both houses make but one body, 
whereof the king is the head. This being done after two 
conferences, in the presence of the king, the council 
and judges, the matter was compounded to all men's 
liking; wherein that which is due is only due to C;esar; 
for, but for his wisdom and dexterity, it could not 
havehad any conclusion, with so general an applause ; 
this being found by debate, to be most certaine, 
namely, that neither of them both were duely returned, 
and . therefore resolved of all parties, that a new writ 
should go forth by wiurant from the speaker, wherein 
none of ihcm should stand to be elected ; and so much 
■for the truth of that cause*." This is the representa- 
tion of a courtier. I will givetliereaderthe judgment of 
the house of commons on this same affair, and leave 
it with him to form his opinion. "For the matter 

^^^B ' Winvood, vqL II. p. 19. 




innocent actions were most rigOT'ousIy pun- 

of Sir Francis Goodwin chosen for Bucks, (say they) 
we were, and still are of a clear opinion, that the 
freedom of election was in that action extreamly in- 

" That, by the same right, it mtgbt be at all times 
in a lord chancellor's power to revecae, detest, erect, 
m substitute, all the eieciiuns and persons elected, 
Ofer all the realm; neither thought we that the judges 
opinions (which yet in due place we greatly reverence) 
being delivered what the common law was (which ex- 
tends otdy to inferior and standing courts), ought to 
bring in a prejudice to this high court of parliament, 
whose power being above the law, is not founded on 
the common law, but have therein rights and privileges 
peculiar to themselves. 

" For the manner of our proceeding (which your 
majesty seemed to blame, in that the second writ going 
out in your majesty's name, we seemed to censure 
it, without first craving access to acquaint your high- 
ness with our reasons therein) we trust our defence shaD 
appear just and reasonable. It istbc form of the court 
of chancery (as of divers other courts) tliat writs going 
out in your majesty's name, are returned also, as to 
your .majesty, in that court from whence they issue. 
Howbeit, therefore no man ever rcpaireth to jour 
majesty's person, but proceedeth according to law, 
notwithstanding the writ. 

" This being the universal custom of this kingdom, 
it was not, nor could be admitted into our councils, 
that the difference was between your majesty and us: 
but it was and still is conceived, that the controversy- 
was between courts about preheminencies and privi- 
leges ; and that the question was, whether the c^^n^ 


ishcd * 

JAMES I. 235 

Justice he seems indeed to have 

*:ery, or our house of commons, were judge of the 
members returned tor it ? Wherein tho' we supposed 
the wrong done to be most apparent, and extreamly 
prejudicial to the rights and privileges of this realm; 
ytt fiuchj and so great was our willingness to please 
your majesty, as to yield to a middle course proposed 
by your highness, preserving onlj' our priviJeges, by 
a voluntary cession of the lawful knight. 

" And this course (as if it were of deceiving our- 
selves, and yielding in our apparent rights, whereso- 
ever we could but. invent such ways of escape, as that 
the precedent might not be hurtful) we have held 
toore than once this parliament, upon desire to avoid 
that, which to your majesty, by misinformation, 
(whereof we had cause to stand alway in doubt) might 
be distasteful, nor not approvable ; so dear hath your 

niBJesty been unto us'." From these instances, and 

many more might be produced, of James's treatment 
of his parliaments, we may be able to judge of the 
knowledge, or honesty of fathffl: Orleans, who speaks 
of his "extraordinary complaisance towards the par- 
liament, from his first accession totlie ilirone, which he 
elways consulted," says he, "not only in the weighty 
aJlairs of state, but even in most of those that con- 
cerned his family; condescending to their advice; pre- 
tending a mighty regard not to infringe their privi- 
leges ; asking few extraordinary supplies, and choosing 
rather to be streightened in his way of living, than 
to administer occasion of complaint by filUug his 
coffers ^" 

"" Light and trifling, or even innocent actions \yere 

' CommonB' prntHrtBtion : Addo prime Jac primi, id Motgan'i Fhccnix 
SritaDDiciu, p. ISO. See also Oldcutl«'i Remarks, p. S18. > D. Or- 

leans' RevolutiHwia Eagland, p. t. 8to. Loml. 1711. 





had little or no regard to, as appeared by 

most severely punished by him.] A few instances wiU 
be sufficient to prove this. In j^pril l6l5, Oliver St. 
John, afterwards lord Graudtsen, and lieutenant of 
Ireland, was fined five thousand pounds in the stan- 
chamber, for opposiiigthat benevolence moved in the 
foregoing session of parliament, nliich was so abruptly 
dissolved, though that kind of benevolence us he 

shewed was against law, reason, and religion *. r- 

And Sir Robeit Mansfield was committed to the Mar- 
shaisea, partly for having consulted with Mr. Whitlock 
the lawyer, about the vahdily of a commission drawn 
for a research into the office of the admiralty; and 
partly for denying to reveal the name of the aaid lawyer 
his friend; the point tonching a limb of the king's 
prerogative and aiilhority ''. And a vast sum of money 
was exacted, says Camhden, in I(j17, of tlie citizens 
of London, not without murmuring'. What shall I 
say more? James's reign was full of rigour, severity, 
and hard dealing. Witness the earl of Northumber- 
land, who was fined thirty thousand pounds, and conr 
fiued from the year l605 to the year Jfi\Q in the 
Tower, upon a mere enspicion, without the least proof 
of his having had knowledge of the powdw-plot, at 
Cecyll himself confessed in a letter to Sir Thomas Gtf 
monds, dated Dec. a, 1605''. Witness Sir Bobert 
Dndly, who was not allowed to make use of the de- 
positions of his witnesses to prove himself the legal 
heir of his father, the great earl of Leicester; and who 
was also deprived. of his honours and estates most ini- 
quitously, as appeared to prince Henry, and to king 

■ Cab»b, p. 361. and OWys'i Life of Ealpjgh, p. 180. bote'. » Rejj. 

quia WuttonianiB, p. 418, ' Annals of K. Jama in Compleat HIiL 

p. 6«. * Bitch's View of Ibc Negotiations, p. 545. See alto Osboti^ 

p. 500. ... . ... ... 




-■-JAJVrEST." !!37 

lu8 unparalleled treatment' ofSii* Walter 
Raleigh*',- the glory of hisageand nation, 

Charles the first'. And witness Sir Thomas Lake, 
and many others whose fines were vastly beyond their 
apposed crimes, and such as ought not in justice or 
equity to have been inflicted on tfaem. In short, such 
43 displeased James, he had no nieroyon, butmade 
(hem feel the weight of his sore displeasure. 

*• His unparalleled treatment of Sir Walter Raleigh.] 
Raleigh was a man in point of bravery and conduct, 
of wit and understanding, of prudence and ability, of 
learning and judgment, inferior to none of the age in 
whicli he lived, and superior to most. What werehis- 
^etious before the accession of James, those who have 
curiosity may see admirably described either by Mr, 
Oldys, or Or. Birch, in their respective lives of this 
wonderfnl man, prefixed to his history of the world, 
and his political, commercial and philosophical works. 

Queen Elizabeth knew his merit, and valued bim- 
highly. James on the contrary was prejudiced against 
bim ; had little sense of his worth, imd soon ill treated' 
bim by taking from himhiapOKtofcaptain of the guards, 
and giving it to Sir Thomas Erskin, a Scotisli favourite. 
Injuly, 1G03, be was confined on account of a plot in 
which he was said to be engaged with the lords Cobham 
and Grey, and several pricsrs, and gentlemen, in order 
to extirpate the king and his issue; set the lady Aft- 
bella on the throne; give peace to Spain ; and tolerate 
the Romish religion. On the 15th of November the 
same year he was arraigned at Winchester for these 

* See the Patent of K. ChailM T. fur ocentitig Alice, lady Dudly, a 
iliic1i«is of Enj^land, in ihe appendix M Lcii'ij:^! 
1-127. Bra. 



whom he caused to be executed aftera res- 
pite of a great number of years, without the 

things ; and after having had the civil and polite appel- 
lation* of viper, traitor, and odious man, who had s 
Spanish heart, and was a spider of hell, bestowed on 
him by the famous Coke, attorney-general: after having 
been dignified with these titles, he was brought in 
guilty, though not the least shadow of a proof was 
brought against hirn. I say not the least shadow of a 
proof; for whoever will read his trial, or any impartial 
accounts which are given of it, will not help standing 
amazed to find how it was possible, after the defence 
he made, upon such wretched allegations to convict 
him. But he was out of favour at court ; like Sydnsy, 
he was talked to death by the luivycrs; and in those 
times when the crown was iigainst a man, he was al- 
most sure of being condemned- When 1 consider the 
bitterness, severity, and almost malice which appeared 
in the council for the crown, against the slate pri- 
soners in this, the foregoing, and some of the subse- 
qitent reigns, 1 cannot help thinking, that the gentle- 
men of that profession are very much altered for the 
better. They have more regard to truth, justice, and 
humanity; and conseqaeiitly, though they may not 
have as many cases, precedents or statutes to cite, or 
pervert as Coke had, yet are they vastly more Taluahle, 
I hope the reader will pardon a digression, into which 
indignation at Raleigh's vile treatment drew me. I 
now go on with the narration. Upon Sir Waller's 
condemnation, all his lands and offices were seized, 
and himself committed close prisoner to the Tower. 
But the iniquity of his sentence was visible to all, 
Ilie king of Denmark, queen Anne, prince Heiiry< 




JAMES I. 2^9 

' of a pretence; and likewise 



all thonght him innocent, after having examined into 
his crimes'; and even James, I believe, did not deem 
him guilty. He respited his seatence, and suffered 
him to enjoy his fortune sevun years after. Then Sher- 
bum castle was thought a thing worth having by Ker, 
(afterwards earl of Somerset) and though it was en- 
tailed on his children, means were found, for the want 
of one single word, to have the conveyance pro- 
nounced invalid, and Sherburn forfeited to the crown. 
After sixteen years imprisonment. Sir Walter proposed 
his voyage to Guiana; got his liberty, gave in his 
scheme of his intended proceedings to James, ivho 
after having given him power of life and death, and a. 
proper commission, revealed his designs to Gonda- 
more, and thereby rendered them, abortive. LTpon his 
returning unsuccessful through the fault of his master, 
and other causes, at the instigation of tlie Spanish 
ambassador, he was seized, imprisoned, and, to the 
admiration of all men, on his old sentence beheadetl. 
In charging James with betraying Kaleigh to the 
Spanish ambassador, I do him no injustice; as will 
appear from a letter of Sir Waller's to secretary Win- 
wood, " It pleased his majesty so little to value us, aa 
to command me upon ,niy allegiance, to set dowa 
under my hand the country, and the very river by 
which 1 was to enter it, to set down the number 
of my men, and burthen of my ships, and what ord- 
nance every ship carried, which being known to the 
Spanish ambassador, and by him sent to the king of 
^ Spain, a dispatch was made, and letters sent from 
Madrid, -before my departure out of the Thames ; for 

■ Ealei jh's Woil 

1. II. p.3C?, 




by his saving Somerset, and hiaJady ' 

his first letter sent by a bark of advice, wasdated the 
19th of March, 1617, at Madrid, which letter I have 
here enclosed sent to jour honour; the rest I reserve, 
not kiiovviiig whether they may be intercepted or not'.'* 
The reader, no doubt, is shocked at such vile treatment 
of so worthy a mRn, and cannot fail of being filled 
with horror at it. Tiie sentence in the first place was 
unjust; his imprisonment was a monstrous hardship; 
but theexeeution of his sentence cruel and abominable. 
'° He saved Somerset and bis lady from the punish-, 
menr which the laws had justly doomed lliem to, for 
their crimes.] I'lobcrt Ker had been first one of the 
Icing's pages ; being dismissed from this post, he went 
into France, and from thence returning, through ac- 
cident he was taken notice of by .lames, and quickly 
was made gentleman of the bed-chamber, and became 
sole favourite. In 1613, he was advanced to be lord 
high treasurer of Scotland, and the same year was 
raised to be a peer of England, by the stile and title 
of vjscount Rochester Soon after he had the garter, 
and was created earl of Somerset, and made lord cham- 
berlain of the household. A little before this, he hud 
become intimate with the wife of the earl of Essex, 
Frances Howard, daughter of the earl of Suffolk, who, 
in order to make way for her marriage with him, got 
H divorce from her husband. Soon after ihcy were 
married; and soon after one of the .most iniquitous 

actions was done, that we read of in history. Sir 

Thomas Overhury, the friend of Somerset, and one to 
whom he owed, as Sir Thomas himself says, "more 
than to any soul living, Tsoth for his fortune, under- 

■ Ralf igh'a VTotU, vol. II. p. 367. 


&Djn' that punishment which the laws had 
justly doomed tiiem to, by reason of their 

standing and reputation":" he, I say, endeavouring 
to dissuade him iVom the match, thereby incurred the 
hatred of him, and his lady. For refusing t» go as 
ambassador abroad, which Soinci^sct advised him to 
refuse, he was clapt up into the Tower, and there 
confined many months ; and by a variety of poisons, 
made use of by the agents of the earl and his lady, 
which cruelly tormented him, was at length put an end 
to,'and it was given out that he died of the pox^ 
liut the truth could not be long concealed. Villiers 
now began to supplant Somerset, and soon got the as- 
cendancy. Everyman endeavoured to raise the one, 
and pull down the other. The murder was discovered. 
James eamo to the knowledge of it, and uttered the 
deepest imprecations against himself and posterity, if 
he spared any that were found guilty*. But his reso- 
lution remained not. The instruments were brought to 
their deserved end; but those who made use of them 
escaped. On the24lh of May, 1616, the countess of 
Somerset was brought to her Irial, and the earl the 
next day; the first, after some denials in the court, 
confessed the fact, and begged for mercy; the other 
stood upon his inuocency, and was found guihy ; as 
there can be no doubt but that he was. All mankind 
expected upon this, that the judgment against them 
would have been executed. But on the contrary, a 
pardon was granted the lad}', " because the processe 
and judgment against her were not as of a principal 

• WinwooJ. voMll. p. 473. 
iC arraignment of Ihe pari of; 
ine, p, S3. Lond. Iti51. *to. 

■■ .See Sir Francis Bacon's Sp«f rh at 
3t, and Tnith brou^t toLigbt by 



abominable crimes. Somerset, indeed, had 
favourite; ■ 

and io ills favourites. 

(says the pardon) biit as of an. accessary before the 
fact"." As for the earl he had a. remission under the 
great seal of England, Oct. 7, l(i2l, and was suffered 
to enjoy the greatest part of hig estate, and thought 
himself but ill-used that he was not restored to the 
whole ^ i\iid si)«:h waa jthe favpur shewed unto him 
by James, that though lie waa convicted of felony, 
his arms were not permitted to be removed out of the 
chapel of Windsor; and upon his account it was 
ordered "that felony should not be reckoned amongst 
the disgraces for those who were to be excluded from 
the order of St. George; which wai without prece- 
dent'." — ;— This was the justice of James. One of the 
best of his "subjccis was executed for no real crime ; 
two of the worst of ihem escaped punishment for the 
blackest and most detestable. It is the duty of kings 
to protect the innocent, and punish the guilty. It 19 
the p^t of a just king, as well as of an honest man^ 
to render unto every one his due. Honour and praise 
should be bestowed on the deserving; igDominy,sl]ame 
and punishment should follow those who trample under 
foot the sacred laws of society, and humanity. But 
James permitted not these to follow (as far as he could 
help it) the crimes of Somerset and his lady, though 
none were more deserving oftliem. Princes it must 
he owned have a right to relax the rigour of the laws, 
or suspend their execution in some cases. But then 
there ought to be a just reason for it. Whereas in the 

* Sep the PmJ&n in Trath brought (d Light by Timf, p. raa, * Craw- 
Turd'* Uvea, p. 4()Q. and Cab&ta, p. Q2], ' CauiUdcn's Annala of 
K JauKB ID the Cooiiileat Hut p. 64S. 

^, JAMES I. S49 

James was kind in all things ; condescend- 
ing to what ^' was below his dignity in order 

case of Sotnersel, as well as of his lady (though a 
respect to her father, friends and family ai-e raentioued 
as a motive to the pardoning of her) hardly one of 
those causes of relaxing punishment mentioned by the 
civilians are found '. But there certainly was a reason, 
whatever it was, for this favour shewed to Somerset. 
Mr, Mallet has quoted some passages from the original 
letter of Sir Francis Bacon (a name always to he valued 
by the lovers of learning) then attorney- general, and 
particularly employed in this very affair, from nhence 
it appears that James shewed an extreme solicitude 
about the earl's behaviour at his trial and the event of 
it ; that he was afraid lest by his insolent and con- 
temptuous behaviour at the bar, he should make him- 
aelf incapable or unworthy of favour and mercy; 
which, together wilb the letter written by him after 
his condemnation to the king, in a stile rather of ex- 
postulation and demand, than of humility and suppli- 
cation, makes him conclude, and, I think, not unjustly, 
that there was an important secret in his keeping, of 
which the king dreaded a discovery ". Some have 
thongbt the discovery dreaded, was the manner of 
prince Henry's death, which was believed to have been 
by poison ; but if I may be allowed to offer a conjec- 
ture, for I deem it no more, it was the revealing of 
that vice to which James seems lo have been addicted*, 
that was the object of his fear. Whether in this con- 
jecture I am right, the reader will determine. 

'' To his favourites James was kind in all things; 

' See PnffendorT, b. 8, c. 3. sect. IT and Grotiua de jure belli ic pacii, 
Tib. a. tap. aO. wc. 45, 36. ■■ Mallet's Life of Lord Bacon, p. 6i— 79, 

Bro-Lotid. 1740, and Cabila, p.33. 'Seenote^t. 


' to pbase-or serve them in almost any mat. 

ters;;- sabmittinc' even to be affronted, and 


Goddescending to whatwas below liisdtjinity, in ordef 
io please or serve them ] I have already taken notice 
James's favour to Lennox and Arfan when in Scot- 
id", to Kerand others alter his coming into England*^; 
id now I must inform my reader, thai he promoted 
leorge Vilhers from the rank of a mere private gentle^ 
lati, on the account of his beauty, to the degree of a 
light, and gentleman of the bedchamber ; master of 
le horse; baron, viscount, carl, iiiarf|nis, and duke 
Bucliingham, and admiral of England, within the 
space of a very few years'. This man, who seemt M. 
Tiave had no great capacity, and less knowledge, rul*(t 
'every thing ; he advanced bis relations to some of the 
highest honours, and greatly enriched himself; for aX 
the time of his death he was possessed of near 4000 
^lounds a year, and had 300,000 pounds in jewels, 
l^bough he owed 60,000 pounds *. I do not think this 
■account of his jewels, beyond the truth. " For it was 
immon with hira at an ordinary dancing to have his 
loaths trimmed with great diamot}d buttons, and to 
iiave diamond hat-bajida, cockades and earrings ; to be 
f^ked with great and manifold ropes and knots of 
ijiearl ; in short to be manacled, fettered and iinprisoneei 
■in jewels ; insomuch that at his going over to Paris, in 
;1625, he had 27 suits of cloalhs made, the richest 
,that embroidery, lace, silk, velvet, gold and geniE 
-coold contribute ; one of which was a white uncut 
velvet, set all over, both suit and cloak, with diamonds, 

, : t.Note 3. '■ Note) 23 and 3i. 

^JfffOf, in tlie Com pleat Jtiilury. 

'»oi. n.p'.Bi6.' _ , _ ^ . 

' Geo Camtiden'stAonak nf 
" See Tindal'B Kotfs oa Rapui, 


insulted by them ; and yielding to their de-t 

valued at fourscore thousand pounds, besides a great 
feather stuck all over wiih diainondij ; as were also his 
sword, girdle, hat-band and spurs," This account in 
taken from a MS in the Haiieian library, B. H. 90.- 
c. 7. fol. 642. as I find it quoted by Mr. Oldys'. A 
man who in the midst of pleasures could find money 
for such monstrous extravagancies, and yet at the 
same time grow rich, must have had a very kind an4 
bountiful master indeed! — But James was not only 
kind to his favourites in respectof giving them wealth 
and honours, but he studied by all possible methods IQ 
please and serve ihem. For Somerset had no soone;; 
determined to marry lord Essex's wife, than the king 
yielded him all possible assistance in order to accom-j 
plish it. For he got oyer the bishops of Ely and Co- 
rentry, (Andrews and Neal) who had been vehemently 
against the divorce from Essex, for alleged, ami, in-r 
deed, confessed impotency on his part with respect to 
her *. And when the archbishop of Canterbury, (Ab- 
bot) could not be prevailed on to change sides that h;:' 
might please, his majesty himself undertook to ansvvfi: 
his reasons, and to shew that there was-^'wanaut in 
scripture for pronouncing a nulliiy propter frigiJitalem^ 
and that all the means which might make Wimfrigldus 
versiu banc must be included therein * ■" in prosecution 
•LiftofBaleigh. p. 145, in the Dftte c " WinwooU, vol. m; 

p. 475. ' Truth brought to Light by Time, p. lUl. FrBnUiii,p,,3. 

WeldoQ, p. 71. Aiiliooa CoquimriK, p. 113. Lou4 1650. iSBiQ. Tho; 
referring to Aiitkii Caqainatia, gives nie an upljnrliinUy of pqialing out 
to the puhlic its true author ; of which both Woml, Tindal, aud OJdTs, aM 
well BB Dr. Grey, and all the writers ( Uitg hitherto seen, ' B«em Ot btf 
igoorant. The writer of this piece is no other than Will.- Sauiid«i9D, 
author of the History of Jameo I. deservedly tri'iiled with etintempt, on ac- 
count of. the poorness ofitG eompositioii, and grai.^ partiality. SeeiSamider- 
son'sproemetotbeSecondPartuflliC'lliswryurjainesI.folio, laai. 165ii, 




even sometimes contrary to his own 

of which he made tise of many obscene expressions. 
Jjowever, he carried the cause, 1 he latly was divorced, 
tad soon aiier married Somerset; and then they per- 
orated the crime for which they were condemned, and 
I have spoken of in the note preceding ^With 
fegard to Buckingham his next favourite, James was 
stil] more obliging. In his speech to his pariiameot 
in the year l(i20, among other things he tells ttem, 
''that he had abated uiucli in his navies, in the charge 
of his munition ; and had made not choice of an old 
beaien soldier for his admiral, but railier chose a young 
man, [Buckingham] whose honesty and integrity he 
knew, whose care had been to appoint under him su£-- 
cient men, to lessen his charges, which he had done "." 
■— ^In another speech to the lords, in the year l621, 
in order to recommend his minion to their esteem, be 
tells them, " that he hath been ready on all occasions 
of good ofBces, both for the house in general, and 
every member in particular V And in an answer of 
his to both houses of parliament, Anno 1623, be stiles 
him " his disciple and scholar, and a good scholar of 
his'." The^e expressions sound odd enough, but they 
are tolerable when compared with those we find in his 
preface to his meditation on the Lord's Prayer. Foi in 
this James tells Buckingham, that be may claim an 
interest in it for divers respects. " First," says he, 
"from the ground of my writing it ; for divers times 
before I meddled with it, 1 told you, and only you, of 
some of my conceptions upon the Lord's Prayer, and 
you often solllcitcd me to put pen to paper : next, as 
the person to whom we pray jt, is our heavenly fotheij 

■ Biubworth, VDt. L p. 33. and Franklin, p. 49. * lU. p. SS. 

' Id. p. 131. 


JAMES I. 247 

sense of things.— — He professed himself 

so am I that offer it unto you, not only your politike, 
but also your ceconomicke fatLer, aod that in a nearer 
degree than unto others. Thirdly, that you may make 
good use of it; for since I daily take caie to better 
your understanding, to enable you the moie for my 
service in worldly affairs, leason would that God's part 
should not be left out, for timar Domtm is milium sapi- 
intia. And lastly, I must with joy acknowledge, that 
you deserve this gift of me, in not only giving so good 
example to the rest of the court, in frequent licaring 
of the word of God: But in special, in so often r&- 
(9 ceiving the sacrament, which is a notable demonstra- 
tion of your cliaritie in pardoning them that offend 
you, that b^ng tlie thing I most labour to recommend 
to the world in this meditation of miij£ ; and how godly 
and virtuous all my advices have ever been unto you, 
1 hope you will faithfully witness to the world '." Hot 
godly and virtuous all his advices were to this his dis- 
ciple, the reader will easily judge by looking back to 
whatis contained in note 31. But had they been such 
as he would liave the wojld believe, it was very mean 
in a king to trumpet forth his own, and his favourite's 
praises. Possibly, however, James may be excused 
on account of his age, as he himself seems to think he 
should be for uttering trifles. " 1 grow in years," says 
he, " and old-men are twice babes, as the proverb is "." 
But if they are babes, ^nd pretend to act the part of 
men, to reason, dictate and command, though they 
may be borne with, they will be laughed at: For there 
Ik. is not a more ridiculous object, than that which is com- 
J pounded of ignorance, conceit and vanity.' ■- -Ijet 113 

• King James's Works, p. S13- 

? ikp-sia, 

W as 




to be a protestant, and boasted that he had . 

go on with our subject. If we may credit Sir Edward 
Peyton, his majesty condescended even lo pimp for 
Bticktngham. " To please this favourite, (says he) 
king Jftoics gave way for the duke to entice olbers to 
his will. Two examples I will recite : First, the king 
enteriained Sir John Crafts, and his daughter, a beau- 
tiful lass, at Newmarket, to set at ihe table with the 
king. This he did then, to pniciirc Buckingham the 
easier to vitiate her. Secondly, Mrs.-Doruthy Gawdj-, 
being a rare creature, king James earned Buckingham 
to Culford to have his will on that beauty : But Sir 
Nicholas Bacon's sons conveyed her out of a window 
into a private chamber, over the lends, and so disap- 
pointed the duke of his wicked purpose. In which 
cleanly conveyance the author had a hand, with the 
knight's sons'." These were the fruits no doubt of 
James's vinaons an^ godly advices, and by these they 
were faithfully witnessed to the world by Buckingham, 
as we see his master hoped. For certain it is he was 
exceedingly addicicd to women, and had debauched 
his own wife bel'ore marriage; and " if his eye culled 
out a wanton beauty, he had his Belters that could 
spread hii^ nciK, and point a meeting at some lady's 
house, where he should corneas by accident and find 
accesses, while all his train atteoded at the door, as if 
it were an honourable visit"." And in order to en- 
rich himself and kindred, he was permiiicd by James 
to make the most he could of every ihing. He who 
understood neither law nor divinity, who had no ap- 
pearances of virtue, nor concern about any thing btn 
to gratify his passions; Buckingham, I say, had the 

Divine Caiutrop lie, p. 17, * Wils 

JAMES I. 249 

been a kind of martyr for that profession, 

disposal of the highest posts in the law and in the 
church, and to hiiii were tlie most submissive addresses 
made by the right reverend fathers in God. Those who 
would give the greatest sums, or pay the largest yearly 
pensions to him, were the men generally preferred; 
and few who would pay nothing, had any thing '. 

What the power of Buckingham was, and what kind 
of adflresses were made to him, will best appear from 
the following letter, among many which might be pro-' 
duced, from Dr. Field, bishop of Landaffe, to him, 
though written I think, sometime after James's death. 

" My gracious good lord, 
" In the great library of men, that I have studied 
these many years, your grace is the best book, and 
most classick author, that 1 have read, in whom I find 
so much goodness, sweetness and nobleness of nature, 
snch an hcroick spirit, for boundless bounty, as 1 never 
did in any. I could instance in many, some of whom 
you have made deans, some bishops, some lords, and 
privy counsellors ; none that ever looked towards your 
grace did ever go away empty. I need go no further 
than myself (agum of the earth) whom you raised out 
of the dust, for raising but a thought so high as to 
serve your higlmess. Since ih;tt 1 have not played 
the tru&nt, but more diligenily studied you than ever 
before : and yet (dunce that 1 am) I stand at a stay, 
and am a non proficient, ihe book beiug the same that 
ever it was, as may appear by the great pnificicncy of 
Others. This wonderfully poseth me, and sure there is 
some guile, some wile, in some of my fellow stwden^ 

• Sec Wtldon, p. 


though he never shewed his regard to those 

who hide my book from me, or some part of it; all 
the fault is uot ia my ovra block ishncss, that I thrive 
no better ; 1 oace feared this before, that soige did 
me ill offices. Your grace was pleased to protest no 
man had \ aad to asanie me no man could. My heart 
tells me it hath been always upiighti and is still most 
laithfol unto you. 1 have examined my actions, my 
words, and oiy very thoughts, and found all ol" ihem, 
ever since, most sound unto your grace. Give me 
leave tocomfort myself with recordation of your loving 
kindnesses of old, when on that great feast day of your 
being inaugured our chancellor [of Cambridge] my 
look was your book, wherein you read sadness, to 
which I was bold to answer, I trusted your grace 
would give me no cause. \ on replied (with loss of 
blood rather.) But God forbid so precious an effusion. 
(I would rather empty all my veins than yon should 
bleed one drop) when as one blast of your breath is 
able to bring mc to the haven where I would be. My 
lord, I am grown an old man, and am like old hous- 
hold stuff, apt to be broke upon often removing. I 
desire it therefore but once for all, be it Ely, or Bath 
and Wells; and I will spend the remainder of my days 
in writing au history of your good deeds to me and 
others, whereby I miiy vindicate you from die envy, 
and obloquy of this present wicked age wherein we 
live, and whilst I live in praying for your grace, whose 
I am, totally and finally. 

'.' Theophilus Landaven*." 
A man who could obtain a good bishoprick, by such 
vt8 as these, with great sincerity of soulj no doubt, 

, •Cabila, p. IIT. 


of that persuasion in Germany or France, 
but suffered them to be oppressed by the 

mtgbt Bay, mo/o episcojiart! I do not know whether it 
is worth while to observe that Field's Battery and syco- 
phancy aviiiled nothing with Buckingham. He had 
been too much used to it, and so had iost its relish. 
Money was what he wanted : but Field was poor, bad 
a wife and six children, and consequently could ad- 
vance little; and therefore remained where he was, till 
Dec. 15, lfiS5, long after Villiers' death, when hewas 
removed to Hereford, which he enjoyed not more than 
half a year'. I would not have the reader think ec- 
clesiastical preferments are now obtained by like means 
as in the days of James. Buckingham having obtained 
riches and honours in abundance for himself and all his 
relations, grew quite insolent ; Insomuch that he was 
once about to strike prince Charles'": and at another 

time bid bim in plain terms kiss his a , yea towards 

James himself, be was highly insolent. For when his 
majesty attempted to dissuade him and the prince 
from taking the journey into Spain, to which he had 
before thoughtlessly given his consent; he rudely told 
him, " no body could believe any thing he said, when 
he retracted so soon the promise he had made ; that he 
plainly discerned that it proceeded from another breach 
of his word, in commnnicating with some rascal, who 
had furnished him with those pitiful reasons be had 
aliedged, and that he doubted not but he should here- 
after know who his counsellor had been'." In short, 
directly contrary to the mind of his master, be irri- 

*S«eCabB>>,p. 116. and Willis'* Survey of Caihcdrajs, vol. I. p. 196, 
4ID. Lond. nST. ' C1u«diUp, vol. 1. p. 95. >ad Wekiim, p. lV)i 

.' Clucodoi, vol. L p. IG. 



houses of Bourbon, and Austria '% without 

affi)rding them assistance of any value ; 

tated the parliament against- Spain; reflected on the 
conduct of the earl of Bristol, and told them what was 
not true with relation to him, and set on a prosecution 
against him; and ruined the carl of Middlesex, {I 
mean with respect to his power) though intreated by 
the king to the contrary". But James bore all this, 
though not without uneasiness- and snbmilted to be 
led by his favourite quite contrary to his inclinations. 
A sore sign of his weakness ! For princes havp it iti 
their power at jdl times to be obeyed, if they require 
nothing contrary to the laws: and snch of them as 
suffer themselves to be affronted, contradicted or me- 
naced by their servants, and yet continue unto them- 
thcjr favour, shew unto all men that they are unworthy 
to be trusted with the government and defence of a 
whole people. For then- courage and understanding 

can be but of a very low kind. However, possibly 

the same reason which induced James lo pardon Somefi' 
set, made him bear the insolence of Buckingham. ■ •■ 
" He professed himself a proiestaut, and boasted 
of his having been a kind of martyr for that profession, 
•;— but he suffered those of that persuasion in France' 
and Germany, to be oppressed by the houses of Bour^ 
bon, and Austria.] Iji his speecli to the parliament in" 
the year 1624, we have the following expressions :- 
'-' What religion I am of, my books do declare, my" 
profession and behaviour doth shew; and 1 hope in^ 
God I shall never live to be thougbv otherwise ; surely 
I shall never deserve it; aud for my part, 1 wish it 
inay be written in marble, and remain to posterity as 

' Clarendon, ml, I. p. 13—24; -. 

1'JAMES l.~ S63 

directly contrary to all the maxims of good 

a mark upon me, when I shall swerve from my religion ; 
for he that doth dissemble with God, is not to be 
trusted with men. 

" My lords, for my part, I protent before God, that 
my heart liath bled, when 1 have heard of the increase 
of popery; God Isniy jndge, it hfitb been such a great 
grief to me, that it hath been as thorns in my eyes, 
and pricks in my aides; and so far I have been, and 
shall be, from turning another way. And, my lords 
and getillcmen, you shall be my confessors, that one 
way or other it hath been iny desire to hinder the 
growth of popery ; and I could not have been an honest 
man, if I should have done othernase. -And this I 
may say further, thut if I be not a marlyr, 1 am sure 
I am a confessor; and in some sense L may be called 
a marlyr, as in the scripture, Isaac was persecuted by 
Ishmael, by mocking words ; for never king suffered 
more ill tongues than I have done; and i am sure 
for no cause*," — " Long before this, in the year 
1609, in a speech at Whitehall, he says, that with 
his own pen he had brought the pope's quarrel upon 
liim, and proclaimed publique defiance to Babylon''," 
Would not one think from thence that James had the 
protestant interest at heart, and that he was a mighty 
champion for ii i that he had taken It under his pro- 
tection, and had fought zealously in its cause ? those 
who knew not the man, might have been imposed oo 
by his speeclies ; such as d:d, could not. We have 
seen his unaccountable behaviour in the business of 
the Palatinate, the loss of which had well nigh termi- 
nated in the total ruin of the protestant religion ii) 

■ FntikUod'i Annale, ^. lUI. 


! Worki, p. 54+. 



M» Tire tIFE ov 

policy, and the conduct of queen Elizabeth, 

Germany, Eis also of the liberties of Europe. For Fer* 
dinand ihe second aimed at nothing less ihan being ab» 
solnte master over the Germanic body, and in conjun* 
ction with Spain, to have given the law to all around 
him. The cons^tjuence of which must have been the 
total extirpation of the reformed every where. But 
James was no way alarmed at the conf^equence. He 
would not endeavour to prevent it, but remained in 
a manner neuter, if you will believe him, " for con- 
science, honour and example's sake. In regard of 
conscience judging It unlawful to inthrone or dethrone 
king'- for religion's sake; having a quarrel against ihe 
Jesuits, for holding that opinion. Besides, he saw 
the world inclined to make that a war of religion, which 
he would never do. In point of honour ; for that when 
he sent his ambassador into Germany, lo treat of peace, 
in the interim, his son-in-law had taken the crown 
upon him. And for example's sake ; holding it a 
dangerous president against all christian princes, to 
allow a sudden translation of crowns by the people's 
authority'." With such pretences as these did he 
cover his cowardice, and his unconcern about the civil 
and religious rights of Europe. 

Wars to propagate religion, are whimsical and im- 
pious ; Bui wars for the defence of its professors, may 
be very just and lawful. To have assisted Frederick 
aud his honest Bohemians; to have encouraged 
kept together the princes of the union ; to have 
verted the power of Spain, which was at the comm 
of Ferdinand ; and by every honest art lo have risen > 
ibrce capable of withstandijig the emperor, was at that 

* Rutkimrtti, TOl I. p. 1$, 

JAMES 1. 255 

who valued herself, not unjustly, on the aids 

time incumbent on & king of Great Britain. This 1 
know lias been denied by a very able writer', who 
asserts, " that if James had entered into an immediate 
war to maintain the elector Palatine on the throne of 
Bohemia, he must have exhausted and ruined this 
nation to support it," But I must confess I cannot 
see that this would have been the event. The princes 
of the union were, it is true, not so closely connected 
in temper and interest as might have been wished; 
France weakly refused to aid the foes of Ferdinand ; 
and the popish party at that time was most powerful : 
But still a resistance might have been made; and had 
James had skill and conrage enough to have joined in 
it, it might have been effectual to have withstood the 
attempts towards bringing on the whole world a blind 
superstition, and a lawless rule. 

To talk of ruining and exhausting the British na- 
tion, by engaging in this war aS a principal, is, in my 
opinion, unworthy of the penetration and abilities of 
this writer. Was France ruined and exhausted by 
encountering this same Ferdinand, when his power by 
success was much more formidable than it now wasf 
did not Riclilieu obtain the greatest glory by advising 
the assistance of Gustavus AdoJpbus; by supporting 
him with money and troops; by drawing off the con- 
federates of the emperor, and engaging every Statff 
possible against him? Might not the same thing have 
been done by James, and that without injuring the 
British, any more than Lewis the thirteenth did the 
French nation? Gustavns Adolphus indeed was a great 
captain, and headed a brave army : But a great captain 

* Oldcutle'i Remuki, p. aB5. 


she from time to time had given them, to 

Vj).v^ a brave army could not have beeo wanting, had 
^jUae king of Great Britain fallen heartiiy into the war, 
k «nd supported it, as the king of France afrernards did 
r ^y the persons and purses of his people. In short as a 
l^rotestant, James was concerned to prevent the itir 
se of the power of Ferdinand, and hinder him from 
mphing; for every victory of his was a wound to 
clie interest of the religion professed by him. 

But we see that he was so far from doing what he 
Fought lo have done in this matter, that he sufVcrcd the 
I ^heaiians to be reduced; his son-in-law to beexpeUed 
I jbi» dominions ; and the protestants to be brought to 
r jhe very brink of ruin in Germany; from which only 
^hey were delivered by the force of Gnstavus, and the 
abilities of hiclilieu. Nor were the reformed. in 
France more indebted to James, than those in the 
epipii'e. At his accession to the English throne, the 
dukes la Tremouille, and Bouillon, together with the 
famous du Plessis, had a design to make him protector 
of the calvinist party in France". But they soon laid 
aside their design after having had a thorough know- 
ledge of his charncter. For no man interested himself 
less tlian James in their affairs, no prince gave them 
less assistance. He refused to speak lo Henry the 
fourth in favour ol' Bouillon, when solicited by him to 
do it, because he said it did not become a great prince 
to intercede for a rebel subject ''. Arid though the 
reformed were a very considerable body in France, 
possessed of places of strength and importance and 
capable with proper help, of making head against all 
fbeir enemies, as they had fully manifested in th« 

Sully's MtmoJn, vol. II. p, }i. 

% ~1 

Tf^f^ JAMES I. 257 

hef d*n, as well as their great advantage. 
Though he was not a catholic in persuasion, 

former civil wars: though they were tlius powerful, 
and consequently important, he stood tamely by, and 
saw them divested of their strong holds, and rendered 
almost wholly insignificant as a party, it is true, 
James kept up a kind of correspou'lence with Bouil- 
ion, whom at first he had refused to intercede for, and 
by him gave assurances of his " assisting the reformed 
if tlw whole body was assailed, the edicts broken, and 
they in danger of apparent ruin : in which case (says 
Buckingham, in a letter to Sir Thomas Edmonds) his 
majesty doth engage himself to assist them; which 
though he should have no other means to perform, he 
will call a parliament for that purpose, not doubting 
but his people will be as ready to furnish him with 
means, as his majesty to engage himself to aid them 
in that cause'." But James was not as good as hU 
word. The reformed were assailed soon after, though 
not in a body: the edicts were broken in numberless 
instances, particularly in taking from them their strong 
towns; and they were in danger of apparent ruin"; 
and yet 1 know not that James aBbrded them the least 
assistance, any farther than by ordering his ambassa- 
dors to use their good offices on their behalf. " Yea, 
we are assured by the duke of Rohan himself, one of 
the protestant chiefs, that James urged him by letters 
<in any case) to make a peace, and to submit to, and 
wholly rely upon the promises of his own sovereign, 
pressing him moreover to consider the affairs of his 

• Bircb'iView of the Negotiutians, Blc p. 406. " S«c Ho»e!1'i 

tetters, p. 90. «nd Hlit of the Edict of Nanta, vol. IT. p. 3*3, ft3f. 



-he favoured those that were, provided they 
would swear allegiance unto him ; and he 

6on-in-law, and assuring him thai he could not pos- 
■sibly give the reformed any assistance'." 

Had the reformed beeu properly aided during the 
minority of Lewis tlie thirteeoth, their power probably 
■would have been so great that Richlieu'a arts would not 
iiave overturned it: nor would Franee have given that 
^diBlurbance to Europe she did, under Lewis the four- 
teenth. " Advantages (says a noble author) might 

iiave been taken of the divisions which religion occa- 
sioned; and supporting the protestant party in France, 
would have kept lliat crown under restraints, and nnder 
inabilities, in some measure eqnal to those which were 
■occasioned anciently by the vast alienations of its de- 
mesnes, and by the exorbitant power of its vassals. 
But James the first was incapable of thinking with 
nense, or acting with spiritV 

And the writer of Tom Tell-Troath, addressed to 
James, and printed about the year IfiS'Z, has the fol- 
lowing passage. " They (the French protestants) are 
indeed so many hostages which God almighty has put 
into your majesties hands to secure yon, and your ma- 

Ljesties dominions from all danger of that ctmntry : 
and to lose them were no other (in my opinioB) than 
wilfully to tempt God to deliver us into the haods of 
our enemies. As long as God hath any children in 
France, we shall be sure to have brethren there. But 
they once gone, your brother of France will quicklj 


' Diike of Rohan'l Drsconrse upon the Pence node before Afontpellier, 
)f. 44. at the etiil of his Memoirs, Bvo. I.ond. 1660. '' liolingbroke'l 

£ of Historj", vol. II. p. ISl. evo. Load, 


JAMES I. 259 

not oifly relaxed " the rigour of the laws in 

shew whose child he is, and how iocompatible the 
obedience he owes him (the pope) is with any good- 
will he can bear yom majestie. Since tiieii the tye 
you have upon that prince's friendship is of so loose a 
knot, what can your rasjeBfey do belter for yourself and 
yours, than to keep his enmity still clogged, by che- 
rishing and maintaining so good a party in his coun* 
try, as those of the religion'." 

What Mr. Kelly meana by saying Jamea made the 
interest of the protestants bis owti, on more than ooe 
occasion, I know not. He refers us indeed to the em- 
bassies of Sir Edward Heibert, and the earl of Carlisle 
into France, in order to intercede for the Hugonots, 
•the latter of whom he observes from Rapin, spent vast 
sums, and consequently his master must be much in 
earnest to do them Bcrvice", But what service did 
James do them? what success had his applications? 
none; and therefore we may be sure he very little re- 
garded them. Had this gentleman known the charac- 
ter of the earl of Carlisle as one of the most expensive, 
luxurious men then living, be would have interpreted 
die words of Rapin as he ought. The vast sums spent 
by Carlisie, were not on the business of the Hugonots, 
or to promote their affairs; but in dress, equipage, and 
house-keeping, in which he knew no bounds. Sfit I 
ask pardon for taking so much notice of the mistakes 
6f a writer of so little consequence, jgither as to kuoyr- 
ietlge or j udgment, 

^* He not only relaxed the rigour of the laws in tb^jr 
favour, but cooeeuted to such terms for them i^ the 


* Harleian Misceltaiif , *el, I). £1?. °See Kdlj's SuppleWtal 

Remarkioii (he Life of James t, p. '">■ fu!. Lonil. 




their favour, but consented to such*term* 

mnrriage articles with Spun and Fmnce, as few of his 
protesiant subjects approved.] It appears from a 
letter of Matthew Huuod, archbishop of York, to 
Cecyll, lord Cranborne, dated December 18, 1604, 
that the papists by " reason of some extraordinary 
favonr were grown mightily in number, courage, and 
inflaenceV They were in great hopes of a toleratjoo, 
when they saw James set against the puritans^ and it 
became so much the general expectation among them, 
that in order to clear himself oi having intentions of 
granting it to them, his majesty thought proper to 
declare that " he never intended it, and would spend 
the last drop of his blood before he would do it, and 
tittered that imprecation on his posterity, if they should 
maintain anyolher religion, than whathe truly professed 
and maintained," of which I have before taken notice''. 
Not content herewith he ordered the laws against 
them to he put in execution, and they underwent many 
of them great hardships'. Upon the discovery of the 
popish plot, there was a general prosecution of all 
papists set on foot, as might well be expected ; " but 
king James was very uneasy at it," says Burnet, " which 
was much increased by what Sir Dudley Carleton told 
him upon his return from Spain, where he had been 
ambassador; (which I had from lord Hollis, who said 
to me, that Sir Dudley Carleton told it to himself, and 
was much troubled when he saw it had an effect con- 
trary to what he had intended.) When he came home, 
he found the king at Theobald's, hunting in a very 
careless and unguarded manner: and upon that, jti 

• Winwood, vol. 11. p. W. 
Ocboni,p. ISl. 

* Id. p, W. aod DOte 33. 


JAMES I. 261 

for them, iu the marriage articles with 

order to the putting him on a more careful looking to 
himself, he told tlie king he most either give over that 
way of bunting, or stop another hunting he was en- 
gaged in, which was piicst huming : For he had intel- 
ligence in Spain, that the priests were comforting 
themselves with this, that if he went on against them^ 

they would soon get rid of him. The king sent 

for him in private to enquire more particularly into 
this; and he saw it had made a great impression on 
him, but wrought otherwise than he intended. For 
the king resolved to gratify his humour in hunting, 
and in a careless and irregular way of life, did imme- 
diately order alt that prosecution to be let fall, I have 
the minutes of the council hooks of the year 1606, 
which are full of orders to discharge and transport 
priests, sometimes ten in a day'." I -was inclined at 
first to call this whole story of Burnet's into question, 
by reason that Carleton was never ambassador into 
Spain" : but on further search find it probable enough. 
For Carleton, in the year 1605, accompanied the lord 
Norris into Spain, and there might hear what be is said 
to have spoken to James', So that there is only a 
small mistake in Burnet, and his account is very pro- 
^i>ahle. For though laws were enacted against the ca- 
tholics, and the judges commanded on occasion to pnt 
them in execution, yet James had a great afl'ectiou for 
them, and conferred on them many majks of his favour. 
Let us hear an indisputable writer on this matter, even 
James himself. " Not only," says he, " the papists 
themselves grew to that bight of pride, in confidencse 

■ Bunwt, rol. L p. n . * See Wood's AtheniE Oion, to!. L col. 363. 
* Winwnd, vol. II. p. 54,17. uul Birch's Vie* oFthe Nepitiatioa, p. Sa7. 

Spain aid France, as but very few of hid 

I of iny mildness, as they did directly expect, and assu- 
dly promise lo themselves libertie of conscience, and 
Oqualicie with other of my subjects in all things ; but 
^en a number of the best and iaithfuUiest of my said 
Bubjects, were cast in great fear and amazement of my 
. course and proceedings, ever prognosticating and justly 
L Inspecting that sowre fruit to come of it, ivhich shewed 
\ '♦(seif early in the powder-treason. How many did 1 
fconor with knighthood, of known and open recusants'? 
how indifFerenily did I give audience, and accessc t6 
both sides, bestowing equally all favours and honors 
on both professions J How free and continual accesse 
had all ranks and degrees of papists in my court and 
company f and above all, how frankly and freely did i 
free recusants of their ordinary paiments? Besides, it 
ia evident what strait order was given out of my own 
llloutb to the judges, to spare the execution of all 
Jtriests (notwithstanding their conviction) joining there- 
unto a gracious proclamation, whereby all priests that 
were at liberty, and not taken, might goe ont of the 
country by such a day : my general pardon having been 
txtended to all convicted priests in prison : whereupon 
ihey were set at libertie as good subjects : and all 
■ptiests that were taken after, sent over, and set at 
Wiertie there. But lime and paper will fail me, to 
ttiake enumeration of all the benefits and favours that 
I bestowed in general, and particular upon papists'." 

*i There is a great deal of truth in these lines. 

The Howards, irtost of tivem catholics, were advanced 
to honours and power by him ; the families of Pei*e, 
and Arundel, of the same persuasion, were admitted 

Mtig James'i Worfa, p. aJ3. 



JAMES I. 863 

protestant subjects, who were independent 

into the peerage; and in the latter part of bis reign, 
we find VUUers's mother made a countess, and Cat- 
vert, secretary instate, created lord Baltimore, though 
they were openly of ihe Romish communion. In the 
year I6IO, we find the commons complaining of the 
" now execution of the laws against the priests, who," 
say they, "are the corrupters of the people in religion 
and loyalty;" and, continue they, in a petition to^ 
James, " many recusants have already compounded,^ 
and {as it is to be feared) more and more (except yonx 
majesty, in your great wisdom, prevent the same) will 
compound with those that beg tlicir penalties, which, 
maketh the laws altogether fruitless, or of little or 
none effuct, and the offenders to become bold, obdu- 
rate, and unconformable. Wherefore they entreat his 
majestic to lay his royal commands upon all his mi- 
nisters of justice both ecclesiastical and civil, to sea 
the laws made agaiogt Jesuits, seminarie priests and 
recusants (of what kind and sect soever) to be duly 
and exactly executed, without dread or delay. And 
that his majestic would be pleased likewise to take 
into his own hands the penalties due for recusancie, 
and that the same be not converted to the private gaia 
of some, to his majesties infinite loss, the emboldening 

of the papists, and decay of true religion "." But 

notwithstanding these complaints of the parliament; 
notwithstanding James's own heart bled, when he heard 
of the increase of popery, by the niarciage articles 
with Spain and France, many things were granted in 
their favour, and consequently the papists were migb- 

' Record of some worthy Proceedings in the honourable, wieo, and 
ftlthful HouaeotCommonB, intlielatePBrlJamcnt, p. 15. printedinieil. 
I "2 010. 

264 THE i.[I-E OF 

of the court, approved, and many greatif 

tily encouraged. The Infantji was to be allowed a 
diapel io the palace, and a public chnrch in London ; 
all lier servants were to be catholics, under the aotho- 
Hiy of a bishop, or liis vicar; tliey were doI to be 
liable to the laws of England with regard to religion ; 
though the children begot on her body should be 
catholics, they might not lose the right of succeeding 
to the kingdom aud dominions of Great Britain; and 
they were to be brought up by her till the age of ten 
years. Besides these articles, with many other made 
public, there were private ones, by which great liberty 
was given to those of the Romish church. For by 
these James promised that the laws in being against 
them, should not be commanded to be put in execu- 
tion ; that no new laws for the future should be en- 
acted to their hurt, that there should be a perpetual 
toleration of the Roman catholic religion, within pri- 
vate houses, throughout all bis dominions; and that 
he would do his endeavour, that the Parliament should 
ratify all and singular articles in favour of the Roman 
catholics*. About the same time a declaration was 
signed by lord Conway, and others in his majesty's 
name, dated Aug. 7, 1633, tonching pardons, suspen- 
sions, and dispensations for the Roman catholics, 
which, in the opinion of the earl of Bristol, the great 
negotiator of the Spanish match, in effect was little 
less than a toleration ^ And "the king directed the 
■ lord keeper (Williams) and other commissioners, to 
"draw up a pardon for all offences past, with a dispen- 
sation for those to come, to be granted to all Koman 

■ See Riuhworth, tcI. I. p. B6 — 39. FtanUaod'a Auiuli, p. IS — 8(k 
> Raahwortb, vol. I. p. 28B. 

JAMES I. !265 

murmured at. The churcli of England, 

cnthoHcs, obnoxious to nny laws agninst re(!usants; 
and then to issue forth two general cammaads under 
the great seal ot' England : the one to all judges and 
justices of the peace; and the other to all bishops, 
<i]anceiloTS, and commissaries, not to execute any sta- 
tute against them ',"— — -The Spanish match took not 
place; but prince Charles was married to Henrietta 
Maria, of France; and James, before his death, signed 
articles equally as favourable to the English catholics, 
as conditions to that match''. This cardinal Ricblieu 
boasts of. " The Spanish match," says he, " was 
broken off, and soon after it, that of France was 
treated of, conchuled and accomplished, with condi- 
tions three times more advantageous for religion, than 
those which were designed to be proposed in the late 
king's (Henry the fourth) tiuieV This was the man 
who never intended lo grant a toieiation to papists, 
who would spend the last drop of his blood before he 
would do it, and whose heart bled when he heard of 
the increase of popery. Vile hypocrisy! mean dissi- 
mulation ! which could answer no other purpose than 
to expose himself to the scorn and contempt of those 
who knew him. What the favour which was shewn 
the catholics when the Spanish match was thought 
near a conclusion, was, will best appear from the fol- 
lowing paragraph in a letter written, if I am not greatly 
mistaken, by Buckingham to count Goodomar, then in 

Spain. " As for news from hence, I can assure you, 

that they are, in all points, as your heart could wish: 
for here is a king, a prince, and a faithful friend and 

* Kushirarth, tdL L p. 101. >■ Id. p. Iii2. ' Political TeiU- 

ment, p. 7. See alio hii Letleii, toL L p. 2. 565. 8»o. Load. 1699. 



under James, was in a happy state, being 

servaot unto you, besides a number of your otlier good 
friends, tbat long so mucii for the happy accomplish- 
ment of this match, as every day seems a year unto us ; 
and 1 can asisure you, iu the wocd of your honest 
iHend, that we have a prince here, that is so sharp set 
upon the business, as it wouM much comlort you to 
«ee it, and her there to hear it. Here are all thiuga 
prepared upon our paits; priests and recusants all at 
liberty ; ail the Roman catholics well satisfied ; and, 
vbich will seem a wonder unto you, our prisons are 
•mptted of priests and recusants, and filled with zealous 
ninisters, for preaching agaiost the match ; fur no man 
can sooner, now, mutter a word in the pulpit, tho' in- 
directly against it, but he is presently catched, and set 
in streight prison. We have also published orders, 
both for the universities, and the pulpits, that no man 
hereafter shall meddle, but to preach Christ crocitied ; 
nay, it shall not be lawful hereafter for tliera to rail 
against the pope, or the doctrine of ihe church of 
Rome, further than for edification of ours : and for 
proof hereof, you shall herewith receive the orders set 

down and published*." This great liberty given to 

the catholics was highly offensive to the pr-otestants, 
as we may leprn from what follows, which was written 
by archbishop Abbot to James, on occasion of it.-— - 
" Vour majesty hath propounded a toleration of reli- 
gion: I beseech you, to take into your consideration, 
what your act is, and what ii>e consequence may be. 
By your act you labour to set up that moBt damnable 
Bad heretiaal doctrine of the church of Rome, the 
whore of Babylon, how hateful will it be to God, and 

■ Calials, p. 249. 

JAMES I. S61' 

highly praised, protected, and favoured by 

grievous to your subjecU, (the true professors of the 
gospel) that your majeaty mIio hath often defended, 
and learnedly written against those wicked heresies, 
should now shew yourself a patron of those doctrines, 
which your pea liatii told the woild, and your con- 
science tells yourself, arc superstitious, idolatrous, and 
detestable. — Besides, ihia toleration you endeavour to 
set up by your proclamation, it cannot be done with- 
eota pai'li^Beat, unless your majesty will let youi 
subjects see, that you now take unto yourself a liberty 
to throw down the laws of the land at your pleasure. 
What dreadful consequences these tilings may draw 
after, I beseech your majesty to consider. And above 
all, lest by this toleration, and discountenance of the 
true proiession of the gospel (wherewith G«d hath 
btessed as, and under which this kingdom hath Eou- 
rished these many years) your majesty dotU draw upoB 
the kingdom in general, and yourself in particular, 
God'a heavie wrath and indignation. Thus, in dis- 
charge of my duty to your majesty, and tiie place of 
my calling, I have taken the humble boldness to deli- 
ver my conscience. And now. Sir, do with me what 
you please'." I will not here enter into the question 
whether the intolerant principles of the Roman catho- 
lics do not render them unfit to be tolerated amongst 
protestanta. All 1 shall say, is, that it has been tiie 
opinion of some of the best friends to liberty, tliat they 
are to be excluded from it, for the preservation of 
liberty itself; with which it ia thought their principles 
are intxHupatible '', But be this as it will, it oaniiot be 

* Cabala, p. 114. Rusbvorlh, i 
Bdicle Milcon, BDtii{c], 

■■ See Bafle's Diet. 


him ", yea, moreover advanced to riches, 

at all wondered at, that the protestants in James's reign 
should be alarmed at an open toleration of tbose of the 
communton of the church of Rome. For they coald 
not but remember the btiU of pope Pius the fifth, con- 
cerning the damnation, excommunication, and deposi- 
tion ot'qneen Elizabeth, and the plots which, in con- 
sequence thereof, were laid against her life : they could 
not but remember the detestable powder treason; nor 
could they forget that James himself had pnblickly 
avowed that the pope of Kome was antichrist, the man 
of sin, the mother of harlots, and abominations, who 
was drunk with the blood of the saints and the martjTs 
of Jesus. And rcTDCmbering these things, could thi?y 
chuse but murmur against the toleration of so bloody 
a sect, or look on Uuckingiiam, the supposed insttn- 
ment of it, but as a betrayer of king and country, and 
as odious, as he himself declares they did '. 
. '• The church of England under .fames was in a 
flourishing state, being highly praised, protected, and 
fevoured by him.] When I speak of the church, I 
wonld not he understood to mean " a congregation of 
faithful men," as our articles in an antiquated manner 
define it ''; hut the clergy, who have for a long time 
appropriated that term to themselves, and the places 
in which they officiate. And when I speak of the 
church as in a flourishing state, I mean, what I think 
churchmen generally mean by it, their possessing 
power, honour and wealth ; and not the increase of un- 
feigned piety, and real virtue. — That in this sense the 
church of England flourished under James, is beyond 
all contradiction. In a speech in the star-chamber. 

' Ckbala, p. 344. ■ See article tbe 19tb. 


JAMES I. 269 

honour, and power ; whereby she became in 


in the year I6I6, bis majesty compl^na, "thai church- 
men were had in too much contempt, I must speak 
Irewih," says he, " great men, lords, Judges, and people 
of all degrees from the highest to llie lowest, have too 
much contemned them. And God will not bless 113 ia 
our own laws, if we do not reverence and obey God's 
law ; which cannot be, except the interpreters of it be 
respected and reverenced, and it is a sign of the latter 
day's drawing on; even the contempt of the church, 
atid of the govemors and teachers thereof now in the 
church of England, which 1 say in my conscience of 
any church ibat ever I read or knew of, present or 
past, is most pure, and nearest the primitive and apos- 
tolical church in doctrine and discipline, and is sure- 
liest founded on the word of God, of any church in 
Christendome'." In the same speech he tells the 
judges, " God will bless every good business the bet- 
ter, that he and his church have the precedence''." 
And again, addressing himself to the judges, he says, 
" Let not the church nor churchmen he disgraced in 
your charges; — countenance and encourage tlie good 
churchmen, and teach the people by your example to 
reverence them : for if they be good, they are worthy 
of double honour for their office sake ; if they be faultie 
it is not your place to admonish ihem ; they have ano- 
tlier Forum to answer to for their misbehaviour'." 
And in another place, he tells us, " that as soon as a 
person hath made his choice what church to live and 
die in, audi tarn, as Christ commands : for his con- 
science in this must only sei've him for a guide to the 

arks, p- £S4. ' U. p. 562. ' Id. p. 569. 


|;«70 THE LIFE OF 

I ^ condition to be both dreaded and envied 

light church, but not to judge her, but to be judged 
liy her*." 

This is very good,- and what most churchmen would 

te very glad their flocks did believe. For they thei» 

night teach authoritatively, and a blind submission 

[.•*onld be yielded. Profane wits would not think them- 

F^Bfelves at liberty to examine the reasonableness of the 

\ iAnrch's doctrine, but swallow down glibly the most 

rjrsterious unintelligible points, to their own great 

iBification, and the peace of the church, But 

flames not only spoke well of churchmen, and endea- 
voured to recommend them to the esteem and regard 
of his subjects, but he heaped on them wealth, and 
suffered them to enjoy riches in abundance. " He 
'founded a clean and chapter of seven prebendaries at 
BiippoD, in Yorksjiire ; and settled two hnndred and 
forly-aeven pounds per ann. of crown lands for their 
maintenance*." Williams, dean of Westminster, re- 
tained at the Bame time, as himself teUs the duke of 
Buckingham, the rectories of Dinum, Walgrave, Graf- 
ton, and Peterborough, and was also chaunter of Lin- 
coln, prebendary of Asgarbie, prcbendaiy of Nonning- 
ton, and residentiary of Lincoln '■ And when advanced 
to the see of Lincoln, and made lord-keeper of the 
great seal, he was continued dean of ttestminsler, and 
held his other preferments; so that, says Heylin, he 
was a perfect diocess within himself^ as being bishop, 
dean, prebend, residentiary, and parson ; and all these 

■ King James's Worku, p. 517. "i Bnj's F.xamination of the Second 
jliime of Neal's History of the PuritanB, p. 7A 8to. Lond. 1136. 
CabaU, p. 409. k^^fr " ' -*« . 

JAMES I. 271 

by her advCTsaries. Not so the puritans. 

at once'. This was a goodly sight in tbe eyes of 
Laud, who made nse of the example, ia retaining with 
his hishofiric of St. David's, not only liis prebend's 
place in the church of Westminster, and his benefices 
in the country, but also the presidentships of his col- 
lege in Oxon ". In short, the churchmen throve well 
under James, and were greatly cherished by him ; for, 
to the wealth he pemiitted them to enjoy, he added real 
power, and gave them liberty to crush all their opposers. 

^la the canons compiled Anno 1603, to which his 

majesty gave his royal sanction, we find, that whoever 
should hereafter affirm, that the form of God's worship 
in the church of England, establisheil by law, and con- 
tained in the book of common prayer, is a corrapt, 
Buperstitions, or unlawful worsliip of God, or contain- 
eth any thing in it that is repugnant to the scriptures; 
whosoever should afhrm that any of the thirty-nine 
articles, are in any part snperstitions or erroneous, t» 
snch as lie may not with a good conscience subscribe 
unto ; whosoever should affirm, that the rites and cere- 
monies of the church were such as men who were 
godly affected, may not with any good conscience ap- 
prove them, nse them, or, as occasion requireth, sub- 
scribe unto them ; whosoever should affirm, the govern- 
ment of the church of England, under his majesty, by 
archbishops, &.c. is antiohristian, or repugnant to the 
word of God, were to he excommunicated '. Tlie same 
punishment was denounced against the authors of 
schism, the maintainers of schismaticks and maintain- 
ers of conventicles ''. Thus were churchmen armed 

' Life of laud, p, B 



These were the objects of his majesty's 

with power, with which, we may be assured, they took 
care to defead themselves and onnoy their adversaries. 
Add to this, that the high commission was then in 
being, in which the bishops weie the judges who, by 
administering the oath e.r ojlicio, compelled men to ac- 
cuse themselves, and then punished them in the se- 
verest manner. It was this cimrt which obliged the 
renowned Selden to make his submission, and beg par- 
don for having published his book on tyihes^j though 
most learned men, since that time, have acquiesced in 
what he has asserted concerning their original ; and 
before this, we find by a complaint of the parliament, 
that " lay-men were punished by this court for speak- 
ing of the symonie and other misdemeanours of spiri- 
tual men, though the thing spoken were true, and the 
speech tending to bring them to eoadigne punish- 
ment''." — Such was the power of the clergy under 
James, such was the use tliat was made of it ! Honest, 
learned, and worthy men were called in question, and 
subjected to all the terrible consequences of that thing 
called an exeommiiDication, for daring to tell church- 
men of their vices, or denying their whimsical pre- 
tences. This at length bred much ill-blood, and issued 
in dreadful consequences. Let the prince, therefore, 
that would reign gloriously, curb the power of his 
clergy ; let him never be made the tool of their wrath 
or resentment; but, by distributing equal and impar- 
tial justice to all his subjects, shew himself their coca- 
moQ father and sovereign, and thereby establish his 
throne la tlieir hearts, and render it immoveable. 




Wgliest aversion" and greatest hatred ; these 

" Tiie puritans were the objects of his highest aver- 
sion, Sec] This appeiirs from what has been said in 
t!ie notes 12 and 36 so clearly, that I need say no more 
concerning it. But James contented not himself with 
reproaching them, but he let his clergy loose upoii 
ihem, and subjected them to great penalties, merely 
oil account of their non-conformity to the established 
cereaionies. Hutton, archbishop of York, received 
orders from the privy-council, " that the puritans 
should be proceeded against according to law, except 
they conformed themselves ; tho' 1 think," says he, "all 
or most of them love his majesty, and the present 
estate*." And, says Sir Dudley Caileton, in a letter 
to Mr. Winwood, dated Feb. 20, 1604, " the poor pu- 
ritan ministers have been fenited out in all comera^ 
and some of them suspended, others deprived of tbeic 
livings. Certain lecturers are silenced, and a crew of 
gentlemen of Northamptonshire, who put up a petitioa 
to the ting in their behalfe, told roundly of their bold- 
ness, both at the council-table and star-chamber; and 
Sir Francis Hastings, for drawing the petition, and 
standing to it, when he had done it, put from his lieu- 
tenant and justiceship of the peace in his shire : Sir 
Edward Mountagoe, and Sir Valentine Knightly, for 
refusing to subscribe to a submission, have the like 
sentence : the rest upon acknowledgment of a fault 

have no more said to themV And his majesty 

summoned the judges into the star-chamber, and, in 
the presence of the archbishop of Canterbury and the 
bishop of London, and about twelve lords of the privy- 
council, asked of them three questions with regard la 

■ Winwgoa, Tol. II, p. 40. » H. p. 4S, 

M •■ ■■•■■^MC» 

tn THE LIFE or 

he was continually reproaching in his writ- 

the punishment of the puritans ; the third of which 
was, '^ whether it be an oiFence punishable, and what 
punishment they deserved, who framed ^titions, and 
collected a multitude of hands thereto, to prefer to the 
king in a public cause, as the puritans had done, with 
an intimation to the king, thcit if he denied their suit, 
inanj thousands of his subjects w^ould be discontent- 
ed ?" To this the judges in their great wisdom repliedl, 
'' that it was an offence fineable at discretion, and veiy 
near to treason and felony in the punishment, for *it 
tended to the raising sedition, rebellion and discontent 
among the peopled This judicious resolution was 
agreed to by the lords then present. Bancroft here- 
upon '' required a strict conformity to the rules of the 
church, according to the laws and canons in that be- 
half; and without sparing non-conformists, or half- 
conformists, at last reduced them to that point, that 
they must either leave their churches, or obey the 
church **." And that none might escape the penalties of 
the canons and high commission court, this pious prelate 
required '' some who had formerly subscribed to testify 
their conformity by a new subscription, in which it 
was to be declared, that they did willingly and tx 
ammo siibscribe to the three articles (inserted in the 
d6th canon) and to all things in the same contained. 
WHich leaving no starting-hole either for practising 
those rites and ceremonies which they did not approve^ 
or for approving that which they meant not to prac- 
tise, as they had done formerly ; occasioned many of 
them to forsake their benefices, rather than to sub- 

» Croke% Reports, put 2d. p. 37. and Winwood, vol. 11, p. A9, 
* HiiytiBllSitoiy of the Prcisbytcrians, p. 376, 




f' Ihgs; and not contented herewith he «x- 

Scribe according to tlje tnie Intenlion of tlie tUurcU iu 
the sitid three articles '." la short, such was tlie rigour 
of the pfelstes, such the saifmng^ of the puritans, that 
we find the parlkmeiit, ia the year I()]0> interceding 
with the king in their behalf. " Whereas," Wy ''i«yt 
*' divei's painful and learned pastors, that hftve long 
travelled in tlie work of (he ininisterie with good fruit 
and blessing of their fahouis, wbo were ever ready to 
perform the legul subscription appointed by the statute 
of l."? Eliz. which only concenieth the contessioa of 
the trne christian faith and doctriaie of the sacrameuls, 
yet for not conforming ia some points of ceremonies, 
and refusing the subscription directed by the late ca* 
nooB, have been removed from their ecclesiastical lir- 
ings, being their freehold, and debarred from aU mcaas 
of ruainlenance, to the great grief of sundrie your ina< 
jesties well-effected subjects; seeing the whole people, 
that want instruction, are by this means punished, and 
through ignorance, lye open to the seducements of 
popish, and ill-affected persons: We therefore most 
humbly beseech, your majesty would be graciously 
pleased, that such deprived and silenced ministers may 
by licence, or permission of the reverend fathers, in 
riieir several diocesses. Instruct, and preach unto their 
people in such parishes, and places, where they may bt 
employed : so as they apply themselvea, in thpir mi- 
jitstery, to wholesome doctrine, and exhortation, and 
litre quietly, and peaceably in their callings, and shell 
not by uTiting or preaching, impugn things established 
by public authority "."——-Soon after this Baucrofi 

ni, p. 377. 

■ m 

^ posed the 


posed them to the censure of the high corn- 
died, and was succeeded by George Abbot, a man of 
a more gentle and merciful disposition, who was much 
more favourable to the puritans than his predecessor. 
But the rigour against them was far from being w holly 
remitted. They were so ill used, ibat they pieferred 
dwelling in a wilderness to their native soil, and chose 
the perils of waters before the perils they were in 
among their brethren; though for a time even this 
was denied them. " Some of the bishops," says Wil- 
son, " were not contented to suppress many pious and 
leligiolis men ; but I know not for what policy, re- 
strained tlieir going beyoiid sea: for there were divers 
families, about this time, (1613) shipped for New- 
£ngla»d, aud were not suffered to go; though after- 
wards, they were upon better thoughts permitted'." 
- - -—In short, James heartily hated the people of 
this denomination ; and to be a puritan, was with hita 
to be every thing odious and abominable. How mis- 
chievoi;s an effect this prejudice of his majesty had, 
will best appear from a letter written to the illustrious 
Uaher, from Emanuel Downing, out of Ireland, who is 
styled a worthy divine, by Dr. Parr: 

" REVEKEND sril, 

" I hope you are not igtioraQt of the hurt that is 
come to the church by this name Puritan, and how 
his majesty's good intent and meaning therein is much 
abused and wronged ; aud especially in this poor coun- . 
try where the pope and popery is so much affected, t,. 
being lately in the country had conference with a wor- 
thy, painful preacher, who hath been an instrument uf 
drawing many of themeer Irish there, &om the bliud- 

? Wilwn, p. It ««^ ■ ■ 


mission, who suspoided, deprived and ex- 

ness of popery to embrace the goiipe), with much com- 
fort to themselves, and heart-breaking to the priesla, 
who perceiving that they cannot now prevail with their 
jugliiigtricks, have forged a newtieYice: They have 
now stirred up some crafty papists, nlio very boldly 
rail both at ministers and people, saying, they seek to 
sow this damnable hereiiie of pnritanism among them; 
which word, though not understood, but only known 
to be most odious to his majesty, makes many afraid 
of joining themselves to the gospel, though in confe- 
rnice their consciences are convicted herein ; so to 
prevent a greater mischief which may follow, it were 
good to petition his majesty to define a puritan, where- 
by the mouths of those scotHng enemies would be 
slopt; and if his majesty be not at leizure, that he 

would appoint some good men to do it for him V 

Had a puritan been truly defined, the world would 
have been at a loss to have kuown the reason of the 
severity used towards those who were reproached with 

that title. The puritans had their fancies, as well 

as thfCr adversaries. The surplice, the cross in bap- 
tism, the ring in marriage, bowing at the name of 
Jesus, and some other articles of equal importance, 
were the objects of their aversion; they thought they 
smelt of popery, which they could iiot bear with. The 
bishops, on the contrtiry, had a very great fondness foe 
these, as well as for the wllole hierarchy. A dispute 
therefore on these subjects was natural; and, had it 
been managed fairly, no ill consequences cotiid have 
happened. But the bishops were in poiver; the kyig 
was ibeJE friend, and a foe to those who opposed them; 

' Pan-'aiiff ofrsh. 


coimciiBscated them, notwitlistanding the 

and they wsre determiDed. to carry their point at all 
adventuvei. The shortest way, therefore^ was taken* 
The puiitans ^msfi Ailenoed, deprived, excommunicated, 
nd all for tTifl«9» I will not aay but the bishops might 
have more sente^ hot di^ puritans had more honesty* 
The first were persecators^ (he latter were persecuted ; 
and consequently were entitled to the pity and com- 
passion of the humane and benevolent.^ James and 

^^18 clergy did not understand the use of sects, '^ to 
purify religion, and also to set the great truths of it in 
a full light ; apd to Aew tbeir practical importance^? 
** Nor did they know the best way to stop the rising 
of new sects and schisms, by reforming abuses, com- 
pounding smaller differences^ proceeding mildly, and 
not with sanguinary persecutions ; and taking off the 
principal authors by winning and advancing them, rar- 
iher than enraging them by violence and. bitterness^;'' 
and consequently instei^ of crushing, tliey increased 
them. For lord Shaftesbury justly remarks, ** that 
there is nothing so ridieulous in respect of policy, of 
so wrong and odious in respect of common bumanitjry 
as a moderate anc) Ju^f-^ay persecution; it only iret* 
the sore; it raises (he il^humonr of mankind ; excites 
tlie keener spirits.; moves indignation in beholders; 
and sows the very seeds of schism in men's bosoms* 
A refiolut^ and bold faced |i^ecutipn leaves^ no lime or 
0cope for these engendring distempers^ or gathering ilU 
humours. It does tbe wocl^.at once; by extirpation^ 
banishment, or massacre : and like a bpid stroke in 
surgery, dispatches by onei shprt amputation, what ^ 

* Hartley's Otermtiow on Mw, p^ S77. wal II. Sto. LonJ. 1749. S90 
also Historical and Critical Account of H^^ Feteniy note tc] I^ond. 175 V 
S vok !* Bsooa'a l^taj on tbe Yicisatadr of Tbrngs* 

JAMES I. 879 

intercession made for them by many per- 
sons of quality, and by one of his parUa- 
ments. In Scotland he pursued them witli 

bungling hand would make worse and worse, to the 
perpetual suiFerance and misery of the patient */* 
But let us leave these reflections and return to James^ 
who was as much set on the ruin of pnritanism ii^ 
Scotland, as in England. In the Parliament at' Pertb> 
in the year l606, he got an act passed^ entitttled the 
restitution of the estate of bishops : aftertv-tirds they 
were declared perpetual moderators/ and had the high 
-^mmission put into their hands. In I6l0/th^ kih^ 
sent for three of the bishops elect, in order to have 
them consecrated in England, which was done without 
first' giving them deacons or priests ovders ; and conae^ 
quently the validity of their former orders were ac- 
knowledged. Soon afterwards they had great power 
committed unto them, to the no small uneasiness of 
ministers and people \ In the year 1617, James made 
a progress into Scotland, in order to bring the Scots 
nearer to conformity with the church of England. 

'* But his majesty,** sa^s Heylin, " gained nothing 
by that chargeable journey, but a neglect of his com- 
mands, and a contempt ofhis authority. His majesty 
therefore took a better coutse, than to put the point 
to argument and disputation ; which was to beat then 
by the belly, and to withdraw those augmentations 
which he had formerly allowed them out of his exche- 
quer : which pill so wrought upon this indigent and 
obstinate people, that the next year, in an assembly at 
Perth, they passed an act for admitting the five articles, 

* Characteristics, voU UI* p> 95. ^ Spotswood, p. 406. Caldcarwooda 

p. 616, 


rigour, and was not contented till he set up 
episcopacy,, though contrary to the incli- 
nations of ministers and people. Being 

for which his majesty had been courting them for tw0 
years together V These^r articles, wUeh liis majesty 
had courted them so long to admit, it most be owned^ 
were very important. The first requires the blessed 
sacrament to be celel^ated meekly and reverently upon 
^eif knees. The second allows the lawfulness of prU 
^ate commpnion. The thiid permits private^baptism. 
The fourth commands confinnation. The fifth the ob^ 
aervation of some festivab\ ''These articles beiiqi- 
thus settled, order was given to read them in all parish 
churches ; the ministers were likewise obliged to preach 
upon the lawfulness of tbem, and exhort their people 
to submission. And to give them the greater author 
rity, the king ordered them to he published at the 
market-cross of the principal burroughs, i^nd com^ 
mauded conformity under pain of his displeasure. But 
all this not being enough to enforce such a conformity 
to the ceremonies as was expected, it was thought fuFr 
ther necessary to establish them by the sanction of an 
act of parliament, and to give them the force of a law^ 
this w^s done accordinglyjn the year 1621 ^." A prince 
must b^ strangely infatuated, and strongly prejudiced^ 
to employ his power and influence in establishing such 
^latters as the^e ! Let us grant episcopacy to be the 
most expedient government of the church (and ex- 
pedient eqough it mu$t be acknowledged in propev 
places ** and rightly executed, by overseeing the man* 
i^ers of the clergy, aad keeping them within the bounds 

■ life of Laud, p. 74. *» Spotsj¥0<xl, p. 538. « Crawford's. 

lives, p. 174. * See Spirit of Laws, vol. II. p. 150. 



JAMES I. 281 

seized with an ague, he died March 27^ 
1625, in the 59th yectr of hiis age ^^ not 

of decency and regularity ;) yet what man of sense will 
think it worth establishing at the risk of the peace of 
the commimi^f Let rites and ceremonies be deemed 
ever BO decent; who will say they are fit to be imposed 
by methods of severity and constraint i yet by these 
ways, weseCy these matters were introduced among |:he 
Scots ; to the disgrace of humanity, and the eteriSttl 
blemish of a prince who boasted of his learning, and 
was for ever displaying his a1>ilities. 

^^ He died not without suspicion of having been 
poisoned by Buckingham.] /*' The king that was very 
much impatient in his heiBtrth, was patient in his sick- 
ness and death. Whether he had received any thing 
that extorted his aguish fits into a fever^ which might 
the sooner stupify the spirits, and hasten his end, can- 
not be asserted ; but the countess of Buckingham had 
been tampering with him, in the absence of the doc- 
tors, and had given him a medicine to drink, and laid 
a plaister to his 8ide,.which the king much complained 
o^ and they did rather exasperate his distemper than 
atidy it: md these things were admitted by the insinu- 
ating persnasipas of the duke her son, . who told thj^ 
kteg'lftey*Wi^|ns^proved medicines, and would do him 
moch^^od. And though the duke after strove to 
purge himself for thi^ application, as having received 
both medicine and plkist^r from Dr. Remington, at 
Dnnmow, in Essex, who had often cured agues, and 
such distempers' with the samcTr^j^lthey were argu- 
ments of a ^i^plicated kind fBtStm&y to unfold ; con- 
sidering that whatsoever he resetted from the doctor - 
in the country, he plight apply to the king what be 


without suspicion of having been poisoned 
by Buckingham. He was buried with great 

pleased in the court. Besides, the act itself (though 
it bad been the best medicine in the world) was a 
daring not justifiable; and some of dkJHiing's phjsiti- 
ans muttered against it, others made a great noise, and 
were forced to fly for it ; and thoagh the still Toice 
Was quickly silenced by the duke's power, yet the 
^ourous made so d Jp impn^sions, that bis inno- 
eence could never wear them out. And one of Buck- 
ingham's great provocations^was thought to be his fisar^ 
that die king being now weluy of his too much great- 
^essy and power, wosld set vp Biistql, his deadly enemy 
again&t him to pull him down. And this medicine was 
one of those 13 aiticles that after were laid to his 
charge in parliament*." — Dr. Welwood in his note on 
this passage observes, '' that Dr. Eglisham, one of the 
king's physitians, was obliged to flee beyond seas, for 
some expressions he had muttered about the manner 
of his majesty's deaths and lived at Brussels many 
years after. It was there he published a book to prove 
king James was poisoned ; giving a particular acconut 
of all the circumstances of bis sickness^ and laying his 
death upon the duke of Buckingham and his fiotb^. 
^—— Among other remarkable passages, there- is one 
about the plaist^ applied to the king's stomach. 

" He says it was given out to have been mithridate, 
and that one Dr. Remington had sent it to the duke, 
as a medicine with which he had cured a great many 
agues in Es^x. Now Eglisham denies it was mithri- 
date^ and says, oeither he^ nor any other physitiacis 

• Wilson, p. 2S7. 

JAMES I. €84^ 

magnificence at Westminster- Abbey * on 

could tell what it was. He adds, that Sir Mattfaeir 
liister and he being, the week after the king's death, al 
the earl dF Warwick's house in Essex, they seat for 
Dr. Bemingfon, who Imd hard by, and asking him 
what kind of plaister it was he had sent to Bucking-r 
hanij ibr the <!ure of an i^e, and whether he knew it 
w«9 the king -the duke designed it forf Remingtoa 
SBiswercd, that one Baker, a servant of the duke*8^ 
ctfitte ^^ hilD in his master's name, and desired him if 
hS^Kakf any certain specific remedy against an ague; to 
send it him : and accordingly he sent him mithri- 
date spread upon leather, but knew not till then that it 
was designed for the king. Bat/' continues Eglisliam^ 
'' Sir Matthew Lister, ahd I shewing hima piece of the 
plaister we had kept, after it was taken off, he seemed 
greatly surprized, and offered to take his corporal oath, 
tliat it was none of what he had given Bidcer, nor did 

he know what kind of mixtfire it was* But tlie 

truth is, this book of Egl^am's is wrote with such 
an air of rancour and prejadice, that the manner of 
his BarraiiYe takes off much ham the credit of what 
htimntef^'* ^The parliament, in • the year 1626, 

* Gibson's Canbdeo, rol. T. p. 386. 

^Gompleat jffistoiy, yd II. p. 790. It U to be visbed Welwood ]yd sivca 
wHie title of this book of j^ishaip. Id the second voluipe qf tbe karleiaa 
MisceUany there is a tract intitjMthe ForerunD«^«C9*veDge. Being tw# 
petitions : the one to the kipghi mott fl^i4»llent iiii^nty» the otiier to the 
most honourable bmnes of parliamont* T^enm >re e^ressed cUvers actions 
«f the late earl of lbaiw ghiyi» J jiy yij i l ly coB^wnMng the death of king 
James, and thejnan^ai|^l3|p|iluii-«Bpp9aed.^ poi^ By George £gw 
lisham, doctor of phytic, «ad^:Of the pb|iitiaB»>toklng James, of happy 
memory, Ibr his iiiojesty'ff]ienoii aboveteD- years^ 4t^ laopd. 164Sf though 
it appears to have been written io^ftoifekiDgham's life-time, -ancH daabt not, 
was then printed.' There is an-^ oC.niwonr and prejudice in this small 
^:ce ; but not ft'^j^of what tq:> W^^ood relates. 

«< The king," WK^^be,'** being sick of an ague, -the duke took this op- 



the seventh of May following ; his son and 

cbdrged Buckingham with having caused certain 
plaistersy .and a certain drink to be provided for the 
use of his majesty king James, withont the privity or 
direction of the physicians, and componnded of several 
ingredients to them unknown, notwithjrtanding the 
same plaisters, or some plaister. like thereiMitc^y bavipg 
been formerly administered unto him, did {Hroduce 
snch ill effects as that some of the physicianB did Sm^ 
allow thereof, and utterly refuse to meddle Bo^farfibfBC 
with his majesty, until these plaisters were removed^ 
as being prejudicial to his health, yet thesame plaisters 
and drink was provided by the dnke, and the plaisters 
applied to the king's breast and wrist, and the drink 
given to him at seasons prohibited by the physicians. 
After which, they set forth, divers ill symptoms ap- 
peared upon his majesty, and his majesty attributed 
the .cause of his trouble to the plaister and drink 
which the dnke had given him\ The duke in hia 

portunity, when all the Ipng'i doefitn of ph3rsic were at dinderi vA offired 
to him a white powJer to taks, the which be a long time refuiq^ ; bat ovar^' 
come with his flattering importunity, at length took it in vfa^ andiai^ 
mediately became worse i^nd «one» fid|ing into many swobninfiavid |Kii«M^. 
and violent fluxes of the belty, ao tormented, that his nujerty eri^<ntt 
aloud of this wljite powder, would to God I had never taken it"— He iStffm 
tells ui of '* the countess of Buckingham's applying the plaister t»]^ 
king's heart and bfeast j whereupon he grew faint, and short breathed nid 
in agony. That the physitians exclaimed that the king was poisooed ; 
that fiuckingham commanded tbem out of the room, and caused one- 
of them to be committed prisoner to his own chamber, and another to be 
removed from court; and that after hlam^estj'i>de«th, his body and 
head swelled above meatare, his hair with the skin vi his head stock to the 
pillow, and his nails became loose npon hii. fingers and toes." See Har- 
leian Miscellany, vol. II. p. tU 4tik Jjond. 1744. If this was the book in 
which Dr. Welwood remembere«1 to hmrp read what I have quoted in the 
note, his memory discharged its ofltee bnt very iU. However, I rather 
suspect, there is a larger account of ^isham's inprint, than ^hat WeU 
wood should have invented. 

* Sec Rushwortb, vol. L p« 95l» 

JAMES I. 285 

successor Charles following, attending his 

answer insists on his innocency, declaring that the 
drink and plaister were procured by the king's own 
de^ift^ on his recommendation ; that by his own com* 
ittUid tb«y were applied ; that he (Buckingham) gave 
the ^iik in the presence of some of! the physicians', 
uriio t&sted it, and did not shew their dislike of it; 
and that when he told the kitig it was ruihonred that 
the physic he had gaye him, had done him hnrt^ Hfs 
migesty with mabh. discontent answered, they are 
worse than the devils thtit^ say it*. The commons 
having received a copy of the duke's answer from the 
lords, say, ''they: shi^ presently reply in such sort,^ 
according totbie Isn^s of parliament, that unless his 
power aiid praeaee undermine our proceedings, ^e 
do not doubt but we upon the same have jodgment 
against him V But his power and practice so fiir uh« 
denuined their proceedings, that a dissolution soon 
'^ iipiUowed, by which they ' were prevented from pro- 
ducing their ptoofs of what they had asserted. This 
made a deep impression on men's minds, and caused 
them to apprehend that James had not had fair play 
for his life. The hindering^ a parliamentary inquiry 
into the death of a king, oj; putting an end to the 
parliament itself, had an odd l^pearance, and caused 
many to think that there was ntore at«the bottom than 
it was con^nient should see the Ijght. — ^I wilt add a 
passage ^Ircm Burnet, to what hail been now produced, 
whieh^ if Crtie, will pretty well cl^^' ^P ^^is matter; 
** King Jaiiies," says he, '^ in the end of his reign was 
become w^jy of the duke of Buckingham, who 
treated bim with sudi an air of insolent contempt, 

I Ruibworth, voLl^p. 389. ^ Id. p. 403. 

886 THE LIF£ OF 

interment ; Dr. Williams, lord keeper, and 

that he seemed at last resolved to throw him off, but 
could not think of taking the load of government on 
himsdf, and so resolved to bring the earl of Somerset 
again into ikvonr^ as that lord repcHted it to spnie 
fimn whom I had it. He met with him in the nigfat, 
in the gardens at Theobalds : Two bed chamber men 
irere only in the secret ; the king embraced him ten- 
derly and with many teats. The earl of Somerset be- 
lieved the secret was not wdl kept ; for soon after the 
king was taken ill with some fits of -an ague and died. 
My father was then in London, and did very much 
Aspect an ill practice in die matter: But perhaps Dr. 
Craigy my mother*s uncle, who was one of the king's 
physitiansi possessed him with these apprehensions; 
for he was disgraced for saying he believed the king 
"was -poisoned *.'' These are the foundations on which 
-the suspicion of James's being poisoned by Bucking- 
bam relies. Whether any thing more than suspicion 
arises from them^ must be left to the reader to deter- 
"ttiine. Lord Clarendon^ who could not be ignorant of 
a good part of what has been now related, speaking 
of James's death, says, ''it was occasioned by an aguc^ 
(after a short indispositiod by the gout) which meet- 
ing many humours in a fat unwieldy body of 58 years 
old, in four or five fits carried him out of the world. 
After whose death," adds he, '' many scandalous and 
libellous discourses were raised without the least <X)lour, 
or ground: as appeared upon the strictest luid most 
malicious examination that could be made, long after^ 
in a time of licence, wheii no body was afraid of of* 
fending, majesty, and when prosecuting the highest i^ 

* Barnct, ytX, L p. dOL 


bishop -i^ Lincoln, preadied kis funeral 
sermon, which soon after was printed with 

proaches and contumelies against the royal family^ was 
Ibeld very meritorious ^." Thi^ is talking with a great 
air of mfliorlty indeed! was ^ere no colour or ground 
for suspicion of foul play^ when Buckingham himself 
owned that he had recommended the pbuster and drink 
to the king, and bad them adjiiinisterdi to h}m, with- 
out cQUBultiog the physicians ? was there no ground 
for such a suspicion, when some of bis majesty's own 
physicians believed it, and the km^ himself attributed 
the cause of Ids troable to the plaister and drink which 
the duke had given him? had the house of .commons 
no colour or ground to in^peach the duke of Bucking- 
ham for his behaviour in this affair? or were they the 
authors of the scanddous and libellous discourses thai 
were raised about it ? A writer who gives himself 
such a strange liberty of censuring^ ought to be pretty 
gure he is in the right, or otherwise he stands but a 
very poor chance of being believed. Will. Sanderson, 
very roundly sqys, '^ that what Buckingham gave Jam^i 
to drink was a posset drink of milk and alcy hartshc^) 
and marygold flowers, ing^ients harmless and ordi- 
nary. And though,'* says he, " the doctors were ofr 
fended that any one durst assume this boldness (of fi^ 
plying the plaister) without their consent; by after 
cxaminatioq, all men then were assured of the com- 
position^ and a piece thereof eaten down by such as 
made it ; and the plaister many months afterwards in 
being for further tryal of any suspition of ^yson?," 

* Clarendon, vol. L p. 24. ^ Sandcnrson't Beign of K. Jvneiy 

p. 592, he had given almofit the very wme account befiw^, in bis Aulicuv 
doquinariaif^p. 194. 


the title- of Great Britain's Salomon ^% 
fiill of the most gross flattery, and palpable 

The reader mnst give what credit to this he thinks it 
deserves, for my own part, T doubt it is apocryphal. 

'^ Dr. Williams preached and prints his funeral 
sermon, widi the title of Great Britain's Salomon 3 
This sermon is a curiosity and deserves to be known, 
as it gives us a specimen of the gross flattery of those 
times. His text was I Kings xi. 41, 40, and part of 
43 verse. ** And the rest of the ^ords of Salomon, 
and all that he did,' and his wiadome,are they not 
written in the book of the acts of Salomon ; and the 
time that Salomon reigned in Hiemsalem overall Israel, 
was forty years. And Salomon slept with his fathers, 
and was buried in the city of David his father.** After 
having mentioned the text he begins thus : '^ Most 
high and mighty, most honourable, worshipful and 
wdl beloved in our Lord, and Saviour Jesus Christ ; 
it is not I, but this woful accident that chnseth this 
text.'* He proceeds then to consider it as applicable 
to Solomon ; and afterwards compares him, and James, 
" first as it were in one general lump, or mould," 
says he, '' that you may see by the oddness of their 
proportion, how they differ from all kings besides. 
And then with a particular examination of the parts 
of my text, that you may observe by the several mem- 
bers, how well they resemble the one the other. 

" For the bulke or the mould, I dare presume to say, 
you never read in your lives, of two kings more fully 
paralleled amongst themselves, and better distinguish- 
ed from all other kings besides themselves. King Sa- 
lomon is said to be uuigenitus coram mafre sua, the 
only Sonne of his mother, Prov, 4. 3. So was king 

JAM£$ I. iSSf 

uAtmthg ; insQmuch that i&stead of cele* 
btating hi« metnory^ h^ has only exposed 

Jame's. Salomon wds of acompIeScioti White, Md tnddf, 
Canticl. V. 10. So was king Jam^s. Salomon wa^ aa 
infant king, puer parvulus, a little child, 1 Chiton, xxii. 
5. so was king James a king at the age of thirteen 
months. Salomon began his reign in the life of his 
predecessor, 1 Kings 1.3S. so, by Che force arid com- 
palsion of that state, did our late soveraigne king 
James. Salomon was twice crowned, and anoynted a 
king, I Chron. xxix. 22. so was king -Jaines. Salo- 
mon's minority was rough through the quarrels of th|| 
former soveraigae ^ so was that of king James. Salomoti 
was learned above all the princes of the east, 1 Kings' 
iv. 30. so was king James above all the princes in the 
universal world. Salomon was a writer in prose and 
verse, 1 Kings, iv. 32 so in a very pure and exquisite 
manner was our sweet soveraigne king James. Salo« 
mon was the greatest patron we ever read of to church 
and churchmen ; and yet no greater (let the house of 
Aaron noiw confess) than king James. Salomon was 
honoured with ambassadors from all the kings of the 
earth, 1 Kings iv. last verse ; and so you know was 
king James. Salomon was a, main improver of his 
home commodities, as you may see in his trading with 
Hiram, 1 Kings v. 9, and, God knows, it wat the 
daily study of king James. Salomon was a great 
maintainer of shipping and navigationj, 1 Kings x. 14. 
a most proper attribute to king James. Saloinon beau- 
tified yerjr much his /capital city, witb buildings and 
water-works, 1 Kings ix. 15. so did kin^ James. 
£very man lived in peace under his vine, and his fig- 
tree, in the day§ of Salomon> 1 Kings iv. 25. and so 

VOL. I. V 


it.—: — James, by his queen, Anne of Deo-. 

mark, had issue besides Charles who sue-, 

t\\ey did in the blessed days of king James. And yet 
towards his end king Salomon had secret enemies, 
Kazan, Hadad, and Jeroboam, and prepared for a 
warre upon his going to bis grave; so had, and so did 
king James. Lastly, before any hostile act we read of 
in the history, king Salomon died in peace, when he 
had hved about 60 years, and so you know did king 
James'." ■ 
One would think this had been enough of all con- " 
science ; but the right reverend preacher proceeds ac- 
cording 10 the method of his text, " to polish and re- 
line the members of this statue in their division, and 
particular. In his stile," says he, " you may observe 
the Ecclesiastes, in his figures the Canticles, in his 
sentences the Proverbs, and in hia whole discourse 
refiquiim zerborum Salomoiiis, all the rest that was ad- 
mirable in the eloquence of Salomon. From his 

■aying I come to his doings. Quis Jecerit, ail that he 
did. Every action of his sacred majesty was a virtue, 
and a miracle to exempt him from any parallel amongst 
the modeme kings and princes. Of all christian kings 
that ever 1 read of, he was the most constant patron of 

churches and churchmen. 1 wi!l speak it boldly, 

in thepresence heie of God and men, that I believe in 
jny soul and conscience, there never lived a more con- 
stant, resolute, and settled protestant in point of doc- 
trine than our late soveraigne. Through sll Eu- 
rope no more question was made of his being just, than 

of his being king. He was resolute enough, an^ 

■omewliat too forward in those unapproachable placu 

'fireat Britain's Salomeii. p. 37. 

JAMES I. 291 

«^ded him, and Elizabeth, who named 

(the Highlands) scattering his enemies aa much with 
hi% example, ss he did with his forces. Besides these 
adventures of his person, he was unto his people, to 
the hour of his death, another cherubim with a flaming 
sword, to keep out enemies from this paradice of ours." 
After flourishing upon his political wisdom and 
learned works, he goes on to Jet his hearers know 
" that as he lived like a king, so he died like a saint. 
All his latter days he spent in prayer, sending his 
thoughts before into heaven, to be the harbingers of 
his happy soul. Some ibure days before bis end he 
desired to receive the blessed sacrament, and said he 
was prepared tor it by faith and charitie. He repeated 
the articles of the creed, and after the absolution had 
been read and pronounced, he received the sacrament 
with that zeal and devotion, as if he had not been a 
fraile man, but a cherubim cloathed with flesh and 
i)lood, he twice, or thrice repeated Domiue Jrm, veni 
tilo ; and after the prayer usually said at the hour of 
death, was ended, his lords and servants kneeling, 
without any pangs or convulsions at all, dormivit So- 
lomox, Salomon slept. And his soul," adds the good 
bishop, " severed from the dregs of the body, doth 
now enjoy an eternal dreaming in thepresence of God, 
environed no more with lords and knights, hut with 
troupes of angels, and the souls of the blessed, called 
in this text his fore-runners or fathers ; and Salomon 
slept with his fathers*." — This was the character given 
of James before those who were acquainted well with 
him : and yet I believe there is no one, who reads it 
nowbutwiU think it somewhat too panegyrical for tbe 

SD, p-11 



■Jrederick, prince Palatine of the Rluue^ 

, But indeed the bishops strWed (as be bad 
so grent a friead to chmcLutiea) to ouLvie«aeh 
in piaising him; and consequently we can take 
Pieasiaros of the truth fFoui their deacciptions. Laud 
t)bser^<e» of him, that it was little less than a lairaele, 
that so iDUcli &w«etuess should b^ fouod >d «0 S^^^"- ^ 
heart; ihat clemency, mercy, andjustlce, were emi- 
nent ill him ; that he was not only a preserver of pea«n 
at home, but the great peace-m^ker abru^; tiiat b« 
was bountiful, and the greatest pattoii of the cbuic^; 
that he was, ttie mosL learoed pifince in malters of iq- 
ligion, and n^ost outhodox thereio; that l»e devout^ 
received the blessed sacrameiil, and a{>provcd of absQrt 
lution ; that he called for prayers, was full of iHi|ieiw« 
at his death, and had bis rest ia Abral^m'a busoiQ '• 

-Spotswood determining BOt to be Wijb 
liams and Laud, declares " that he was the ^Alotpoiu 
this age, admired for his wise governuteiit, antLfoc^ 
knowledge in all manner of learning. For his i^Udji 
moderation, love of justice, for liis patience, aa<I p 
(which sbined above all his other virtues, a^d tf wi|i 
nessed in tl»e learned works, he left to pQ^t«ntj). || 
ii^me shall never be forgotten, but repiaiii iq hogor- ^ 
lorig as the world eudurcLiiV These are the. chuKtcts 
given o^ James by three of Lb<e highest .i:Aqlc i^lj 
vhur<)h 1 which yet have bad the tpisl'ortiinetQ be litf^ 
credited by disinterested poeterity. Atjdtherefore 1 
Grey did "ot *)o quit^ SP, right in referring tQ SpofI 
w:ood's; chara/itcr of Japies,,a9 a. yindicaliqn of hilft 
from what l|p, had: beeu charged with by hip^yarsarji*v 

« Rudiworth, vol, I. p. 156. ' Cborcli Hiitory, p 546> 


JAMES I. «ys 

(*d! known to the world Ijy their misfor- 

For court-biBhope, by atime fste or other, from the. 
tifiie of Constantine, down Bt'lMsr'to the death of 
Jantes, and a little after, lmv« b^ the characters of 
flauerers, panegyristE, and others i»f like import; and 
therefore are always to hnvd great abatements made in 
their accounts of those who have been their keoe^- 
tora : it being well known, that each they endeavour 
to hand down to poaterity under the notion of saints', 
*e they always blacken and defame their advei^ariesi 

I havejust observed tliat disinterested posterity hare 
given httle credit to the panegyrics of the three right 
reverends ; I will give a proof or two of it, arid then 
conclude this note. Bamet tells cs, " that James wa* 
become the scorn of the age ; and while hungry writera 
Mattered him out of measure at home, he was despised 
by all abroad as a pedant withont true judgment, 
courage, or steadiness, sttbjett to his favourites, and 
delivered up to the counsels, or rather the corruption 
of Spain'." — Lord Bolingbroke observes of him, " that 
he had no virtues to set off, but he had failings and 
vices to conceal, lie could not conceal the latter ;' 
and, void of the former, he could not compensate for 
them* His faiUngs and his vices therefore stand in 
fiillr view, be passed for a weak prince and an ill man,' 
and fell into all the contempt wherein his memory re- 
DUtins to this day *•." — '—Lord Orrery says, " the cha- 
racter of queen Eli^bet^ bmbeen exalted' by the want 
«f merit . in her sMOcessor, troth whose misconduct 
gushed forth that torrent of misery, which not only 
bore down his aoo, but ©veiiwhelmed the three kin^ 

*Burnet,vot. I. p.31. ' IjBttereouPalrk 
1 the Lift and Writ;a|l aFSMfti p. S0». 



tunes) Henry '% a prince of a most amiable 

In the Abbe Raynal's history of the parliament of 
England, we read " that James wanted to be pacific, 
and he was only indolent; wise, and he was only iire- 
soluce; just, and he was only timid; moderate, and he 
was only soft ; good, and he was only weak j a divine, 
and he was only a fanatic; a philosopher, and he was 
only extravagant; a doctor, and he was only a pedant. 
r^'o one ever carried the pretensiorts of the crown 
further than James, and few princes have contributed 
so much to viiify it. — Tins prince found it easier to 
suffer injuries tlian to revenge them; to dispense with 
the public eateem, than to merit it; and to sacrifice 
the rights of his crown, than to trouble his repose by 
maintaining them. He lived on the throne like a pri- 
vate man in his family ; be retained of the royally only 
the gift of healing the evil, which is attributed to the 
kings of England. One would have said he was only 
a passenger in the vessel of which he onght to have 
been the pilot. I'his inaction made his days pass ia 
obscurity, and prepared a tiagical reign for hia suc- 
cessor'," Thus has the nameof James been treated 

by the most disinterested and unbiassed ; whether the 
jadgmciit of his courtieis who had been greatly favour 
ed by him, is to be set in the balance with the opinioa 
of these writers is left to the reader. 

" Prince Henry was of a most amiable dispositioo, 
and excellent genius.] This L take to be hterally true ; 
otherwise! would nothave been at the trouble of saying 
any thing about him. He was bom at Striveling, Feb. 
19. IdfH, and committed to the care of the earl of 
Mar (the family of Erskin, earl of Mar, was always 

' ^e tfac Moothlf R<Ti<« for th« yitt !7f I, p. US. Sto. 

governor of the king's children, from the time the 
Stuarts mounted the throne)^ by the following lettei 
writ by his majesty's own hand. 


" Because in the surety of my son, consisteth iny 
surety, and I have concrediled unto you the charge of 
his keeping, upon the trust 1 have of your honesty; 
this I command you out of my own mouth, being in 
the company of those I like; otherwise for any charge 
or necessity that can come from me, you shall not de- 
liver him J and in case God call rae at any time, see 
that neither for the queen nor estates their pleasure, 
you deliver him till he be 18 years of age, and that he 
command you himself. 

" Striveling, 24th of 
July, 1595*." 

Id obedience to this command, lord Mar kept the 
prince, and refused to deliver him to the <iueen his 
mother, in the year 1603, till the duke of Lennox was 
lent with a warrant to receive him, and delivered hint 
to the queen. Mr. (afterwards Sir) Adam Newton, was 
his tutor, by whose instiuctions he is said to have pro- 
fited greatly. " He was," says Sir Charles Cornwallis, 
" of a comely, tall, middle stature, about five foot and 
eight inches high, of a strong, streight well-made body, 
with somewhat broad shoulders, and a small waste, 
of an amiable majestic countenance, his hair of an 
abome coUour, long faced, and broad forehead, a 
piercing grave eye, a most gracious smile, with a 

(wood, p. 41U. 




ling of the people whilst living) ascl gr«ftUy 

terrible frown, coBrteous, loving and affable; bU fa- 
Kour like tbe sun, indifferently seeming to sliine upoit 
all; naturally shamefaced, and modest, most patient, 
which he shewed both in life and death. — Dissimula- 
tion he esteemed most base, chiefiy in a prince, not 
willing, nor by nature being able to flatter, fawnc, or 
use those kindly who deferred not his love. Quick he 
was to cunceive auy thing, nut rash but mature in de> 
liberatian, yet most constant, having resolved. True 
«f bis promise, moat seoret even from his youth; go 
that be might have been enisted in any thiag that did 
not furt'C a. discovery; being of a close disposition not 
essy tg be known, oi pried into : of a fearless, noble, 
heroic, and undaunted courage, thinking nothing un- 
possible, that ever was done hy any. He was ardent 
in his love to religion, which love, and all the good 
causes thereof, bis heart was bent by some means or 
other (if he bad lived) to have shewed, and Some Way 
to have compounded the nnfaind jarrs thereof. 

" 1-Je made conacietice of au oath, and was naver 
heard to take God's name in vnia. He hatfd popery, 
though be was not ankind lo the perKons of papists.-^ 
He loved and did mightily strive to do somewhat of 
every thing, and Lo excel in the most eKo«ll^t. He 
greatly delighted in all kind of rare inventions and 
arts, and in all kind of engines belonging t^ ibe wars, 
both by sea and land; Vn the bravery aad number of 
great horses; in shooting and leveUmg of great pieces 
of ordnance; in the ordering ^nd laarshaliiqg pf 
armes; in building and gardening, and in all s^ts of 
rare mutiiqne, chiefly ilis trumpet and drum; ia 
limning and painting, carving in all sorta of excel- 
lent arid rare pictures, which be had broug'ht unto 


JAMES I. 297 

lamraited after his death ; which (though 

him, from all countries*." Thus speaks, of prince 
Henry, Sir Chnrles Cornwallis, treasurer of his house- 
hold. But without other authoriiiea, I should lay 
very little stress on his book, which looks more like a 
panegyric than a history: And we find it ob- 
served by a fine writer, " that princes in their infancy, 
chil'ihood and youth, are said to discover prodigioas 
parts and wit, to speak things that surprize and asto^ 
nish; strange, adds he, so many hopeful princes, ani3 
to many shameful kings ! if they happen to die young 
they would have been prodigies of wisdom and virtue : 
if they live, they are often prodigies indeed, but of 
Another sort V— However, it is certain, prince Henry 
had very great merit. " The government of his house 
was with much discretion, modesty, sobriety, and in an 
high reverence to piety, not swearing himself, or keep* 
ing any that did. He was not only plausible in his 
carriage, but just in payments, so far as his credit out- 
reached the kings both in the exchange and th« 
church'. He was an enemy to oppression and inju^- 
lice ; for hearing the king had given Sherburn Castle to 
Sir Robert Car, he came with some anger to his father, 
desiring he would be pleased to bestow She/bum upon 
him, alledging that it was a place of great strength and 
beauty, which he much liked, but indeed with an in- 
tention of giving it back to Sir Walter Raleigh, whom 
he much esteemed''." The same noble disposition he 
shewed towards Sir Robert Dudley, who was deprived 
of his honours and estate by the injustice of James. 

'The Bhort Life and much lamenteil Death of Henry prince of Walei, 
tiif Sir Charles CoTDwallis. Bvo. 1644. p. 93— lUI. "Swift and Pape'i 

HHlifUuiies, Tol, L p. 30*7. IZmo. Lend. 173) See also Ostwm, p. $07. 
• Id. p. iSB. ' lUleJgh's Works, vol I. p. 1 1 7. 

his physicians declared to the contrar}-) 

" He made overlnres to Sir Robert." says king Charles, 
" to obtain his title in Kenilworth Castle, ice. and bought 
it of him for fourteen thousand 6ve hundred pounds, 
and promised to restore him in honors and fortunes*.** 

This prince was the patron of the studies of Sir 

Walter Raleigh, for whose abilities he had an high 
esteem, and who drew up for his use, a discourse 
touching a match between the lady Elizabeth and the 
prince of Piedmont ; observations concerning the royal 
navy and sea-service ; and a letter touching the model 
of a ship. And in the year l6l I, " that worthy sea- 
man, Sir Thomas Button, servant to prince Henry, 
pursued the north-west discoveries at the instigation 

of that glorious young prince''." And very certain 

it is thai he endeavoured well to understand state af- 
ftiirs, and applied himself to get a thorough knowledge 
of them; the duke of Sully assures us, " that as soon 
as he had obtained his father's promise that he would 
at least, not obstruct his proceedings, he prevented 
Henry's (the fonrth's) wishes; being animated with a 
thirst of glory, and a desire to render himself worthy 
the esteem and alliance of Henry : for he was to marry 
the eldest daughter of France. He wrote me several 
letters hereupon, and therein expressed himself in the 
manner I have mentioned '." Agreeably hereunto. Dr. 
Welwood says, " the duke of Sully, being in England 

laid the foundation of a strict friendship betwixt 

his master and prince Henry; which was afterwards 
carried on by letters and messages till the death of that 
king. Tho' it's a secret to this day what was the real 

■Palentfcr creatidg Alice, lady Dirdlcy, i 
eount of tevcral late Voyage*, edit, nil, 
' Memoirs of SuUy, vol. I. p. B7. 

Inches! oF England. '' Ac- 
io the IntTDdacUon, {>• ISt 

JAMES I. 299 

Was supposed to be by poison: but how- 

deflign of all those vast preparations that were made 
by Henry the fourth before his death: yet I have 
teea some papers which malce it more thao probable, 
that prince Henry was not only acquainted with the 

seciet, but was engaged in the deaignV Sir 

Charles Comwallis having written to him from Spaing 
vbei'e he was ambassador, prince Henry in a letter to 
him, replies, " that he must particularly thank him for 
imparting to him his observations of that state, where- 
of," says he, " I will make the best nse 1 may ; and since 
that is a study very well befitting me, and wherein I 
delight, I will desire yon to acquaint me further in that 
kind as occasions sliall be offered ; that thereby ilie 
more ye may deserve my readiness to aclcnowledge 
it"." — Before Sir Thomas Edmondes's departure to 
France, prince Henry engaged him to communicate 
to him the course of things there; and on the second 
of September, Mr. Adam (afterwards Sir Adam) New- 
ton, wrote from Tlichmond to Sir Thomas, to remind 
bim of his promise to his royal highness, " This op- 
portunity oifering itself so fitly, maketh me cull unto 
your remembrance a promise which his highness al- 
legeth you made unto him at your departure, of im- 
parting to him such occurrences, as that country 
yieldeth. I find his highness doth expect it; and 
therefore I presume to acquaint you therewith. — ^The 
French perceived very early the forwardness of this 
young prince, and thought proper to try to secure him 
to their interest; for secretary Villeroy wrote to Mon- 
sieur de la Boderie, the French ambassador in England, 
from Fonlainbleau, the isthof July, l608, N.S. that 

'Wdwood'l Memoirt 

, vol. III. p. 4: 


ever that be, certain it is, James wa« little 

king Henry ihe fourth had told him, that be had more 
desire than ever to seek the fiteudship of the prince of 
Wales, and, for that purpose, to gratify those about 
him, as that aoibassador should judge tit; since that 
king foresaw, that the prince would sdoq bold a rank 
worthy of hitn in England, on account of llie Intle 
esteem, which was had of the qneen and king'." Attd 
there is a letter of prince Henry's to Sir Thomas Bd- 
mondes, dated September 10, 161^ ">'g'>ig ^M 'i & 
strong and masterly manner to prosecute the scheme 
of uniting the princes of the Mood, and the heads of 
the proteatant party in France, against the ministera 
of that court", — From these autborilies I presume, w* 
may with great truth affirm that this young prince was 
possessed of a most amiable disposition and excelletrt 
genius. In short he was the very reviTrse of his father, 
and therefore not much esteemed by him. " The vi- 
vacity, spirit, and activity of the prince soon gave 
umbrage to his lather's court, which grew extreamty 
jealous of him ; and Sir Thomas Edmondes, though Ot 
a distance, seems to have been sensible of dii^ and to 
have been more cautious <m that account of cfflfr 
responding with bis royal highness '." And ihe 
prince was so sensible of liis want of influence in his 
fathei's court, that in a letter of his to Sir Thomas, 
dated September 10^ 1619, he excuses himself from 
interposing in Sir Tboma&'s favour, with regard to 
asking preferment for him ; " because as matters go 
nowhere," says be, " I will deal in no businesses of im- 
poitanee Bar sone respects.''" Osboni thereEore secBU 

• Birch's Vip« of the Negotiali 
View, p. 336. • Id. p. 3fil. 

p, 32T 

'!d.p.Ml. *Bircl»-» 

r JAMES !. 301 

affecte«f%«^ it. His other children were 


to have been well informed in saying " that the king 
though he would not deny any thing the prince 
plainly desired, yet it appeared rather the result of 
fear and outwai^ compliance, than love or natural 
affection ; bein* harder drawn to confer an honor or 
pardon, in cases of desert, upon a retainer of the prince, 
than a stranger'." However, he was the darling of the 
English nation, his court was well filled, and his at- 
tendants were numerous; in life he was highly beloved, 
after death, equally lamented, by all but his father, and 
hi« favourite Rochester. "November the 6th, 1612, 
proved fetal to him, who died at the age of eighteen, 
at St. James's, of a disease, with which he had been 
seized in the preceding month; but the prevailing 
opinisQ of that lime" and since adopted by some of 
out hisloriiins, though contradicted by tire unantmoas 
report of his physicians, was, that his end was hastened 
by poison. And this notion received some conntc^ 
o&ntte, from the littfe coaeeru, which was shewn at bts 
death by the court, though the nation considered it as 
an irreparable loss. For it made so Irttle impression 
upon the king and bis iavourite, that Rochester, on 
the 9th of November, three days after that melancholy 
event, wrote from Whitehall to Sir Thomas Edmondes, 
to begin a negotiation for a marriage between prince 
Charles and the second daughter of France'." 

Sir Thomas indeed had more sense of decency, and 
iherefore delayed it. This the king approved of, on 
consideration. " For," says his majesty, " it would 
have been a very blunt thing in us, that you, our mi- 

■0«boni,p,S31, 'SeeBurnet.voLI. p. 10. Winwood, vol. III. 

\ Aullcui CoquinsriiE, p, 151, Welwood's Note on Wilioii, iu 
Mt « Jlory, wl. 11. p. 639. = Biteh's View, p. 371. 

M.:: -waets^. 


Sophia, and Mary, who both died young» 
and were buried with great solemnity at 


Ulster, should so soone after such aa irreparable losse 
received by us, have begun to talk of maniage, the 
most contrary thing that could be, to death and fu« 

nexalls ^r ^This conduct is quite amazing ! What 

must the world judge of a father, ivho was thus unaf- 
fected with the death of a wor|liy virtuous son ? If to be 
without natural affection, shews the utmost depravity 
of the heart of man, we may, without breach of charity, 
say that James's heart was utterly depraved. His pas- 
sion for his favourite, extinguished his aflfection for his 
child ; and his weakness and worthlessness made him 
look on him as an object of terror, whom all mankind 
viewed with esteem and approbation. But the neglect 
of a father deprived not prince Henry of thai reputa- 
tion which he so well deserved. Posterity have sounded 
fiirth his praises, and held him up to view as one wor- 
thy the imitation of all young princes ; and wherever 
his character is known, his memory will be highly 

* Birch'kVicw, p.373. 


AddilioM to the Life of King James the Fikst, 

by the Reverend Dr. Blbch, Secretaiy to ilie Royal Socieiy. 

XHB following books were published on occasion of 
king James 1. Triplici nodo Triplex Cuoeus, printed at 
lirst witbout his name. Cardinal Bellarmin published, 
in I6O8, under the name of Mattheus Tortus, a book ia 
quarto, intitled, Responsio ad libruin, cui titulua, tri- 
plici nodo triplex cuneus, sive apologia pro juramcnto 
tidelitatis, adveisus duo brevia Papae Pauli V, el re- 
centes Qteras cardinaUa Bellarmini ad Georgiuni Black- 
vejlum, anglicearchi-presbyterura : repriated at Rome, 
1609, in quarto. 

Tlie king, upon this answer, republished his own 
book, with Ilia name, with a monitory preface. 

In 1609, Dr. Lancelot Andrews, then bishop of Chi- 
chester, published at London, in quarto, TorturaTort; 
«ive ad Matthxi Torti librum responsio, qui nuper edi- 
tus contra apologiam seienissimi potentissimique prin- 
cipis Jacobi, JDei gratia, Magniie Britannife, Francia} 
«t Mibernice Regis, pro jurameoto fidelitatis. 

Cardinal Bellarmin published in I61O, in quarto, Pro 
responsione sua ad librum Jacobi, Magnse Britannia; 
regis, cui titulus est, triplici nodo triplex cuneus, 

To this Dr. Andrews, now bishop of Ely, published 
at London, I61O, in quarto, Responsio ad apologiam 
«aidinalis Bellarioini, quam nuper edidit contra pr^elu- 


tionem monitoriam serenissimi ac potentissimi prin- 
cipis, Jacobiy Dei gratia, Magnae Britanniae, Francisc 
et Hibemias regis, iidei defensoris, omnibus Christianis 
monarchis, principibus atque ordinibua inscriptam. 

Nicolas Coeffetauy afterwards Bishop of Marseilles, 
published against the king's preface, at Paris, in I6l0, 
in octavo. Response a Tavertissement, addresse par le 
serenissime Roy de la Grande Bretagne Jacques I. a 
tous les princes et potentates de la chretiente. 

This was answered by Peter du Moulin, minister of 
Charenton, whose rindication of the king, was printed 
in French at Paris, in 1610, in octavo, and in Latin at 
London. The French title is. Defence de la foy ca- 
tholique, continue au livre de Jacques L Roy d'An- 
gleterre contre la response de N. Cocffetau. 

Coeffetau replied to Peter da MouHn's book, in hrs 
apologie pour la response a Tavertissement du serenis- 
sime Roy de la Grande Bretagne, contre les accusa- 
tions du Pierre do Moulin, ministre de Charenton, 
printed at Paris I6l4, in octavo. 

Mr. John Donne, afterwards doctor of divinity and 
dean of St. Paul's, wrote and published, before his en-, 
trance into orders, a quarto volume, printed at London 
in 1610, in support of the king's defences of the oath 
of allegiance, Psendo-martyr : *' wherein otit of cer- 
taine propositionar and gradations, this conclusion is 
evicted, that those, which are of the Romanc religion" 
in this kingdom, may, and ought to take the oath of 

Ritber Parsons, the Jesuit, published at St. Omers, 
hi 1608; in quarto, the judgment of a catholic gentle^ 
man, concerning king James's apology for the oath of 
allegiance : answered by Dr. William Barlow, after- 
wards bishop of Lincoln. Wood, Ath, Oxon. Vol. L 
col. S62. 



Martiiius Becanus published at Mciitz in UJlO, la 
octavo, Rcfutatio apologias et monitorial praifationis 

Jacob! regis Anglian and Kefutatio tortura> torti 

contra sacellanum regis Anglian 

Dr. William Tooker, dean of Litchfield, answered 
him in his Certamen cum Martino Becano, futiliter 
refutante apologiam Jacobi regis, printed in l6ll, in 
octavo, at London. 

. Becanus replied to Dr. Tooker, in his Dnellum cum 
Gulielmo Tooker de primatu regis Ani>;Iiae, printed at 
Mentz, in octavo; where he published likewise, the 
same year, and in the same form, a book against bishop 
Andrews, in titled Controversia Anglicana de potestate 
regis et pontjficis contra Lancellottum Andia^am. 

To which last book of Ikcanus an answer was given 
by Robert Burhill, intitled. Contra Becani controver- 
siam Anglicanam assertio pro jure regis, proque epis* 
copi Eliensis responsione ad apologiam Bellarmini ; 
London I6l3, in octavo Mr. Richard Harris pub- 
lished likewise an answer in Latin, at London, l6l2, 
in octavo, to Becanus's Controversia Anglicana. 

Leonardus Lessius wrote against the king's Praifatio 
monitoria, in a book printed at Antwerp, I61I, in 
octavo, and intitled De Antichristo et ejus praecur- 
soribus dispatatio, qua refutatur prsefatio monitoria 
Jacobi regis Magnae Britanniae. 

This was answered by Dr. George Downame, after- 
wards bishop of Londonderry in Ireland, in his book, 
called. Papa Antichristus, seu diatriba duabus partibus, 
quarum pripr 6 libris vindicat Jacobi ^regis sehtentiam 
de Antichristo, posterior refutat Leonaa?di Lessil 16 de- 
uionstrationes regis pra3fationi monitorise qppositas : 
London 1620. 

Francis Suares, the Jesuit, attacked the king's apo- 
logy for the oatU of allegiance in his Defeosio fidei 

VOL. I. X. 

■^ — ■ 1- 1 


catholics contra Anglicana^ sectas errores, una cum 
responsione ad Jacobi regis apologiam pro juramento 
fidelitatis^ printed at Coimbra in 1613, and at Mentz 
in 1619. 

Leonardos Cocquseus^ an Augustinlan monk, pub- 
lished at Friburg, in l6lO, Examen prsefationis apolo- 
gias Jacobi regis pro juramento fidelitatis. 

James Gretser, the Jesuit, in 16 10, printed at In- 
golstad, Batrixixoy Aapov, sen commentarins exegeticut 
in Jacobi regis Magna^ Britanniae praefationem moni- 
toriam, et in ejusdem apologiam pro juramento fideli- 

Andraeas Eudasmon-Johannes wrote against bishop 
Andrews, in his Parallelus Torti et tortoris ejus S. 
Cicestrensisir sen responsio ad torturam Torti pro Ro- 
berto Bellarmino ; Colen in l6ll. 

This was replied to by Dr. Samuel Collins, Regius 
Professor of divinity at Cambridge, in a book, printed 
there in quarto, under the title of " Increpatio Andreas 
Eudaemon-Johannis de infami parallelo, et renovata as- 
bertio torturae Torti pro episcopo Eliensi." — He pub- 
lished likewise, at Cambridge, in ]6l7y in quarto, " Ep- 
phata to T. T. or a defence of the bishop of Ely con- 
cerning his answer to cardinal Beliarmin's apology, 
against the cahimnies of a scandalous pamphlet.*' 


The Numerals i. ii. iii. iv. v. refer to the Folume; the Figures to the Page^ 
In the references^ no distinction is made between the notes and the text* 

ABBOT, archbishop, said to have instigated king James against the 
Arminians, i. 152 — ^His letter to James, remonstrating against his 
toleration of the Catholics, 266 — Presides at the coronation of 
Chailea the First, and administers the oath, ii. 198 — Character of, 
as a church nilej", 225 — ^In disgrace for refusing to license Sibthorpe's 
sermon, 287. 

Absurdities eagerly swallowed by some men, iii. 86. 

Academical discipline relaxed after the Restoration, v. 8» 

Academies of Greece and Rome, object of their institution, iv. 6. 

Act of oblivion passed during the Commonwealth, iii. 271. 

Act of uniformity, see Uniformity. 

Acts of parliament formerly proclaimed in the markets, iv. 40. 

Addresses sent from various places to congratulate Oliver Cromwell oA 
his assumption of the protectorate, iii. 343 — ^Presented to Richard 
on his succession, iv. 178, 182. 

Affability mistaken for tenderness and good-nature, as in the character 
of Charles the Second, v. 45. 

Agitators, the, desirous of a conjunction with the kigg, ii. 451 — Send 
Joyce to seize him, 474 — ^A council of, erected by the army, iii. 
141 — ^Their share in the mutiny against the parliament, 162 — Re* 
fuse to be reconciled to the king, 170. 

Aix-la-Chapelle, peace of, disgusting to the French king, v. 200. 

Algiers, number of English prisoners and captives there, occasions ^ 
committee of enquiry in the house of commons, ii. 182 — Number 
of these captives restored by the taking of Sallee, 196. 

Allegiance, oath of, enacted, to secure me obedience of the CatholicSy 
i. Ill — ^The taking of this oath forbidden by the pope, 114 — ^James 
the First's apology for enacting it, in answer to the pope's brief,^ 
117, 119 — Favouraolc conduct of James to such Catholics as take 
it, 258 — Its nature considered, iv. 47. 

Allegiance and protection, mutual obligations between the prince and 
Debple, iv. 339. 

Auen, su- Thos. lord mayor of London, prevails on Moncke to de- 
clare againat the Rump Parliament, iv. si 1. 

AUiDgtoDy Wm. lord, pensioned by Charles the Second for his par- 
liaiiieat^ •ervices, v. 280. 

Altar, jOCMH||rt^'of bowing to it, when and by whom introduced, iL 
SSl-^AiMjinip of a man of letters goin^ to St. Paul's, to see Dr. 
Hare nuJbe mi bow, 222— Question of tlie harm contained in this 
oeimony djoiycd, 22s. 


Ambassador, Swedish, how received by Cromwell, iii. so. 
Ambassadors, spies by office, should be narrowly watched, v, 229 — 

Honours conteired on them, prohibited by Elizaoeth of En^and, and 

Christina of Sweden, 230. 
Amboyna, cruelties exercised there by die Dutch on the English, 

i. 198 — These crjelties avenged by Cromwell, ib, 200 — ^James and 

Cromwell respecting this business compared, ib. 201. 
Amnesty, a general, proclaimed by Charles the Second^ iv. 356. 
Ancram, Charles earl of, a member of the pensioned parliament, undtr 

Charles the SeconJ, v. 281 — ^Endeavours to screen the assasniu who 

had attacked Sir John Coventry, :J 1 4. 
Andover, lord, married by a popish priest, ii. 2:53. 
Andrews, bishop of Winchester, his witty reply to James the First, 

i. l.-Jtt. 
Andrews, bishop of Chichester and Ely, his ans\vers to Bellarmin, i. 


Andrews, dean, as chainnan of tlie Irish convocation, compared by 

Wentworth to Ananias, ii. 246. 
An;:Tle8ey, lord, leaves a memorandum in v/riting, that the Icon Basi- 

like was the production of Dr. Gauden, ii. 126. 
Anne, lady, wife to James duke of York, her character, i. 37 — Her 

inclination towards popen,. i)romoted by die flatteiies of protestant 

prelates, v. 81. 
Anncsley, Mr. active in promoting the restoration of Charles the 

Second without conditions, iv. 312 — Opposes the settlement of the 

excise duties on tlie crown, 373. 
Antrim, eai 1 of, supposed concern of, in the Irish rebellion, ii. 396^ 

406, 407. 

Apiic^e, Rev. J. his account of the last moments of Charles the Second^ 
v. 61, 370. 

Arbitrary doctrines, if countenanced by the court, the intention is to 
introduce universal slavery, ii. 200 — ^Aoortive without an army, v. 294. 

Arg^de, Archibald, cail of, why induced to be a covenanter, li. 329 — 
Proceeding of the eai 1 of Antrim against, 899 — In great credit with 
the Scottish covenanters, iv. 77 — Remarks on his case, as related by 
lord Clarendon, v. 20 — Copy of a declaration in his favour, signed 
by Charles the Second, 22. 

Arlington, lord chamberlain, refuses to let tlie commissioners of the 
commons have the accounts of secret service money paid by Sii: S. 
Fox, V. 287. 

^•Vrminius, his amiable character, i. 146 — ^Virulence of king James 
against him and his followers, ib, — Several of his followers advanced 
by the same king to great dignities, 154 — Their servility, 155 — ^The 
preachers of the doctrines of, encouraged and promoteq by Charles 
the First, ii. 208,213. 

Army, the, seizes Charles the First at Windsor, ii. 450. iv. 34 — Nego* 
tiates with him for the settlement of the nation, ii. 451 — ^The treaty 
broken off by the obstinacy and high terms of the king, 457 — Seizes 
him again in the Isle of Wight, and removes him to Hurst Castle, 
469 — ^Subverts the liberties of parliament and brings the king to the 
scaffold, 471 — Mutinies on account of some regiments beiog fluent to 
Ireland, iii. 94 — New-modelled, 1 1 5 — Mischiefs of confiding this sole 
command of, to one man, 116 — Mutinies on account of the self-de- 
nying ordinance, 118 — Cromwell dispensed with puyiBg obedience 


to that ordinance to appease it, ib^lt$ submission, 121 — Its usuipa- 
ations, 139, 152 — Erects a council of officers and agitators, 141 — In- 
sults the parliament, 142, 15^ — Seizes the king, 1G2 — Addresses him 
in respectful terms, 168 — The king's stiffness disgusts it, 171 — 
Again seizes him, and shuts him up in Hurst Castle, 179 — Purges 
the house of commons, ib. — Petitions for a parliamentary reform, 
282 — Subscribes the engagement to the commonwealtli, iv. 56 — Pe- 
titions Richard Cromwell Tor a redress of grievances, 191 — Rebuked 
by the parliament, 192 — Constrains Richard to dissolve the parlia- 
ment, 193 — Deprives him of the protectorate, ib, — Its confession 
and declaration on recalling the Rump Parliament, 216 — Dissatis- 
fied, 217 — Requires the appointment of general officers, 218 — Pe- 
tition and remonstrance from, 220 — Stops the proceedings of parlia- 
ment, 224 — Plea for this measure, 2S0 — ^Animadversions on its 
plea, 237 — Opposed by the citizens of London, 245 — ^Disbanded, 


Army, Scottish, see Scots and Scotland. 

Army, standing, kept up by Charles the Second, contraiy to the sense 

of parliament, v. 294 — ^Disputes between the king and parliament on 

this account, 297 — Declared to be illegal, 301. 
Arran, earl of, his influence over James the First, i. 8 — Confined, 9 — 

His arrogant proceedings, ib, ll. 
Arrowsmith composes panegyrics on Cromwell, on occasion of the 

Dutch treaty, lii. 360, 489- 
Articles of faith, injustice of requiring unconditional subscription to, v. 

91 — Instances of the impracticability of the design, 93. 
Arundel, committed to the Tower on account of his son's marriage 

with die duke of Lennox's sister, ii. 286 — Vote ©f remonstrance to 

the king for his release, 287. 
Amndel House, committee of Catholics held at, in the reign of Charles 

the Second, for considering of the relief to be afforded papists 

against the penal laws, v. 74 — ^The conferences ended by the Jesuits 

refusing to disavow the temporal authority of the pope, 75. 
Ashbumham, colonel, concerned in the plot for awing the last parlia- 
ment of Charles the First, ii. 384. 
Assassination, the perpetrators of, in some instances claim our pity, iL 

38 — Schemes of, for the destruction of Cromwell, countenanced by 

Charles the Second and his brother, iv. 131. 
Association for forcing the parliament to adopt conciliatory measures, 

formed in the west, iv. 14 — ^Its fate, 22. 
Astrology, Charles the First credulous in, ii. 66 — Charles the Second 

under the same superstition, v. 9 — Abused by Mountague, to ruin 

Danby and the duchess of Portsmouth, 10 — ^Instances w credulity 

in the predictions of, 12. 
Atkins, Margaret, put to the torture for witchcraft, i. 47. 
Atkyns, sir R. on the illegality of the king's maintaining a body-guard, 

V. 302. 

Attainder, bill of^ against Strafford, reversed, ii. 378. 
. Aubony, or Anbgnyy lord, his reasons for the king's acceptance of 
terms, expect^ to be proposed by the presbyterians, iv. 814. 


A ... 

Bacon, Aittboay,. mttoceof lus polidcal cumiing and intrigue, i. 56. 
Bacon, sir F]^|jdb%^account of dirwodety of James the First for 


the earl of Somerset, when oc his trial for the murder of Sir Thomas 

Oveibur^-, i. 24",. 
BacoDy Nichobs, his sods convey a ladv out of a window, to preserve 

her from the wicked purposes of Buckingham^ i. 248. 
BacoD) Nat. one of Cromwtirs masters of requests, iii. 419- 
Bailie, Dr. sub-dean of Wells, turns papist, and is bitter against those 

who follow not his example, ii. 2*10. 
BaintOD, Mr. his arguments against an excise, !▼. 374. 
Balcarras, countess of, procures letters from the French Hugonots to 

prove that Charles the Second \vas no papist, iv. 264. 
Baifbur, sir WillLim, beats a popish pnest for seeldng to convert his 

wife, ii. 234 — ^Lieutenant or the Tower, his conduct respecting the 

warrant sent him for the execution of the earl of Loudon, 348. 
Balraarino, lord, sentenced to death, on pretence of his surreptitiously 

obtaining a letter of king James to the pope, but is afterwards par- 
doned, 1. 128. 
Balmerinock, lord, condemned to death for opposing the act relating 

to the apparel of kirkmen, but pardoned, ii. 320. 
Baltimore, lord, a Catholic, befiiended by Cromwell, iii. 44. 
Bamiield, Mr. opposes the establishment of an excise, iv. 374. 
Bancroft, bishop, liis scr^-ility to James the First, L 103 — ^Rigour of liis 

proceedings against the puritans,, i. 274. 
Bankers, their rise in the time of Cromwell, v. 270 — ^Defrauded by 

Charks the Second in shutting up the exchequer, 273 — ^Refiised 

relief by parliament till the I2tli year of William and Mary, 275. 
Bannister, sii' Robert, firmed three diousand pounds for forest encroach- 

mrnts, ii. 296. 
Barebonc, Praisegod, an active member of Cromwell's first parliament, 

iii. 328. 
Barkstead, col. one of Cromwell's major-generals, iii. 433. 
Barloe, Mrs. (the celebrated Lucy Walter) her extravagant profligacy, 

iv. 162 — Supposed to have been married to Charles the Second on 

the continent, 1 67. 
Bamcvelt, Dutch envoy, his able negotiation respecting the surrender 

of the cautionpry towns, i. 194 — ^His journey to England on .this 

business contradicted, i^. 195. 
Barnard, Dr. his life presened by Cromwell at the taking of Drogheda, 

iii. 43. 
Bamardiston, Mr. S. fined ^10,000. for speakmg well of lord W. Rus- 

sel and Al^mon Sidney, after their execution, v. 336, 349. 
Bsrrington, sir R. threatened by Charles the Second, for presenting tlie 

Essex petition, v. rn 1. 
Bartholomew-day fidtal to the cause of religion in England, being the 

day on which the nonjuring clergy resigned their livmgs, v. 88. 
Bardey, sir John, concerned in the project for awing the last parliament 

of Charles the First, ii, 386. 
Baruick, Mr. his letter to Charles the Second, on the death of Oliver 

CromwelJ, iv. 169. 
Basilicon Doron, by James the First, character of, L 51 — ^Advises the 

neglect of parliaments, iv. 52. 
Basing House, storming of, Cromwell accused of cowardice on that 

occasion, iii. 88. 
Bastwick, physician, cruelties inflicted on him, by the 8tar<*chamber, ii. 

264 — Conduct of himself and his wife while he stood in the pillory, 




Bates, Dr. his account of Cromwell's discourse to his wife, in his last 
sickness, iii. 21 — On Cronrweirs pleasantries and buflPooneries, 26. 

Bathurst, Dr. a panegyrist of CromwelPs government, iii. S6l. 

Baxter, Rev. Richard, a preacher Jn Cromwell's court, iii. 42 — His ac- 
count of the sectarians at the commencement of the Commonwealth, 
iv. 55 — Letter to, in favour of the religious character of Charles the 
Second, on the continent, 260 — ^His narrative of the negotiations 
witli Monck« for the restoration of the monarchy, 311. 

Becanus, Martinus, publishes a refutation of king James's defence of 
oaths of allegiance, i. 305. 

Bedford level, disputes about the drainage of, iii. 55, 

Bedloe, an accomplice of Titus Oates, confesses himself to be perjured, 

V. 134. 

Bellarmine, writes a letter to Blackwell against the oath of aUegkncCp 
i. 115 — ^Answers James's apology for the oath, under thercigned 
name of Mattheus Tortus, 123, 303 — ^The king's reply to this 
answer, 126. 

Bellasis, Henry, member of parliament, committed to the Fleet for re- 
fusing to answer questions put by the council relating to matters in 
parliament, ii. S60. 

Beiviere, tlie French ambassador, said to have solicited the death of 
Mary queen of Scots, i. 19. 

Benevolences, exacted by Charles the First without pretext of law, ii.- 


Bennet, colonel, a member of Barebone's parliament, iii. 326. 

Berkley, sir J, his account of the negotiations carried on between the 
army and the king for settling the nation, ii. 451. 

Berkley, sir Robert, punished by parliament for favouring the exaction 
of snip-money, ii. 306". 

Berkshire, earl of, governor to prince Charles, afterwards Charles the 
Second, iv. 6. 

Berkshh-e petition, treated with contempt by Charles the Second, v. 31 1. 

Berry, col. one of Oliver Cromwell's major-generals, iii. 438 — His con- 
fession of tlie means by which Richard Cromwell might have per- 
petuated his government, iv. 203. 

Bertie, Mr. C. examined at the bar of the House for connipt i>ractice8, 
V. 284 — Committed to the Serjeant at arms for contempt, 285— 
Farther particulars, 289. 

Berwick, Charles the First recommended by Wentworth to keep it 
strongly garrisoned against the covenanters, ii. 337 — ^The measuie 
opposed by them, 338. 

Bethlem Gabior, i. 180. 

Bible, James the First complains of the want of a good translation of 
it, i. 101 — ^Its precepts more repugnant to priestcraft than the writ- 
ings of the most acute freethinkers, v. 112. 

Bidcfie, John, the father of English Unitarians, pensioned by Crom- 
well during Ws banishment, iii. 43. 

Bigotry, balefiil to die country whose prince is tinctured with it, iii. 
36 — Cromwell superior to it, 37. 

Billetinff of soldiers, under Charlee the First, ii. 288. 

Biography of remarkable personages, a subject tliat excites curiosity, 
iu. 1. 

Birch, colonel, his speech against abolishing tjie solemn league and 
covenant, v. loi. 




Birch, Dr. additions to the life of James the First by, L SOS. 

Birkenhead, sir J. opposes the bill for a test oath, v. 154. 

Bishops, insignificance of, in Scotland, after the reformation of religion 
there, ii. 317, 321 — Opposition of the Scottish nol»lity to, 322 — 
Hated by the Scottish ministers, ib. — Hooted by the populace at 
Edinbiirgli lor introducing the liturgy, 327 — Bills proposed in the 
English parliament for depriving bishops of votes, and all temporal 
jurisdictions and offices, 378, 379, 381, 382 — ^Excluded from the 
house of peers, iii. 300 — Oppose the bill of exclusion jigainst the 
Duke of York, v. 181 — Their conduct condemned, ib. 

Bishops' lands, sale of, in the province of York, iii. 306. 

Blackburn, Dorothy, cruelty of the star-chamber to, ii. sio. 

Black-heath am^y, raised by Charles the Second to keep the city in awe, 
V. 295 — Disbanded, ib. 

Blake, admiral, defeats VanTromp, iii. ^r, 257 — ^A member of Crom- 
well's little parliament, 329 — Threatens ^laJaga, for an affront put 
upon his seamen, SoS-r-Reccives the submission of the priest who 
had instigated the attack, ib. — Kis valour in the Spanish war pro- 
duaive oi' wealth and honour to his own country, 387 — Destroys 
the galleons in Cadiz harbour, 388 — Bums a Spanish fleet at Santa 
Cruz, 389 — Dies just as he was cnteritig Plymoutli Sound, 390 — 
Honoured with a sumptuous funeral in Westminster Abbey, 391 — 
His remains disinterred on the restoration of Charles the Second, ib» 

Blake, Mr. saying of, respecting kings, i. 29. 

BlandJFord, bishop of Worcester, flatters the inclination of the duchess 
of York towards popery, v. 8 1 . 

Bolingbroke, lord, mistaken in saying that James the First retailed 
tlie scraps of Buchanan, i. 223 — His opinion of that prince, 29S 
— ^Educated in dissenting principles, ii. 7 — ^Ascribes the absurd 
principles of Charles the First to king James, his fether, 278 — 
His account of the behaviour of Charles to his parliament called for 
granting supplies for the Scottish war, 351 — His observations on the 
nature and use of human reason, v. 70 — On the motives which en- 
gaged Charles the Second in the Dutch war, 216 — His apology for 
the pensioned parliament, 291. 

Book for sports, refused to be read in the chuiches by the puritans, 
ni. 54. 

Booth, sir George, projects a general insurrection for the* restoration of 
the monaichy, iv. 209 — Dexatcdy taken prisoner, and committed to 
the tower, 2 1 3 — Difference between Mordaunt's and Lambert's ac- 
count of this affair, ib. 

Booth, Mr. inveighs in the commons against the pensioners retained in 
that house by Charles the Second, v. 283 — Complains of the per- 
version of justice, 329 — Ex poses the tyranny of Judge Jefferies, 331. 

Borel, the Dutch ambassador, his simple apology to Charles the Se- 
cond, iii. 353. 

Boscawen, Mr. on the enormities committed by the papists, v. 167 — 
On the war with Holland, 213. 

Bouchier, Ehzabcth, daughter of Sir James Bouchicr, married to Oliver 
Cromwell, iii. 6 — ^Her chaiacter, ib. 

Bowing to the altar, see Altar. 

Bowyer, severity of the star-chamber to, for slandering Laud, ii. 269, 3 1 o. 

Braddon, Mr. lined for imputing the death of lord Essex to Charles 
the Second, v. 335. 353 — His authorities doubtful, 355. 


Brandenburgh, see Frederick William. 

Bradshaw, lord president of the council of state, during the common- 
wealtii, iii. ii44 — Protests agjunst Cromwell's violent dissolution of 
the long parliament, 315 — Proscribed by Charles the Second during 
his exile, iv. 129— His remains disinterred and beheaded, after the Re- 
storation, iii. 517. 

Bramhall, bishop of Londonderry, liis conduct at Bruges, iv. 160. 

Brampstone, sir J. a member of the house of commons, bribed by 
Charles the Second, v. 290. 

Breda, declaration published at, by Charles the Second, promising li- 
berty of conscience to his subjects, in the event of his restoration, iv. 
266 — ^Treaty of, with the Dutch, y. 190. 

Brereton, sir Wm. continues in his command, notwithstanding the 
self-denying ordinance, iii. 1 24. 

Bribery, instances of its extent under Charles the Second, v. 280. 

Bridgman, Mr. opposes the militia bill, ii. 416. 

Bridgman, sir Orlando, pretends that princes are -amenable to no 
earthly tribunal, iv. 336. 

Bright, a panegyrist of Cromwell, iii. 361. 

Bristol, Di^y, earl of, the affair of the match with the infanta entrusted 
to him, ii. 14 — ^By the jealousy of Buckingham committed to prison, 
16 — His writ to parliament stopped, 286 — ^Pleads the cause of the 
papists on a motion in the lords for their relief from the penal sta- 
tutes against them, v. 72 — ^Remarks on his conscientious change 
from protestantism to popery, 154 — ^His distinction between a Ca- /, 
tliolic of the church of Rome, and one of the court of Rome, ib. — 
Supports the morion for a test law, ib, 

Britannia Rediviva, a book of verses published by the university of 
Oxford, on occasion of the Restoration, iv. 332. 

Brogliill, lord, prevailed on by Cromwell to desert the royal cause, iii. 
414 — Disarms the Protector's resentment against the countess of Or- 
monde, 426 — Becomes zealous for the restoration of Charles the 
Second, iv. 252. 

Brooks, lord, his study, cabinet, and pockets searched for papers re- 
lative to matters in parliament, ii. 360 — Determines to emigrate with 
the puritans to New England, iii. 54. 

Brownrig, Dr. Bishop of Exeter, respected by Cromwell, iii. 43. 

Bniccy Robert, his bold speech to James the First, i. 29. 

Buchanan, George, tutor to James the First, his character as a writer, 
i. 5i— The kin^s dislike of him, ib. — ^His attempts to inspire his royal 
pupil with a hatred of tyranny, 219. 

Buckingham, Villiers, duke of, oresses effeminately to favour the unna- 
tural propensity of James the First, i, 83 — ^Impure correspond- 
ence between him and the king, 85 — ^Immense favours conferred 
on him by James, 244 — ^Assisted by James in his wicked pur- 
poses on women, ib. 248 — ^Instances of his insolence to his master, 
ih, 251-rSuspected of putting him to death by poison, 28 1 — Grounds 
of this suspicion, ib, — ^His conduct in the affair of the infanta, 
ii. 9 — l^is head demanded by the Spanish ambassadors, 12 — Charged 
with irreverent conduct to prince Charles while in Spain, ib. — 
In disgrace with James, but restored thzxmj^h the intri^eofDr. 
Williams, 16 — Suspected of poisoning Jamea, in conpertwith prince 
Charles, i. 281 ; ii. 21 — Sent to Pans to conduct die consort of 
Charles to England, 22 — ^The Texations he caused to this princess. 


by sowing dissensions between her and her husbandy accounted for, 
52 — ^Assassinated by Fcnton, 37 — Manner in which his death was 
received by Charles, 77 — His narrative of folsehoods respecting 
the Spanish court, in the affair of the infanta and the palatinate, 
85 — His insolence, the occasion of a vmr with Spain, and his lust, 
of a war with France, 156 — ^His disasters in the latter war, in which 
he had command botli of the fleet and the army, 153. 

Buckin^iam, duke of, useful to the Scottish covenanters, who therefore 
wink at his licentious and piofligate courses, iv. 77 — ^Arrested by the 
English parliament, on suspicion of aiming at the restoration of 
Charles the Second, 214. 

Buckingham, Sheffield, duke of, on the want of urbanity in Charles the 
Second, v. 27 — On his abandoned course of life, 38 — On Charles's 
religious tenets, 55. 

Bunckley, Mr. supports the motion for an excise in lieu of the court of 
wardsyiv. 378. 

BwrMBf Dr. Cornelius, reduced to beggary by the resumption of the 
crair'^h lands, iv. 353 — Publishes se\'eral treatises on the subject, 354. 

Burhill, Robert, supports James the First's ** Apology for Oatlis of 
Allegiance," i. 305. 

Borkign, lord, on tlie danecer of a corrupt parliansent, f. 276. 

Burnet, bishop, passage fTX)m, respecting the death of James the First* 
i. 285 — ^His o^jinion of that prince, 293 — ^flis account of the papers of 
Charles the First on church govemment, ii. 1 16 — Asserts, on the au- 
thority of James the SeconcU that the Icon Basilike was written by 
Gauden, 26. 1 3 1 — Charged with omissions in his memoirs of the dukes 
of Hamilton, 347 — His reflections on Clarondon's misrepresentation of 
facts relative to the project of Charles the First for overawing the par- 
liament, 389 — ^Asserts the innocence of Charles the First of the Irish 
massacre, ii. 394 — On the disheartened state of the royalists, during 
the trial and execution of Charles the First, 480-^His account ol 
Charles's dying moments, 483-^On the literary attainments of Oliver 
Cromwell, iii. 3 — On his dissimulation between the parliament and 
the army, 96 — ^Description of the interview between Cromwell and 
the Scottish commissioners, who came to plead for the king's life, 
199 — On Cromwell's speeches to the republican enthusiasts, 388 — 
On the respect paid to Cromwell by forei^ powers, 352 — His as- 
sertion right, that England suffered more in its trade by the Spanish 
than by any former war, 395 — ^A pious wish of his, just after the re- 
Tolution,408 — On the aversion of Cromwell to Charles the Seeondy 
410 — On the elevation of Sir Matthew Hale to the bench, by Crom- 
well, 412 — Supposes the cares of govemment to have exhausted 
Cromwell's arts and spirits, 483 — His account of the treatment, which 
Charles the Second met with in Scotland, iv. 76 — On the uncondi- 
tional restoration of that prince in England, 323 — Erroneous in his 
assertion, that the parliament would have increased the king's autho- 
rity, but for the discouragement given them by Clarendon, 344 — On 
the character and talents of Charles the Second, v. 1 — His narratives 
more authentic than generally supposed, 1 1 — On Charles's ingrati- 
tude to the royalists, 19 — ^Unmerciful temper of Cliarles, 28 — Sup- 
poses the pronigacy of that prince to have occasioned all the dis- 
asters of his reign, 38 — His account of the last moments of Charles, 
5T — Particulars of Charles's embracing papacy, 53 — On the two 
papers fousd in Charles's closet after his death, 68 — On the charac- 


ter and testimony of Titus Gates, 131 — On the parsing of the test act, 
1 59 — On the conduct of Charles the Second, hi raising the French navy 
to the detriment of his own, 224 — His description of the havoc made 
among books by the licensers of the press, 256 — On the venality of 
parliament, ana the sums paid to its leaders, under Charles the Se- 
cond, 277 — His narrative of the assault made on sir J. Coventry, 312 
— On the conduct of Charles in sitting in the house of peers, 321 
— His character of North, 331 — Of Jefferies, 332 — ^His account of 
the packed juries, 335 — On the mysterious death of lord Essex, 
355 — On the suspicious circumstances, and critical moment of 
Charles's death, 357. 

Burrish, Mr. censures Cromwell's treaty with the Dutch j iii. 358. 

Burton, censured in the high commission for writing against the doc- 
trines broached by Montague, ii. 212 — Cruelly sentenced by the star- 
chamber on another occasion, 265, 267 — Kindly treated by the crowd 
who attend him to the fnllory, 269. 

Busby, Dr. a panegyrist of Cromwell, iii. 361. 

Butler, bishop, bn ionns and rites in religion, v. 99. 

Butler, one of Cromwell's major-generals, iii. 438. 

Byron, lord, his account of the arrival of Scottish commissioners at 
the Hague to treat with Charles the Second, iii. 229 — State of parties 
there, iv. 58 — ^Why Charles was induced to make peace with the 
Scots, 71. 


Cabal ministry, their character, v. 125 — Induce Charles the Second 

to publish a declaration of liberty of conscience to all dissenters, 

except Roman Catholics, ib. 
Calamy, Dr. on the spirit of entliusiasm in Cromwell's court, iii. 20 — 

Consulted by Oliver on an important point, 42— His remarks on the 

conduct of Richard Cromwell, iv. 202. 
Calamy, Mr, persuades Moncke to set up Charles the Second, iv. 31 1. 
Calvin, his doctrines approved and established at the synod of Dort, i. 

150 — His followers decline in credit with king James, 154. 
Cambridge, town of, seized by Cromwell for the parliament, iii. 84. 
Cambridge university, eminent characters at, during the commonwealth, 

iii. 305 — ^Panegyncfi upon Cromwell composed there, on occasion of 

the Dutdi treaty, 960. 
Cambridge, coimty of^ copy of an address from, to Richard Cromwell, 

on his accession to the protectorate, iv. 179. 
Capel, lord, remarks on his condemnation by a high commission court, 

iii. 449. 
Carew, Mr. a member of Barebone's parliament, iii. 326. 
Carleton, Sir Dudley, his account of the investiture of* prince Charles 

with the title of duke of York, i. 3. 
Carlisle, James Hay, earl of, see Hay. 
Carte, Mr. his proofs of Charles the Second hmng embraced papacy, 

V. 57. 

Cary, Sir Robert, the infant prince CbaiJes committed to the care and 
government of his lady, ii. 2. 

Casaubon, Dr.M. anecdote of, iii. 417. 

Case, Mr. deceived by the hypocrisy of Charles the Second, v. 15. 

Case of the Commonwealth^ a pamphlet published with the appro- 
bation of Cromwidly rTflgf'T*^'y of hia reasons for accepting the 



protectorate, iii. 841 — ^Translated into Laun^fbr his iustification on 
the continent, iii. S4l. 
Castlchaven, carl of, on the protestants slain in the Irish massacre, ii. 


Castlcmaine, see Cleveland. 

Catechism, Htndclberg, approved at the synod of Dort, i. l ."lO — Ob- 
jection of Charles the Virst to the licensing a catechism for children, 
ii. 70. 
Catharine of Poitup^al, mairied to Charles the Second, v. 39 — The 
duchess of Castlcmaine appointed of her bed-chambei, ib, — 111 usage 
towards her by Charles, 47 — Outwardly reconciled to the duchess, 
49 — Reflections on her unhappy lot, 51 — Singularity in the form of 
her marriage, 76. 
Catholics, oath of allegiance enacted to secure their obedience, i. 1 1 1 — 
The taking of this oath forbidden t-iem by the pope, 114 — James's 
apology for enacting it, in answer to the pope's brief, 1 1 7, l lO- — Fa- 
vourable conduct of jamcs to such as take it, 5258?— Advanced by 
Charles the First to employment of great trust and profit, ii. 229 — 
Attempts to free them from the rigour of the penal Jaws by Charles 
the Second, v. 7 1 — Also to include them in the indulgence promised 
to dissenters, 73 — Refuse to subscribe an oath of altegiance to the 
king, or a declaration against the temporal power of the pope, 75 — 
The state, the army, and the navy iilled by them, 77 — ^Address of the 
commons to Charles the Second on their arrogance, 78 — ^Their con- 
fidence of success at tliis period, so. 
Cavaliei s, a name of reproach applied to the adherents of Charles the 
First, ii. 4SI — Oppressed by Cromwell, iii. 431 — ^Insinuate themselves 
into his parliament, and become high republicans, 469 — Subscribe the 
engagement to tht commonwealth, iv. 55 — ^EVefeated at Namptwich, 
213 — Their hopes nearly extinguished by this disaster, 215 — Sup- 
posed to have been betrayed by Sir R. Willis, ih. 
Certamen Religiosum, attriouted to Charles the First, but not written 

by him, ii. 240. 
Chambers, rigorous treatment of, for refusing to pay the duties of 

tonnage and poundage, ii. 291. 
Character, not to be determined by a few random expressions, but by 

the whole tenor of a man's life, iii. 17. 
Charles, prince, son of James the First, proffers marriage to the infanta of 
Spain, account of that transaction, i. 201 — ^Remonstrance of the. par- 
liament to this match, 226 — Marries Henrietta Maria^ of Fkance, 265. 
— see Charles the First. 
Charles the First, his birth and baptism, ii. 1 — In the fourth year of his 
age made knight of the bath, and invested with the title of duke of 
York, 3 — ^Particulars of that solemnity, ih, — ^His eariy proficiency 
in learning, 6— At the age of sixteen is created prince of Wales, and 
has a court formed for him, 8 — His hatred to the duke of Buckingham 
changed to inviolable friendship, ih, — Particulars of his projected 
mamage with the in&nta of Spain, i. 201 ; ii. 9 — ^Instance of his 
gallantry in this courtship, 1 1 — ^Is suspected of poisoning his father, 
t\ — Marries Henrietta Maria, daughter ofHenry IV. of France, 24 — 
His letter of remonstrance against the ill conduct of his wife, 28 — ^Her 
pjower over him, 39, 40-^ue8tion of his infidelity to the mar- 
riage bed examined, 43 — General sobriety of his conduct, 46 — ^Di- 
ligent and exact in the performance of Ae external acts of religion^ 


48 — Pioclainis sports to be lawful on tlie Lord's day, 52 — Becomes 
superstitious, 61 — Vows, and other instances of his superstition, 62 
— His extrenit' bigotry, 68 — ^Tiifling nature of his employments, 
72 — In correcting writings, compares himself to a good cobler, 73 — 
Not bountiful in his nature, 74 — Quesuon of his sensibility examined, 
77 — Deficient in sacriiicing to the Graces, 79 — His contemptuous 
treatment of parlianii-nt; 80, 280, 282, 283, 357, 365 — His truth 
and sincerity doubted, 84 — His insincerity one probable reason of 
the loiisof nis life, 94, 143 — Instimces of his obstinacy, 9, 97 — 
Though not despicable in understanding, easily misled by his fa- 
vourites, 101 — ^Accomplishments possessed by him, 105 — ^Account 
of the writings attributed to him, no — Wiitings, of which he was 
the undoubted authc, omitted in his works, 136 — ^Letters by him, 
collected, but impiiidently suppressed by his friends, 142 — Copy of 
verses written by him, 146 — Weakness of his public character in- 
stanced in his unsuccessful war with Spain, 149 — In his still more 
miserable war with France, 158 — In suffering the violation of the 
neutrality of his ports both by the Spaniards and Dutch, 166 — ^la 
permitting his sliips and coasts to be exposed to the rapine and bar- 
barity of the Turks, 179 — ^Equips a fleet to assert his right to the 
donunion oi the British seas, and compels the Dutch to buy the li- 
berty of fishing m them, 184 — Wisely refuses to the French and 
Dutch the partition of Flanders, 189 — Joins the emperor of Morocco, 
and reduces Sallee, 19S — The oath used at his coronation different 
from that used on former occasions, 194 — ^Encourages innovations in 
the doctrines of the churchy and both protects the innovators from 
parliamentary censure, and rewards them, 207 — ^His artifice in issuing 
a proclamation ag^nst innovations, 212 — His motives for encou- 
raging innovations, 214— -Advances professed papists to high ofHces 
in the state, 228 — Question of his being himself a papist examined, 
S37 — ^Attempts to introduce uniformity in reli&dous worship, 240. iii. 
49 — Confers high civil dignities on certain of his clergy, ii. 2£4 — 
His notions of regal power, 276 — Guilty of oppi^ession, 287. iii. 49 — 
Pronibits the emi^ation of the puritans, iii. 54 — ^Attempts to intro- 
duce innovations m Scotland, ii. si 6 — ^Is crowned there, Sl7 — Arbi- 
trary conduct relative to the apparel of kirkmen, si 8 — ^Advances 
with an army to enforce his innovations, 3S2 — ^Resolves on going to 
the Assembly and Parliament of Edinburgh, to which the terms of 
pacification were to be referred, 337 — ^Wentwortli's advice to himoa 
this occasion, 339— Renews the war, 344— Publishes a justificatory 
declaration for dissolving the parliament, 357 — Calls another in con- 
sequence of the ill success of the wai', 364. iii. 58 — Reluctantly 
agrees to tlie impeachment of Strafford, ii. 370 — Joins in a project 
for awing the parliament, 384 — ^Examination of the question of his 
being concerned in the Irish rebellion, 393 to 408 — Receives the re- 
monstrance of the Commons, iii. 73 — Impeaches five membtrrs of the 
Commons, ii. 408 — Goes to the House to seize them, 409 — This 
transaction the root of all the subsequent evils of his reign, 412— 
Refuses to give up the militia to the Commons, 413 — Measures taken 
by him for reducing the parliament and city to onedier^ce, 417—* 
Issues a proclamation for suppressing xh^ rebellion under the earl of 
Essex, 425 — Erects his standard at Nottingham, 429 — Generally 
successful in t))e early part of the coptest, 435 — Elated and insolent 



with his advantages^ 438 — Prochims a free pardon to the members of 
both houses, with certain exceptions, 439— Uneasiness of his fiiends 
at his advantages, 440 — ^His attachment to papists occasions many of 
his friends to join the parliament, 443 — ^Determined to subdue the 
iiarliamcnt, and make them lie at his discretion, 444 — Obliged to 
lower his pretensions, 445 — ^The balance turned against him by the 
loss of the battle of Nnseby, ib. — Attempts to negc'^iate with the par- 
liament, 446 — His reasons for st.*ndin;r his son, prince Charles, away 
from his camp, iv. 1 3 — His opinion of the interest parliament had in 
preserving his life; iB, — Receives a proposal from the counties of So- 
merset, Sec. for an association to petition the parliament for 
peace, 14 — The failure of his armies attributed to the misconduct 
and profligacy of their leaders, 16 — ^Rapid decline of his afHiirs 
in the west, 22 — ^Throws himself into the hands of the Scots 
at Newark, iii. 152 — Conferences at Newcastle, 1 53 — ^Delivered up to 
the English, 154 — Seized by Joyce, ii. 450. iii. I6i? — ^Rejects the 
protection of Fairfax, and imagines himself popular in the army, ii. 
451. iii." 166 — His treatment at Newmarket, 167 — Displeased with 
the terms proposed by the army, ii. 453 — Fails in his endeavours 
to be reconciled to Cromwell, iii. 167 — His treachery, and letter to 
the queen relative to Cromwell, 171 — ^Escapes to the Isle of Wightj 
172 — Negotiations opened with the parliament, ii. 457. m. 178 — Re- 
jects their proposals, ii. 458 — Vote, of no more addresies, passed by 
the commons, 459 — ^liis reply to the parliamentary dedaratioii, 461 
— ^The vote of non-addresses rescinded, and commissioiiers sent by 
the Commons to treat with him in the Isle of Wight, 462 — Agrees 
to recall his proclamations, &c. but stumbles at the article for abolish- 
ing episcopacy, 463 — ^Again seized by the army, and confined in 
Hurst Castle, 467. iii, 179. iv. 34 — Removed to Windsor, iii. 195— 
Brought to trial, ii. 471. iii. 196. iv. 35 — Condemned, i^. — ^Pardculars 
of his conduct at this peiiod, ii. 477 — Commiserated by the nation, 
iv. 29 — ^His execution, ii. 481. iii. 197. iv. 37 — ^His family, ii. 481 — 
Observations on his being styled a martyr, 484 — ^His suffeiings com- 
pared to those of Jesus Christ, iii. 205 — His character esteoned on 
the Restoration, iv. 326 — ObseiTations on the example of his exttca- 
tion, ii. 491. iii. 207. iv. 338 — His statues pulled down, iii. 816— 
Place of his interment certified by memorandum in the register of 
Windsor, v. 26 — ^A vote of parliament in the reign of Chanes the 
Second for the due observance of his funeral. obsequies not carried 
into execution, Uf. 
Chafles tlie Second, his birth, iv. 1 — Remarkable meteor seen on . the 
occasion, ib, — Rejoicings in the court of Spain, on account of, 2 
— His baptism, 3 — His tutors and education, 4 — His high vene- 
ration of his tutor, Dr. Duppa, 9 — Sent into the West, and con- 
stituted general of an association for petitioning the parliament for 
peace, and generalofall the forces in England, 12, 14 — ^A council ap- 
pointed him, on account of his youth, 14 — Misconduct of this coun- 
cil, 17 — Leaves England, 21 — Invited to return by the parlia- 
ment, 22 — which he refuses, and anives in France, 25 — His treat- 
ment there, 26 — Embarks for England, in the fleet which had revolted 
from the parliament, 31 — Arrives in the Downs, and publishes 
a manifesto of his intentions, ib. — Retires to Holland, 35 — His pro- 
posal to the peers, ib. — Writes to Fairfax in his father's behalf, 36 — 
His carU bUmche^ to the parliament, to save his father's head, 39 



— Proclaimed king of Scotland, 40 — His sif jation and sentiments 
at this period, 45, 51 — Proclaimed in Ireland, iii. 222. iv. 54 
— ^Friendly to the Irish Catholics, 57*— Disinclined towards the 
Scots, 58 — Prevented from going to Ireland by the conquests of 
Cromwell, iii. 222. iv. 59 — ^Remonstrated with by the Scots, iv. 63 — 
Resolves to maintain his claim to the English throne, 64-— Publishes 
a declaration asserting his rights, 65-yReceives the Scottish commis- 
sioners at the Hague, iii. 229 — Submits to terms with Scotland, and 
embarks for that country, iv. 66 — ^His reception there, 67 — Nature 
of the conditions imposed on him, iii. 229. iv. 73 — His dissimula- 
tion, iv. 76 — ^Deprived of the company of his favourite ministers, 77 
—Swears to the covenant, ib, — Zeal of the army in his behalf, 78 — 
Signs the declaration, iii. 230. iv. 79 — ^Pleased with the issue of the 
battle of Dunbar, 87 — His coronation at Scone, 89 — ^Farther instances 
of his dissimulation, 91 — Takes the command of the army, and 
moves towards England, 96 — ^Defeated by Cromwell at Worcester, 
iii. 242. iv. 98 — ^A price set on his head, as a traitor, by the English 
parliament, 104 — ^Escs^s to France in a destitute and deplorable 
condition, iii. f43. iv. 106 — Cardinal Mazarine refuses to see him, 
iii. 345 — ^A pension assigned him from the French government, but 
which is never regularly paid, iv. 108 — Sends ambassadors to several 
princes for assistance, who are coolly received, 107 — Dissipates a 
sum received from Moscow and Polana on favourites, 117 — ^Expelled 
France, through the influence of Cromwell, ih. — ^Receives a pension 
fix)m the king of Spain, 119 — Settles at Cologne, iir. — Endeavours 
to prevail on the king of Spain to espouse his cause, without effect, 
U, — ^Permitted to reside at Brussels, iii. 345 — Distress of his friends 
in Flanders, iv. 123 — Schemes for his restoration detected and frus- 
trated, 126 — ^Weakness of his friends in England, ib. — Copy of his 
proclamation against Cromwell, 128 — His court made up of necessi* 
tous persons, 131 — ^Treacherous conduct of some of them, and of 
the Louvre, ib. — Held in contempt by the Commonwealth and 
Cromwell, 138 — Strictures on the legitimacy of his succession, 14a 
— ^Disputes amongst his ^artizans, 144 — ^His apathy and pursuit o^' 
amusements during his exile, 158 — ^Accused of plundering a church 
at Bruges, 160 — His amours, 161 — ^Inquiry as to his supposed mar- 
riage with Lucy Walter, 167 — Other mistresses, l69-^Begin8 to 
attend more closely to his affairs on the death of Oliver CromweU, 
171 — ^Disappointeain his offer of alliance with the House of Orange, 
and of assistance from the States-General, l72--^Comparativeyiew 
of the estimation in which he and Richard Cromwell were held by 
France and Spain, 173 — ^Depression of his hopes, 187 — ^Dwurrections 
formed in his &vour, on the abolition of the protectorate, which are 
all frustrated, 206 — Many of his friends put under arrest by the 
Rump Parliament, 214 — ^The people begin to desire his restoration, 
on account of the disputes between the army and the parliament, 
231, 240 — ^The city of London well disposed towards him, 249— 
Receives tenders of service from many principal actors in the Com- 
monwealth, 250 — Suspected of being a papist, 259 — Measures taken 
to wipe away this imputation, 260 — Endeavours to conciliate the af- 
fections and good-will of the nation by fair promises, 266 — ^Publishes 
a declaration at Breda, promising liberty of conscience, ib, — His 
jirofessions doubted by thuking men, 268 — ^Instances of his devoted- 
iie«8 to the pj^istSy 269— 'Restgrtdbygeoeral Moncke, 293— Review 

M.- ^ms!^^^^ 


of the circumstances and parties which brought about this events sol» 
— ^Terms of his proclamation, 313 — By what means his restoration 
was unconditional, 319 — ^The errors of his reign attributed to this 
cause, 323 — Viewed as the saviour and deliverer of his people, 3 26 — 
His declaration to the parliament, preWous to his arrival in England, 
327 — Receives supplies from parliament, 328 — His first appearance 
in the house of lords, ib. — ^Avenges tlie death of his father, 332 — 
Complimented ^vith an extrava^nt revenue by the parliament, S4e 
— Contemns the advice of parliament relative to leasing the crown- 
lands, 343 — ^Extorts money trom his subjects, notwitlutanding his 
large revenue, ib, — Issues proclamations against the Irish rebels, 351 ; 
against vice and debauchery, 353 ; agamst duelling, S54 ; against 
(usorderly meetings in taverns, and tippling-houses, 355 ; for a gene- 
ral tlianks (riving, and general pardon, 356 — Abolishes the couit of 
wards ancf livenes, ana tenures in cafite and by knight's service, and 
puneyance, 366— -Observations on his act of indemnity and oblivion, 
ib. — Issues a declaration concerning ecclesiastical afi^irs, 378 — 
Cajoles the clergy, 381 — ^The good opinion of his government de- 
clines rapidly, 389 — ^Dissolves me convention parliament, and begins 
to appear in a new 11^ t, 385 — ^Becomes negligent of the afiairs of 
government, v. 1 — His talents, ib. — His apathy attributed to the un- 
happy temper of the royalists, 3 — The subject of much weakness and 
creaHlity, -i — Remarks on his patronage of the Royal Society, 5 — 
His faith in astrologers abused by Mountague, 9 — ^A great dissembler, 
13 — ^Instances, ib. — His apology' for his dissimu&tion with the 
Scottish covenanters, ib. — Receives a bible from the London minis- 
ters, 15— Pretends to recLiim his brother James from the error of 
papacy, /^.-r-Mcmorable instance of his hypocrisy while at Breda, 
ib. — ^^other instance towards the London ministers, at the same 
place, ic — ^Accused of ingratitude, 17 — The accusation well found- 
ed, 19 — His treatment of tlic mai*quis of Argyle, 20 — His ingratitude 
to Stanley, earl of Derby, perpetuated by a monumental inscription, 
23 — His treachery towards Clarendon, 24 — His disregard of tlie 
memoi-y and remains of his father, 25— Charged with injustice and 
cruelty towards those who were not in his favour, 27 — His cruelty 
towards his father's friend Harrington, 28 — ^Also towards Nevill and 
Wildman, ib. — Base conduct towards Sir Henry Vane, 29 — His 
adulteries and cruelty towards his queen, 37, 46 — ^His letter to 
Clarendon, insisting on the appoinrnicnt of lady Castlemaine to 
the queen's bcd-chambei, 39 — Destitute of tenderness or good- 
nature, 44 — His ungenerous conduct towards die bishop of Salisbury 
in his old age, 46 — Banished the Portuguese attendants of liis queen, 
47 — ^Though he professed liimself a protestant of the Church of 
England, he probably lived anQ died a papist, 52 — Extract from 
his letter to the convention parliament, ib, — Particulars^ of his 
embracing the papalieligion,53 — Asserted to have been a deist, 55" — 
Farther proofs of his attachment to the Romish chuich, 57 — ^Extract 
from Huddleston's account of his last moments, 60 — and from 
Aprice's narrative, both confirmatory of his having died a papist, 6 1 
—-Copies of two papeis found in his closet after his death, pubHshed. 
by his successor James the Second, 63 — Inquiry inio their genuine- 
ness, 68 — Popery favoured, and its professors cherished by jiim, 7 1 
— Singularity in the form of liis marriage, 76 — Apprehensions ex- 
cited in the iiiinds of the people at seeing tlic posts of honour in the 


?, the army, and the n.ivy, filled with papists, 77 — Addi^essedby 
commons against poplah recusants, 78 — Restores episcopacy, es 
gns the Act ot Uniformity in contempt of his former promises 
declarations at Breda, 81 — The noiyuring clergy ejected from 
iheirlivingBio the numberofabout two thousand, 85 — The non.con- 
fbrmists j>eraecuted, I02 — Extends his persecuriona to Scotland, iia 
— IrapoUcy of his conduct towards that country, 1 20 — Constrained 
to issue declarations of indulgence, 122 — His puerile apology for 
departing from his promises made at Breda, ii. — Pretends that the 
tyrannic^ statutes were forced upon him by partiaraent, 193 — Makes 
great professions of regard for his Roman Catholic subjects, 134 
— then suffers the persecution to go on against them and Pro- 
testant dissenters with more violence than ever, laS — Hia cabal 
ministry prevail on him to publish 3 new declaration of liberty of 
conscience, ii, — Disputes his right to a dispensing power with the 
commons, 127 — His declainlion of indulgence quashed, ii. — An act 
passed by the parliament for the relief of dissenters, lemoTed from 
the table when he should have signed it, isa — Dissolves the par- 
Jiament, 129 — Penal laws executed with renewed rigour, ii. — 
Popish plot, 130 — Test Acta, ISO — Puts the admiralty ra commis- 
«ion, and fiils it with his brother's creatures, 153 — Dissolves the 
pajrliament when deliberating on the bill of exclusion, 164 — Deter- 
mines lo support his brother against the sense of the nation, ii. na 
—Sells Dunkirk to the FrencTi, iii. 37S.T. 18S— En^g^s in a war 
against the Dutch, and in the Triple League, t. 1ST — His aversion to 
the Dutch, isa — Renews the war with Holland, 198 — Frivolous pre- 
texts for this war, S04 — Endeavours to persuade the parliament of 
its policy and justice, 206 — The war unpopular, 213 — Refused sup- 
plies by the commons, till a redress of grievances be granted, 31 j — 
Concludi^s a separate peace with Holland, and mediates the treaty 
of Nimeguen, S16 — His conduct the confirmation of the superi- 
ority of F[-ance in Europe, ai7 — Particulars of his private treat* 
with Louis the Fourteenth, ii. — Endeavours to perfect the Frencft 
navy, to the injury and neelect of his own, 217 — Relinquishes the 
superiority of the British nag, 218 — Complains to parliament of the 
decay of the British navy, 221 — Possesiea of great abilities in naval 
a^ri, 227 : which he prostituted to the service of France, 22a— 
Coraraunieates private instnjcrions to Louis XIV, at the moment he 
was publicly affecting to force that prince to a peace, ii^ — Become* 
a pensioner of France, 229 — Intrigues for increasing his pension, 
231 — Measures for extirpating the doctrine of resistance, ssy — 
Coiporadon Act, ii. — Militia Art, 240 — Act of Uniformity, ii.— 
Five-mile Act, ii.— The liberty of the press abridged, 850 — Issues a 
proclamation against coffee-house politicians, S61-— Shuts up the ex- 
chequer, 270 — His apology for this measure to the parliament, 2T4 
— Pensions the members, 276 — List of his creatures in the house of 
commons, 280 — Dissolves the parliament, to prevent inquiry, 290 
—Maintains a standing army without law, as4 — Inveigles the par- 
liament to grant him money tor a French war, which he applies to 
the raising of troops, and ofticers them with papists, 296 — Quarrels 
with the .parliament, 297 — Lays parliaments wholly aside, 305 — 
Review of his conduct towards the people, ii. — Desires to have the 
triennial bill repealed, H. — Rebukes the commons for requesting him 
to make a league with the Dutch stateE agaion the Frmcb, 307 — 




His high pretensioiM to prerogative in the case of the militia biD, S08 
— ^Prohibits the obtaining of signatures to a petition intended to be 
presented to him, 309 — His imperious conduct towaids varioot pe- 
titioners, 310 — ^Threatens to remember those v/ho Iiad been pro- 
tected by the act of indemnity', 311 — His base attack on Sir Jdui 
Coventry, 312 — Rejecfa the commons' choice of a speaker, 316 — 
Seizes Montague's papers, but is obliged to restore them by the 
commons, 316 — His declaration of the causes of his dissatisfaction 
with his two last parliaments, 318 — Sits in the House of Peers, and 
interrupts the business, 3?0 — Seizure of charters, 323 — Infamous 
per\-ersion of justice towards the close of his reign, 329 — ^Exces- 
sive fines inflicted for trifling offences, 334 — ^Patriots condemned 
and executed in a spirit of revenge, 336 — Rye-house plot, 337 
— Suspected with his brother of being concerned in the death of 
!ord Essex, v. 352 — ^Examination of the circumstances of his own 
death, 357 — Negligence towards his remains, and mean funeral, 858 
— His reign stigmatised with infamy, 361 — His authority aikhiced 
for supposing nis father to have promoted the Irish rebellion, ii. 406. 

Charles the Wise, saying of, ii. 84. 

Charlton, Sir Job, pensioned by Charles II. for his parliamentary ma- 
nagement, V. 281. 

Charters, given up, or forfeited, v. 323. 

Chastity, when prevalent in a prince, productive of many happy 
effects, ii. 48. 

Cheshire, the inhabitants of, disarmed by the Rump Paiiiament, ir. 


Chester, insuirection in, for the restoration of Charles the Second, 

iv. 212. 

Child, sir Josias, his Commendation of the Navigation Act, iii. 977. 

ChiDingworth, converted from popery by Laud, li. 240 — His dechuna- 
tion against the Parliament for appealing to arms, 425. 

Church of England, flourishing state ofT under James the First, i. 
268 — Innovations in, during the reign pf Charles the First, 219— 
Superstitious ceremonies introduced in .consequence of these ionoTa- 
tions, 220, 225 — Securities employed to uphold it by the clergj of 
Charles the First, a principal cause of its downfall, 270 — ^Its proj>erty 
proposed to be vested in the crown, with a view to an equal distribu- 
tion, iii. 306, 330. 

Church government, papers written by Charles the First conicernbg, 
ii. 115 — ^The true foundation of, iii. 296. 

Church lands sold, and the produce applied towards the support of 
the Universities, iii. 305 — Distresses occasioned by their resunlptioa 
under Charles the Second, iv. 352. 

Churchill on patriotism, v. 35. 
: Churchwardens, forbidden, by the magistrates of Middlesex, to re- 
lieve dissenters, v. 109. 

Chute, sir Walter, committed to the Tower for his fiee speaking in 
parliament, i. 231. 

Cicero's Epistle to Lentulus, extract from, as an apology for the 
change in the public mind at the epocha of the Restoration, iv. 260. 

Civil list, in the reign of Charles the Second, iv. 344. 

Clanricaide, earl o^ the favour shewn to him, a proof of the aflectioi 
of Chariesthe First towards the Irish papists, ii. g99. 

Clare, lord, fined by ti*e star-chamber, li. all. 


Clarendon, lord, his sentiments respecting the death of James the 
First, i. 286---Charged with inventing, in order to blacken his 
enemies, ii. 112 — Mistaken in confounding the parliament tiiat ap- 
plauded, with that which attacked Buckingham, 157 — His account 
of the state of popery in the reign of Charles the First, 235 — His 
sentiments on the revival of the old forest laws, 297 — ^Panegyrises 
Charles's reign, 359 — Misrepresents facts respecting the project for 
overawing the last parliament of Charles the First, 389 — On the 
change e&cted in the public mind by the king's attempt to seize the 
five members, 411 — Unjust in his censure of lord Holland for join- 
ing the parliament, 443 — On the king's allowance of all the parlia- 
ment had done, 463 — ^His unjust aspersions of the conduct of the 
commissioners appointed to treat with him while in the Isle of Wight, 
468 — Mistaken m their names and nomber, i&, — ^His account of 
Cromwell's conduct in a committee, iiL ^W— On the characters and 
Fiews of the members of the long pariiament, 59 — ^Has confounded 
the business of giievances before that jparliament with lord Straf- 
forde's af&ir, 60 — His account of the passing of the remonstrance, 
72 — ^His character of the armies of Charles I. and of Cromwell, 83 — 
Guilty of invention in his narrative of the self-denying ordinance, 
110, 115 — ^Inattentive to plain facts in describing the dispensation 
granted to Cromwell, 1 1 9*--His account of the batde of Naseby 
defective, isi— On the dissimulation of Cromwell, during the dis- 
putes between the army and the parliament, 159 — ^Erroneous in 
supposing Charles I. to nave been removed from Holmby against 
his will, 166 — ^His description of the respect paid to the king while 
at Newmarket, 167 — His account of the force put upon Ingoldsby to 
make him sign the king's death-waiTant, 201 — On the conquest of 
Ireland by Cromwell, 224 — Instances of his ignorance as a topo- 
grapher, 227 — ^The batde of Worcester grossly misrepresented by 
htm, 242 — On Barebone's parliament, 327 — ^His comments virulent 
and mixed with falsehood, 329 — ^His narrative of the commotions 
at Nismes untrue, 401, 404 — Constrained to allow the equity of 
Cromwell's civil government, 411 — ^Assumes to himself the ment of 
Charles the Second's answers to the parliamentary declarations, 436 
— His charaoter of Cromwell, 487 — His account of the leaders of 
the royalists, iv. 16 — Remarks on this statement, 21 — ^Doubts as to 
the accuracy of his statement of the distribution of money among 
the friends of Charles the Second, lis — His character of Richard 
Cromwell inju(hcious, 202 — ^Apt to invent, 211 — His account of the 
defeat of the royalists at Namptwich, 213 — ^His accuracy ques- 
tioned as to the alleged treachery of Sir R. Willis, ib. — ^The report 
of his having prevented the parliament from raising the king's 
authority, unfounded, 344 — His account of the resumption of 
church lands, 359 — His apology for the negligence of Charles the 
Second to state affairs, v. 3 — and for his coldness towards, the 
royalists, 17 — His remarks, though well-founded, out of place in 
him, who had shared so largely of the king's bounty, 18 — 
Hated by the royalists for the contempt in which he hold their 
BCmces, ib. — ^Remarks on his narrative of the case of the marquis 
of Argyle, 20 — ^Unfit for a statesman, on account of his pride, par- 
Safitjr^ and ignorance of public affairs, 24 — ^Loaded with 
lilMi^^ at the Restoration, /^.---Circumstances attending his bauish- 
jbebt» Uip^l&i i^ogy for Charles the Second's want of filial duty 



towards his father's remains, frivolous and untrue, 95 — Hif 
account of the profligate associates of the king, 37— His dishonour- 
able conduct, in being pander to the vile lusts of his master, 40 — 
His relation of the conduct of Charles to his queen, 47 — ^Not privy 
to the change made by Charles in religion, 53 — On tlie favour ma- 
nifested by the king towards the Catliolics at his restoration, 73 — 
Promotes the restoration of episcopacy, 83 — Incorrect in his esti- 
mate of the numbers and character of the ejected clergy, 85 — Cen- 
surable for his apology for the conduct of Charles relative to the act 
of unifonnity, 87 — ^The author of most of the penal statutes against 
non-confbmustR, 105, 185 — Concerned in the bargain for the sale of 
Dunkirk, 182 — Deemed a good Frenchman, and thanked by 
Louis XIV. for his interference in this affair, 187— rRecom- 
mends a system of esftonage to Charles the Second, 262 — On the 
rise of the monied interest in England, and the shutting of the ex- 
chv?quer, 270 — ^PrevailB on Charles to disband the parliamentary 
army, 294 — On the profligacy of Chai les's couit, 364. 

Clarendon, Henry earl of, extract from hi« Diary relative to the 
death of lord Essex, v. S56. 

Clngei» Mr. advises Moncke to bring in Charles the Second, ir. 
311, 812. 

Claims, sir Thomas, opposes the motion for settling the excise revenue 
on the crown, iv. 374. 

Claraes, Dr. his account of the French ambassador's audience of con- 
dmence with Richard Cromwell, on the death of his &ther, iv. 173. 

Clcrg^', English, power and wealth of, under James the First, i. 268 — 

Rigorous proceedings of, against the Puritans, 273 — General | 

body of, disapprove of tlie new doctrines vended under the patron- I 

age of Charles the First, ii. 211 — Their adulatory admonition of f 

that king, 226 — ^Individuals of, exalted to high ci>il dignities by 
him, 253 — Questions respecting, propounded to tlie judges, 5SS6 — 
Character of their administration, while holding civil omces under 
Charles, 276 — Bills proposed in parhamcnt for taking from them alJ 
temporal jurisdiction and offices, 378, «8l, 382-— Their love of 
riches, contrary to tlie spirit of the religion of which thev are 
the ministers, iii. 299 — ^Despoiled by Henry the Eighth and hit 
successors, 300 — The office of bisnop abolished under Charles 
the First, i^. — Deans and chapters, &c, abolished by the common- 
wealth, 301 — Provision made for preaching ministers, 302 — ^An 
equitable distribution now wanting, ib. — The removal of ecclesiastical 
dignities proposed as a means of quelling all differences of opinion, 
304 — Sale of church lands, for the promotion of literature, 805 — 
Recent proposal for vesting the property of the church in the crown, 
with a view to an equal distribution, 306, 330 — The writer too 
sanguine, 308 — Cruelty of Cromwell's edict against the episcopa- 
lians, 427 — Their haste to re-enter into possession of the church 
lands, iv. 359 — State of, at the Restoration, 378 — ^Though for the 
most part Presbyterians, yet fond of domineering, ib. — Means taken 
by the Commons to destroy their apprehensions of the reviyal of 
papacy, 379 — Flattered and cajoled by the court, 384 — Curtsuled 
of their temporal power by tlie parliament under Charles the First, 
but reinstated by his son, v. 82 — Their defection towards popery 
in the reign of Charles the Second, ib, — The episcopalians avenge 
ibemselyes on their opponents, on the passing of the act of imi- 

GENERAL fiVDfiX. us 

formlty, 85— The form of declaration required of them, on entering 
tipon a benefice, different from the intention of the act, 89 — Zeal- 
ous advocates for the divine rights of kings, 241 — ^The most unfit 
judges of affzm of goyerament, 245. 

•Clayton, Dr. on the artilice adopted in carrying the act of uniformity 
into execution, to eject pious men, who were not aware of the 
whole contents of the act, v. 88. 

Clergy,. Scottish, refuse to pray for Mary queen of Scots, i. 27 — : 
Grounds of their dislike of James I. 34. 

Cleveland, duchess of, divulges to Charles tht Second the secret of 
Montague having corrupted his &vourite astrologer, v. lo — Her 
character and personal charms, 38 — ^Becomes mistress to Charles, 39 
. — Created lady of the bed-chamber to the queen, ib. — Her undue 
influence in the council, and profligate allowance, 48 — ^An original 
letter of hers, addressed to Charles the Second, 372. 

Clifford, lord treasurer, one of the cabal ministry, v. 125 — 
Ruined by endeavouring to prevent the passing of an act against the 
Roman Catholics, 126 — ^Resigns his treasurer's staff' on the passing 
of the test act, 1 53— Was the first British minister who adopted the 
expedient of corrupting the parliament with places and pen- 
sions, 291. 

Cockeran, extract from the instructions of Charles the First to, in his 
negotiation with the king of Denmark, ii. 1S9. 

Cocqnscus, Leonardus, attacks James the First's Apology for Oaths 
of Allegiance, i. so6. 

Coeffeteau, Iwshop, and preacher to Henry IV. of France, answers 
king James's Apology for the Oath of AJlegiance, i. 1 24, S04. 

Coffee-houses suppressed, V. 261. 

Coke^ sir Edward, committed to the Tower for his free speaking in 
parliament, i. 230 — His gross abuse of sir Walter Raleidi on his 
trial, 238 — His eulogium on the English laws, hyperbolica, iii. 289 — 
On the state of civil law under Cromwell, 412. 

-Coke, Mr. imreasonably sarcastic on the circumstance of Cromwell's 
father having been a tradesman, iii. s — ^Injudicious and absurd in hk 
censure of the navigation act, 276. 

Coke^ a spy in the coundl of Charles the Second at Breda, 
iv. 132. 

Coleman, secretary to James duke of York, his letters to the pope'« 
internuncio, threatening destruction to the Protestants, v. 79 — ^Re- 
marks on his letters on the popish plot, 136, 148 — ^His papers ex- 
planatory of the duke of York's intentions, 1 60. 

Colepepper, lord, chancellor of the exchequer, and chief of prince 
Charles's council, on the continent, iv. 16 — ^His misconduct the 
cause of the royalists' disasters, 17 — ^Persuades Charles to repair 
to Scotland, 57. 

Collins, Dr. S. his defence of king James's Apology for Oaths of 
Allegiance, i. 306. 

Collins, Mr. inaccurate in his account of the salary assigned by the 
commonwealth to die treasurer of the navy, iii. 260. 

Colt, Mr. Dutton, hearily fined for speaking against the duke of 
York* V. 336. 

Committee of safety, DOwers of, under the commonwealthy iv. 225. 

Commons, house ot, nwe members impeached by die king, ii. 408 — 
who are dem^pded by his msyesty in penoOf 409— Adjourn an^ 

S26 guibral index. 

take refuge in the city, where they are caressed, 4ll---Conducted 
back to Westminster in triumph, ib. — Carry the mititia bill into 
execution without the king's consent, 415 — ^Resolve to appeal to 
arms, 4S1 — Resolution for no more addresses, 459 — ^The vote re- 
scinded, and commissioners sent to treat with the king in the Isle of 
Wight, 461 — The treaty stopped by the army, 467 — ^The house 
purged bv Col. Pride, 471 — ^Votcs or non-addresses resumed, ib, — 
Erect a high court of justice for the trial of the king, 471 — Im- 
peach Strafforde and Laud, iii. 61 — Their spirit in resisting op- 
pression, ib. — Their degeneracy, 64 — Proceedings on the remon- 
strance of the state of the kingaom, 69 — Present it to the king, and 
publish it to the nation, 73 — Appeal to arms, and issue commis- 
sions, 75 — Procecdinffs on the self-denying ordinance, 108 — ^Protest 
against the clause for presen'ing the ting's person, 1 1 5 — ^Dispense 
Cromwell from paying obedience to the ordinance, 117, 1*20 — 
Their rewards to Cromwell after the battle of Naseby, 134 — Peti- 
tioned by the army for the settlement of the nation, i55 — Obliged 
to comply, 159 — Purged by the ai-my, 179, 186 — Vote of thanks 
to Cromwell for his great services, 186 — Protestation of the secluded 
members against their imprisonment, &c. ib. — Extract from the 
declaration for annulling former votes in favour of a treaty with the 
king, 195 — ^Assume the supreme power of the nation, 205, 215 — 
Prohibit all inquiry into the proceedings in bringing the king to the 
block, ib, — Order a new seal to be made, 215 — ^Abolish royalty, 
and die house of i^eers, ib» — Their declaration to the nation, 216 — 
War in Ireland, 218 — Order an invasion of Scodand, 231 — Honours 
conferred by, on Cromwell, for the victory of Dunbar, 240 — Commis- 
sioners sent to compliment him after the batde of Worcester, 243 — 
Setde an estate on him, 244 — Proceedings relative to the embassy to 
the states-general, 251 — ^Navigadon act passed, 257, 274 — Tneir 
reply to the Dutch ambassadors' apolog\' for die conduct of Van 
Tromp in commencing hostilities, 258 — ^Determine to prosecute the 
war vigorously, 260 — Insist on the sovereignty of the sea, and the 
right of search, 264, 266 — Their vast desigas, 266 — Pass an act of 
oblivion, 271— Project an union w'wh Scodand, 277— Begin to 
model the parliamentary representation, 28 1 — Their designs frus- 
trated, 286 — Attrmj)t to reform the law, and order all proceedings I 
to be in the English tongue, 287 — Reward literary talents, 291 — I 
Provide for the state clergy and the universities, 299^ — Review of its 
proceedings and applause they received, 308 — Dissolved by Crom- 
well, 309 — Various opinions on this measure, 317 — Mistake in the 
Journals lelative to Oliver's commitments of certain persons to the 
Tower, 418 — Act for the security of the protector, 450 — Proceed- 
ines relative to the offer of the re^ dtle to CromweU, 477, 479 — 
Aadress the kin^ against the popish recusants, v. 78 — Resist the 
exercise of a dispensing power by the crown, 127 — Titus Oates's 
popish plot, W2 — Requests the king to suppress the growth of 
popery, 151 — Prepare a test bill, i^^ — Bill of exclusion against the 
duke of York, 159 — Modon for the removal of the duke from the 
royal presence and councils, 16S — Supplies for the Dutch war 
refused, 215 — Complaints against Mr. Pepys and Sir A. Deane, for 
sending informadon leladve to the navy to the French court, 225— 
Commit them to the Tower, and order the attorney-general to pro- 
.sccute> 227 — Remaikable defeat cf a modon for imposing an 


oath of non-reustance on the whole nation, 240-^Di8pute with thr 
lords about their privileges, 241 — Most of the members pensioned by 
■Charles the Second, 276 — ^List of those who received bribes, 880 — ^ 
Mr. Booth's patriotic speech against those members, 383 — Mr. 
C. Bertie examined for corruption, 284 — ^Examination of sir S. Fox,' 
for the same, 285 — Commissioners refused the use of his books, by 
the lord chamberlain Arlington, 287 — Quarrel with Charles the 
Second about the standing army, 297 — ^Declare tlie right to petition 
to be inherent in Englishmen, 312 — ^Proceedings relative to the attack 
on sir John Coventry, 313 — ^Their choice of a speaker rejected^ 
316 — Breach of privilej^e in the seizure of Mr. Montagw's 
papers, 316 — ^Resolve to inp^each judges Scroggs, Jones, and Wes- 
ton, for perversion of justice, 329 — (See 'PdAiamQut,) 

Commonwealdi of England^ begins, iii. 215. iv. 39— Its transaction^ 
recorded in papers published by authority of the council of state, 
iii. 218 — No complete history of these times by any contemporary 
writer, 219 — ^The Scots defeated at Dunbar, 239 — Submission of 
Scotland, 243 — Navigation act, 257, 274 — Disputes with the 
Dutch, 9€6 — ^War wiui Holland, 257— The dominion of the seas 

. insisted tm, and allowed, 264 — ^Tranquillity at home, 268 — Aa 
union with Scotland, 277 — ^A new model of representation proposed, 

■ , 981 — ^Encouragement to literature, 291, 299 — ^Terminated by Oliver 
Cromwell, 309 — Renewed on the resignation of Richard Crom- 
well, iv. 188 — Settlement of religious liberty, 207 — ^Insurrections. of 
the royalists, 212 — ^Disputes between the army and the parliament, 
216 — Factions, 241 — ^Many of the leading men offer their services 
to Charles 'the Second, 250 — Ends with the restoration of mo- 
narchy, 293. 

X!;ommunion table, triiing rites respecting, enjoined by a canon, in St 

• synod or convocation, ii. 222. 

Compounding, an arbitrary mode of taxation adopted by Charles the 
First, ii. 292. ;• 

Comprehension, bills of, framed for the approbation of parliament, 
v. 122 — ^Rendered ineffectual by the parliament, 124 — Their design 
and scope, 129. 

Con, George, a Scot, encouraged by Charles the First, and his court, 
as agent from the pope, ii. 230. 

Confession, auricular, Charles the First chai'ged with being desirous of 
introducing it, ii. 228. ^ 

Conformity, universal, Laud's attempt to introduce it, ii. 242* 

Conic, Mr. his counsel imprisoned for pleading his cause, iii. 446. 

Conjurers, singular resolution of a question respecting, v. 9. 

Conventicles, penal laws agdnst, v. 103, 118. 

Convocation, Irish, for uniformity in modes and forms of religion, 
particulars of, ii. 245. 

Conscience, liberty of, a £ivourite maxim of Cromwell, iii. 39. 

Conway, lord, made general of the horse, in the war against the 
Scots, iu d62-^Army under him fly, 364. ' 

Conybeare on subscription to articles of i^th, v. 91. 

Cooper, sir A. A. a member of Barebone's parliament, iii. 326 — 
Daryd^'s satire on hhn, 328 — Supports the motion for an excise in 
lieu of the court of wards, under Charles the Second, iv. 374. 

Coote, air Qharies, enga^a the nortb of Irdaxui in the iobereata Of 
Charte the Second, iv. ^$4. . 



Cornwall, twenty^aix children taken at once by the Turk* off" th# 

coaitsof, ii. 183. 
Cornwallii, ^ Charles, his character of prince Henry, too of Jainet 

the First, i 295. 
Coronation oath, that of Charles the Firet ditferent tram what had 
usually been administered, ii. 198 — la what that diftereoce con- 
sisted, 199 — Form of the usual oath, BOO. 
Corporation oath, copy of, ii. -427. v. 239, 

ConuptioD of mininen by foreign princes, attempted to be junifiedi 
T, a!9 — Remark of James the First on this subjeCT, ii. — A system 
of, the only ruin to be apprehc-oded by England, S76, 291 — Mem- 
bers of the conunoni b/ibed by Charles the Second, 280 — Epocha 
of, in England, 290. 
Coain, Dr. chaplain to Charles the Second, joins the commimion of 
the Hugocou, to exculpate fais niaster from the impntatian of 
popery, iv. 9S9. 
Coitrineton, though a catholic, made chancellor of the exchequer by 

Charles the First, ii. 930. 
Covenant, terms of, imposed by the Scots oo Charles the Sosond, iv. 73. 
Covenantf rs, Scottish, ihor nesouatioiu with Charles the^flfefMid, iv. 
67 — Require him to remove tne duke of Montrose from his jire- 
sence, fis — Oblige the king to subscribe the covenant, 73 — ReniDK 
his friends from about his person, 76 — Their rigorous conduct in 
reli^ous observances, 77 — Oblige tbe king to acknowled^ the sin 
of hishouse, and of his formerways, 79— Their army defeated by 
Cromwell's at Dunbar, ss-^Put the crown on Charles's head, at 
Scone, 89 — Raise a new army, and give the command to the king, 
96 — Defeated at Worcester, 99. 
Coventry, sir John, reflects on the amours of Charles the Second, 
v. 312 — Assaulted and wounded by assassins hired by the court, 31» 
— Proceedings in parliament thereupon, ih. 
Coventry, sir William, secretary-, onpoBes the bill for a tea oath, 
V. 1 S3 — Opposes the vote of supply for the Dutch war, 214 — Op- 
poses the chancellor's saggestion of sending hired spies to places of 
public resort, 263. 
Council of state, dissolved by Cromwell, iii. 315 — A new one con- 
stituted by him, 3SS — Debates io, relative to the restoraliDa of 
Charles tbe Second, iv. 312. 
Courts of law, state of, under Charles the First, iii. 49. 
courts of princes, generally incompatible with virtue, iii. 409 — Crom- 
well's court an exception to this rule, ib. — Why attended by a venal 
crowd, iv. S50. 
Courts of wards and liveries, relinquished by Charles the Second) 

iv. S66. 
Cowardice imputed to Cromwell, i 
Cowards never forgive, example 

ciple, i. 63. 
Cowley, Mr. on Cromwell's deficiency in elocution, iii. 34 — On the 
craft and dissimulation of Cromwell, 93 — On his assumption of the 
protectorate, 339 — On the revenue and expences of the protector's 
government) 427 — On the critical moment of Cromwell's ifeath, 
Cowper, John, excludes the bishop of St. Andrews firmn the pulpit, 
to prevent prayers being made for the queen of Scots, i> SB. 


Cradock, Mr. Z. appobted chaplain lo the English merchanu at Lit- 

Crafts, «ir John, his daughter vitiated by Buckingham, with the 
asaistaDCe of king James, i. a4s. 

Crawford, miyor-general, his u^count of the battle of Mariton- 
moor, iii. 87. 

Credulity, a folly frequently pi-evatent in the mioda of the msest 
men, v. 8. — Sa Superstition. 

Crew, John, member of parliament, committed to the Tower for re- 
fusing to deliver the pedtions which he had received as chairman of 
the committee on rehgion, ii. seo, 

Crew, air Randal, depnved of his office of chief justice, for refusing 
to favom' the general loan, ii. ^sa. 

Crew, sir Thomas, sent to Ireland for hie free speaking in pariiai- 

CroitB, bishop of Hereford, his complaint of the arrogance of the 
papists, V. 77. 

Croke, jud^, concludes against the king in the question of ship- 
money, li. 304. 

Cromwell, Oliver, his birth and lineage, iii. 1— His education and 
literary attainments, 3 — Well read in Greek and Roman hialOiy, 4 — 
Neglects his studies and becomes dissolute, ib. — F^s in an attempt 
to wrest his uncle's estate fitim him, 5 — Obtains the name of a 
roysier, on account of his boisterous mirth, ib. — Reforms and mar- 
ries the daughter of sir James Bouchier, 6 — Setdes at Huntingdon, 
7— But removes to the Isle of Ely on the death of his uncle, a— 
Falls into straits in consequence of his superstition, ib. — The ac- 
count of his great poverty, erroneoufi, 10 — Possessed of true reli- 
gion, 12 — Copy of his letter to Mr. Storie, ib. — Carried away by 
enthusiasm, 13 — Imagines a spirit to have visited him, who pre- 
dicted his subsequent greatness, ib. — Extracts from several of his 
letters, illustrative of Uiis part of his character, 14 — Charged with 
hypocrisy, 17, 93 — These charges, it proved, not destructive of 
his enthusiasm, ib. — The age in which he lived, an age of wonders, 
19 — His opinion concerning the returns of prayer, ib. — His confi- 
dence of recovering from his last illness, 22 — Compared with Ma- 
homet and Aurcngzebe, 23 — His affability and buffoonery, ib, — 
His diversions subservient to his policy, 26 — Could appeal' on pro- 
per occasions with pomp and magnificence, ib. — His first appear- 
ance in parliament, 37 — Reprehended in a committee for his bois- 
:ondact, 29 — Improvement in his manners, as he rose ir 

sequence, so — Description of his inauguration, ib. — His cerei 
ous reception of tlK Swedish ambassador, 32 — Not eloquent, 
Not so devoid of ideas as represented by Mr. Hume, ib. — iNot a 
writer of sermons, as expressed by that historian, 35 — Reasons for 
the obscuiity and flatness of his speeches, 35 — His speech to the 
Swedish ambassador, ib, — Bigotry no part of his character, 36 — His 
letter to the governor of Edinburgh Casde a proof of this, 37 — Hii 
reply to the Scottish ministers, ii.— His fixed opinion concerning 
liberty of conscience, 39 — His speech on the dissolution of parlia- 
ment in 1654, 40 — His practice conformable to his principles of 
rehgious liberty, 42 — Employs the Presbyterians, who were his 
enemies, about nis court, and shews favour to the Episcopalians, ih. 
—Pennons Biddle, the father of the EegliBh Unitarians, during hi* 


banishment, 4S— The Roman Catholics who behaved well, coante- 
nanced by him, ib. — His wish to harbour and protect the Jews in 
England, abortive, 44 — Falls in with the puritans, when greatly op- 
pressed, 45 — Censures and opposes court prelates, 49— -Pi*evejQted 
from emigrating to America, 54 — Opposes the draining; of fens, 53 
— Overcomes his prejudices against this measure, ana becomes a 
commissioner for carrying it into execution, 58 — Joins the patriots 
in the long parliament, ib. — Appointed of the committee on the 
petitions ot Lilbum and Leighton, 59 — Also on a committee for the 
. prevention of abuses at elections, 70 — Adheres to the parliament 
from principle and inclination, 75 — Raises and disciplines a troop of 
horse, ib» — Character of his troops, 77 — His success in training, 80 
— Secui:es the town of Cambridge for the parliament, 84 — ^Accused of 
cowardice, 86 — His success attended with the envy and hatred of 
very powerful persons, 88— :The mutiny of the army attributed to 
his contrivances for forwarding his ambitious views, 94 — ^His hypo- 
crisy and double-dealing between the commons and the army, 94 — 
Betakes himself to the latter for security, 96, 159 — Rebuked fey 
, Joyce for telling lies, 97 — Contrive? Joyce's ruin, 98 — Refuses to 
- reward the man who had been his instrument in this business, be- 
cause he " had not acted like a Christian," 99 — ^Appointed captain- 
general, 100 — The self-denying ordinance peculiarly favourable to 
him, 106 — His speech introductory to this measure, 108 — ^Dis- 
pensed with paying obedience to it, 117, 122 — ^Defeats the king at 
Naseby, 124 — His Tetter to the speaker on this occasion, 129 — -Re- 
wardea by parliament, 131, 134 — Created a baron by the commons, 
1 36 — Becomes ambitious through his success, ib. — Makes his court 
to the officers and soldiers, 137 — Obtains great popularity, xb,-^ 
Begins tojthreaten the parliament, 138— Encourages a mutinous 
spirit in the army, 139, 151 — ^Principles promulgated by him at this 
period, 148 — Accused of high-treason by major Huntington, 150 — 
The commons refiise to receive the charge, 151 — His cunning in not 
appearing openly to encourage the army in its opposition to the par- 
liament, 159 — In danger of being sent to the Tower, 160 — Retires 
to the army, 161 — Further instances of his ambition, 162 — Protests 
against the seizure of the king, 163 — Proofs of his having been 
concerned in it, 165 — Breaks off all thoughts of reconciliation with 
the king, 167 — Motives to this, 169 — Vmdicated from p^miading 
the king to retire to the Isle of Wight, 172 — ^Defeats the Welsh 
and Scots, 176 — His reception at Edinbur^ 178 — Concerned in 
colonel Pride's pui^ of the commons, 185 — Receives the thanks of 
that house for his eminent services, 186 — ^Argiiments in defence of 
his conduct towards the parliament, 197 — The chief actor in the 
condemnation and death of the king, 198 — His conduct defended, 
203, 207 — ^Appointed commander-in-chief in Ireland, 222 — Takes 
Diogheda by storm, 223 — Gives no quarter, ib. — His justification of 
this measure, ib, — Ireland reduced by him and Ireton, 224. iv. 59 — 
England indebted to him to this day for the preservation of Ireland, 
iii. 227 — Dispatched upon an expedition to Scotland, 231 — ^His 
arguments to prevail on Fairfax to engage in this expedition, 232'— 
Supersedes tJiat general, 234 — Publishes a declaration, addressed to 
the samts in Scotland, 236 — ^Arrives at Berwick, 237 — Enters Scot- 
land, 238. iv. 84 — Defeats the Scots at Dunbar, iii. 289. iv. 85'— 
Honours eonfemed on him by the parliament, iiiv 240— Farrfier pro- 


grcss in Scotland^ 241 — ^Defeats Charles the Second at Worcester, 
242 — Effects of this victory upon Cromwell, 310 — Receives a de- 
putation from the commons, near Aylesbury, to congratulate him 
on this victory, 244 — Met by the speaker, the lord president, &c. 
at Acton, for the same purpose, ib. — His triumphal entry into Lon- 
don, ib. — An estate settled on him, ib. — Panegyrics wntten on the 
occasion, 245 — Procures intelligence of what is passing in the Dutch 
councils, 261 — Insists with the Dutch commissioners on the right of 
search, 264 — Supposed to have promoted an act of oblivion, to in- 

fratiate himself with new friends,' 272 — Naturally humane and 
enevolent, 274, 422 — His advice to his son Henry to deal with 
advei'saries with moderation, ib. — Completes the union with Scot- 
land, 280 — Violently expels the commons^ 309. iv. l lo — Probable 
motives by which he was impelled to tliis measure, iii. 310 — Con- 
ferences with several persons on the settlement of the nation, sil — 
' I^issolves the council of state, 315 — Charged with falseness and 
ingratitude in this measure, 316 — His defence of this measure, ib. — 
Con^titufies a council of war, and summons a parliament, sumamed 
the Little, or Barebone's parliament, 323 — The parliament resigns 
its powers into his hands, 331 — How far he was concerned in uiis 
resignation, 332 — Inaugurated as lord protector of the common- 
we^th, 335. iv. 112 — His instrument of government, iii. 335 — 
Invested with all the old real rights of English kings, ib. — Despotism 
not in his intention, ib. — His art in softening his opponents, 336 — 
Speech to his second parliament, S37> 452— Strictures on it, 339— 
His reasons for accepting the protectorate, 337, 341 — Panegyric 
on his government, 343— Addresses ftom many considerable 
places, ib. — Rivals the greatest of our monarchs in glory, and 
courted by foreign nations, 345. iv. 110— Makes peace with the 
Dutch, iii. 346, 354 — Rejects the offer of Spain to assist him in the 
recovei-y of Calais, 346 — Sends an embassy to the king of France, 
in Flanaers, ib. — Obliges the king oi" Prance to expel Charles the 
Second from his dominions, iv. 116 — ^The courtship of the crowns 
of France and Spain, exposes them to, ridicule, iii. 348 — ^A medal 
^truck by the Dutch in derision of the servility of these courts, ib. 
-^ourted by the elector of Brandenburgh, 349 — Congratulated by 
the queen of Sweden and the king of Denmark, ib. — Firmness of 
iiis conduct in the case of the Portuguese ambassador, whose 
brothei; was beheaded for murder, ib. — Obliges the king of Por- 
tugal to submit, 351 — Exults at Blake's conduct at Malaga, 353 — 
Dreaded by the states-general, ib. — Italy trembles at his name, 354 
— His fleet scours the Medjierranean, i^.-rThe Turks obliged to 
deliver up Hide, ib. — His treaty with the Dutch, 355 — Medals 
struck by the Dutch, and papegyrics on Oliver composed in the 
English universities, on occasion, of this treaty, 357 — Objections to 
this treaty, 357 — Blamed for breaking with Spain and making an 
alliance with France, 363 — Motives by which he was influenced, 
369 — ^Dunkirk taken by the French, and delivered into hie hands» 
ib. 392— -His conduct justified, 374 — Jamaica taken, 380, 382 — 
His manifesto against Spain, 387 — Naval successes, 388 — ^Treaty 
with France, 392-7lnterp08ea in behalf of the Vaudois, and re- 
lieves them in their suflFerings, 396 — His generosity unjustly im- 
peached,, 398A-Fre«erve8 the protestants of Nismes from destruc- 
tion, 403— Prai^. by hit adpurart &r his concern for the cause of 




proiestaotisra, 404 — Review of his govemmeni u home, 40« — Bu 

court more free ftom vice than the generality of count, 409 — ReK- 
eion the only passport to his faTOur, ii — His judges able and 
honeal, 4U — Places men of ability in all the offices of state, 413 — 
Anecdote of him and lord Hroghill, 414 — Favours learning;, 41f>— 
Freients some valuable manuscripts to the university of Oxford, 
420 — Erects a collef^ at Durham, 481 — Kind and condescending' to 
his enemies, 42h — Hia interview with the marquis of Hertford, 423— 
Corrupts sir Richard Willis, and obtains information of the TOyaHEts" 
designs, 435— Disarmed of his resentment against the countMS of 
Ormond, 436 — Scantiness of hia revenue, ib, — Cruelty of his edict 
against the episcopJ clei^y, 427 — Subjects the cavaliers to heavy 
taxes, 431 — Appoints niajor-FCDeralE over dl England, 437 — 
Giulty sometimes of packing juries, and disphdng jud|K3 for le- 
fuwng to follow his directions, 443 — Perhaps not to be blamed on 
this account, 445 — Imprisons men illegally, -14.1 — Irmtates and even 
exceeds the tyranny of Charles the First in this respect. 449 — Act 
forthe security of his person, 450 — Violates the privikget 6f par- 
liament, 453 — Accused of tyranny, 455— His enemtn nuTnerous, 
467^ — Circuraatanci.-a attending his rehisal of the roya! title, 471 — 
His death, 475, 4B4, iv. — His children, iii. 47S — His fiineral, 
4BS — His character, 486 — Contrasted with Louis the Fourteenth, 
4aH — His memory celebrated, 4S9 — To be ranked among the 
greatest of princes, 490 — Original letters and papers of, 491 — In- 
■cripuon OD his coflin, 5E0 — Indignities offered to hia remains, after 
the ReBtoiation, SI 7— Proclamation of Charles the Second for his 
destruction, ir. 12s — His dissimulation contrasted with that of 
Charles the Second, T. 14. 
Cromwell, Richard, succeeds lus father, Oliver, in the protectorate, 
iv. 163 — Form of hia proclamation, 177 — State of parties in Eng- 
land at his acceSMOn, 1 69 — Receives a state visit of condolence from 
the French ambassador, 173 — Negotiates a peace with France and 
Spain, 174 — Maint^s the point of honour in the French treaty, 
176 — Receives addresses from various parts of Englandt I7» — Re- 
spect paid him by fbrdgn conrta, 179 — Singular address from the 
aimyto him, ib3 — Summoosei a pariiament, which sweats fidelity to 
illim, 184 — Animosities breaking out, he resigns the protectorate, IfiS 
, — ParticuJars of his resignation, igo, 195 — Schetlufe of his estates, 
197 — Provision made for him by the parliament, 198 — His chittSc- 
ter, 203— Death, 305— Original letters from, v. 367, 369. 
Cromwell, H«nry, lord lieutenant of Ireland, his letter to his brother 
Richard on the state of public afiairs, iv. IBS— Copy of his act of 
resignation, 205. 
Cromwell, Mrs. Elizabeth, wife of the protector Oliver, copy of 
her letter to her husband, iii. 6 — Her character unjustly repre- 

Crown-lands, sold by order of the parliament, iv. 345— Started as as 
obstacle to the restoration of Charles the Second, 980 — Resumed by 
that prince, 341— Names of some who were dispossessed, 351 — 
Distresses occasioned by this measure, 3 j3— Might have been pre- 
vented, and the clergy amply provided for, 16. 

Cud worth. Dr. a panegyrist of^ Cromwell, on occarion of the Dutch 
treaty, iii. ."ieo—Conauttcd as to persons in the university lit to be 
wnployed m die 6tate,4l8— His Hel»^w poem 00 Oliver's death, 4 




Curriton, Mr. committed to the Tower, for his free speaking in par-i 

liament, ii. 284. 
Cutpurse, put to death by James the First, without legal process, i. 61. 


Dailly, his defence of the religious tenets of Charles the Second, iv. 265, 

Dalzicl, general, commissioned to enforce the laws against non-con- 
formists and conventicles in Scotland, v. 119. 

Danby, lord, fined five hundred pounds for forest encroachments, 
ii. 396. 

Danby, earl of, treasurer, his letters to Montague on the increase of 
Charles the Second's pension from France, v. 285— Impeached by 
the commons for, carrying on an illicit intercourse with a foreign 
court, 238 — Increases the amount and number of pensions, 289 — 
In danger from the commons, who are dissolved to screen him, 290 
— Ruined by Montague and an astrologer, 10. 318. 

Dantzic, English merchants there, hold a public rejoicing on the death 
of Charles the First, iiL 214. 

Davidson, secretary, how employed by Elizabeth against Mary queen 
of Scots, i. 19 — How rewarded, 2o. 

Dean and chapter lands, the i)roduce from the sale of, applied toward* 
the promotion of literature in the universities, iii. 305. 

Deane, sir Anthony, accused of holding a traitorous correspondence 
with Fnmce, v. 225 — His defence, 226 — Sent to the Tower, and 
ordered to be prosecuted, 227. 

Debauchery, proclamation against, by Charles the Second, iv. 353. 

Debt, public, contracted berore the revolution, v. 276. 

Declaration of Charles the Second, soon after his father's death, de- 
nouncing vengeance against his subjects of England and Wales, 
should uey not submit to his authority, iv. 65 — Another, compiled 
by the Scottish covenanters, and signed by Charles, 79 — Answered 
by the English parliament, 82 — -Another published by Charles at 
Breda, promising liberty of conscience and a general pardon, in the 
event of his restoration, 266 — Another, concerning ecclesiastical 
affairs, by the same, 381. 

Declaration required of the clergy raodered more rigorous than pre* 

-- scribed by the act of uniformity, by the omission of certain qua« 
lifying words, v. 89. 

Declarations of indulgence extorted from Charles the Second by the 
reproaches of his catholic friends, v. 122 — ^Roidered ineffectual by 
parHament, 124 — ^A new one issued under the cabal ministry, 125 
— ^The Roman Cadiolics excluded from it, ib^ — Again quashed by 
the parliament, 127 — ^The penal laws renewed, 129. 

Decyphering, act of, discovered during the commonwealth, iv. 136-*- 
Incredulity of the royalists on the subject, 137. 

De la Wai-e, lord, imprisoned for plotting against the commonwealth, 
in favour of the restoration of Charles the Second, iv. 214. 

Demonologie, written by James the First, some account of it, i. 45. 

Denbigh, earl of, Charles the First's contemptuous treatment of, as a 
parliament conmussioiiery ii. 81 — Strange conduct of, asconmiander 
of the fleet before Rochelle, 165 — ^Resigns his commission incon- 
sequence of the self^lenying ordinance, iii. ] 16. 

Denmark, the king of, gets dnmk with James tlie First, and is rude 19 

- _ >J 


the countess of Notdngham, i. so — ^Joins England in the war agunst 
Spain for the restoring of the palatinate, iL 154 — Sends a congratu- 
latory embassy to CromweU, iii. 349. 

Denmark House, the chapel of, resorted to, by the adherents to 
popery, ii. 234. 

Deposition of sovereigns, the power of, assumed by the popes, and 
still maintained as part of their holy function, v. 170. 

Derby, Stanley, earl of, ingratitude of Charles the Second to, 

V. 33. 

Derbyshire, the inhabitants of, disarmed by the Rump poiiiament, 


Dering, sir Edwaxxl, relates in a committee of the commons, on reli- 
gion, that Mr. Wilkinson had been refused ordination, ii. 222 — 
Arraigns the pride of Laud in assuming the title of patriarchy 251— 
His speech on presenting the petition of a poor oppressed 
puritan, 258 — His bill for the eradication of bishops, and others 
under them, from temporal offices, 379 — ^Joins the parliamentary 
party on account of Charles's attachment and submission to the 
papistsi 443. 

Desborow, called to sit in Cromwell's first parliament, iii. 326 — ^Adverse 
to the tide of king being conferred on Oliver, 477. 

Despotism far irom the intention of CromweU and his officers, iii. 335 
— Not to be secured by bloodshed, v. 267. 

Devon, petition from, for the admission of the secluded members to the 
Rump parliament, and for filling up vacancies, iv. 295 — ^Answiered 
by Moncke, 296 — Oppression of the magistrates towards non-con^ 
formists, v. 107. 

De Witt, grand pensionary, his exultation at the peaceful successioD 
of Richard Cromwell to the protectorate, iv. 172. 

Digby, lord, his character of^ Strafford, ii. 376. 

D^y, sir Kenelm, his attachment to Cromwdl, the effect of ani ho- 
nourable sentiment, iii. 43. 

Dillin^iam, a panegyrist of Cromwell's government, iii. 361, 489. 

Di^, sir Dudley, punished for his free speaking in parlianDent, 

1. 230, 283. 

Disbrowe-, colonel, one of Cromwell's major-generals, iii. 438 — Copf 
of his commission, ib. — ^His account of his proceedings in this cna^ 
racter, 441. 

Discontent, when not suffered to evaporate by freedom of speech, 
likely to be dangerous to the government, v. 267. 

Dispensiqg power, disputes between Charles the Second and the com- 
mons respectmg, v. 127 — ^The king forced to retract, ib. 

Dispossessed magistrates ought not to be restored, a favourite maxim 
of the republicans, iv. 50. 

Dissimulation, its measures, i. 33 — Instances of, in Charles the Second, 
V. 13 — His apolo^ for it, in the case of the Scottish covenant, ib. 

Dissenters' deputation to Charles the Second at Breda, 15 — ^Deceived 
by his prayers, 16 — Penal laws against, 102 — iS^r^ Non-conformists, 
Uniformity, &c. 

Donne, Dr. supports James the First's Apology for Oaths of Allegi- 
ance, i. 304. 

Dorislaus, Dr. assassinated at the Hague, iii. 249. 

Dort, synod of, i. i48. 

Dowglas, George, assassinates Rixio, i. 3. 


Dow&las, Robert, ejitract fitom his sermon before ehirles the Second, 
on his agnation at Scone, iv. 93. 

Down aild Connor, Henry bishop of, extract from liis sermon on the 
death of Charles the First, iii. 205. 

Downame, Dr. writes in support of king Jamw's Defence of Oathi 
of Allegiance, i. 305. 

Downs, Mr. his exertions in fevour of Charles the First, ineffectual, 
iii. SCO. 

Downing, Emanuel, his letter to Usher, showing the mischievoui 
effect of persecutiD^ the puritans, i. 276. 

Downing, air G. originally a pauper, v. 281 — Advises the oath of re- 
nunciatbn asatnat Charles the First, ib. — ^Resident in Holland for the 
commoQwe^th, iv. 254 — ^His treacherous conduct there, ib, — ^Makes 
his peace with Charles the Second, ib, — ^Rewarded for his parlia- 
mentary management, v. 281. 

Draining of land, disputes about, iii. 6S» 

Drake, ftir W. bribed £br his parliamentary management under Charles 
the Second, v. 280. 

Drelincomt defends Charles the Second against the imputation of 
popery, iv. 262» 

Drogheaa, taken by storm, by Cromwell, iii. 22S. 

Drury, sir Drue, refuses to oe concerned in putting to death, pri- 
vately, Mary, queen of Scots, i. 19. 

Drunkenness a gross and brutish vice, i. 82. 

Dryden, the poet, celebrates the niemory of Cromwell, iii. 489 — ^Pane- 
gynses the restoration of Charles the Second, iv. 332 — ^His satire on 
lord Shaftesbury, a well-drawn portraft, v. 208. 

Dublin, siege of, by Ormonde, who is defeated by the parliamentary 
forces, in. 222. 

Dudley, sir Robert, iniquitous conduct of James the First to, i. 2S6i 

Dugdale, sir William, believes the Icon Basilike to have been written 
by Charles the First, ii. 125, 129 — His account of the lineage of 
Cromwell, iii. l — Of Oliver's dissolute youth, 5 — His having left 
the wife of the protector unnoticed in his dark picture ef the ¥^ole 
family, a proof of her good character, 8 — ^His account of the affecited 
cant assumed by Cromwell, 9-^Of the election of Cromixrsli as a 
burgess in parliament, 56. 

Duelling, interdicted by proclamation, by Charles the Second, iv. 354* 

Dunbar, earl of, the honours and unmense wealth bestowed on him OD 
the accession of J^nes to the English throne, i. 64, 65. 

Dunbar, battle of, iii. 238. iv. 85 — Its influence in the Scottish cottlh- 
cils, 90. 

Duncombe, sir John, opposes the bill for a test law, v. 153. 

Dunkirk, deHvered up to Cromwell, iii. 369, 392 — Sold to the French, 
by Charles the Second, v. 182. 

Duport, a panegyrist of Cromwell, iii. 361. 

jbuppa, Brian, tutor to Charles the Second, iv. 5 — His character,. Sj 
and death, 9. 

Durham, taken and garrisoned by the Scots, 364 — ^A college erected at, 
by Cromwell, iii. 420. 

Duiy, Ml*, his unsuccessful labours to reconcile reUgious opinions, 
iii. 304. 

Dutch, insult the English flag, and take many merchant ships, i. 188, 
191 — ObtaiB) of James wFirst> the surrender of the cautionary 




I ' 

^B Si 


■ Taw 

H East, practice of ciirniDg towards that point, in religious senices, com- 

|[^ baled, ii. as4. 

Easter, query of Charles the First respecting its non-obeervance by the 

new refijnnera, ii. 7 5. 
Ecclesiastical affairs, declaration of Charles the Second conceniing, 

iv. 378 — Proceedings in parliament thereupon, 3T9. 
Ecciegiaitical jurisdiction, restored in England, v. bs. iS« Episcopacy. 
Ecclesiastical property, proposed to be veaied in the crown, for ihc 

benefit of the infenor ciergy, lii, S06, 330. 
Echard on the certainty of Charles Use First being buried at Windsor, 

and the undutifiil conduct of fiis son towards his remains, y. 8S. 
Edghill, battle of, its effects on the public mind, ii. 435. 
Ewionds, air Thomas, cutung jests passed on him by the Prenchi ib 

hii capacity of ambassador, ii. 166. 
Education of princes, importance and nature of, iv. 4. 
£glieham> Dr. writes a book to prove that James the First was p<»M)n- 

ed by the duke of Buckingham, i. 2B3. 
Ejectca clergy, hardship and cruelty of their case, v. 85. 
Elizabeth, queen, her dissimulation in the affair of Mary queen of 

Scots, i. 19 and 20— Her death, 6O — Disrespectof James the First U) 

her memory, 73— Her memory treated coldly by the clergy for her 

conduct respecting the bishopriek of Ely, ii. SS5. 
Elizabeth, daughter of James the First, her marriage, i. itb. ■ 
Eftiott, sir John, committed to the Tower for his free speaking in par- 

lianicnt, 283 — Dies there, 284. 
Engagement, the, act for subsciibing, passed, i». 4o — Disputations oc- 


towns, which hadbeeo put into the hands of £Uzabeth,l<tS — Violate 
the law of nations respecting neutral ports, by deatroyiag several 
English ships, and are adjudged to pay the dam^s, 11. 167 — 
Violate (lie same law by the di;stniction of the Spanish fleet in the 
port of Dover, 172 — Purchase of Charles the Finsc, the Ucence of 
fishing in the British seas, 184 — Fish without such licence, 186 — 
Supposed profit of their fishery, 187 — Their churches in England 
molested by Laud, 343 — Quarrel with the Englisb commonwealth, 
iii. g4e — Hostilities begun by Van Tromp, 257 — Their secrets be- 
trayed to die English council, SG 1 — Humbled, aod sue for peace, S64 

Accept it on Cromwell's own terms, 346, 354 — Ludicrous medal 

■truck by them, It derision of the servility oi France and Spain to 
Cromwell, 348 — Dread of the States- General of Cromwell, 353 — 
Simple apology of their ambassador for this fear, to Chaties the 
Second, ii.— Particulars of the treaty with Cromwell, 35S — Engage 
with Cromwell to exclude the prince of Orange and his heirs from 
the stadiholderate, 356 — Interpose with the dutte of Savoy, in behalf 
of the persecuted protesianis of Vaudois, 400 — Charles the Second 
declares war agaiiut them, v. ISB— Treaty of Breda, 190 — Triple 
league, ib. — War renewed, 198 — Frivolous pretext adopted by 
Charles (or tfiis war, 204 — Writers employed by the Enghsh court 

>. .a^nstthe lepublic, 209 — The country almost mined, 21 6 — Peace 

|,« Niax^aen) it. (5« States-General). 

Tase, love of, admissible in private persons, but censurable in kings. 


f CMionedhy it, 41 — Its nature, 55- 

file of the parliament, by the influe . 

Iiwland only to be ruined by a cormpt parliament, v.STff. 8*1. 

^ntiiDsiasm an attendant upon refbnnation, iii. is. 

Episcopacy, impoaed on the Scots by James tlie Pint) i. 37d — 
Impolicy of thia proceeding, ib. SBO— Abolished by the treaty of 
pacification between the Scots and Charles the FiiK, ii. 338. S4I — 
Restored io England with the monarchy, iv. 379. v. 82 — Apprelien- 
Ktons that it mi^t lead to the revival of popery, ib. — Means adopted 
hy the commons to prevent this, ii. — Rigour of, towaidi dissenters, 
V. 85. 

Episcopalians, the avowed enemies of Cromwell, favoured by liini, iii. 
42 — Their clergy persecuted by him, 427. 

£ssex, Robert Devereux, earl of, story of his political ictri^e, i. iS — 
Divorced from his wife, who marries the earl of Somerset, US— 
Abruptly dismissed the army by Charles the First, ii, gs — Made 
vice-admiral io the expedition against Spain, 152 — Removed (rom 
beiog general ©f the horse, to be lieutenant-general of the army sent 
aeuBSt the Scots, Sa4 — Believes Charles the First to have had no 
snare in the Iiiah rebeltion, 394 — Appointed general of the par- 
liamentary forces, 421. 1S2— Excepted from Charles's procjamation 
of paidon, 439 — Inclined to peace, iii. 106 — Attached to mooarehy, 
and iheretbre suspected by the republicans, ib, — Resigna in con- 
sequence of the self-denying ordinance, 115— His nrgumenia in 
favour of the exchsion bill apiinst thedukeof York, v. 174— Not t'^ 
be corrupted by the artifices ai Charles the Second, 3S2. 

Ebspx, lord, examination of circumstances attending his rayateriou* 
death, V. 351. 

Essex forest, arbitrary extension of, by Chailes the First, ii. eaa. 

Essex petition rejected hy Charles the Second, v. all, 

Estnides, count, his embassy to EngUnd on the subject of the paitition 
• of Flanders, ii. 189. 

Eudranon-Johannes, attacks the defenders of king James's Apology 
for Oaths of Allegiance, i- 306. 

Exchequer, shut upliY Charles the Second, v. ao5, 2T0, 

Excise, revenue of, given to ihe crown, in lieu of the profits deriyed 
from the court of Witrds, iv. 373 — Opposition to tlie measures, and 
debate! on the Uti in parliament, i^. — A sinular tax said to havepro* 
duced 3 rebellion in Naples, 374 — The hUl caiTied by 3 migoiityof 
tWOi'M. — Whv preferred to a land-tax, 375 — Artiiices of the court 
to carry the hill, 376— Origin of this tax in Englind, ib. 

Exclusion bill ^wnst James dtike of York, pioposed, I SB — Passes the 
commons, but rejected by the lords, ici — Argumenis io favour ol, 
and against it, 165, et uq. — Opposed by the whole b«ich of bishops, 

Excommunication, canons denouncing it against those who should 
speak anything aguinst the church of England, i. 271. 

Executions of the persons concerned in the dt-ath of Charles [he First, 

Exercitetion concerning UBurped Poweis, txuact from, iv. 4*. 

ExUed princes, their unhappy si?.t-.\ iv. 124. 

" '' ' mpared with a i^n^ieao gorcrBmein, i 


Expenses of a regal compared with a i^n^ieaa 





FairtiiXi sir Thomas, how styled bv Charles tlie First, ii. 80 — His 
reasons for engaging in die cause of the pariianient, 430 — His letter 
to the commonH, on the state oi the negotiations with the kiDg> 456 
— Appointed general io chief ot the pafliamentary forces, iii. 1 15~- 
-Defrats the royalists in BeVL'ral reacounters, through their own mis- 
'conduct, iv, IS — His arduous and soccesstui enterprise in the west, 
■ iia — Subscribesthe "Engagement" in his own sense of it, 57 — De- 
feats Charles the First at Naseby, iii. isr — His letter to the parlia- 
ment on this e^'ent, ISO — His unambitious and unassuming conduct, 
136 — His apology for the excesses of the army, committed in his 
*naine, \37 — Attributes the mutinous conduct oi the troops to the 
iotrigues of the igitntors, 162 — Protests his innocence of the seizure 
of the king's person, 163, ifi.T-^-Said to hare been prei-ented from 
attempting Cliarles's rescue, on ^ morning of his execution, by 
Harrison's long prayer, a02 — The siory improbable, S03 — Kefiisea 
to undertake the expedition i^inst Scotland, 332— Superseded, by 
Cromwell, SSi — ^Protests against the execution of the regicides, iv. 

Faith, articles of, injustice of insisting on an unconditional subscriptjon 

to, V. 91 — "rte design impracticable, 93, 
Faieonbridge, lord, son-in-law to Cromwell, j« Fauconberg. 
Falkland, lord, Bccri^tary, devoteshimstlf in the battle of Newbury, to 

avoid the distress impending oo the country ii-om the ascendancy oi 

the papists, ii. 4'1.1. 
Falsehood reconciled with the hope of salvation by Romish priests, ». 

Fashion, the precursor of slaverv, v. 201. 
Fast for parliamentary sins and failings, iii. 109. 
Fauconbercr, lord, son-in-law to Cromwell, sent on an embassy to tlie 

king of France in Flanders, and is honourably received, iii. a46 — Hit 

character of Croni Well, 4hii — Deserts the repubUcan cause, and is 

imprisoned, iv. 251. , 

Felton, paniculars of his assassination of the duke of Buckinghami iJ. 


Fenelon, his sentiments on the education of princes, iv. 5. 

Fens of Lincolnshire, &c. disputes ^bout the drainage oti iii. 55. 

Ferdinand of Austria, defeats Frederick, of Bohemia, i, 181. 

Feudal taws, introduced by the Saxons, and cunlirmed by WiDiam the 

Conqueror, iv. 369 — In some respects favoutable to liberty, in other* 

an intokrabie yoke, 370 — Instances of their oppression, ii, — Cran- 

muted for the excise laws, ST3. 
Fidel jlngliceim, or a Plea tor the public Faith, published on the 

resumption of the crown and church lands, extracts from, iv. 354 — 

The author imprisoned, 359. 
Field, bishop of Landaffe, his aduJatory letter to tlie duke of Bucking- 

Fiennes, Mr. N. excepted from Charles the First's proclamation of 
pardon, ii. ug — Employed to draw up Cromwell's declaration 
against the royalists, iii. 433. 

FiliS obligations imperative upon all, v. 27, 

Finch, sir H. his condoct in the business of shiji-nioney, ii. 299 — Ac- 
quits the parliament sf all blaroe in the death of Charles the First, 



^74 — Moves an excise on beer and a!e as a commutation for the 
profits from the court of wards, iv. 373 — His specious mode of ac- 
counting for the dccav ol the British navy, v. sal — Projects a gene- 
ra] test, which is lost by a dispute for piivlleg^ £41, 
Fines, excessive, inflicted by Charles the Second for trifling olFcnceD, 

V, 334. 
Fishery, Dutch, in the Britieli seas, license for, purchased of Charle? 
the First, ii. 184 — Supposed prolit of this fisljery, 1B7 — Advantages 
that would result from the establishment of a rival British Jishery, 

Fitzgerald, an Irish papist, made second in comnland of the Blackhcath 
army, v. 99 fi. 

Five-mite act, one of the jrradationB by which the ministry attempted 
to suppress the s|>irit ol liberty, v. 240. 

Flag, British, first affront offered to it, i. I«8 — Spirited conduct 
of tile commander of a British yacht to a French snip, retusing to 
strike its flag, li. 1<10. 

Flanders, proposed partition of, by the French and Dutchi ii. ia9 — 
Importance of its sea-ports to England) 19i. 

Flatterers follow fortune, iii- sii2, 

Fleetwood retains his commission, in contravention of the 3eif-denyiiig 
ordinance, iii. 1^4 — Appointea one of Cromwell'i major-ceneraU, 
438 — Opposes the title of king being conferred on CromweO, 477— 
Invites tlie Ruipp Parliament to assemble, iv, 1 95, 203 — Constituted 
commander in chief of the army, '224 — Accedes to a pro|>osition fo^ 
making terms mth Charles the Second, a43— Retracts, and rwolvcs 
to stand by the army, S44— His integrity to the commonwealth con- 
trasted with the infidelity of his colleagues, 252. 

Folkstone harbour, Bluke attacked in, by Van Tromp, iii. gh. 

Folly and wisdom remarkably combined m certain cases, v, e. 

Force essenual to the subsistence of government, v. 304. 

Forests, lines grievously inflicted by Charles the First, for encroach- 
ments upon, ii. 'J93. 

Forgiveness (»f aina, the privilege of, 5y priests, publicly preached, ii. 

Foi-ma in relipon requisite to its preservation, v. 99. 

Fortescue, sir John, chosen member for Buckinghamshire, instead of 
sir Francis Goodwin, whose election king James had aibitrarily va- 
cated, i. ass. 

Fortune never in want of flatterers, ill, 363. 

Fowel) sir J. a court pensioner in the house of commons, under Charles 
the Second, v. SH9. 

Fox, Mr S. originally a footboy, promoted for his vote in the house of 
commons, by Charles die Second, v, S8£ — Patticulars of his exa- 
mination before the house, ass. 

France, Buckingham's passion for the queen of, occasions a war 

against it, i, 32, ii. IBS — The war miserably conducted under him, 

159, 164 — Embassy of congratulation from, sent to Cromwell, iii. 

346~HonourB paicf there to lord Falconbcrg, S47 — Joy expressed 

on the conclusion of a treaty with England, 39S — Particulars ot the 

^ negodadons, 366, Hlia — Cool reception of Charles the Second at the 

'j court of, during his exile, iv. S6. • ■ 

' Fraud morc effectual than force, in the advancement of men to gr^nd-^ 


Frazier, Mr. Mcretary o!" Chelsea College, narrative by, charging; 
Burnet with omissions in liis memoirs of the dukes of H-iniilton, ii, 

Ficderick, elector I^tattne, marries a daughter of James the First, ]. 
17S — Accepts die throne of Bohemia, ii, its — His subsequent dis- 
tresses, it. 1HI — Impolicy o< James, in not aiding him against the 
emperor Ferdinand, 254 — Charles the First wars with Spain and 
Germany, for the recovery of his Palatinate, ii. Hq, tS4--Cun"ous 
reason assigned by the clergy of England foj- the loss of bis Rila- 
tinate, sai. 

Frederick William, elector of Braodenburgh, courts the friendship of 
Cromwell, iii. 349. 

Frederick, sir John, opposes the establishment of an excise, ir. 373. 

Freedom of speech, less dangerous to a government, than supprelsfd 

discontent, v. S6T. 


Cachet, M. his letter to Richard Ba-iter in favour of tlie religio-J* 

character of Charles the Second, tv. bgo. 
Gallantry in pjinces, obsen-ations on, r. <3. 
Gamaliel, Charles the First comtiares his ^ther to, ii. S7S. 
Oamrt, ^ther Henry, executea far his concern in the gunpowder 

plot, i. IIS. 
Garroway, a leader of the oppowtion, bribed by Charles the Second, 


Gauden, bishop of Exeter, the work entitled Icon BBStlike, said to be 
written by him, ii. 126 — Disbelieved by Wagstaft' from its dissimi- 
larity to Ills other writings, \as — Character of his life of Hooker, 
ii. 133. 

Gawdry, Mis. Dorothy, escapes the wicked purpose of the duke of 
Buckingham, by being conveyed out of a window, i. 348. 

General warrant, copy of, for the seizure of unlicensed books, v. 

Generosity of the great, generally misapplied to unworthy objects, 
and witnheid from cases of real necessity, iv. lo7. 

Genius frequently buried in obscurity, for want of being known, iii. 


Gerard, sir Gilbert, rebuked by Charles the Second, for presenting a 

petition from the inhabitants of London and WestminBlei', v. 310. 
Gibbons, Mr. remarks on his condemnation by a ' " ' 

court, iii, 149. 
Glamorgan, earl, employed by Charles to ncwotial 

rebels, and bring them to act i^nst the parhamei 

405— His negotiations with the pope's nuncio, ii. 
Glaacott, air W. a court pensioner m the house of 

Charles the Second, v. gso. 
GlisEon, a panegyrist of Cromwell, iii. iiGi. 
Glyn, Mr. Recorder, appointed of the committee for bringing in ihe 

with the Irish 
of England, iL 


Glynne, cntef justice, an advocate for the title of king being cotJcrred 
on Cromwell, iii, -173. 

Godfrey, sir Edmondbury, remarks on the circumstances of his assassi 
nation, exculpatory of the papists, v. 136— Exceptions to these n 
marks, 145— Extract fiom Dr. Lloyd's funeral discourse on, ii. 


(ioldiimiths, in ^ r&ga of Charles die Secoiul, the bankers of the 

nation, v. 9T0. 
Gondomor, count de, Spanish Binbaesadoi', hia crafty maa^iiKDt of 

king James, i. 186. 
Good-AnniDur and good-HBEare widely difterenC from each other, exera- 

plified in the character of Charles the Second, v. 45. 
Goodwin, sir Francis, account ol James the First vacating his election 

to parliament for Buckingham slure, i. QS9. 
Goodwin, John, in fevour with the Protector, iii. 4^. 
Goodwin's defence of the sentence passed and executed upon Charles 

the First, iii, 207, rtseg. 
Gordon on the security of government, and freedom of speech in the 

subject, V. 267. 
Goring, Mr. concerned b the plot far awing the last parliament of 

Charles the First, ii. 3B1 — His confemion, SBS — Described by Claren- 

don US a profligate cliaracter, piobably because he was not of the 

chancellor's ^tion in the council of Charles the Second, iv. \e ; 

ire also Bl — Becomes a court pensioner in the house of comraoos, 

T. 390. 
GovernrDenc, instrument of, signed by Cromwell as protector, iii. 


Government, originates in the people, iii. 293 — subject to revolutions 
and fatii periods, iv. 4C — The study of, the proper employment oi 
princes, v. S — Not Lo be supported without force, iv. 46, v. 304. 

Gower, Leviston, esq. a member of the venal hout>e of commons under 
Charles the Second, v. sai. 

Dowry, ea;-| of, his concern in the afliiir of Ruthven castle, i. 9 — Sup- 
posed conspiracy of his sons, in coasequence of his execution, 13, 

Giahame, James, duke of Monuose, tee Montrose. 

Granville, Mr. B. the bearer of Moncke's last dispatches to Charles 
the Second at Breda, iv. 321 — [lis welcome reception, 3S2. 

Gray, Scotcli envoy, saying of \iia on the policy of executbg Mary 
queen of Scots, i, 19. 

Gjeat rebellion, iDquiry into tlie justice of tbit term being apjilied to 
the civil wars between Charles die first and the parliament, li. 423. 

Greenville, sir John, receives live hundred pounds from nailiament, 
tor bringing over the letters and declaration of Charles the SeeoraJ, 
iv, 327 — Extract from the Speaker's address to him on this occasion, 

Creemille, or Granville, sir Richard, described by Clarendon as a mon- 
ster of iniquity, iv. IG — His measures thwarted by the clianceUbr and 
his adherents in the prince's council, i9-*Superacded in the com- 
m:ind of the royal army by lord Mopton, so — Arrested, and confined 
in Launceaton gaol, ib. — Exwninatioo of the justice of ClMendoc's 
censure, si— Accuses die ChMicellor of having betrayed the priuce 
to Cramweil, 153 — Ffuls in mibstamiating his char;ge, and is baniih- 
ed the piince's presence, 156. 

Gregory VII. pope, die intamons Hildebraod, canonized ia the 
eighteenth century, v. no. 

Gretsei , James, attacks king James's Apology for Oaths of Allegi- 
ance, i. SOS, 

Grey, Dr. charged with ignorance of the civil dignities conferi'ed 
the clerey by Charles die First, ii. aS4, 

rd, of Werk, Jined by die sur-chamExr, 





Greyi lord, animadversions oti hie dtclaration relative to the Rve-hoose- 
' It, V, 343 — His character too objectionable to permit hifi tt-slimony 
to have anv weight, 344. 

Grimstonc, «r Harbottle, of Essex, himself and six poor tradesmen, 
his nrighbours, sturdily oppose the general loan, ii. 288 — His ad- 
dretSt as speaker of the convention parliament, to sir J. Greenrille, 
on hifl bringing letters from Charles the Second at Breda, iv, 3S7 — 
lUi account ot Cromwell's dissimulation between the parliament and 
the annv, v. 06. 

Giove, reoels agabat the Protector, anrt is executed, iii. 428, 4:ii. 

Grotlus, his treatise in favour of frwdom of na,\igation and community 
of the seas, ii. 184> 

Guards, tirat raised in England by Cliatles the Second, v. 305 — The oc- 
casion of great disputes between tlie king and parliaraentr 296 — 
Declared to be an illegal asBerabJage, by lord chief justice Vaughan, 
BO I. 

Gumble, Dr. on the projected union between ilie English common- 
wealth and Scotland, iii, 279. 

Gwin, Nell, the actress, mistress to Charles the Second, v.. 41— Her 
influence over him, 4^ — Recommended by him in his last momeote 
to the protection of his bi'otlier, -13. 


ilaak, Mr, Theodore, the first who suggested ihe meetings from which 
the Royal Society arose, v. 7. 

Hairman, sir Peter, sent on an errand to the Pslatinale, for refiising to 
fevour the genei-a! loan, ii, see. 

Hale, sir Edward, submits to the " Engagement" of the comtnon- 
Xtrealth, iv. 56 — His motion for a committee to digest terms to be 
proposed to Charles the Second, previous to his restoration, over- 
ruled by Moncke, \\ — 

Hale, sir Matthew, liisiory of his elevation to the bench by Cromwell, 

iii. 413 — Reproved by him for dismissing a oacked iuru. 44a. 
Hales, John, present at ttie synod of Dort, i. 

Halifax, Saville, earl of, on the genius and talents of Charles the 
Second, v. s — Endeavours to palliate that prince's dissimulation, 1 ii 
— On the freelanguage/or rather obscenity of Charles, se— Onihe 
certainty 6t his having embraced popery prior to his I'estoration, 54 
— On the genuineness of the pajwis found in Charles's clo8«. after 
hia decease, mi. 

Hanibden, Mr. John, «? Hampden. 

Hamilton, marquis (afterwards duke) of, undertakes to beat the earl of 
jVrgyle out of the Weslejn Isles, iL saa— In great credit with 
Charles the First, 334 — Saves the life of ijie earl oi Loudon, whose 
warrant of execution had been signed, .149 — Removed from the 
company of Charlc? the Second by the Scottish covenanters, iv. 76 
— Defeated and,takcn prisoner by them, iii, 177 — Condemned by a 
high commission court, 44a — Would probably have been acquitted 
by another tribunal, ib, 

Hammond, Dr. addresses the council of officers, against putting die 
king to death, iii. 20.1. 

Hampden, Mr. John, refiises to pay ship^noney, ii. 299 — One of tJie 
^-' raembcra impeached by Chailes the FirBt, 409 — Excepted from 


the proclamation of pardon, 439-~Preyented from emigrating to 
America, xii. 54 — Had been proposed as tutor to prince Cmiiiesy (af- 
terwards Charles the Second^ it. 9-— Probable consequences to that 
gentleman's patriotism, had!^ the appointment taken place, 10— •His 
character, 11. 

Hampden, Mr. John, (grandson to the former) his account of the 
means taken by the court to procure the settlement of the exdset it. 
'^75 — ^Heavily fined by the minions of Charles the Second, v. 335. 

Hampton-Court conference, particulars of what x>assed at it* L 99 — 
Furniture, plate, &c. belonging to, sold by the Rump-parliament for 
paying the debts incurred during the protectorate, iv. 200 — ^The 
palace itself ordered to be sold for the supply of the navy, 219. 

Harboard, Mr. his spirited motion for the exclusion bill against Jamef 
duke of York, v. 164. 

Harcourt, tried and condemned as an accomplice in the popish plot* v. 


Harmer, professor, a panegyrist of Cnmiwell, iii. 361. 

Harrington, author of the Oceana, Charles the First fond of conversing 
with him on government, iL S76--^His justification of Crom¥^ll^ 
dissolution of the long parliameint, iiL S2l — His report of Booth's 
conspiracy for the restoration of Charles the Second, iv. 212 — ^At- 
tached to Charles the First, though a republican in principle, v. 28 — 
Cruelly imprisoned by Charlet tl^ Second, ib^ — On the absurdity of 
clergymen meddling with state affairs^ 245— On Mr. Hobbes's ideas 
of puolic liberty, 247. 

Harris, Mr. his answer to Becanus's Controversia An^pana, i. 


Harrison, accused of detaining Fairfax in a long prayer, while Charles 
was beheaded, iii. 202 — The story improbaole from his known 
character, 203 — Forces the speaker from the chair, on Cromwell's 
dissolution of the long parliament, 314 — Called to assist in Crom* 
well's first parliament, 326. 

Hartford, marquis of, anecdote of his interview with Cromwell, iiL 


Hartlib, Mr. S. employed by Cromwell, iii. 419. ^ 

Haselrig, sir Arthur, one of the five members impeached by Charles 
the First, ii. 409 — ^Excepted from that prince s proclanaation of 
pardon, 439— -Also from the proclamation of Charles the Second, 
IV. 130 — ^Attainted after his death by Charles's pensioned parliament, 

V. 32. 

Hastings, sir Francis, piit from his lieutenancy and justiceship, for 
drawing a petition ih favour of the puritans, i. 273. 

Hatton, sir C. fined ;£" 12,000. for forest encroachments, ii. 296. 

Hatton, sir Thomas, receives a pension frt)m Charles the Second, fbt* 
his parliamentary services, v. 280. 

Hay, James, made earl of Carlisle, i. 64 — ^His prodigal life in conse- 
quence of the wealth bestowed on him by James the First, i. 66. 

Ilayne, king's solicitor in Scotland, opposes the rehgious innovations 
of Charles the First, ii. 319. 

Haynes, m^or-general, his oppressive conduct in Norfolk, iii. 44S* 

Haywood, Dr. petitions Laud on the subject of his parishioners bcs^^ 
coming Catholics^ \L 232. 

Hazehig^, sir A. 4ce Hasdrig. 

^ Henderson. Alex: 




Henderson, Alexander, engaged in a controvi-Ta^ wicli Charles the 
First, on church ^vemmcnt, ii. t.i— His dissatisfaction with him- 
self, in this trial of' akllt with the king, said to have occasioned his 
death, 115. 

HenrietLi Maria, consort of Charles the First, her peraon and charac- 
ter, ii. SS — Partiailara of her ill conduct 10 her husband, 98 — Her 
senrafits, who attended her into England, sent home, through the in- 
trigues of Buckingham, 32 — Her influence over her husband after 
BUclUDgham's death, 38 — Acts a nan in a pastoral, SC3 — Said ta 
have been concerned in the Irish reoellion, 406, 407. 

Henrietta, princess, sister to Charles the Second, her sudden and rayde- 
rious death, v. S03. 

Henry, prince, son ot James the First, endeavours to marry with a 
daughter of France or Savoy, i. Moe— His amiable diapoation and 
exc3)ent genius, 294 — Supposed to hive died by poison, 34^, 


Henry the Seventh, strictures on the legitimacy of his accession to the 

throne of England, iv, 140, 
Henry the Eighth, condemned by the clergy for seizing upon ilie 

abbies, ii. 295. 

Henry the great, of France, hi) contempt of king J.Tjnes, i. SOT and 

208 — His attachment to Henry, eon of that pnnce, 29B. 
Herbert, lord, his estate given by the commons to Cromwell, after 

the battle of Naseby, iii, 134. 
Herbert, sir Thomas, his account of the last moments of Charles llie 

First, ii. 477 — His letter to the commons after the batde of Naseby, 

iii, 12S. 
Hereditary right, absurdity of the doctrine of, i.si5. 
Hertford, earl of, governor to prince Charles, .ifierwards Cbarlet tlie 

Second) iv. 6. 
Heivey, Iwdj on the utility and necessity of freedom of speech in 

subjects to the well-being of government, v. aiia. 
Hewet, an advocate for the restoration of ChiulcB the Second, exe- 
cuted, iv. 127. 
Uewson, colonel, sent to qutU the tumults in the city, is fired upon 

from the houses, iv. 245. 
Heylin on the cause of the civil wars, ii. 413. 
Hickman, Dr. Charles, his letter to the bishop of Rochester, urging 

the suppression of some manuscript letters of Chatles the First, ii. 

High commission court, its power under James the First, i. B7B — 

Abolished by the parhament of England, ii. 314. 377 — Abolished ia 

Scotland, 339. 
High eottrt of justice, erected for the trial of Charles the First, gives 

nse to many others, iii. 449 — How constituted, ii. 
Hildebrand, the infamous pope Gregory VH. canonized, t. 170. 
Hispaniola, expedition against, unsuccessful, iii. 374, 3T7. 
History, the knowledge of, indispensable to princes, i. ss — That of 

Procopius recommended to their perusal, 5H. 
Hnbait, Mr. warrant of the council issued against, for his free speaking 

in parliament, ii. 384, 
Hobhes, Mr. mathematical tutor to prince Charies, (afterwaids Charles 

the Second) it. 8— The office of secretary proffered hiai by Cntm* 


Well, iii. -119 — His reraariu on the (^ligation of subjects to their 
sovereigns, 344 — Oo public liberty, v, 846 — Hia ootious erroneous, 


Uollaod, earloi", (ne Rich) presides as justice m eyre, respecting en- 
aoachments on forests, ii. 29.'; — Miide general of the horse, 334— 
Dcscna Charles on account of' his attachment to the jiatHsts, 44s — 
Observution on his condemnation by a high commission com t, iii. 

Hollandi la Dutch and States General. 

Holies, Denzil, one of the live members impeached by Charles the 
First, ii. 409. See Hoilis. 

HoUis, Mr. (aftej-watds lordj letter by, giving the particulars of Buck- 
ingham's expedition .igamet France, ii. 159 — Imprisoned and fined 
for his (ree speaking in parliament, 284— Refiises £io,ooo. voted to 
him by the commons on the j'eversal of his sentence, 2SS — Particulars 
of the impeachment of Strafford, related by him to bishop Burnet, 
374 — On the motives of the parliament in appealing to aims, 41B — 
Imputes cowardice to Cromwell, iii. 86 — Attiibutes tlic meeting ol 
the army to Oliver's contrivance, y4 — On the dispensatiun of Crom- 
well from the self-denying ordinance, lis — On the promotions and 
rewards bestowed upon his parliamentary antagonists, isa — His 
character of sir Thomas Fairfax, 137 — On the seizure of Charles 
the First by the army, 1G3 — On the treaty between that ptince and 
Cromwell, no — Supposed to be the author of the reply to Crom- 
well's declaration against the cavaliers, 4aB — Avoided, by Charles 
the Second, as not to be corrupted or tampered with, v. 33S. 

.Hohnes, sir Robert, the instigator of the two Dutch wars in the reign 
of Charles the Second, originally an Irish livery-boy, atterwards a 
highwayman, v. 231. 

Holt, sir R. maintained in prison by Charles the Second, for his parlia- 
mentary manasement, v. 390. 

Holy Ghost, said to have been sent from Rome to the council of Trent 
in a cloak-bag, ii. 249. 

Hone, his dying declaration of his concern in the Rye-house plot, v. 


Honesty too often superseded by reasons of state in corrupt govern- 
ments, iii. 295. 

HoneywixKl, Mr. threatened by Charles the Second for presenting the 
Essex petition, v.SH. 

Honour, pimctilio of, in signing treaties, how managed for Richard 
Cromwell, iv. 176. 

Hopton, lord, defeats the parliamentary Ibi'ces in Devooshire, ii. 437 — 
chosen general of the royalists in tfie room of sir R, Greenville, iv. 
20— Obliged to disband, and accept of terms from the enemy, ii. 

Hopton, sir Charles, presents the remonstrance of the commons to 
Charles the First, iii. 73. 

Horton, a panegyrist of Cromwell on occasion of the Dutch treaty, iii. 
360 — Celebrates bis memory after his death, 489. 

Hoskyns, John, committed to the Tower tor his free Bpeaking in par- 
liament, i. SSI— His lines to his little son Benjamin oo restraint of 
the tongue, ib, 

Hotham, sir John, committed to the Fleet for refusing to answer ques- 
tions put by the council relative to matteis in parliament, ii. 360-~ 
Excepted trom Charles the First's piocliuwtion of pardon, 439. 



Howsoa, ihnugh an Armiman, advanctd to a bishopiick by Idng 
Jatqes. i. 155. 

Howe.'Mr. preachcB against pnthusUsm before Cromwell, iii, 3tK-His 
account of the iinnnoss of Itichard Cromwell amiiJK his refractory 
council, iv. aoo. 

Howard) Mr. Thomas, negotiates a i^ardoti witli Charlei the Second, 

. for Downing, tJicpariiamemary reMdent in Holland, iv. 354. 

Howard, sii' Robert, a proselyte to popery, ii. 233 — Accuses Mr, 
Bt-rtie ot corrupt practices, v. 384 — IniisCs on the punishnient of 
the assasbins who had attacked sir J. Coventry, 9M. 

Howard, sir P. a court pengioner in the hoiue of commons, under 
Charles the Second, r. aee. 

Howard) lord, deserts the republican cause, iv, S51 — Gi\xs evidence 
against lord William Russell, v. 339 — His testimony at variance 
with what he afterwards gave against Algernon Sydney, 34S. 

Huddleston, Rev. J. extract from his account of the last raomcnw of 
Charles the Second, v. 6o. 

UuEOnocs, employed to defend the religious tenets of Chariei the 
Second, against the imputation of papery, Jv. SGO, 

Hnme, his exculpation of Charles the Firnt, in the aifarr of Bucking- 
ham's lying nari'stive respecting Spain* combated, ii. 86 — Hia 
opinion of that king's letters, I13— Charged widi misquoting 
Milton, i35~Too complaisant to the memory of Cbarlce the First, 
143 — Palliates the proceedings of the star-chamber, sfl6 — Charged 
with inaccuracy respecting Lilburne, 274 — With ignorance in the 
question of ship-money, 307 — With omission respecting theiardun 
of the earl of Loudon, 350 — With ill-natured remmt* oa the par- 
liament that impeached StraSoi-d, 378 — Question aa. to his authority 
for the numbers he states to have fallen in the Irish mataacre, 391 — 
His exculpation of Charles from all concern in that afiair, 394 — 
Justly attributes the civil wupk to the in^achraent of lord Kimbol- 
ton and the five coraraoners, 412 — Unfaithful in his character of 
Oliver Cromwell, iii, 9— Mistakes an instance of his pleaaaotry, SJ 
—Inconsistent, and unraindfiil of fiicla in his remarks on Croniwell'f 
want of eloquence, 34 — Partial in his reflections on the Remon- 
strance, 74 — Mistaken in asserting that the self-denying ordiuaoce 
met with no resistance in the house of peers, iii. IIS — Bltuncakle 
tor copying Clarendon's account of the Mide of Worcester, 843 — 
Favourable to the plan of the republican parliament, butmiffiaken as 
to the qualification of electors, 287— Censured for attempring to 
amuse his readers with a list of names, which he gives as novelties 
in the days of the republic, though known to have been in Uiie long 
before, 334 — Misguided in his reflections on the unconditional resto- 
radon of Charles the Second, iv. 3S3 — His estimate of that prince's 
revenue erroneous, 344 — Too hasty in deciding upon the circum^ 
stances of the death of sir E. Godfrey, v. 148. 
Huncks, colonel, his account of the mode in which the order for the 
king's execution was given, iii. 201— At variance with Perinchief's 
relation, sos. 
Hungerfbrd, sir Edward, excepted from Charles the First's proclama- 
tion of pardon, ii. 439^Present8 the Wiltshire petition to Charles 
the Second, and is threatened by him, v. 310. 
Hunting, obsenadons on, i. !)<i, 
Huntiiigton, major, his reasons for laying down his comndssiiiii, iii. 


139— Preieniedfro 
by Cromwell, 15 
corrupting the c( 

Huntley, marquis of, contrires the aRsauiaation of the earl of Mur- 
ray, i, n. — Put to death by the Scociish covenanters, iii. sag. 

Hutton, judge, concludes against the king in the question of ghip- 
, money, ii. 304. 

Hyde, SIT Edward, chancellor to Charles the Second, said to be ex- 
pert in the Scotrilh jigs and artifices, iii. fl30— Usurps all autho- 
rity in die council, iv. 17, 19 — 111 efiects of his influence in 
the army, la — Hated in the council, 149 — Accused of holdine a 
secret correspondence with Cromwell, 1 53— Acquitted ol Ujis 
charge, 1 S6— PosseRse« his con-espondents in England with a high 
opinion oi Charles's judgment and urbanity, 'iS9 — Acknowledges 
himself to have been deceived, ass — His apology, 3Z4 — S^c 

Hyde, Henry, seized by the Othman court, and delivered up to the 
English parliament, by whose order he is beheaded, iv. 115. 

Hyde, Mr. [afterwards earl of Rochester) opposes the mUiiia and ex- 
clusion {nils in the commons, ii. 416. V. 171. 


Icon Batilike, examination of the question whether written by 
Charles the First, ii, IS4 — Favourable effect of this work upon the 
memory of that kbg, 134. 

Imprecations, bitterness of those in which James the First indulged, 
1. SQ — Caution against their use, ii. 90. 

Imprisonment, illegal, instances of under Cromwell, iii. 445. 

Inauguration of Ohver Cromwell as protector described, iii, so. 

Incorporations, name given to arbitrary patents under Charles the 
First, ii. M9a. 

Indemnity and pardon, promised by Charles the Second in his decla- 
ration at Breaa, iv. 9es — Proceedings of parliament upon the bill 
for, j'i. — Receives the toyal assent, 3fi6 — Observations on, ib. 

Indifference of mind, cause of, exemplified in the case of Charles the 
Second, V. 4. 

Indulgence, declarations of, extorted from Charles the Second, by 
die reproaches of the people, t, 1 3-J — Rendered abortive by tlie 
parliament, 1S4 — A new declaration issoed by the Cabal miiUG- 
try, in favour of protestant dissenters only, 125 — Quashed by the 
jiarliameni, who object to the king's claim of a dispensing power, 
1S7 — A bill passes both hounes tor the relief of dtseenters, but is 
purloined from the tible when about to receive the royal assent. Tie 
—Renewed rigours of the penal laws, J 99, 

Infanta of Spain, particulars of the proposed match between her and 

the son of James the First, i. BO I— Privileges granted to the Catho- | 

lies in England on its taking place, 364, 

Ingoldsby, colonel, retains his military commission, notwithstanding 
the seli-denying ordinance, iii. 134 — Refuses to sit as judge on the 
trial of Charles the First, 301— His signature forcibly affixed to the 
dealh-waiTant, by Cromwell, ib. — Procures his pardon of Charles 
the Second, piior to tbe RestoraUon, iv. U5S. 

Ingratitude imputed to Charles the Second^ v. iT^^larcodoo'G view 
of this charge, ii,— Burnet's, 13. 




of Cliarles tlie Sccondi W. 

iDtokiMDce in religion, ubeiird and subvernrc of t]ie bonds of •&• 

cicty, V. 120. 
Irish coDvocation. Sa Convocation. 

Irish seag, cruelly inlesltd by llie Turks, in ihe time of Charles the 
FirM, ii. ITS. 

Iiilh rebellion, particulars of, ii. .190 — Question examined of Charles 
betas concerned io it, 393 to WS. 

IrelaoOi . proceedinga in, during the commonwealth, iii. 819 — Pre- 
tertedlo England by Cromwell's conquests snd sagacity, 837 — 
CharlM the Second proclaimed in, w. 54— Preferred by that prince 
to Scotland, 57 — Conquered by Cromwell, 59 — ExceSBes ccmuaitted 
by the papists in, 64 — Charies issues a prodamatioD againtt the 
rebels in, to please his English subjects, at his testoraoos, 331 — 
The Btanding force of, increased, t. 398. , 

Ireton, colonel^ retains his cummaiid in opposibon 10 die td£<lenying 
ordinance iii. 124 — Wounded in the battle of I4SRel)y. |tG — Con- 
cerned in the seizure of the lung at Holmsby, 1 r,s — Msoc tecond in 
command in the Irish wai', iii. •J-22 — Left by Cioinwell to finish the 
conquest of Ireland, ssi— Itulignitics put upon his Tcinaias, aftur 
the Restoration, 517. 

Italy, trembles at Cromwell's name, iii. SS*. 

Jackaon, Ulr. Arthur, presi^nts a bible to Charles tlic Second, in tlic 
name of the London ministers, v. IS. 

Jacomb, Dr. an active af^t of the Presbyterians, in the rHioradon tii 
Chafles the Second, i». 312. 

Jamaica taken by the English, nao, U8Z— Procl.unation for the set- 
dibg of, .114 — It! importance to £iig]and, ii87. 

James the First, hisdHcetit, i. 1 — Gould never bear the ai^hi of a 
drawn sword, 1 — His aveision to Buchanan, his tutor, fr-^nters 
upoD thi3 Scottish }(0vemmcnti a— Is seized and conveyed to Ruth- 
yen castle, 9— His dissimulation rcspccdng that event, ll-.41ilC0D- 
ceminthe murder of the earJ of Murray, IS — RemonstlStW with 
queen Eliiabethagainsttlie execution of his mother, it — Pci««rt)f 
Elizabeth and her mintstcrs over him, ai — Plot^ against Sw^th 
with the see of Rome, 23— Motives of his obedience to E&zabeth, 
35 — Treated witii disr^ard by the Scottish nobility and clet^, Stt, 
S7 — His disaimuiation with the clergy, no— His marri^, 96— Hii 
ignorance of history, ii. — Character of his consort, it. — His first 
literary productions, 41 — Severilyof his proceedings against Witch- 
craft, 44 — Succeeds to the throne of England, 6\ — Reven^tiil na- 
ture of his first prucetdiliKi, ii. — Wealth and honours lavished by 
him on his Scottish attendants, 64, 65 — On the English courtiers, 71 
— Hit ingratitude to Elizabeth, T3, 76 — His love ai' ease aod plea- 
sure, 77 — Addicted to drinking, iit. — Not free from an unnatural 
rice, 83— Addicted to cwning, swe.Tring, and the bitterest impreca- 
tions, 87— Assumes great airs of religion, 90 — His sincerity m this 
respect inquiri'd into, as — His fondness for hunting, 04 — Ambitious 
of being tno\^t learned, and master of the controreiBies of the 
day, <>7 — Instances oi his exposing himself i& this ['especu in & con- 



ferencewith die puritans, 99, l(!i5 — PublialiM his Apologyfor the 
Oathof Allegiance, 117— Account of this work, 1 1 9— Numerous re- 
pliee to it, 132 — Writea his Premonition, 124 — His motives for 
writing itj ib. — Great effects pretended to have been produced by it, 
129 — Iropiety of this pretence, !i. — Its indifferent receptiun abroad, 
132 — Opposes with virulence the admission of Vorstius to the pro- 
fessor's chair of divinity at Leyden, 134. 137 — Cnuses two of his 
jubjects to be burnt for heresy, 143 — Further instance of his perse- 
cuting spirit, 144 — Stigmatizes the Arminians, and deprives them 
of air ecclesiastical and academical funcrions, 147, iSl^Advancei 
several of them to the greatest dignities, 1 54 — PubUshes his Remon- 
strance for the Rights of Kings, in answer to cardinal Perron, 137 — 
Other works written by him, 161 — His aversion to war leads him to 
make an impolitic treaty of peace with Span, I64j and to neglect 
the interest of his daughter and Jier progeny, 177 — Suffers theBnush 
flag CO be affronted with impunity by the Dutch, i. lea — Surrenders 
to the Dutch the cautionary towns, 1 ga — Overiooks dieir cruelty to 
the English at Amboyna, 197 — His weakness in permitting llis son to 
go into Spain to conclude the match with the infanta, sot — Is ddi- 
culed by foreign princes. 207 ; and by his own subjects, 21 1 — Hie 
absurd value of his hereditary right, 213 — Carries hisnotiona of pre- 
rogative to a degree of impiety, ai9 — Treats his parliament con. 
lemptuously, aa4 — Imprisons several members of die house of com- 
mons for thrir free sjjcafcing, 230 — His unparalleled treatment of sir 
Walter Raleigh, i.'37 — Iniquitously pardons Somerset and hia lady, 
the murdererB of sir Thomas Overbury, 240 — "rotesses himself a 
protestant, but suffers those of tliat persuasion abroad to be op- 
pressed, 252— Favours the catholics, 260— His bitter persecution oi' 
the puritans, 273 — His death and burial, 281 — Question of bis having 
been poisoned by his son Chajlea the First, ana the duke of Buck- 
ingliam, examined, ib. ii. 21 — His issue, i. 290 — Characters of hint 
by vaiious writers, Sss — Dr. Birch's additions respecting him, SOJ 
. — His advice to his suecesaors to neglect parliaments, iv, S3~Hi» 
■ leply to one who told him that his ministers were bribed by Spain, 
. v. 229. 

'^a«i, duke of York, converts his first wife, a proteatant, to the 
cathohc religion, and married for his second, a lady of that pro- 

^mes, sir J. a tool of the court to corrupt the house of commons, 

under Charles the Second, v. 239. 
Jcfleries, judge, his character, v. 331 — His conduct on the trials of lord 

RusscilandAIgenion Sydney, 341. 348. 
JjHikins, sirL. son oi' a tailor, v. 289 — Excuses the duke of York'* 

attachmMii to popery, on the question for the biU of exclusion, and 

declares him to be no bigot, 172 — His arguments heard with iodig. 

nation, 17a — Promoted for his services in parliaioent, v. 282 — ]n- 

defaiii^ble in negotiating a peace for Fmnce, ii. 
Jppthson, Mr. charges loid Dillon and lord Taaffc ivlth using the 

king's name to encourage die Irish rebels, ii> 40i'. 
Jenhm, Mr. concerned in the project for awing the last pirllsmeat 

of Charles the Firstj ii. 3S4. 
Jermyn, lord, his otitections to the expected terms to be laid on 

Charles the fecwid, for bis restoration, oviT-ruled,ir.r!i4, 



Jeiiuitt, gunpowder jilot asciibeJ to ihem, i. Hi — Refuse to renooBcc 

the temiwral authority of the pope, \. 73 — Sir Catholics. 
Johnson, Mr. Samuel, on bishop Tilioison's doctrine of non-rewst- 

ance, v. 943. 
Joilifib, Mr. opposes the establishment of an excise, iv. 373, 
Jones, general, commands the parliamentary forces in Dublin, iii.sso — 

Defeats Omioode, 283 — A member of Barebone's iiarliament, 3b6. 
Jones, sir William, his speech in the house of commons on the bill for 

the relief of disscntcis having been removed from the table secretly-, 

when it should have received the royal assent, v. IQs. 
Joitin, Dr. on the heat and violence attendant on reformation, iii. is. 
Joyce, colonel, seizen king Charles the First at Holmby, and removes 

hira to the army, ii. 4,'iO. iii. icn — RebukeB Cromwell (or protesting 

that he was ignorant of this measure, 97— Casliiered and imprisoned 

for speaking against the protecto(> 98, 
Judges, names of, who sided with Charles the First, in the impon^on 

of ship-money, ii. 30o — Impeached by parliament for their conduct 

in this business, 305 — Names of those appointed by Cromwell, 

iii. 41S. 
Juries packed by Cromwell, ill. 443 — One dismissed by judge Hale, W. 

Packed in the reign of Cliarlea the Second, for the piupose of ex- 

aclbg extravagant fines, v. 335. 
Justice, perversion of, in the latter part of Charles the Second's 

reign, v. 339. 
Juxon, Ushop of London, nude lord high I 

Keinton, battle of, conduct of Cromwell during, iii. 8S. 

Kelsey, colonel, one of Cromwell's m;iJor-generaIs, Iii. iSH. 

Kennet, bishop, his account of Henderson's controverey with Chirte* 
the First, ii. ii,? — His bIoss upon die disinterment of Slake's renins 
after the Restoration, the efiect of shanie for his party, iii. 3!>1- 

Ker, Robert, honours and wealth confeiTcd on him by Jamea the 
First, i. 64. 66^ — Dresses efTeminatcly to favour the king's imnatoral 
propensity, 83 — He and his lady, the principal actors in the murder 
of sir Thomas Ovcrbury, 9o — Sir Walter Raleigh's estate of Sher- 
bum Castip conferred upon him, S3s — Found guilty of the rautrfer 
of sir Thomas Overbury, but pardoned by James, M40 — Probabift 
motive of this pardon, 243. 

£erouaIle, mademoiselle de, duchess of Foitsmouth, mistress to 
Charles the Second, v. 41 — Eiench patent for crediting her duchesaof 
Alilbigny, ii, — See Portsmouth. 

Kettleby, admiral, destmed to act against liie rebels on die Irish coast, 
but called away by the king, ti. 404. 

Keynton, batde of, li. -iSG. 

KJIiigrcw, Mrs. E. mistress of Charles the Second, iv. 169. 

Killing no Murder, wrongly attributed to colonel Titus, coIOQcL 
Edward Sexby having avowed himself as the writer, iii. Hi. 

Kimbplton, lord, impeached by Charles the First, and protected by 
the parliament, ii. 408. 

King, Thomas, esq. a pensioner of Chadcs the Second, for pariia- 
TneBtary management, t. ssi. 


King of Engjandy the guardian of the rights and liberties of the peo^ 
pie, ii. 491. 

KingSy duties of, ii. 72 — ^High notions of Charles the First, respect* 
ing, S77 — ^Lines by Milton, on the duties and offices of, 279— 
Never so low but tney add wei^t to the party in which they ap- 
pear, iii. leS-^The people not prohibited, by any law of nature, 
to lay them a^de, 207 — Bound by an original compact, expressed 
or implied, the breach of which aosolves their 8id)jects firom alle- 
giance, 208---Derive a great portion of th«ir power from usurpation 
and flattery, iv. 49 — Milton's description of, 284 — ^Their pretence to 
a divine right supported by the clergy, v. S4i — ^Their best security 
to be souffht for m the a^Fections of their subjects, so^H^See Princes. 

Kingston, Mr. his relation of the expectation of the royalists, that 
terms would be insisted on for the restoration of Charles the Second^ 
iv. 314. 

Kirkmen, act of Charles the First relating to the apparel of, ii. 318. 

Knightly, sir Valentine, degraded for favooiing the puritans, i. 273. 

Knights, number of, made by James the First, i. 69 — ^Arbitrary tax 
respecting, by Charles the First, ii. 291. 358. 

Knights' services, abolished by Charles the Second, iv. 967. 

Knox, his concern in the reformation oi religion in Scotland, ii. 31 a* 

Lake, sir Thomas, unjust conduct of James the First to, i. SS7.. 

Xambert, called to sit in Cromwell's first parliament, iii. 826— ^Ap- 
pointed one of the protector's major-generals, 438 — ^Becomes head 
of the fifth monarchy men, on the deaui of Cromwell, 'iv. 1 70 — His 
defeat of the royalists at Namptwich, 213 — Rewarded by the par- 
liament, 214 — Made a major-general by the army, 225 — ^Banished, 

V. 32. 

Lamplugh, bishop of Exeter, his oppression of the non-conformistsi; 

V. 109. 

i^ncashire, the inhabitants of, disarmed by the Rump parliament, 
iv. 214. 

Lansdowne, lord, on the causes of the royalist(i' disasters, iv. 17-— 
His narrative of his father'tf interview with Charles the Second at 
Breda, where he presented Mopcke's last dispatches relative to that 
prince's unconditional restoration, 321 — His nattering description of 
the effects produced by the Restoration, 330 — Remarks on Burnet's 
narrative oi the death of Charles the Second, v. 359. 

Laud, though an Arminian, advanced to a bishopric by James the 
First, i. 155 — Other church preferments enjoyed by him, 271 — His 
character of James, 292— -Wishes to put Felton to the rack, ii. 38 — 
His book against Fisher epitomized by Charles the First, 74— -Charged, 
with altering the oath to be administered to Charles the First on hi« 
coronation, 205 — His reply to this charge on his trial, 206-^up- 
presses the book written against the doctrines broached by Mon- 
t£^ue, 216 — ^His reverential bows to a crucifix hung up in the chapel 
otCharies, 220 — Charged with setting up pictures in the windows 
of his chapel at Lambem, 221 — ^His inferiority, as a church ruler, 
to-Abbot, 225 — Refiises to be a cardinal, 237 — ^Acquitted of the 
charge of intending to introduce popery, 239 — Attempts to intro- 
duce universal conformity, 241 — ^High-soundmg titles oestowed on 
him, 251 — ^Named one of the commissiQners of exchequer by the 
1^, 254— Orden the prot^tioB of Pryane, S6^-^Thaak< tkf 




lordi of the star-chamber for the severit;^ of their Krttenws, S8S— 
Designed by nature for the office of an inquisitor, 26a — Further in- 
stances oFhi£7>eraeciiting spirit, S6fl — Complains of thejudgev who 
decided agaiost the king in the question of ship^noney, 304 — His 
high demeanour od the coronation of Charles the First, in Scotland, 
317 — Introduces a liturgy in ScociaDd, 32.T — Reasons assigned by 
him, why the opposition to the liturgy was auccesafui, 331 — Ek- 
traa fiom his EpistJe Dedicator^' to Charles the First, iii. SO — Offi- 
ciates at the baptism of Charles the Second, iv. a. 

Ijuderdale, lord, procures letters of recommendation, in favour of 
Charles the Second's religious leneta, from the French Ilugonots, 
iv. 364 — Employed in Scotland to procure sn :jc( for a standing 
array there, v. S94. 

Law, true, of free Monarchy, hv James the First, nature of its 
doctrines, i, 50 — Reasoning on the liotation of, by magistrates, 
ii. ^14. 

Law, attempted to be reformed by the republican parliament, iii. 98T 
— Remonstrance to the commons on the bad state of the lawe, 3S8 — 
Laws suspended during a civil war, h. 3^7. 

League and covenant, sa Solemn League and Covenant. 

Learning, m Literature. 

LeClerK, on the power of superstition, v. ii, 

Lee, a leader of tlie opposition in the house of coramonp, receives a 
bribe from Charles the Second, v. S77. 

Legate, Bartholomew, burned in Smithfield far heresy, i, 143. 

Leicester, earl of, appointed lord-Jieuienant of Iielana, iL V)B. 

Lcighton, Alexazider, cruelties inflicted on, by the star-chamber, for 
writing a book, entitled An Appeal to tlie Parliament, ii. 860— 
Character of this work, 261. 

Leightun, Har. his letter to the commons after tlie battle of Haseby, 

ill. 138. 

Leith, Charles the First rccoraniended to pcifect its fbrtificaiioiis, 
ag^nsttJie corecanters, ii. !j:it. 

Lennox, duke of, regent during the minority of James the First, i. 7. 
His character, 8 — Dies in banishraent, lo. 

Lenthall, speaker of the coramoiUi his letter to prince ChaHes, dc 
(innghia i-etumfiom Scilly, iv. 53 — Proscribed by that prince, 199. 

Lenlhdl, Mr. reproved at the bar of tlie commons, for spedung dif- 
respectfully of the last parliament of Charles the First, ii. 493. 

I.esly, heads the Scottish covenanters, in their intended resistanoe of 
Charies the First by arms, ii. 334. 

L'EBtrange, extract from bja Engagement and Rcmonsirance of the 
City of London, iv. 247. 

Lessius, Leonardus, writes against king James's De&ncc of Oaths 
of Allegiance, i. SOS. 

Letttrs, Of Charics the First, the charge by Clarendon, of their pub- 
iication in a mutilated state, combated, li. s — Letters of that king 
topope Urban the Eighth, 1S7 — Official, relative to the battle oi' 
J(asebv, iii. 138 — Ontfinal, of Olivei Cromwell, 4B1-— Copies oi 
those found in Charles the Second's eioset, declaratory of his attach- 
ment to the church of Rome, v. 63 — Probabilitv ot their being 
written by some otlier hand, and only copied by Charles, 68. 

Leven, earl otj his petition to Charles' the First, in the name of the 
Scottish army, iii. 153. 

Liberahty to loreign sufierers not unknown to &ui' forefathers, iii. S9P- 


Liberty of conscience^ a fiivourite maxim of Cromwell, iii, 39 — Pro- 
mised by Charles the Second at Breda, iv. 266. 

Liberty, essential to the happiness of mankind, v. 2S7 — ^Treated as a 
fiction or jest by Hobbes, 246 — ^Natural to men, 248 — ^The notions 

. of, entertained ty the northern nations long before they were ac- 
quainted with the Greek or Roman writers, ib. — ^Promoted in this 
country by the reformation, 249. 

Liberty of the press, restrained by Charles the Second, v. 250 — ^A 
committee proposed to inquire after books that have spoken against 
the royal right, &c. that they may be burnt, 252. 

Licensers, appointed to inspect all works intended for the press, t* 254. 

Lichfield, Leonard, esq. printer to the university of Oxford, pane- 
gyrises Oliver Cromwell, and afterward Chailes the Second, iii. 362. 

Lilbum, John, severities inflicted on, by the star-chamber, for printing 
without licence, ii. 273 — His bold behavioui' under the punishment 
of the pillory, 274 — ^Imprisoned by Cromwell, iii. 281, 445. 

Lilly, consulted as an astrologer by Charles the First, ii. 66 — ^Doubts 
tne Icon Basilike being written by that king, 1 24. 

Limitations in government, beneficial to prince and people, iv. 324. 

Lincoln, bishop of, punished by the star-chamber for disloyal words, 
ii. 313 — ^Requires the clergy of his diocese to enforce the laws 
against non-conformists, v. 107. 

Lincolnshire fens, disputes about the drainage of, iii. 55, 

Lindsey, archbishop of Glasgow, rudeness of Laud to, at the corona- 
tion of Charles the First in Scotland, ii. 318. 

Litany of the puritans against the prelatists, iii. 47. 

Literature, encouraged by the commonwealth, iiL 291, 299, 305$ and 
by Cromwell, 419 — ^Less benefited by the Restoration than usually 
supposed, V. 8. 

Littleton, lord keeper, supports the militia bill, ii. 416. 

Liturgy, EngUsh, order- m council for it to be observed in all foreign 
,part8 and plantations, ii. 241 — Scottish accounts of its introduction, 
323-— Tumult in the church of Edinburgh and other places on the 
first reading of it, 326 — ^From the means of enforcing of it failing, the 
act relating to it is nulled, 329 — ^Restored in England by Charles the ' 
■Second, v. ss. 

Lloyd» Dr. on the murder pf sir E. Godfrey, v. 145. 

LoaOy a general one required by Charles the First, . ii. 287 — Persons 
punishied for refusing to subscribe to it, 288 — ^Rigorous proceedings 
respedjqg this loan the cause of the enactment of the petition of 
right, 2«9. 

Locke, Mr. on resistance and passive obedience, ii. 432*-Qn pro- 
rogation, 493 — ^Extract from his poem in praise of Cromwell's go- 
vernment, iii. 361 — On the impolicy of the act of uzuformity, and 
the indiscreet hurry with which it was carried into execution, v. 88, 
94 — ^His narrative of the commotions excited by the episcopalian 
olergy in Scotland, on the publication of an indulgence to dissent- 
ers, 125 — On the measures .pursued by Charles the Second, for 
eradicating the love of liberty from tie nunds of his subjects, 239 — 
On the lawfulness of resistance, 250. 

London, vast sum of money exacted of the citizens of» by James the 
First, i. 236 — Rated at twenty ships for the guard of the seas by 
Charles the First, ii. 288 — Fined by the gtar^^baahcr twenty thou- 
saml pounds, sitr-^^u^e to assist .Charles a^uut. the Scots on 

VOL. I. ' A A 



account of thai fine, ib.~~The aldermeo Buranioned before the 
council to give nn account of the richest ciiizc-D.s, and committed 
for refusal, aei — The lord mayor and sheriffs fined for neglecting 
to raise ahip^noney, ib. — The ministers of, protest a^nsc putting 
Charles the First to death, iii. 203— Tumults in, during Oie con- 
troverBV between the anny and (larliaraent, \v, 945 — Demandi a 
free parliament, 346 — Extract from a paper intitled " The eog^- 
ment and remonstrance of the city of London," 247 — Disposition 
of the people of, towards therestoration of Charles the Second, 249 — 
Rehiaea to pay taxes to the Rump-parliament, and is chastised by 
Moncke, E99— The citizens of, prevaU on Moncke to join them in 
favour of die Restoration, 31! — The miniatera of, present an 
elegantly bound bible to Charles the Second, which he promises to 
male th? rule of his conduct, v. 1 5 — A quo •uiarraalo issued aganst 
its charter, S25. 

Loidon, and Westminster, petition from, presented to Charles the 
Second, V. 310. 

Long, Mr. accuses the Chancellor, Hyde, of having had an interview 
widj Cromwell, iv. 151. 

Long parLamenc, or the Rump, recalled by the officers of the anDy, in 
the resignation of Richard Cromwell, iv. las, 195— Dissolves itself 
to make way for the restoradon of Charles the Second, 308, 326 
— Sm Parliament. 

Longland, Mr. hie account of the surprise of foreigners at the restora- 
tion of Charles the Second, iv. 3S4. 

Lords, house ofj concur with the commons in the case of the im- 
peachment of members by Charles the First, ii. 408 — Agree to put 
ttie militia bill in force without the king's consent, 415 — Agree t» 
the commons' resolution (or raising an army against the kiogt 491 — 
Sse Parliament. — Reject the ordinance of tne commons for Dtinging 
the king to trial, 471 — Proceedings of, on the self-denyine ordinance, 
113, IH^Petitioned by the army on the resolution for di^nd- 
ing the tioops, 154 — SuBPi^saed by the commons, aOBj 215 — Re- 
stored on the restoration of Charles the Second, iv. 326 — A com- 
mittee to examine the penal statutes against papists, v. 74 — Willing 
to remove the disabilities of djoae people, it. — The proceedings 
discontinued through the intemperate zeal of the jeBuiti, 75 — 
Popish plot, 143— Concur with the commons in un addresi te the 
king to pi'event the growth of po^ry, 152 — Arguments for and 
against the exclusion bill, 1 74 — The whole bench of bishOps against 
it, 18 1 — A general test bill passed, but lost tlirough a dispute with 
the commons, 241 — In state under Charles tlie Second, E76 — Inter- 
ruption of business in consequence of the king's presence, 3S1. 

Love of the subjects, the best guard of kinga, v. 309. 

Love, Mr. Christopher, remarks on liis condemnation by a high com- 
mission court, iti. 449, 

London, earl of, seit as deputy from the Scots to Charles the First, 
ii. 343 — Committed to the Tower for a letter in his hand-writing lo 
the king of France, 346 — His life saved after the warrant for his 
execution had been signed, 348. 

Louis Xn, noble saying of, i. 63. 

Louis XIV, his character contrasted with that of Ciomwell, iii, 48»— 
Indignant at the power of the Dutch republic, v. 200 — His hypo- 
crisy, 201; and tyranny, 206— Rapidity of hit.conquestSt U16. 


Loyalty, true etymology of the term, iv. S39. 

Lucretia, rape or, perhaps a romance, v. 44. 

Ludlow, Sir Hemy, excepted from Charles the First's proclamation 
of pardon, ii. 439* 

Ludlow's account of the proceedings in the commons, on the army 
presenting their remonstrance a^nst treating with the king, it. 
472 — ^A passage in his Memoirs, an evidence of the good 
character of Mrs. Cromwell, the protector's wife, iii. 8 — ^His account 
of the conference in Kin^-street, 25 — ^His reasons for taking up 
arms against Charles the First, 75 — Conference with, Cromweff, on 
his being appointed captain-general, 99 — Slate of parties at the 
passing of the self-denying ordinance, 107^ — ^Retains his command, 
notwimstanding that ordinance, 124 — ^Instances of the beginnings 
of Cromwell's ambition, 1S8 — On the reasons of the commons lor 
rejecting major Huntington's memorial, 151 — On the seizure of the 
king by the army, 164 — On the displbftes between the parliament 
and the army, 1 59 — On the rupture of the negotiations between 
Cromwell ana the king, 170 — ^Motions of the army in purging the 
commons, ISB — ^His answer to Clanricarde, who nad proposed a 
conference, 228 — ^Attributes the act of oblivioiiy passed by the 
commons, to the ambition of Cromwell, S72 — Justice or this 
censure questioned, 273. — On the projected union of England and 
Scotland, 277-^Attributes the resignation of Barebone's parliament 
to the artifice of Cromwell, 332 — Blames his treaty with me Dutch, 
357 — ^Taxes him with tyranny, 455 — ^His account of Oliver's ene- 
mies, 467 — Means used by Cromwell to reconcile the army to his 
acceptance of the regal title, 477 — ^His account of Cromwell's last 
moments, 485 — On the distractions occasioned by the usurpations 
of the army, and the dispersion of the parliament, iv. 244. 

Luke, Sir Samuel, and Sir Oliver, continue in their commands not- 
withstanding the self-denying ordinance, iii. 124. 

Lyon, Sir Thomas, saying of nis to James L i» lo. 


Machiavel, his opinion of the practice of virtue by princes, ii. 84 j 
96 — On the advancement of men, iii. 104 — His maxim for princes 
keeping their subjects united and faithful, 466 — On the influence of 
gallantry in princes, v. 43. 

Mac Mahon, his confession on the rack as to the origin of the Irish 
rebellion, ii. 402. 

Magic, belief in the powers of, remarkable instances of, in men of 
genius and talent, v. 9, 11. 

Magistrates, only subsist by and for the people, and may consequently 
be deposed by them, ii. 429 — Sure to do well when actuated by the 
power of religion, iii. 19 — ^When once dispossessed ought never to be 
restored, iv. 50 — See farther under Kings and Princes. 

Maidston, Mr. his defence of the conduct of Cromwell in dissolving 
the long parliament, iii. 318 — Of Barebone's parliament, 326, 470 
— Ascnbes Cromwell's death to the excessive cares of his station, 
483 — ^His character of Oliver, 486; and of Richard Cromwell^ iv. 

M^vesty in Misery, poem by Charles the First, ii. 145 — Burnet and 

X l£tam?% apinioQ of it, i48. 

A A« 


Major-generals appointed by Cromwell over all England^ iii«f 437-»^ 
Copy of their commissiony 498. 

Maleverer, James, appeals to the exchequer^ respecting the fine for 
his refusing the honour of knighthood, ii. 292. 

Mallet, Mr. on the impolicy of Charles the Second's conduct towards 
Scodand, v. 120. 

Mallory, Mr. committed to prison for his free speaking in parliament, 
i. 330. 

Maltravers, lady, a declared papist, ii. 234. 

Manchester, Eaward earl of, excepted from Charles the First's pro- 
clamation of pardoOf iL 439 — Resigns his commission in con- 
sequence of the self^de&yjng ordinance, iii. 116 — ^As speaker of th^ 
house of lords, invites prince Charles to return to England from the 
isle of Scilly, iv. 23 — Contributes to determine Moncke in favour 
of the restoration, 311 — Uk extravagant compliments to Charles 
the Second, on his first aijpearance in parliament, 329. 

Manifesto published by prmce Charles on board the jQeet in the 
Downs, IV. 31. 

Manners, profligacy of, during the reign of Charles the Second, v. 
• 361. 

Mansel, Buasy, Esq. a member of Cromwell's first parliament, iii. 
332 — ^Hifl account of its dissolution, ib, 

Mansel, sir Robert, should have commanded the fleet fitted out 
against Spain, ii. 151. 

Mansfield, Sir Robert, unjust conduct of James the First to, i. 236. 

Manton, Dr. his singular interview with Oliver CromweU, on the 
morning of his proclamation as protector, iii. 4 — ^Prays for his suc- 
cess at the inauguration, 42. 

Manwaring, Roger, impeached and censured by the lords for preach- 
ing doctrines contrary to the laws of the realm, and advanced by 
Charles the First to the rank of ri^ht reverend, ii. 209. 

Mar, earl of, regent during the mmority of James I, i. 7 — ^His con- 
cern in seizing that prince, and conveying him to Ruthven Castle, 
9 — Appointea governor to prince Henry, 295. 

Maritime rights, msisted on by Cromwell, iii. 264 — Relinquished by 
Charles tlie Second, v. 218. 

Marston-Moor, charge of cowardice against Cromwell, on that occa- 
sion, iii. 87. 

Martial law executed under Charles the First, ii. 288. 

Martyn, Mr. H. excepted from the pardon proclaimed by Charles the 
First, ii. 439. 

Martyr, observations on the application of this title to Charles the 
First, ii. 485. 

Marvel, Andrew, erroneously supposed to have been employed by 
the commonwealth, iii. 299 — His satire on the restoration of 
Charles the Second, iv. 328 ; and on the ingratitude of that prince 
towards the royalists, v. 19 — His indignation at the crimes of that 
prince, 111 — Satire on the venality of the commons, 279 — His list 
of pensioned members, 280. 

Mary, queen of Scots, her partiality to Rixio, i. 2 — Seot^jence. of 
death pronounced upon her, 14 — Subsequent plot to put her-moj 
privately, 19. 

Mason, Col. presents a petition to the commons agaia8tX0Bfenil|g the 
regal title on Cromwell, iii. 478. 


Massey, M^or-general, his declaration sigsanBt the parliament and its 
adherent^ iii. 236. 

Maxwell, a Scotchman, fined by the star-chamber for a petition to the 
king ^^nst the lord-keeper and council, ii. 319 — ^Is the only 
Scottish bishop deemed gifted for his office, 321 — Contends witn 
the earl of Traquair for the office of treasurer, 822 — ^Favours the 
introduction of die liturgy into Scotland, 324. 

May, Mr. author of the History of the Parliament of Charles the 
First, character of, as a writer, ii. 226 — ISb account of the protest- 
ants slain in the Irish massacre, S92-*-(>(i the erroneous mixtore of 
religion with the political quarrels between Charles the First and 
the parliament, 435 — On the advant^es of the royalists in the be- 
ginning of the civil wars, ib, — His execrable advice to Charles the 
Second after the fire of London, v. 37 — Pensioned, 282 — His in- 
solent remark on the life of a country gentleman, i3. 

Mayer, Mr. a member of Barebone's parliament, iii. 326. 

Maynard, Mr. his account of the losses of the Spaniards in the Cana- 
nes, iii. 389 — Imj>ri8oned illegally by Cromwell, 446 — Supports the 
motion for an excise under Charles tne Second, iv. 374. 

Mazarine, Cardinal, his conduct towards Charles the Second, during 
his exile, iii. 345. iv. 109 — Reproached for his fear of Crom- 
well, iii. 348 — His servile submission to the Protector, 392 — 
Obliged by him to stay the persecution of the Yaudois protestants, 
397 — Basely charactenses Cromwell, after his death, as a fortu- 
nate fool, 487 — Said to be addicted to astrological prognostica- 
tions, V. 12. • 

Medals struck in honour of Cromwdl's victory at Dunbar, iii. 241 — 
A sarcastic one in ridicule of the servility of the French and Spanish 
courts, 348 — ^In memory of Cromwell's treaty with the Dutch, 358. 

Mental weakness frequently an accompaniment to great talents, v. 8. 

Mercurius Politieujy a periodica) paper during the commonwealth, 
published by authority, iii. 218— -Ciurious extract from, 315. 

Messengers' warrants, copy of one, iox the seizure of unlicensed 
books, V. 257. 

Meteor, remarkable, seen at the birth of Charies the Second, iv. 1. 

Middlesex, oppressive measures of the magistrates of, against non- 
conformists, V. 109. 

Middleton, on the power of religion over the mind and actiofis 
of %^magistrate, iii. 19 — On the errors of the church establtah- 
mem, v. 86. 

Mfldmay, Colonel, rebuked by Charles the Second, for presenting 
the Essex petition, v. 311. 

Military genius, dangerous to t|ie freedom of a state, iii. 310. 

Military power, danger of tommitting it to the hands of one 
man, iii. lie. *'' 

Militia bill, disputes abojj, wtween Charles the First and the parlia- 
ment, ii. 413 — Carried Ufto effect by the latter without the king's 
consent, 415 — ^The act of Charles the Second, destructive of the 
spirit of re8tstaqi0e» v. 840. 

Mitton, believed JMies the First to have been poisoned by lus son 
Charles the Fir8t,'ii. 23— His charge against Charles of lewdness, 44 
-— Questions the piecjr.sf Charles, 5Q^-Hi9- fifsmcm of that king's 
letters, 113— Charges lillh with stealing a -prayer from Sydney's 
Arcadki ii^-^ImpuM to hiniy as a 1^ tifme, the alteration of 


■. ii 




Che coronation oath, 204— Hindered from engaging in the ministerial 
office, by consideration of the prevailing churdi tyranny, 259 — 
Sentiments of, on unlicensed printing, 275 — Poetical extract fromr 
on the duty and office of a king, 279 — ^Doubts the motives of 
Charles in calling his last parliament, S66 — Blamed for insulting 
over Charles in expressing sorrow at Strafford's death, S76 — His ac- 
count of the numbers that fell by the Irish massacre, 391 — Proofs by, 

' that Charles was friendly to the Irish papists, 396 — His account of 
the measures adopted by Charles the First for reducing the parlia- 
meat and city to obedience, before the conmiencement of hostilities, 
417 — Attributes the fortitude of Charles the First, in his dying mo- 
ments, to despair, rather than pious resignation, 484 — On the appli- 
cation of the tide of Martyr to Chanes the First, 488 — His de- 
scription of Oliver Cromwell, iii. 1 1 — Panegyrises his victories, 40 
— ^His poetical description of the prelatists not an exaggeration, 45 
— ^His character of the leaders in the long parliament, 62, 64 — Dis- 
gusted at the insolence of the presbyterians, 67 — Complains of the 
gifts, preferments, &c. bestowed upon the members of parliament, 
131 — On the injustice of the presbyterians towards Cromwell, 151 
— ^His vindication of Cromwell from persuading the king to retire . 
to the Isle of Wight, 173 — On the purging ofthe House of Com- 
mons, 193, 213 — His defence of the execution of Charles the First, 
211 — On Ormonde's reproaches on the English parliament, 220 — 
Review of several of his prose writings, 291 — His high reputation 
during the commonwealth, 292 — ^His declamation against the abuses 
of the clergy, 302 — Lines in his Samson Agonistes, probably in- 
tended to apply to Cromwell, 407— His proofs of the inclination of 
Charles the First towards the Irish papists, iv. 57 — On the pro- 
ceedings of the army towards the parliament, 237 — ^His indignation 
at the wish of the people for the restoration of monarchy, 249, 
283 — His description and character of kings, 284 — ^Extract from 
his Samson Agonistes, supposed to refer to the chances conse- 
quent upon the Restoration, and the penalties inflicted on uie friends 
of the commonwealth, 335 — His writings contributive to the cause 
of liberty, v. 238 — Danger in which his Paradise Lost stood of 
being suppressed by the ignorant licensers, 254. 

Ministers, vanity of tneir rdying on the favour of their royal masters, 
when ruled by favourites, ii. 16 — ^Warned by the fate of Buckingham 
not to pursue wicked measures, 39 — Injudiciously selected by wve- 
reigns, iii, 413 — Their characters and proceedings ought to M can- 
vassed, in order to the welfare ofthe state, v. 269. 

Minshul, celebrates the character of Cromwell, iii, 489. 

Mint, money in, belonging to private persons, seized by Charles the 
First, ii. 361. 

Missionaries, religious, reprobated, ii. 241. 

Mitchel, Mr. presses for the introduction of a liturgy in Scotland^ 
ii, 324. 

Mixed monarchies, nature of, ii. 430, 

Molesworth, lord, supposes Ireland would have been lost to England 
for ever, but for the prudence of Cromwell, iii. 227 — On the obliga-- . 
tion of princes to observe the laws, iv, 339. 

Monarchical govemmeoty expenses of, compared with a republic, 
iv. 278. 

Moncke, a member of Barebone's parliament, iii. 329-*Defeati Vba 


Tromp in a naval engagement, 354 — Resents CromwelJ's treaty 
with the Dutch, 358 — Declines a pension for supporting the govern- 
ment of Richard Cromwell, iv. 194 — His letter to Fleetwood, re-, 
commending a provision to be made for Cromwell's family, 195—' 
Biographic^ sketch cf, 293 — His avarice the probable motive for. 
his restoring Charles the Second, ib, — ^Deceives Fleetwood and Hasil- 
rig, 295 — His letter to the petitioners of Devon, in favour of the, 
parliament, 296 — ^Arrives in London, and is thanked by the speaker 
for his services, 298 — Destroys the gates of the city for refusiiig 
to obey the parliament, 299 — ^Endeavours to recover the good-wl 
of the citizens, SCO — Orders the parliament to recall the excluded 
members, and to fill up vacancies, 301 — His dissimulation with the 
parliament, 303, 306 — Protests against royalty and a house of peers, 
307 — Overreaches the parliament, 308 — His conference at North* 
umberland house, 311 — Determined in favour of the restoration of 
Charles the Second by thepresbyterians, 311 — ^Prevents terms being 
made with Charles the Second, 319^ — ^Unmeritedly praised as the 
author of the Restoration, 3^1. 

Monmouth, duke of, son of Charles the Second, inquiry into the 
legitimacy of his birth, 167. 

Monied interest, its rise in the time of Cromwell, v, 270 — Transferred 
from the scriveners to the goldsmiths, ib. 

Montagu, earl of Sandwich, a member of Barebone's parliament, iii. 
329 — Displeased at Cromwell's treaty with Portugal, 352 — ^Anxious 
to serve his country, 389 — ^Disaffected to the commonwealth, iv. 251. 

Montague, sir Edward, degraded for favouring the Puritans, i. 273. 

Montague, Richard, a violent Arminian, patronized by king James, . 
i. 155 — ^Accused by the commons of broaching doctiines contrary 
to the articles of the church, and rewarded by Cnarles the First with 
a mitre, ii. 208 — Numerous answers to his book, which are at- 
tempted to be suppressed, 212 — His book called in by proclamation, . 
ib, — Doctrine broached by him, 226. 

Montague, Walter, lord Kimbolton, active in the cause of popery, ii.233. 

Montague's account of the overthrow of Richard Cromwell's govern- 
ment, iv. 194. 

Monson, sir William, his regret at not being permitted to avenge an . 
affi'ont offered to his ship by the Dutch, i. 185. 

Montesquieu, on persecution, iii. 67. v. 120— On the combination of 
civil and military powers in one person, iii. 117 — On the danger of 
a corrupt parliament to the vital interests of England, v. 276. 

Montrose, James, duke of, hated by the Scottish covenanters, iii. 
229 — Required by them to be removed from the court of Charles 
the Second, iv. 68 — Receives a commission to suppress the cove- 
nanters, 71. ' 

Mordaunt, lord, his account of the battle of Namptwich compared 
with that of Lambert, iv. 213 — Advises Charles the Second to re- 
move from the public mind an impression that he had become a 
papist, 259. 

More, sir Thomas, his arguments in favourof the pope's supremacy, v. 175. 

Morgan, sir Charles, defeated by the imperial general Tilly, u. 1 54. 

Morknd, sir Samuel, sent to relieve the Vaudois, by Cromwell, iii^ 
397 — Ifi» praise of Cromwell's care of the cause of protestanism, 404. 
— His esoalpation of sir Richard Willis from the charge of treachery 
to the royal cause, iv. 215. 


MO &£!N£RAL index. 

Morley^ colonel, his address to Fleetwood on the dissensions bet\(neen 
the army and the parliament, iv. 226. 

Morley, Dr. negotiates with vhe Presbyterians for the restoration of 
Charles the Second, iv. 266. 

Morley, lord, severity of the Star-chamber towards, for an assault on 
sir George Theobalds, ii. sil. 

Morocco, emperor of, sends an embassy and presents to Charles the 
ftnt, to engage him to join his forces with him for the reduction of 
Ifc revolted province of Sallee, ii. 193 — ^Afterthe reduction of die 
place, a treaty of amity renewed between the two powert, 157 — 
Ceremony of the ambassador of, going to court, ib. 

Morrice, sir William, an adviser of Moncke for the restoration of 
monarchy, iv. 311. 

Morrice, Mr. his anecdote of lord Broghill and Cromwell, iii. 414. 

Morse, conunitted to prison for making proselytes to the church of 
Rome, ii. 232. 

Morton, earl of, regent during the mshority of James the First, i. 1, 7. 

Moulin, Peter du, his defence of king James's Apology for the 
Oath of Allegiance, i. 3o4. 

Mountague, biibes an astrologer to ruin Danby and the duchess of 
Portsmouth with Charles the Secohd, v. lo — His intrigues at the 
French couit, 231 — His papers seized by the English ministry to 
prevent disclosures, 316 — ^The papers returned through the inter- 
ference of the commons, 317 — Produces Danby 's letters, which 
causes that minister's overthrow, ib. 

Mulgrave, lord, his defence of a standing guard, v. 303. 

Murder no sin in the visible saints, a favouiite maxim with the 
army, iii. 163. 

Murray, earl, regent during the minority of James the First, i. 7 — 
His assassination by order of that king, 16. 

Murray, sir Robert, amanuensis to Charles the First in his controversy 
with Henderson, ii. 117 — Procures letters commendatory of the re- 
ligious tenets of Charles the Second, to be written by the French 
ifigonots, in order to weaken the jealousy of the English of his at- 
tachment to popery, iv. 264. 

Murray, Mr. Thomas, a favourer of presbytery, tutor to prince 
Charles, i. 4. 

Mutiny of the army, a contrivance of Cromwell and some others, iii. 94. 


Names during the commonwealth, Mr. Hume in an error respecting, 
iii. 334. 

Namptwich, defeat of the royalists at, under Sir G. Booth, iv. 213. 

Naples, rebellion in, attributed to the imposition of an excise, iv. 374. 

Naseby, battle of, iii. 125. 

Nationd religions, embraced by knaves, who are followed by foots, v. 
97 — Destitute of spiritual efficacy, ib. — Necessary to the preserva- 
tion of religion, 99. 

Naval engagements, iii. 257, 354. 

Naval rights, see Maritime rights. 

Navigation act passed, iii. 257 — Abstract of its contents, 274 — ^The 
foundation of England's present maritime superiority, 2il. 

Navy, British, low state of in the reign of Charles the First, ii. 180 — 
Saying of sir Walter Raleigh respecting its power in Elizabeth's 


days, 186 — ^Nearly ruined by the folly of Charles the Second^ 

V. 218. 

Nedham, Marchamont, his raillery at the troops of Cromwell, iii. 80 — 
Ordered to translate Selden's Mare Clausum sen de Dominio Regis f- 
264 — ^A character of his writings, 292 — Extract from his Case of 
the Commonwealth, iv. 46 — His objections to the religious tenets 
of Charles the Second, 268. 

Neile, an Arminian, receives many promotions fi'om James the First, 
i. 155 — ^Anecdote of his servility, 156. 

Nevil, Mr. Christopher, committed to the Tower for his free speaking 
in parliament, i. 231. 

NeviJl, author of Plato Redivivus, imprisoned unjustly, v. 29. 

Nevple, sir H. detects, at Rome, the plots of James the First, i. SS. 

Neville's character of the leaders in the long parliament, iii. 61. 

Neutrality, a law of nations, that powers at war cannot contend with 
each other in a neutral port, ii. 166 — Instances of the observance of 
this law, 167 — Instances of its violation, ih, 

Newbury, remarkable inactivity of the parliamentary army at, iii. 107. 

Newcastle, lord, fined by the Star-chamber, and imprisoned tilF the 
fine is paid, ii. 312 — ^Appointed governor to prince Charles (after- 
wards Charles the Second), iv. 6. 

Newcastle, taken and garrisoned by the Scots, ii. 364. 

Newdigate, judge, displaced for disobeying Cromwell's injunctions, 
iii. 444. 

New Forest, grievances arising from the arbitrary extension of, by 
Charles the First, ii. 295. 

Newgate, the keeper of, fined by the Star-chamber, ii. S12. 

Newport, lord, fined three thousand pounds for forest encroachments^ 
ii. 296. 

Newton, sir Adam, tutor to prince Henry, son of James the First, 
j. 295. 

Nicholas, sir Edward, his account of the unreasonable demands of the 
Scottish commissioners sent to Charles the Second, while at the 
Hague, iii. 230 — On the disposition of Charles the Second towards 
the Irish papists, iv. 57, 62. 

Nimeguen, peace of, 216. 

Nismes, commotions at, attributed to the protestants, iii. 401 — ^Thc 
protestants of, preserved from the vengeance of the French court by 
CromweU, 403 — Clarendon's narrative of this transaction untrue, 404. 

Nonconformists, persecution of, by the clergy of Charles the First, 
ii. 258 — ^Laws enacted against them under Cn^ lies the" Second, v. 10^. 

Non-juring clergy, ejected from their livings by virtue of the act of 
uniformity, v. 85 — ^Artifice of their enemies to prevent their sub- 
scribing tne declaration, by the omission of certain words, 89 — ^Laws 
enacted against them,' 102. 

Non-resistance, established by the act of Uniformity, v. 84, 101 — ^A 
bill for imposing an oath of, on thfe whole nation, remarkably nega^ 
tived, 240--The doctrine upheld by the clergy, 241— Contrary tO 
the history of the bible, 249. 

Norfolk, Cardinal, extracts from his letters relative to the duke of 
York, V. 162. 

North, solicitor-general, opposes the motion fof a test oath, V. 154— 
A character of7 331. 

North, Mr. on the public spirit during the reign of Charles'the Second, 


▼• 265 — ^His apology for the suppression of cofiee-houses^ i3, — His 

character of judge JefFeries, 333. 

Northampton, lord, procures a pardoa for Ingoldesby, who had 
signed the death-warrant of Charles the First, iv. 256. 

Northuntberland, Percy, earl of, said by lord StaflFord to have been 
concerned in the gunpowder plot, i. 1 1 1 — ^Unjust treatment of> by 
James the First, 236. 

Northumberland, Algernon, earl of, commands the fleet fitted out to 
prevent the Dutch fronri fishing in the English seas, ii. 184 — ^Ap- 

^ pointed general of the army against the Scots, but prevented from 
-■icceptin^ the command by sickness, 362 — His account of the incli- 
nation of the people towards the restoration of Charles the Second^ 
iv. S13 — Protests against the prosecution of the regicides, 338. 

Northumberland House, conference at, for the restoration of Charlea 
the Second, iv. 311. 

Ifote of hand given by Charles the Second while at Braces, iv. 121. 

Nottmdiam, countess of, her letter to the Danish ambassador on the 
rufle oehaviour of his master, i. 80, 

Nojy attorney-general, advises the exactment of ship-money» 
iu 298. 

Nuncios, from the see of Rome, permitted by Charles the First to re- 
side about the court, ii. 230. 


Oatesy Titus, examination of his credibility on the subject of the popish 
plot, V. 130 — Himself a bad man, ib. — ^His narrative incredible, 132 
— ^His witnesses equally undeserving of credit, 134, 136, 138 — Cole- 
man's letters subversive of his narrative, 136 — ^Answer to this posi- 
tion, 143 — ^The murder of sir E. Godfrey by the Papists incredible, 
136 — ^Exceptions to this notion, 145 — Protestations of innocency by 
all who suffered for this supposed plot, strong presumption of its 
being a forgery, 138— Yet perhaps the mere effect of priestcraft, 150 
— ^Argiunents against the rejection of the witnesses, ib. — ^The plot 
believed by persons of great distinction, 140 — Particulars of the 
trials of several victims to this conspiracy, 141 — Effects of the Pa- 
pists to invalidate Oates's testimony, 149 — Fined I00,000l. for call- 
ing the duke of York a traitor, 335. 

Oath, form of, used at coronations, ii. 200 — Form of, prescribed by 
Laud, called the et caetera oath, 244. 

Obedience to magistrates, true grounds of, ii. 429 — Merely the price 
of protection, iii. 344 — Extent of, iv. 46. 

Oblivion, act of, passed during the commonwealth, iii. 271. 

Ogilby, baron, proposes, in the name of James the First, a confede- 
racy with Spam, i. 23. 

0*Neale, Mr. concerned in the project for awing the last parliament of 
Charles the First, ii. 384. 

Opinions, none so absurd as not to be embraced by some men, iii, 86^ 

Orange, Maurice prince of, his contempt of king ^ames, i. 207. 

Orange, prince and princess of, wisdom of the declaration of rights 
made to them previously to their coronation, i. 58. 

Orange, princess dowager of, endeavours to prevail on Charles the 
Second to repair to Scodand rather than to Ireland, iv. 58 ► 

Orleans, duke of, refuses to give pecuniary relief to Charlea the 
Second during his exile, iv. 106. 


Orleans, duchess of, sent by Louis XIV. to tickle the English into 
compliance with his views, v. 200. 

Orleans, father^ in his Revolution in England misrepresents James the 
First as complaisant to his parliament, i. 255. 

Ormonde, duke of, concludes a peace with the Irish catholics, iii. 219 
— His contemptuous expressions of the English parliament, and ci 
Cromwell, 220 — ^Invites Charles the Second to Ireland, 221 — Be* 
sieges Dublin, and is defeated by the garrison, 22^2— His letter to 
sir E. Nicholas, on the coronation of Charles the Second in Scot- 
land, 231 — -Proclaims, Charles in Ireland, iv. 54 — His opinion of the 
effects of the battle of Worcester, 99 — His account of die profligate 
companions of Charles the Second, v. 37 — His discovery of that 
prince's conversion to popery on the continent, 57. 

Orrery, lord, his opioioD of James the First, i. 293 — Curious con- 
versation between him and Cromwell, iii. 41 — On a mistake in a 
writer as to the ten^r of Charles the Second, in whom a^bility 
was made to supply the want of good-nature, v. 45. 

Orthodoxy and heterodoxy, ridiculous distinctions, v. 94. 

Osbaldston, Mr. severe proceedings of the star-chamber against, ii. 313. 

Osbom, Mr. Francis, employed by Cromwell, iii. 419. 

Overbury, sir Thomas, imprecations used by James the First, in his 
charge to the judges on tne trial of his murderers, i. 89 — His mur- 
derers pardoned by James, 240. 

Overton, major-general, joins the royalists, on Cromwell's assuming 
the protectorate, iii. 431 — Banishea to Jersey by Oliver, and re- 
leased by the parliament after his death, 448. 

Oudart, Mr. his testimony of the respect with which Charles the 
First was treated by the parliamentary commissioners in the Isle of 
Wight, ii. 468. 

Owen, Dr. vice-chancellor of Oxford, panegyrises Oliver Cromwell 
and his government, iii. 361. 

Owen, charged with being concerned in the gunpowder plot, i. 209. 

Oxford, lord, imprisoned for connivance at a ^an for the restoration 
of Charles the Second, iv. 214. 

Oxford, university of, tides bestowed on Laud by, ii, 251— State of 
literature in, during the commonwealth, iii. 305 — ^Panegyrics com- 
posed at, in praise of Cromwell's treaty with the Dutch, S6l — ^En- 
riched by Cromwell with ancient manuscripts, in his quality of 
chancellor, 420. 


Palatinate, jee Frederick, elector palatine. 

Palmer, Mr. opposes the militia bill, ii. 416. 

Palmer, Mr. jee Cleveland. 

Panegyrics on Cromwell, iii. 350, 489. 

Panzani, resides at the court of Charles die First, as agent for the pope, 
ii. 230. 

Papal power of deposing sovereigns^ ▼. 169. 

Papists, their insolence, and influence with Charles the First, after his 
successes, ii. 441 — Occasion the deserdon of many of the king's 
friends, 443 — ^Excesses committed* by them in Ireland, iv. 64— , 
Their promises illusory, and not to be confided in, v. 169 — CortJ- 
missioned in the army by Charles the Second, 297. 

Pardoui jce Indemnity. 

-"'^'-^'^ - ■ -l , jy-l 


PareuSy his commentary on the Romans, burnt by order of king 
James, i, 223. 

Parker, Henry, a writer during the commonwealth, iii. 299. 

Parker, John, a character of his writings, iii. 298. 

Parliament, complaisance of, to James the First, i. 214 — Instances of 
that prince's contemptuous treatment of, 224---Contemptuous treat- 
ment of, by Charles the First, ii. 80, 280, 282, 283 — Refuse sup- 
plies to Charles, out of hatred to Buckingham, 155 — ^Draw up 
articles against Rjchard Montague for broaching doctrines contrary 
to the articles of the church of England, ^08 — ^Accuse Roger Main- 
waring of the same crime, ib. — Protestation of, respecting the sense 
in which the doctrines of the church are to be imderstood, sis — 
Sentiments of Locke, on the regal prerogative of assemUing and 
dismissing parliaments, 28 1 — England goyemed twelve years widxmt 
any, 291— -One called and dissolved for refiising supplies to carry 
on die Scottish war, S53— Particulars of Charleses condua to this 
parliament, 354, 357 — ^The long one called in cooaequeoce of the 
disasters of the war, 364 — ^Proceedings of this pariinlpnt, so5, SS6» 
iii. 58 — ^Reasons for depriving the bishops of vote% aod the power 
of holding temporal omces, S82 — ^Project for awing this parliament 
hj the army discovered, 384 — ^Impeachment of lord Kimboltmi 
and five members of the commons, 408— Militia bill, 413 — ^Exami- 
nation of the motives by which the parliament was influenced in ap- 
pealing to arms, 419 — ^Declaration of the necessity of this pro- 
cedure, 422 — Nice distinction between drawing the sword against 
the king's power and assailing his person, 423 — Raise an army and 
appoint the earl of Essex to 3ie command, 432 — Low state of their 
affeiirs in the beginning of the civil wars, 436 — Joined by many of 
the king's friends, on account of his attachment to papists, 443 — 

' Their Sairs revive after the siege of Gloucester ancl the little of 
Kaseby, 445 — Negotiations wim the king, 450, 457 — Resolve that 
no more addresses shalt be sent to him, 459. iv. 27, 29 — ^The vote 
rescinded, and a committee sent to treat with Charles in the Isle of 
Wight, 461. iii. 178 — ^The treaty stopped by the army, ii. 4^7. 
iii. 178 — Brought under the influence of the army, 469 — 
Votes of non-addresses renewed, 471 — The liberties of paifia- 
ment subverted by the army, ib^ — ^Acquitted of all blame on the 
death of the king, 474 — ^Proceedings on the redress of grievances, 
iii. 60 — On the remonstrance on the state of the kingdom, 69 — 
Self-denying ordinance, 106 — Ordinance for new-modelling the 
army, 1 1 5 — Declaration of pardon to the mutineers on account of 
the self-denying ordinance, 118 — Discontents occasioned by the 
offices, gifts, &c. bestowed upon the members, 131 — Insulted by 
the army, 143 — Determines to disband it, 1 54 — Alarmed at the pro- 
ceedings of the army, 155— Obliged to retreat, and yield to it, 159 
— ^The whole power assumed &y tne commons, 205, 215 — See Com- 
mons — Its suppression of ecclesiastical dignities inadequate to the 
end proposed, 304 — Violently dissolved by Cromwell, 3o9 — Arga- 
n\ents in favour of, and against this violent procedure, 317 — A new 
one summoned by Cromwell, tamamed the Little, or Barebone's 
parliament, S23 — Resigns its power, i3. S33 — Remarks on the 
proceedings of, 329 — Wrongly accused of designing to adopt the 
Mosaic law, 330 — Ordered to be triennial by Cromwell's instru- 
ment of government, 335— Success of its arms against Charles the 



Second, iv. 15. r/ j^^.^-Invites him to return from Scilly^ 29— ^Letter 
of the speakers of the two houses on this occasion, ss-r-Occasions a 
revolt of part of the fleet, 28 — Begins to be unpopular, 29-nDisgu8ts 
the Scots, 30 — ^Answer to the declaration of the Scots, signed by 
Charles the Second, 82 — ^Proclaims Charles the Second a traitor, 
and sets a price on his head, 104 — Dissolved by Oliver Cromwell, 
100— Summoned by Richard Cromwell, and swears fidelity to,him» 
184 — State of parties in, 189 — Resolutions on the petition of the 
army to Richard Cromwell, 1 92 — ^Dissolved by Richard, under the 
control of the army, 193 — The long one or Rump recalled by the 
army, i6. — Provision made for the late protector, 1 98— -Bill of in- 
demnity and oblivion, and for giving liberty of confiCience» 907 — 
Suppresses the insurrections of the royalists, 212— Jealous of the 
army, 216 — Resolves against the appomtment of general officers, 
218 — Its sittings interrupted by the aimy, 224 — Siqraortefl by 
Moncke, 295 — Obliged by Moncke to recall the seclud»a members, 
302 — ^Dissolved andi a new one elected, which restores Charles the 
Second, 326, 388 — ^The house of peers restored, 326 — ^Votes^five 
hundred pounds, and an address of thanks to sir Joha Grepvillr, 
bearer of the king's letters and declaration, 327 — Sends money to 
Holland, for the use of the king and his brother, 328 — ^Entreats 
Charles the Second to make a speedy return to England, ib^ — ^Ex- 
dudes the persons c(Hioemed in the execution of Charles the Firgt 
from the act of indemnity, 334 — Irregularity and un£umess of this 
proceeding, 336 — ^Disbands the army, 338 — Charges the arrears.diie 
to commanders of forces against Charles the First on the excisef iv. 
339 — Compliments Charles the Second with a greater revenue than 
his predecessors had received, 34o— -Orders the restitutipn of the 
crown lands, 341 —Its readiness to rivet the fetters of the people, on 
the Restoration, ii. 427— -Burnet's assertion, that the parliament in- 
tended to have raised the king's authority, without foundation, iv. 
344— ^Distresses occasioned by its resumption of crown and church 
lands, and forfeited estates, 352 — Proceedings upon the act of in- 
demnity and pardon, 362 — ^Impediment to its passing through the 
hou8e8,.S63 — Removed by the interference of the king, 365 — -The 
bill receives the royal assent, 366 — Appoints an excise, in conmm- 
tation of certain feudal laws, 373 — Threatened with dissolution for 
refusing to. settle a moiety of the excise duty on the ]d^g for li^ 
377 — Obhged to comply, 378 — ^Attempts to settle the church, but 
is prevented by the interference of the court, 379 — Dissolution, 385 
— ^Act of imiformity passed, v. 84, 240-— Act for t)ie relief of per- 
sons unavoidably prevented from subscribing the act of uniformity, 
91— Convienticle act, los — Five-mile act, 104, 240 — ^A tail for the 
reUef of diueqters secreted from the table, when about to receive. 
the royal assent, 128 — ^Dissolution, 129— ;Popish plots, 142 — ^Test 
act, 150-^£nlarged, 156^-Bill of exclusion against the duke <j£ 
York, 159 — ^Proceedings stopped by a dissolution, le-f, 178 — Argu- 
ments as to its power to set up or put down kings, 175 — Speeches 
of Charles the Second and the chancellor Shaftesbury, in favour of 
the war with Holland, 206 — ^Debates on the supplies, 213 — Speeches 
of the king and the chancellor Finch on the decay of the^tish 
navy, 221 ^Militia act, 240 — ^A general test bill lost through a dis- 
pute about privile^s, 941 — ^Act tor restraining the liberty of the 
press, 1^3 — ^N6g%^)9e tqgrards the bankers ruin^ by Cliarles the 



. , , . —Its venalitv i 
» prevent inquiry, 290 — Laid wnoUy aside 


1 thiB reign. 

urdy conduct the occasion of its dissolu- 
s for establishing episcopacy, v, 1 14. 
a refbnn of, projected during the com- 

Charles the Second, s 
Parliament of Scotland, its st 

tion, ij. 343 — Passes die ac 
Parliamentary repreaentadon, a 

monwealth, 209. 

Parliaments disliked by princes, iv. 53. 

Parochial relief, prohibited to noo^onibrmists by the magistrates of 
Middlesex, V. 109. 

Parr, Dr. erroneous in the motive he assigns to Cromwell for giving 
an honourable funeral to archbishop U^er, hi. 43 — Inconsistent in 
his accounts of the sale of Usher's library, 430. 

ParsoDr Dryden's character of a good one, ii. 354. 

Parsons, Roben, attacks king James's Apology for the Oath of Alle- 
giance, i. 133, 304 — James's abuse of him, las. 

Patties in England, at ihe commencement of the commonwealth, iv, 
54 — At die accession of Richard Cromwell to the protectorate, 188. 

PassiTC obedience, inculcated by the parliament that restoied Charles 
the Second, ii. 43b. 

Patents, arbitrary ones granted, to advance the revenue of Charles the 
First, ii. 393. 

Paul the Fifth, issues briefs to the English catholics against the oath 
of allegiance, i. 114 — His haughty spirit, 115. 

Panlet, air Amias, retiises to be concerned in putting to death, pri- 
Tateiy, the queen of Scots, i. is. 

Peers, number of, created by James the First, on hia accession to the 
English throne, i. 69 — Impolicy of raising any butT persons of real 
mem to that rank, 71. 

Peers, houK of, restored, tv. 326 — See Lords. 

Peg, Mrs. C. mistress to Charles the Second, iv. icp, 

Pefl, Dr. J. appointed envoy to the protestant cantons in Switzerland, 
iii. 419. 

Pemberton, judge, eminent for his vices, v. 331. 

Pembroke, earl of, rude reply of Charles the First to, in his office of 
parliamentary commissioner, ii. 81. 

Penal laws agamst non-confomiists, abstract of, v. los. 

Penn and Venabtes, entrusted by Cromwell with an expedition to His- 
paniola, which rm'scarriea, iii. 377— Take Jamaica, 3B0, 382 — Com- 
mitted to the Tower, 333 — Penn joins die royalists, iv. 252. 

Pennington, sir John, admiral of the English fleet, sees ihe Dutch 
fleet destroy the Sjtanish fleet in the Downs, in violation of the law 
(tf nations, without interfering, ii. 3T3. 

Pennington, Isaac, alderman of London, excepted from the pardon 
proc^med by Charles the First, ii. 469. 

Penrudduck, raises an insurrection in the West against Cromwell, iii. 
428 — Taken and executed, 43S. 

Pensioners in the House of Commons during the reign of Charles 
the Second, v. 231. 

Pepper, great quantity of, belonging to merchants, bought up by Charles 
the First on credit, and sold at an undervalue, ii. 369. 

Pepys Samuel, esq, originally a tailor, made secretary to the admir- 
alty, for voting with the court under Charles the Second, v. 281 — 
Complains of^the decay of the British navy, ii91— Accused of 


haying sent information to the French court of the state of the 
navy, 225 — Committed by the commons to the Tower, 227. 

Percy, GUpry* brother of the earl of Northumberland, concerned 
in die ^lot for overawing the last parliament of Charles the First, 
ii. 384 — ^Endeavours to determme Charles the Second to go to Ire- 
land, ir. 57. 

Peripchief, on the reproach brought upon Charles the First by the 
Irish massacre, ii. 393 — His account of Harrison making a long 
prayer, to detain Fairfax from attempting the rescue of Charles the 
First, improbable, iii» 203. 

Perron, cardinal, account of king James's controversy with, i. 157. 

Perrot, sir James, sent to Ire&nd for his free speaking in parlia- 
ment, i. 230. 

Persecution, ideas of lord Shaftesbury respecting, i. 278 — ^Frightfiil 
state of, under Charles the First, ii. 269 — ^Always hurtful to diose 
who use it, 270 — ^May be easily slid into by those who have been 
the objects of it, iii. 67 — Oppressed state of the non-conformist in 
the reign of Charles the Second, v. 85, 102. 

Perth, parliament of, acts passed in, against thd Puritans, in compli- 
ance with the will of James the First, i. 279 — Subscription to the 
articles of, abolished, ii. 339. 

Peters, Hugh, preacher at Whitehall, iii. 200. 

Petition of^right, evasive manner of Charles the First in passing this 
bill, ii. 88. 

Petitioners, ori^n of the association of, for compelling the parliament 
to a pacification, iv. 14. ' 

Petitioning, prohibited by Charles the Second, v. 310 — Is a right in- 
herent in Britons, 312. 

Pett, sir Peter, attributes the answer to Cromwell's declaration against 
the cavaliers to lord Holies, but without authority, iii. 436. 

Petty, sir William, employed by Cromwell to make surveys of Ireland, 
iii. 419 — His observations on the revenue of Charles the Second, 
iv. 343. 

Philips, sir Robert, committed to prison for his free speaking in par- 
liament, i. 230. 

Pickering, sir Gilbert, a member of Barebone's i)arliament, iii. 326. 

Pictures set up in churches from the superstition of Charles the 
First, i. 220. 

Piercy, lord, put under arrest, by order of the prince's council^ 
iv. 18. 

Pierrepoint, Mr. suppoits the motion for an excise in lieu of the court 
of wards, iv. 373. 

Pilkington, sheriff of London, fined for reflecting on the duke of 
York, V. 335. 

* Pirates, See Turks. 

Poetical effiisions on the accession of Richard Cromwell to the pro- 
tectorate, iv. 181 — On the restoration of Charles the Second, 332. 

Poets, their panegyrics of princes, seldom to be believed, iv. 182. 

Point of honour, m giving priority to names in treaties, how managed 
fcMT Richard Cromwell, IV. 176. 

Pollard, captain, concerned in the plot for awing the last parliament 
of Charles the First, ii. 384. 

Poole, sir C. a court pensioner in the House of Conunons, under 
Charles the Second, v. 288. 




Pope, Dr. his narrative of Charles the Second's ungenerous conduct .to- 
wards the bishop of Salisbury, v. 46. 
Popery, approaches made to, oy the church, in the reign .^ Charles 
me First, ii. 235, 249 — Its alaiming progress in London'^ind its en- 
virons of late years, iii. 297 — ^Its (toctrines subversive "of civil free- 
dom, 298 — ^Its professors cherished by Charles the Second, v. 71 
— ^Analysis of its composition, 82 — Its crafty and insinuating na- 
ture, 158 — Always the same, intolerant and Woody, 169. 
Popham, sir Francis, excepted from Charles the First's proclamation 

of pardon, ii. 439. 
Popham, Mr. A. excepted from the pardon proclaimed by Charles 

the First, ii. 439. 
Popish plot, history of, v. 130 — See Oates. 
Portmans, Mr. unjusdy imprisoned by Oliver, and released by the 

parliament under Richard Cromwell, iii. 448. 

Portsmouth, Mademoiselle Keroualle, duchess of, mistress to Charles 

the Second, ruined by the contrivance of Mounta^ue and an 

astrologer, v. 10 — Created duchess of Aubigny by Louis the Foui- 

teenth, 41 — ^Attends Charles in his dying moments, 43 — ^Her un- 

' courdy language respecting bishop Burnet, 360. 

Portugal, king of, obliged to submit to Cromwell's terms in a 

treaty, iii. 351. 
Portuguese ambassador's brother and master of horse executed for 

murder, iii. 349. 
Potter, captain, wounded in the batde of Naseby, iii. 129. 
Powder-plot, i. loe — Discovery of falsely ascribed to James the First, 

108 — Doubts respecting its existence refuted, 109. 
Power, regal, high notions of Charles the First respecting, ii. 276 — 

Its real origin in the people, iii. 293. 
Powle, Mr. an advocate for the rights of the people, v. 77, 330. 
Prague, batde of, between the Austrians and Bohemians, i. 180. 
Praise, the attendant on fortune, iii. S62. 
Prayer, supposed to be answeied by an inward impression upon the 

suppliant, a prevalent opinion in Cromwell's court, iii. 19. 
Prayers, used by Charles the First in the time of his troubles, some 

account of, ii. lis. 
Predestinarian controversy, conseguence resulting from the animosity 

with which it was carried on, ii. 216. 
Prejudice, levels or exalts contrary to sense and reason, iii. 86. 
Prelatists, their oppression of the puritans, iii. 45 — ^A satirical litany 

against them, 47. 
Prerogative of princes, only the power of doing good without a public 

rule, ii. 494. 
Presbyterians, encouraged and cherished by Cromwell, though inclined 
to favour the royal interest, iii. 42 — Their insolence m the loi^ 
parliament, 64 — Refuse to subscribe the " Engagement" to the com- 
monwealth, and are expelled the Universities, iv. 55 — Principally 
conducive to the restoration of Charles the Second, 310 — Not 
, averse to the restoration of die liturgy, upon terms, v. 83— The 
Episcopalians reject an union with them, and require an imcon- 
didonal submission, ib. 
Press, rigorous restraints on, under Charles the First, ii. 271 — ^Re- 
newed by Charles the Second, v. 250 — A licenser of appoint- 
ed, 254. 


PreaMHf Mr* htft congratulatory verses to Richard Cttnn^^) dfli his 
accession to the protectorate, iy. 181. 

Preston, battle of, lii. 177. 

Price, Thos. esq. a court pensioner in the Hou^ of Comittons, tinder 
Chai'les rfie Second, v. 289 — ^Protected from arrests in Whitehall 
during the recess of parliament, 281. 

Pride, Colonel, purges the House of Commons of members obnoxious 
to the army, ii. 471, 473. iii. 177 — His address to Fairfax on the 
statfc of the nation, iii. 179 — Knighted with a faggot-stick, by 
Cromwell, 478 — Opposes Oliver's acceptance of the regal title, ib. 

PridJe, ludicrous instance of, in a Scottish knight, iv. 12S. 

Prie'8t*craft repugnant to the spirit of the Holy Scriptures, r, 112. 

Priests, princes should curb their power, i. L>72 — Power in their hands 
in danger of degenerating into tyranny, ii. S9 — Parasitical ones 

. compared to earwigjs, 102 — ^The doctrine of forgiveness of sins by, 
publicly preached, ii. 226. 

Pnnces, their service hard and difficult, i. 21 — The doctrine of the 
sacredness of their persons not upheld in EHzabeth's time, i3. — 
Sentiments of James the First respecting, 51 — Sentiments of queen 

' Mai*y, Of, — ^Their accession to a foreign throne the proper mo- 
ment for the people to claim their just rights and pnvil^s, 
58 — Should not be too bountiful to persons used to low cir- 
cumstances, 68 — Evils resulting from their love of ease and pleasure, 
77 — Oaths by them highly mdecent and impolitic, 88— When 
oi>enly vicious and profene, injure the interests of religion, by occtt- 
sionaliy appearing its votaries, 93 — Hunting the least proper fbr 
them, 98— ^ould dread falling into contempt, 212 — Should curb 
the power of the clergy, 272 — ^Their youth and subsequent periods 
of life often a sad contrast, i. 2d7 — Chastity in them productive o€ 
many happy effects, 48 — To gain the favour of their subjects, should 
be humane and courteous in their behaviour, 84 — Importance of 
their adhering to truth, and avoiding dissimulation, ib. 96 — Litera- 
ture best promoted by their patronising authors, not by their becom- 
ing authors, 149— Tneir ambition to swell their prerogative poor 
aro contemptible, S79 — ^Warned against t^ing part in the squabble^t 
of ecclesiastics, 3S& — ^The fate of Charles the Fu'st an eminent ex- 
ample to them, 491 — Should be privileged with the power of doing 
good, but precluded from doin^ evil, 494 — Should be cautious ho\v 
they give themselves up to arbitrary cotittsels, iii. 6S — Sutroanded 
witn poor tools by their own ^It^ 413 — Must not heed the re- 
proach of being Cruel, if they would keep their suljects united and 
faithflJ, 466 — ^Their education of great importance, iv — ^In what 
it ought and ought not to consist, ih, — Miserable in a state of exile, 
124 — ^Their reputation should not be trusted to the flimsy efhisions 
of poetical panegyric, but rather to be fotmded on good deeds and 
nob^e actions, 182 — ^Are always surround^ with a venal crowd of 
flatierersy 250— To be unily great, and make the people happ^^, 
uhould be invested with an unlimited power of doing good, but de- 
barred Uie opportunity of acting wrong by the law^ S24 — ^Are sub- 
ject to the nuStdamental laws of die state, SSIff^ 339 — ^And may be 
put to death if tb^y infringe upon, or subvert those laws, S37 — 
Properly employed m the study of affeiiB of state, v. d — ^The love 
of ease censurable in them, $ — ^Their disBinndation too ^neral to 
remain undetected, 14— Rendered odious by their gallant]ies, 43— 

VOL. I. B B 


Their humour always followed and supported by their council and 
favourites, 168 — Compared to lovers: caress their people till tliify 
have obtained their desires, and then loath and maltreat them, 905 
— ^l*heir vices spread a baleful contagion over the community, 366. 
Seefurthery under Governors and Kings. 

Printing, its influence in the cause of liberty, v. 250— RestricUonB im- 
posed by Charles the Second, 253, 

Prisoners, instances ol Charles the First being a pleased spectator of their 
calamities, ii^ 78. 

Proclamation of acts of parliament, an ancient custom, revived under 
the Commonwealth, but discontinued since the Restoration, iv. 40. 

Proclamations : — ^Against the emigration of the Puritans, iii. 54 — ^By 
the parliament setting a piice on prince Charles's head, iv. 104 — By 
Charles the Second setting a price on Cromwell's head, 128 — ^By 
Richard Cromwell, on his assumption of the protectorate, 177 — ^By 
Charles the Second, on his restoration, 313 — For establishing epis- 
copacy in Scotland, v. 114 — For procuring obedience to ecclesias- 
tical authority, 115 — Of indulgence to (Bssenters, 122 — ^For the 
suppression of coffee-houses,^ 261 — For preventing signatures to pe- 
titions to the king,. 309. 

^Profligacy of manners introduced by Charles the Second, v. 361. 

Project, for overawing the last parliament of Charles the First by 
means of the army, discovered, ii, 384. 

Prosperity, a dangerous state to most men, ii. 436 — ^Its efiects upOB 
Charles the First, ib. 

Bkotection of sovereigns, the end of obedience in subjects, iii. 344* 

Protector of the Commonwealth of England, his powers, iii. 335 — 

, Limitations to his authority, ib, — Provision in case of his death, 336.. 

Protestantism, a revival of the religion of Jesus Christ, iii. 396. 

Protestants in Germany, injury done to theii* cause by the indifFerence 
of James the First, i. 253 — ^Those in France subjected to the will <rf 
the French court by the surrender of Rochelle, ii. 162, 164 — Dread^ 
ful persecution of by the duke of Savoy, iii. 397-*-The perBecotioBi 
stopped by Cromwell's influence, 398. 

Proverb, Scottish, ii. 336. 

Prynne, censured in the high commission for writing against the doc- 
trines of Montague, ii. 212 — cruelties inflicted on by the Star-cham- 
ber, for writing against interludes, and actors and actresses, ii. 263 
—In his way to CarnaiTon Casde, hospitably entertained by a sheriff 
of West-Chester, 269 — Extract from a pamphlet attributed to him, 
intided. The Arraignment, Conviction, and Condemnation of the 
Westminsterian Juncto's Engagement, iv. 41 — Opposes the vest- 
ment of the excise duties in the crown, as a compensation for the 
court of wards, abolished by Charles the Second, 374. 

Psidms of David, king James's translation of, i. 162. 

Public characters, open to investigation, or the state in danger, v. 269. 

Pubhc debt, contracted prior to the* Revolution, consisted of the sumf 
of which Charles the Second had defrauded his creditors by shutting 
the Exchequer, v. 276. 

Puritans, conference between them and the episcopalians, at Hamp« 
ton Court, i. 99 — ^What was requested by them at this conference, 
107 — Enmity of James the First to them, 273-^Ceremonie8 to which 
they object, ib. — ^Their greatest foes educated amongst them, iL 6 
—Their character and ^ews, iii. 45 — ^Their sufferings, i^.—Theif 


g£KERAL INDElf. 871 

satirical litany against ihe prelatists, 47 — Many of them emigrale 
to America, others prevented, iji. 54 — Hateful to Charles the First 
from their attachment to civil liberty, 214 — Cruel peraecution of, by 
the clergy of Charles the Fi] si, S57. 

Purveyance, rij^t of, abolished by Charles the Second, iv. 367. 

Pym, Mr, committed to prison for liis free speaking in parliament, i. 
230 — One of the five members impeached by Chailes the First, 
ii. 4og — Excepted from the proclamation of pardon, 439— Pro- 
posed to Charles the First as Cliancellor of the Exchequer, iv. 10 — 
Remarks on the probable consequences of such an appointment 
to the popular party, ib. 

Querouaille, Mademoiselle de, Set Keroualk and Portsmouth. 
Qua •warranle, writ of, issued against the city of London, v. 3fi: 

Rainbow, Dr. expelled the Unirersity for refusing to suhscribe the 

" Engagement" to the Commonwealth, iv. 56. 
Rainsboroi^h, captain, commands the naval expedidoo against Sallee, 

ii. 194— Retains his commission, notwith standing the seli^lenying 

ordinance, iii. 1S4. 
Ralei^, sir Walter, cruel conduct of James the First to, i. 237 

Saying of, respecting the power of the English navy, ii. 186. 
Ramsay, sir John, title and wealth conicrred on, by James the 

First, i, 64, 6fi. 
Bapin's defence of Cromwell's conduct towards the long parliament, 

Ray, a panegyiist of Cromwell, iii. 36i, 

Rayoal, abbe, his character of JameS the First,!. 294 — Of the English 
Republicans, Ui. STI. 

Reading, taken by the earl of Essex, ii. 436. 

Reason, the natural and best guide of men, v. 70 — The only safeguard 
agmst papal delusions, 81. 

Rebellion, improper apphcitioo of this terra to the civil wars betweea 
Charles the First and the parliament, iL 435. 

Reform of the representation, proposed under the Commonwealth, iv. 
209— Abandoned, 211. 

Reformation, attcndet! with much heat and enthusiasm, iii. 1 8. 

Regal government, compared with the republican m point of ex- 
pense, iv. 278. — Not an hereditary right in England, v. 175. 
I Regicides, executed, iv. 335— Injustice and cruelty of diis measure, SS6. 

Iteignolds, Dr. E. expelled thedeanery of Chriatchurch, iv. S6. 

^Reli^on, its interests injured by a prince, openly ticious and profane, 
appearing its votary, i. 93 — The observance of its rites altwe does 
not constitute a good raan, ii. 50 — Formerly a considerable trait in 
3 great man's character, iii. 11 — A recjuiaite qualilication for a post 
in the army, ib. — Its power on die mind of a man truly sensible to 

( . its obligatioBE) ig^The outward profession of, discarded with the 
. Commonwealth, v. 36S. 

B^ligious diflputcB, a certain ci 

Leli^OUB liberty, granted by the Rump Parliament, iy. Sas. 


RfmODGtrance tor the Rights ot Kings, by James the First, account 
of, i. 157. 

Remoiutraoce of the state of the kingdoni> hbtory of^ iii. 69— Another 
by the aeeluded members, 45n. 

Representacloa, parllamentaty, its adi'antages, iii. 3BS — Corrupted by 
Uie influence of ministers, jA,— By court intrigues, ii.— Tfe anny 
petition for a refbnn of, li.— Procctdings in the commons relative to 
It, ess— Rendered nugatory, 3S6— Ought to be reriBed, 887. 

R^ublicaa governmeDt, unsuit^le to such as have been acctistomed to 
mdulgencies unauthorized by law, iv. 351. 

Republ^ans, obtain an ascendancy in the parliament and in the 
nation, during the protectorate ot Richard Cromwell, iv. 190. 

Republics, generally degenerate into despotic goremments, iii. 309 — 
Inquiry into the cause oFthist 3lo. 

Resistance of the tyrannical eicercise of power, the docnine off con- 
duced to the catastrophe of Charles the First, v, 239 — HJB son re- 
solved to extirpate it, iB. — Consonant with the examples recorded 
in Scripture, 249 — Theexerciae of it not always subversive of the 
gOTemmeni, 350. 

Restoration (rf Charles the Second by Monckc, iv. 309 — Review of 
circumstances, and the state of parties which led to itj tb. — Where- 
fore unconditional, 319— The report of, discredited at first amoi^ 
foreignci-3, 3E4 — Extravagant joy of the people at, 32e— The anm. 
versary of, ordered to be observed on the 29ih of May, 330 — Poeri*. 
cal effusions on the occasion, 33s;— Less beneficial to '"" 

Retz, cardinal &, his secret visit to Charles the Second, v. 53. 

Revelations, Paraphrase on, by James the First, remarks on it, i. 41, 

Revenge, a cowanily principle, i. 62. 

Revenue) extravagant, bestowed on Charles the Second by the parlia- 
ment, iv. 340 — Improvident mode of leaving it in the handi of the 
sovereign, 343. 

Rhee, isle of, unfortunate descent of the English army at, ii. I59. 

Rich, Henry, earl of Holland, lavish bounty of James the Firot to, 72— 
refiises himself to the king's unnatural propensity, laa — Rude ex> 
pressions of Charles the First to, ii. 80 — Sent ambassador to the 
United Provinces, 154. 

Rich, sir Nathaniel, sent to Ireland for his free speaking in parlia- 
ment, i. 230. 

Richardson, chief justice, reprimanded in council by the bishop of 
London for atten^ting to suppress ales and revels on the Lord's 

day, ii. i 
Ricmieu, c 

^ .bar 

m t 


I, cardinal, observation by, respecting the empire of the sea, 

ii.iBfr—Threatens Charles the First for refusing to consent to the 

tiaraiioD of Flanders, 190— Addicted to aatrobgy, and the most 

ritUculous kinds of divination, t. 12. 
Kichmond, Charles Lennox, duke of, a natural son of Charges the 

Second, by Mademoiselle de Kcroualle, duchess of Portsmouth, 1. 

41— Made a peer of France, ii. 
Richmond, duchess of, her splendid retinue and mag^mlicent largpasea 

on being deputy sponsor for the queen mother of France, at the 

baptism of Chailes the Second, rv. 3. 

' :ht, petition of, cause of its enactment, iii. S89 — Brotuoby C&adct 
- First, 290. 



Rights of kings discussed, iv. 45 — See Kings and Princes. 

RitfS, religious, necessary to the preeenation of religion, v, 99. 

Rixio, David, account of, i. I. 

Roberts, Mr. R. 2 coort pensioner nndw CharlL-a the Second, r. 

33B, 289. 

Rocheite, reiiifes admission to Buckinclimn's fleet, iL iss — Decbrei 
for the Englidi, and is besi^^d by Fnince, 16S— Ii forcvd to a*r- 
render, 162. 

Rocbesier, Lawrence Hviie, eail of, urg-s Dr. Sprait to luppreM a 
coUectioo of leuers written by Cliarlw the Rrsi, ii. 143. 

Rochester, John Wilniot, eari of, his satire on the conduct of Charies 
the Second towards the rovalists, v. 1 9. 

RockJDghain, forest of, arbitrarily iticreascd from sw to sixty nuleSi , 
ii. S9G. 

Rohan, prDtestum chief, causes Ae inhabitants of Rochelle to declare 
for the English, ii. 162 — Asserts that it is the interest of the chief 
magistrate of England to become head of the protestanta, iii. 404. 

Rolles, Mr. tbon^ a member of pailiament, his goods arbitrariij 
seized for duties of tonnage and poundage, ii. aa2, U90. 

Roman CatholicSj couotenanced by the Protector while they conducted 
themselves peaceably, iii. 43. See Piipists, 

Roper, sir Anthony, nnes inflicted on, under the pretence of forst 
encroachments, li. 393. 

Rotbes, earl of, his cooragwju* opposition to the act relating to the 
apparel of Idrkmen, ii. 31B. 

Roundheads, a name of reproach applied to the partisans of the par- 
liament, ii. 431. 

Rouse's dying declaration relative to the Rydtonse plot, v. 537. 

Royalists, causes of their disasters in their etrusglc with the Repul* 
licans, according to Clarendon, iv. 16— accordmg to Lansdowne, 
17 — They snbBCribe the " Eogageraent" to the Commonwealth, St 
— Their hopes elated on the death of Oliver Cromwell, i69 — De- 
pressed in the restoration of the Rump Parliament, ao8 — Defeated 
by Lambert at Namptwich, SI3 — Supposed to hare been betrayed 
by sir R.Willis, 515— Prepared to accept any terms diat m^ht 
have been pioposed for the restoration of Charles the Second, 314 — 
Their unhappy constitution and temper supposed to be the cautc 
of eharlea the Second's indifference to state affairs, v. 3, 

Royal Society, history of its rise, v. 5 — Though patroniied and 
cnartered by Charles the Second, it begnn under the Commoff- 
wealdi, or rather in the rrign of Charles the First, 6 — Origtnalty 
designed for friendly conversations on esperimenta! pbiloMfUiyi in 
consequence of the interrapdoa given to academical studies by the 

Royalty abolished in England, iii. 315— Restored, i». S9a. 

Rump-pgriiament, jk Long-parliament. 

Rupert, nriace, affecting anecdote of one of his prisoners, ii 

Russell, lord, moves the dismissal of the duke of^York fron. the royal 
presence and councils, IfiS — Examinatioa of how far be could be . 
connected with the RyehoiiBe.fjol, 33fl — Copy of the paper d«- • 
iivered by him to the sheriffs on the day ot his eKecution, 339. 

Riusel, Mr. argues against a standiDg army, v. 30I. 

'■■™ ■" ~'-\ Knew of the ciicmn«taiice» aamding if, v. ssT. 



St. Albans, Farlf extravagant grant of land to, in Ifdand, by Charles 
Uw Pint, a proof of that king's regard tor the Irish Catholic:, 
ii. 399. 

St. John, a lawyer of Lincoln's Inn, his papers seized, on suspicioa 
of his having assisted Bunon in drawing up his defence, ii. 367 — 
Becomes soEcitor-gPoeral to the commonwealth, and is appotoied 
of the committee for bringing in the self-denying ordioance, iii. 
109 — Becomes lord chief justice, and goes ambassador to Holland, 
ssa — Negoualions there, ib. — His speech to the states on leav- 
ing the Hague, 25S — Is the chief mover of the navlgarioti act, 376 
— Adverse to Cromwell's usurping the sole power, 467 — Makes 
terms with Charles the Second, for his restoration, iv. 858. 

St. John, Oliver, rieorous conduct of James the First to, i. B3S — His 
congratulatory addi'ess to Cromwell, on the victory of Dunbar, 
iii. S40, 

St. John, air W, presents the Wiltshire petition to Charles the Se- 
cond, V. 310. 

Salisbury, tushop of, ungenerous conduct of Charles the Second) to- 
wards in his old age, v. 46. 

Salisbury, Cecil earf of, pleasant story of his political intrigue, i. 55 
— Enriches himself at the expence of the Scots, 7 1 — The report of 
the gunpowder plot imputed to his ardfice by the papists, 109. 

Salisbury, lord, fined twenty thousand poimos for forest encroach- 
ments, ii. S95. 

Sallee, lines by Waller on the taking of, ii. 192 — Particulars of the ex- 

E edition against jr, and its surrender, 194. 
iraon and James the First curiously compared, i, sas. 
Samson, Agnes, apprehended and examined as a witch, i. 47. 
Sandej'son, bishop, his review of parties and their motives, at the be- 
ginning of the common weal til, iv. St. 
Sandwich, lord, his relation of the overthrow of Richard Cromwell's 

government, iv. ISJ. 
Savil, clmming to have been the assassin of Buckingham, cruelty of 

the star-chamber to, ii. 309. T 

Saviile lord Hilifax, jet Halifax. 
Savoy, duke of, his cruel persecution of the protestants of Vaudois, 

iii, 397 — Stopped by the interference of Cromwell, 399. t 

Saunders, judge, eminent for his vices, v. 331. 
Sawyer, sir Robert, bribed with 1,000/. by Charles the Secondf/or his 

services in parliament, v. aso. 
Say and Sele, William viscount, excepted from Charles-ihe First's 

proclamadon of pardon, ii. 439 — Determines on emigration to 

America, iii. 54. 
Schomberg, marshal, refiises the command of the Blackheath army, 

raised by Charles the Second to intimidate the citizcnR of London, 

Science promoted, and its professors encouraged by Cromwell, iii. 419. 
ScioppiuE, Caspar, virulence of his answer to king James's Apology 

and Premonition, i. 136. 
Scodand and Scots; number of Scots advanced to honours and wealth 

by Jamea the First, i. 64, eG— Claim precedency of the Ei^Mb 


Bobility, 68 — ^Attempts of Charles the First to introduce innovations 
in their religion, ii. 316 — Prepare for war, to resist those innova^ 
tions, 329, 333 — ^Peace restored, 334 — ^Terms of the pacification^ 
335 — ^The sincerity of Charles in this pacification doubted, 337 — 
Dissatisfied with tne dissolution of their parliament by Traquair, 
343 — ^War renewed, 344 — ^Enter England, and take possession of 
Newcastle, 363 — Favourable issue to them, of this war, 364 — 
Their army petition Charles the First at Newcastle, to settle the 
nation, iii. 152 — ^Endeavour to prevail on Cromwell to spare his 
life, 199 — ^Their ill treatment by Charles, 329 — Send ambassadors 
to prince Charles at the Hague, ib, iv. 68 — His sentiments towards 
them, iiL 23Q. iv. 59, 63 — Charles crowned at Scone, iii, 2S0— 
State of Scotland at this period, 231. iv. 59— Battle of Dunbar, iii. 
238 — ^Farther successes of the English, 241 — The nation spbmit to 
the conquerors, 243 — ^An union with England projected by the 
commonwealth, 277; which is completed by Cromwell, 280 — The 
non-conformists 4)efsecuted on the restoration of Charles the Second^ 
v, 112 — ^Their'*^hopes miserably disappointed by him, 114 — Epis- 
copacy established fusx by the king's proclamation and afterwards 
by the parliament, ib> — ^The league and covenant abolished, ib. — 
Tyrannical proclamatio;! for procuring obedience to ecclesiastic^ 
authority, 115 — ^Acts against conventicles, 118 — ^An indulgence to 
dissenters published, 125 — The episcopalians excite a cry of " No 
Popery," i^.— The declaration cancelled, 126. 

Scriveners, formerly the agents for money, v. 270. 

Scroggs, chief justice, his tyrannical suppression of Carr's Weekly 
Packet, &c. v. 257 — Copy of a general-warrant issued by him, for 
the seizure of unlicensed books, ib, — ^Farther instances of his 
oppression, 258. 

Sea, sovereignty of, insisted on by the commons, during the com- 
monwealth, iii. 264 — Relinquished by Charles the Second, in favour 
of France, v. 218. 

Seajpan, Dr. vice-chancellor of Cambridge, an eulogist of Cromwell, 
iii. 360, 489. 

Seamen, called in contempt, by Charles the First, water-rats, ii. 82. 

Search, right of, insisted on by Cromwell, iii, 264—Relinquished by 
Charles the Second, v. 2 18. 

Sectarians, why they subscribed the " Engagement," iv. 55. 

3elden, Mr. committed to prison for his free speaking in parliament, 
i. 230, ^84 — Obliged to make his submission in the high commis- 
sion court, for pS>lishing his book on tithes, i. 272 — Writes his 
Mare Clatuunii in answer to Grotius's Mare LiJberumy iii. 184 — 
Extract from his Mare Claujum, iii. 264. 

Self-defence, a principle of the law of nature, ii. 418. 

Self-denying ordinance, mischievous to the parliament, but beneficial to 
the ambition of Cromwell, iii. 106 — ^Account of its progress through 
parliament, 108— <^onsequences, 116 — ^A party contrivance, 124. 

Sermons, long, preached by the Scottish covenanters, at which 
• Charles the Second was obliged to be present, iv. 77. 

Service-book, j^^ Liturgy, Scottish. 

Sevigne, Madame de, on the comparative merits of Mademoiselle de 
Keroualle and Nell Gwin, mistresses to Charles the Second, v, 42. 

Sexby, colonel; author of Killing no Murder, iii. 94 — ^Di^ in prison, 
iv. 127. 


Seymour, Edward, Esq. p^nsipped to. betray the country pArty« by 
Charks the Second, v. 282, 288. 

Seymour, Mr. chosen speaker by the commons, and rejected by 
Charles the Second, y. 315. 

Shaftsbury, lord, his description of king James as a wTiter, i. 160 — 
Reconmiends to soverei^s, instead of becoming authors them- 
selves, to patronise literature in their subjects, as we surest earnest 
of increasmg it, ii. l49-T-Becomes one of die Cabal ministry, v. 
125 — Supports the Dutch war in his parliamentary harangues^ 207 
— Satirised by Dryden, 208 — His speeches on the diuttiog rf the 
exchequer, and the case of the bankers, 274. 

Sheffield, duke of Buckingham, see Buckingham. 

Sheldon, Dr. recommends moderation in rdigious matters in a sermon 
before Charles the Second, iv. 885 — Countenances the duchess of 
York's inclination towards popery, v. 81 — ^Extract from his letter 
to the bishops of his diocese, aesiring them to enforce the laws 
against conventicles and nonconformists, v. 106. 

SheHock, bishop, his sanguine description of the effects of the refor- 
mation, iv. ssi. 

Ship-money, levied by Charles the First, particulars of, ii, 298, a58 
-—Conduct of the long parliament respectmg, 305. 

Sibthorp, Robert, rewards bestowed on him by Charles the First for 
preacHng the doctrine, that kings were not bound tp obserye the 
laws, ii. 209. 

Sidenham, colonel, a member of Barebone's parliament^ iii. 326* 

Skippen, major-general, retains his contravention of the 
self-denying ordinance, iii. 1 24— Wounded ip the battle of Nasd>y» 
128, 130 — Made one of Cromwell's major-generals, 438. 

Slingsby, executed for fevouring the cause of Charles the Second, 
iv. 127, 

Smith, Dr. on the prevention of the sale of archbishop Usher's library, 
iii. 420. 

Smoking clubs, political, common in the days of the Common- 
wealth, iv. 278. 

Soldiers, aversion of, to the war with the Scots, ii. 362. 

Solenm league and covenant, subscribed by Charles the Second« hr. 
73 — Declared to be an unlawful obligation, v. 84, 114 — Obaerya- 
tions on this measure, 101. 

Solomon, see Salomon. 

Somerset, earl and countess of, see Ker* 

Somerset House, ordered to be sold for the supply of the Navy, 
iv. 219. 

Somersett, sir John, his estate in Southampton settled upgn Crom- 
well, as a reward for his valour in the battle of Naseby, iii. 134. 

Sonnets by king. James the First, i. 163, 

Sorbiere's character of the English republicans, iii, 266. 

Soverei^s, bound to protea their subjects, from whom otherwise they 
can demand no obedience, iii. 344; see Kings and Princeis, 

Sovereignty of the 8?a, claimed by the commons, and enforced by 
Cromwell, iii. 264 — Relinquished by Charles the Second, v. 218, 

South, Dr. e:^tract fropi his Poem in praise of the jgovemment of 
Cromwell, iii. 361 — His subsequent apostacy, 36^ — Jl^s poetical <;e|c- 
bration of Charles's restoration, iv. 332. 

Southampton^ lordi fined for forest encroachments, ii. 2$5^ 

QfiNBRAt INDEX. 97? 

SouthampCOBy earl of, cteceived by Hide, a« to the dtixaMat and capa* 
city 01 Charles tJ^t Secoody iv. 323. 

Spain, impolicy of James's treaty of peace with, i. 165 — ^Deprives 
Prederick, James's soa-in^aw, of his Palatinate, 183 — (English naval 
expedition against, ii. 149 — ^Peace with Eagbnd proclaimed IS4 — j!t» 
fleet destroyed by the Dutch, 172 — ^Is the first power that acknow- 
ledges the Commonwealth, iii. 345 — ^Negotiates with Cromwellf 
363 — ^Its condition at the period of its rupture with him, S76i — 
Cromwell's manifesto against, 387 — Rejoicmgs in, om occa6i<mof 
the birth of Charles the Second, iy. 2. 

Spaniards, their ill treatment of British merchants, i. 175—Tllcir cniel 
murder of twenty-six Englishmen, 176, ii. 

Speech, freedom of, the sweguard of the government, v. 267. 

Speke, Mr. fined by the minions of Charles the Secood, y. 335, 353w 

Spencer, Robert, lord, from the bawdy discourse of Charles the First at 
Gloucester, supposed himself to be in the drawia^-room, it. 83. 

Sports, allowance of, on Sundays, disgustiid to the puritans, iik 54. 

^potswood, Kfihop, on the character of James the First, i. 29d-«ifi9 
conduct respectmg Kirkman's apparel act, ii. 320 — Made ckaoceHbr^ 
322 — A|>p<»0es the tumult in the church of £dinbui|^, 826. 

$prat. Dr. paoegynaes the naemory of Cromwell, vu 48»-^Hia ac- 
count of the encouragement given oy Charles the Second to the Royal 
Society, v. 5. 

Sprat, judge, on ^ q^oo warranto issued against the city of London, 
V. 325'-*-Ojice the panegyrist of Cromwell, 328-^On the character 
of lord Russel and .^gemon Sidney,^ 350-— On the mysterious 
death of loniEasex, 3.54. 

^ Staflordy. iprd, his testMBony aa to the existence of the gui^wdep 
plot, i. llo--His deckuation at the bar of the house of peers against 
the overweening influence of papists, v. 79«^His objections to Oates's 
testimony, 132. 

Stamford, Henry, c^l of^ excepted from Charlea the First's {Hroclama^ 
tion of pardon, ii. 439. 

Staokyt earl of Derby, lAoDerfayw 

Star, uncommon ai^searance of one at nooa'day, at the birth of Charles 
the Second) iy# i. • • 

'gtar-chamberf aeverky of its proceedings against Leightcm, ii. 260 — 
It& deccee respecting the press, 271 — ^fts cruelty to persons acting in 
opposition to this decree, 273r^lta conduct to offenders against fo- 
rest laws,. 29^— <Some account of this court, 307 — ^FurtheMnatanceS' 
oi'ita cruelty* dOO-r-AboHshed by act of parliament, 314, 376. 

State papers, ueir utihty in detecting historical fictions, isL 395. 
State reasons. substitut£a£br plain honesty by corrupt governments, iib 

State^fgencralof Holfapd lefrise to aanst Charles the Second, unless he 
will go to Scodand, iv. 58f-r-Send a! deputation to condole with the 
Sngtiuh a^ihassador on the death q£ (Xvgt Cromwell, iv. 173> ue 

StBiyner* c^pt. his gallant conduct against the Spaniards, at Cadiz and 

San|;a Cruz, iii. 388, 389. 
Sterry, Petec, chaplain to Cromwell, iiu 43. 
Stone, Mr. OUver Cromwell's letter to, iii. 12. 
Stra&rd* lordi his vigour, against the puritans, iii. ^2— -A prc>p.v i 



made to Charles ihe First for preserving his life and reinatatiog him 
in his former hutiour, ir. 9— Declined by the king, 10, set Went- 

Strickland) Mr. a member of Barebone's parhament, iii. 32«. 

Strode, Mr. one of the five members irapeached by Charles the Firat, 

ii. ■409 — Excepted from the prochmalion of pardon, 439. 
StuMT,houBeof, Etrictureson the legitimacy of its succession lo the En- 

glish throne, iv. 140. 
Sraw>e, Mr. Ifenry, censures Cromwell's treaty with the Dutch, iii. 

357 — Writes against that nation, v. B09 — Rewarded by Charles the 

Second, ill. 
Suarez, writes against king James's Apology for the Oath of Allegiance, 

i. 133, 305. 

Subacription to arUclea of faith, mischievous tendency of, i. 153 — Ob- 

SuhjectB, obedience of, co^extensive with the protection afforded them 

by their sovercigris, iii. 344. 
Submission to existing autliority, fi)unded on tlie actual power of those 

who possesfl it, ir. 46. 
Sully, duke of, in complimenting, in his office of ambassador, James 
the First on the death of EKzabeth, is not pennitied to appear in 
mourning, i. 73 — His conversation with that prince on religion, 9i, 
and hunting, 94 — Refijses to strike the French flag to an English 
ship, when coming as ambassador to England, 190. 
Sunday, sports on, after evening prayer, proclaimed lawfiU by Charle* 
the First, ii. sa — Impolicy of this measure, 59 — The religious ob. 
servance of Sunday an article of faith with the Scots, 321. 
Sunderland, earl of, hia dissausfaction at the conduct of Charles the 
First, ii. 441 — Adheres to him, and loses hiiliiein his cause, through 
a lugh sense of honour, ib. 
Superstition, nature of, described, ii. 61> — Instances of, in Charles the 

First, ib. 65, sao — Other instances in great geniuses, v. 9. 
Supremacy, arguments respecting, v. 17S. 

Sweden, the queen of, ovcrjoyeS at Cromwell's assuming the protec- 
torate, iii. 349 — Paid by France for her neutrality, 'v. 233. 
Swedish ambassador, his recepdon in state by Cromwell, iii. 32. 
Swiss protestant cantons, inteniose with the auke of Savoy, on behalf of 
their persecutedbrethrenin theVaudois, without effect, iii. 397 — The 
mediation rendered availing by Cromwell, 398. 
Sword, powerofthe, the foundation of government, iv. 46. 
Sydeserfe, Mr. Thomas, favours the introduction of a liturgy in Scot- 
land, ii, 324. 
Sydney, Algernon, on the folly of applying the term *' Rebellion" !• 
the resistance of the parliament against the usurpations of Charles the 
First, ii. 43B — Retains his commission notwithstanding the self^leoy- 
ing ordinance, iii. ia4 — Condemns Cromwell for a tyrant, 469 — On 
the conduct of Charles the Second towards the English, v. 33— His 
reasons for preferring to remain in exile, (*.— On the popish plot, 
141, 149 — On the powerofthe priests in reconciling falsehood with 
the hope of eternal salvation, ! SO — His character of Charles's pen- 
sioned parliament, 89h — Reflections on his principles, and examina- 
tion of the connection he could have with the Rye-house plot, 33C, 
344 — Extract from his address to the king, 341 — Glaring iostanCM 
»f injustice in die proceedings against him, ib. 


Symonty BIr. his eomparison of the sofierings of Charies the First with 

those of Jesus Christ, ii. 486. 
Sympson, Mr. his letter of congratulation to Cromwell» after the nc- 

tory of Dunbar, iii. 239. 

Tangier demolished, and the garrison brought over to England, v. 


Taverns, meetings at, prohibited by proclamation, iv. 355. 

Temple, sir John, on the numbers slain in the Irish massacre, ii. 399 
— On the preparations by the commons for the trial of Charles the 
First, 481. 

Temple, sir William, on the restoration of Charies the Second by the 
will of the people, in. opposition to the army, iv. 308 — On the ta* 
- lents land character of Charles, v. 2 — On the credibility of the popish 
plot, 140 — On the impolicy of the Dutch war, 190, 193. 

Tenures in capite, and by knight's service, abolished by Charles the 
Second, iv. 366, 

Test, a general, proposed in parliament, and lost by a dispute for pri- 
vileges between the two houses, 241. 

Test Act, proceedings on its first proposal, v. 150 — Endeavours of the 
court to qualify some of its provisions, 152 — Passed, ib, — The duke 
of York exqkiaed from his post of lord high admiral, and lord Clif- 
fbrd from the Treasury, by it, 153 — ^£n£rged on the discovery of 
the popish {dot, 156 — ^Exemption in favour of the duke of York, 

Theobalds, sir George, See Morley, lord. 

Thirty-nine articles, declaration prefixed to, by authority of Charles 
the First, ii^ 213 — ^This declaration canvassed in the hunous Ban- 
dorian and Trinitarian controversies, 215 — Observations on subscrip- 
tion to these articles, 218. 

Thomas^ Valentine, revengeful conduct of James the First towards, i* 

Thomlinson^ c^onel, called to sit in Cromwell's first parliament, iii. 


Thorpe, baron, displaced for disobeying Cromwell's instructions, iii. 


Throckmorton, sir William, on the debaucheries of Charles the Second, 

V. 43. 

Thurloe, Mi*, on the negotiations between England, France, and Spain, 
iii. 363, 392~^On the opposition to Croniwell's government, 469— 
On the motion for giving him the title of king, 476, 480 — His cha- 
racter of Cromwell, 486 — On the comparative estimation in which 
Richard Cromwell and Charies the Second were held by France and 
Spain, iv. 17s — Makes terms with Chailes for his restoration, 258— 
On the inclination of that prince towards the Roman Catholic reli- 
gion, V. 57. 

Thynn, sir; James, fined by Cromwell's m^jor-generals, iii. 441. 

Thynne, sir Thomas, fined by the star-chamber, ii. 31 1. 

Thynn, Thomas, esq. rebuked by Charles the Second, for presenting 
a petition from Wiltshire, v. sio. 

Tiberius, the blood he and his successors spilt on account of free speak- 
ing ineffectual to produce the security ihey soughti v. 867» 




Tillotsoo, Ittshop, his letter lo lord Russell whiJe under condenuation, 

on non-resist;ince, v. 343 — Johnson's remarks on, 243. 
Tipp^K-boasca, supprcHed by proclsniauon of Charles the Second, 

IT. 356. 

Titua, colonel, wrongly supposed to be the author of " Killing no 
Murder," iii. 94 — tUs speech against the duke of York, on the mo- 
tion for a bill of Exclusion, V. 166 — On the necessity of impeaching 
the judges, 330. 

Tobacco, kine Janiespublishei a book agtynGt theuseof it, i. 161. 

Toferatioo, rdigiotis, political advantages of, ii. !49. 

Tom Tell Troath, his addreas to James respecting proiestants in 
France, i. 358. 

Tmnage and poundagif, duties of, arbitrarily levied by Charles the 
Fxrsi, ii. fltto. 

Tooko', bidtop, snppciTta king James's " Defence of Oalhs (rf Allegi- 
ance," i, 305. 

Tortus, Matthew, j«r Bellarmiiie. 

Trade, pursuit of, a more honourable mode of procuring riches thaa 
following the levees of ministers, iii. S — Combined with power, 
STO — Supposed to be inimical to monaicbical institotions, iv. 279. 

Trajan, wise spying of, in giving his sword to the capt^n of bis guard. 

i. SS9. 

Tranquillity of mind, not to be indulged in princes, v. 5. 

Traquair, earl of, insmictiona of Chiles the First to, as high coinmi«- 

sioner in Scotland, ii. 341 — Prorogues the parfiament, 343. 
Tredenham, sir J. a court pensioner in the house of commons, under 

Charles the Second, v. sgo. 
Trelawney, sir J. cxtraragant grants to, for his parliamentary intrigues, 

under Charles the Second, v. 880, S88. 
Trenchard, Mr. on the enormities of Charles the Second's re'^, v- 


Trevor, Mr. suppOTts the excise bill, iv^ 374. 
Trial by jury, iJie birthright of Englishmen, lii. 451. 
Trienmal parliaments, provided for in Cromwell's tnstniment of govera- 
ment, iii. 335 — Charles the Second desirous of repealing the act for, 

V. 306. 

Triple league, v. 187 — Offensive to the French, 199. 

Tramp, HeHiert Van, Dutch admiral, defeats the Spaoish fleet off Do. 

ver, ii. its— Attacks Blake in Folkstone harbour, iii. 68 — Defeated 

by Blake* SSS; and by Deane and Moncke, 354. 
Tntth, importance oi the observanee of, to princes, ii. 84 — Danger ot 

speaking it in cert^ cases, exemplified in the case of George Withers, 

Tuckney, Dr. master of St. John's colleg^, Cambiidge, hie eulegium 
on Crorawdl's treaty with the Dutch, iii, sm — Celebrates his me- 
mory after his death, 489 — His CDDgratulat<»y verses to Ridtaid 
Cromwell, on his accession to the protectorate, iv. 181, 

Tudor, lemai-kn on the legtiroacf of its succession to the EngSih 
crown, iv. 14a. 

Turks, English Md Irish coasts infested by their [nratw, ii. 179 — 
Punishment infiicted on them by the expetution against Sallee, 153, 


Turner, sii James, commisnoDed to carry into rffcct the law9 against 
conventicles in Scotland, v. 119. 


Tutorsy respect doe to than, u & 

Troden, coansellor, illegally inqHiacmed by Cronnvell, vL 446. 

Tynoiny, ever insecure, v. 267. 

Tyrone, earl of, chaiged with being concerned in the gunpowder plot, 


Tythes, proceedings in CromwelTs fim psurliaraent relative to, iii. 



Valentine, Mr. comnutted to the Tower for his free qieakii^ in 
ment, ii. 284. 

Vane, sir Henry, the chief manager of the Dutch war, iiu iKO— Ui» 
dinnterestedness, i^. — Unjusdy imprisoned by CromweU^ 446— Ex- 
cepted from the bill of indemnity, v. 89 — ^Iijustice of exceptioiuik'— 
His life promised by Charles the Second, U. — ^Proceeduigt began 
against him, so — ^His trial and justification, t^.<— Base conduct of 
the kmg towards him, 91 — ^Executed, i&* 

Vassal, Mr. imprisoned for not paying tonnage and poundn^e^ £• S91. 

Vaudois, persecuted on account of theur religion, by the duke of Savoy, 
iii. 396 — The persecution stopped by the interference of Ciomwttli 
who also sends them relief 397. 

Vaug^an, lord chief jnsdce, declares a standing army to be illegal v. 


Ven, cai>tain, excepted from the pardon proclaimed by Chariot the 

First, ii. 439. 
VenaUes, see Penn. 
Venetians, intercede with France, to obtain peace with En^bnd, ii« 164* 


Vice disconniged in Cromwell's court, iiL 409— Proclamation agwstf 
by Chalks the Sedoind, iy. S53. 

ViBn» MpCkvdaod. 

I^ncent, sir WiUiam, opposes the setdement of excise for the revenue 
of Cboies die Second^ iv. S7S. 

Vines, Mr. expelled the university for refusing to subscribe the ^En- 
gagement*' to the Commonwealth, iv. 66* 

Fhffnafue Sortesy a species of augury, ii. 65— Tried by Charles the 
rim and lord Faulkland, ib» 

Virtue, the love and practice of, conducive to public hber€yi tv» 104. 

Vorsdus, Conrad, loses the professot's chair of divinity at Leydeo, 
through the enmity of king James, i. 134. 

Vows, ooservatiofis on, ii. 64. 

Voltaire, his character of Cromwell, iii. 487— Inaccurate in many of hfa 
historical writiiigs, iv. 109— His account of the means taken to bring 
Charies the Second to a renewal of the Dutch war, y. 209. 


Uncertdnty of human affairs, iii. 116. 

Uniformity in modes and forms of religion^ attempted by Charles tkt 
Firpt* ii. 240-— Injurious natuie of sudi uniformity, 249-*-An act of, 
imposed on the clergy by Charles the Second in contempt of his de- 
claration published at Breda» v. 84 — Its expressive operation, 85*?- 
Number of cleigymen ejected by it, i^^— More rigorous than that 
issued in the reign of EUzaheChi 89—- Words omitt^ in the dedara- 
uoi^ preyent conscieqtious persons from sigois^ it» ^^«i-dn act 


#- min.P,r^ 

383 G£N£RAL IND£X. 

for the relief of persons unayoidably prevented from complying wit6 
its requirements, 91 — Followed by other penal laws agamst non- 
conformists, 102 — Clamours occasioned by those laws, 122 — ^De- 
clarations of indulgence, and bills of comprehension framed, for the 
relief of non-conformists, but never rendered effectual, i^.— Renewal 
of the persecution, 129 — ^This act a step towards the extirpation- of 
the spirit of resistance, 240. 

Unitarians, countenanced by Cromwell, iii. 43. 

Universities, provided for by the commonwealth, iii. 299, 305 — ^Eminent 
men there at that period, 305 — ^The discipline in, more strict before 
the Restoration than after, v. 8. 

Usher, archbishop, conversation of James the first with him, on the 
subject of receiving the communion, i, 91 — Courteously treated by 
Cromwell, and honoured with a public funeral at his death, iii. 43 — 
His valuable library sent to Dublin by the protector, 420 — His fruit- 
less endeavours with Cromwell, to procure a remission of the edict 
against Episcopalians, 429. 


WagstafF, vindicates Charles the First against the charge of plagiarism 
in one of his prayers, ii. 121 — Denies Gauden to be the aumor of 
the Icon Basilike, 132. 

Walcot, captain, his confession relative to the Rye-house plot, v. 337. 

Walker, sir Edward, curious alteration said to have been made by 
Charles the First in a book written by this baronet on the Irish re- 
bellion, ii. 401. 

Walker, cruelty of the star-chamber to, for libelling his neighbour, ii, 


Walker, Mr. author of the History of Independency, his caution to 
Charles the First against parasitical priests, ii. 102 — ^Affirms inot 
Gauden's own authority, that he was die author of Icon Basilike, 127 
— On the discontents occasioned by the gifts, preferments, &c. 
bestowed upon members of parliament, iii. 131 — On the comparative 
merits of Fairfax and Cromwell, 137 — His account of the protesta^ 
tion of the secluded members, 187 — ^On Cromwell's behaviour in 
the commons, on the first motion for proceeding capitally against the 
king, 199. 

Wall, Mr. on the means of quelling religious dissensions, iii. S04. 

Waller, Edmond, his anecdote of James the First, i. 156 — Lines by, 
on the taking of Sallee,ii. 192 — On Cromwell's literary attainments^ 
iii. 4 — Of his affectation and hypocrisy, 17 — ^His poetical compli- 
ment to Cromwell more than mere flattery, 33 — Lines by, on the 
naval exploits of the protector's commanders, 390 — Panegyrises 
Cromwell's ffovemment, 489 — Clwnges his strains on the restoration 
of Charles the Second, iv. 332. 

Wallis, Dr. discovers the art of decyphering letters, iv. 136 — ^His ac- 
count of the origin of the Royal Society, v. 6. 

Wallop, sir Henry, fined by the star-chamber, ii. 311. 

Walpole, Mr. on the desert and infliction of death of princes, iv. 337 
— On the licentious manners of Charles the Second's court, v. 365. 

Walter, Lucy, mistress to Charles the Second, her profligate conduct, 
iv. 162 — Said to have been married to Charles, 167. 

Walton, Dr. permitted by Cromwell to import paper free of duty, for 
his Polyglott Bible, iii. 420. *" 

CSXI3JC IM^SaL .^^< 

Snirr- v=ai> Ssinw axi£ wcr ^ateiMT c^tcWiikv! 

Sir z u:. , ' M iz *!>"-nir.¥'eI.*> r-iraas. :». «i^-<^J^^J,^ 

hzf ranirjrsiT^ ic^zr. Heaiirios. :^ .". * — cs-irr; is .v> :-.5jc.v.\ vie 

Or his srs appesrzsce ir pirjiirai-:, i~ — O: trsc ;ViS3i.:\c v"* «^'' *x^ 

Wanidgiiac, lord* cc ihe pirsis irifL-.-^asul :n hric^rc «^So;;: ;V 
Kfuoraaoa, rr, sis. 

vitfaoni HcBcse, iL £Ti . 

WtftaoBy sr Levis, saed ihre* ihou&i^i ivund* ror tb4>»: oitciwiclv 
ments, iL S9€. 

Watson, scToky of dae stiTniiinber to, tor tju:>ilv;ns:: ::,< ixvouis* r.. 

Watsooy Mr. on the m'fcpplicanoa of the »:in *• m..itYr** to Ch.i:K*s 
the First, ii. 489. 

Wayte, Mr. his account of tlie corMiuct ot Ci'omwcll in p:ocuui\t; the 
death of the Idng, iii. eoo. 

Weakness of mind, attached to great trJont$> in coitaiu'it \ . s. 

Welch, Mr. John, saying of, respecting James the Fiisi, i. :2i). 

Welwood, Dr. an anecdote told by him relative to ti'o cession ot" Oiin- 
kirk to the English, an absolute fiction, iit. ^94 — On the naval im^vi- 
city of Charles the Second, v. 227 ; which he prostiiuied to \\w soi- 
vice of France, 228 — On die circumstances auendin»:^ the death ot 
that prince, 359. 

Wentworth, Peter, committed to the Tower tor l\is t"»i\' spe.ikinj^ in 
parliament, i. 231. 

Wentworth, Sir Thomas, complains when loid liouicnant ol' liyiand ot 
the depredations of the Turkish pirates on t!\e Irisli coajils, ii. r;j» • 
Detained in Ireland by danger trom dio«e pirates, 181 - Holaies the 
proceedings of the Irish convocation for C(M\t"on\nty in nunlej* ami 
forms of religion, 245 — ^Assigns reasons for the failua* of the intio- 
duction of the liturgy in Scotland, 330 — Advises tile king to foi'lity 
Berwick and Leith against the Scots, 337 — Made earl of SirallbiUp 
and sent again as lord lieutenant to la'Iand, 3!2U — ImUs tlie kin^j; with 
high notions of the loyalty of his Irish subjects, ih, — MiHtaken iii thiM 
matter, 354 — ^Appointed general of the army against the ScotH, on tho 
sickness of the earl of Northumberland, 3Ca— "Particularu ol hid im- 
peachment, 370 — Secret consultations to prevent his tieath, mn4— ilii 
opposition to the allowance of forces to the earl of Anti ini, 3f>7. 

Westmoreland, earl of, fined nineteen tligusuud pounds iur iurcsl en« 
croachments, ii. 296. 

— ■ * 

r»i^Hfl^akMiM*i.&^ I 


Wettcm, a catholic, appoiated lord treasure]- by Charlea the First, ii. 

Whalley, one of Cromwcit'a fflajocgenerala, iii, 438. 
Wharton, appoinled to command an army for the relief of BWisrer, and 

detained (or want of the king's commissTDn, ii. 403. 
WheetcTi Sij- C. 3 court pensioner undei- Charles the Second^ V. SfH. 
Whichcot, Dr. an eulogist of Cromwi-I!, on occasion of tlie Duich 

treaty, iii. 360— E;(traci from his verses on the niiid government and 

peaceful end of the protector, 189. 
Wniston'a condemnation of the courts of princes as d.icgetoua to virtue, 

Whitbread, particulars of his condemnation as an accomplice in the 

popish plot) V. Ml. 

Wiiie, .Tereftuah, admitted a chaplain to Cromwell, iii, 43, 
Whiiehall,fiiiiiiture,plaie,&c. beloneingtcsoldbyitheRumpParKameni, 

for discharging the debts incurred during the protectorate, iv. SOO. 
WhitJield) rewarded for his services in die aibitrary proceetEngS of 

Charles the First, as lo the enlargement of forests, it. 3S3. 
Whitcift, archbiahop, his serviie adulation of James the First, i. 103. 
Whitlock, on the conduct of Charles the First in the treaty at Oxford, 
ii. 104— Of the extremity to which the parliament \raB reduced when 
the Militia Bill was passed, 416— On the weakness of the parlia- 
mentary aiiny in the early part of tlie ivar, 437 — Of lord FaBtland'f. 
despair on account of the ascendancy of the papists over Charles the 
First, 443- Of the negotiations in the Isle of Wight, between Charlfs 
and [he parliamentary commissioners, 4 66— Of ihe reception of the 
V* army's Remonstrance in the coimnons, 470, iii, 65— Of Cromwell's 
^/enthusiasm, iii. 16— His temper, en- His inauguration, 30— His j-e- 
eption of the Swedish Jtmbassador, aa, S3— Of the conferenc* at 
_ sex House for the overthrow of Cromwell, 88 — On the jcalourie* 
I *iienained by the parliament, of Esses, toe— His speech against the 
f telf-denying ordinance, ill — His account of the battle of Naaeby, 
t-iss — Oa the proceedings of Cromwell between the battle of Wor- 
wtKata and the expulsion of the pariiament, 31 1— Joy with which the 
i" ^een of Sweden received the intelligence of Cromwell's assunwiJon 
fiWthe protectorate, 349 — On Cromwell's aversion to persons of dia- 
"llute lives, 4 10— Displaced from his commission of the great Seal, 
It refusing to observe an ordinance pf Cromwell's, 444— His cha- 
Bifacter of Oliver's (irgt parliament, 470 — Oa the fections Which arose 
r'dwing the suapenaion of the parliament by the army, iv, 241 — En- 
MSavours to persuade FJenwood to make terms with Charles the 
^^coad, ii, — On Charles's predilection for the church of Rome, v. 

Whorthood, lady, consults LlUy, the astrologer, about the escape oi 

Charle* the First, ii. 66, 
Wicquefort on the glory of Cromwell's government, ii, 345, 
Widdrington, commissioner of the great seal, displaced for refuaiag b> 

obey an Ordinance of Cromwell's, iii, 444. 
VTi^tman, Edward, bmmed at Litchfield for heresy, i, H3 — Crimes 

charged against him in the warrant, 145, 
WwmM^, sir R. set as a spy on the conduct of James the First, i. 32. 
Wildman joins the royalists on Cromwell's assuming the protectorate, 

iii. 491— Falsely and cruelly imprisoned, v. S9. 
Wiikms, bishop, his noble resistance of the overtures of Charles tbe 
Secon(l, with respect to the Conventicle Act, v, 322. 


Wilkinson) Mr. refused ordination, ii. 223. 

Wtlttamiy Dr. bishop oi' Lincoln, numerous church preferments enjoyed 
by, i. STO — His curious sermoo on (he 4eath of James ihe Fii'st, SBa 
— Dexterity in diacovering the grounds of Buckingh^'s disgrace, ii. ^ 
16— Insincere conduct of Charles the First towards him, 6T — Advised 
by lord Coventry to absent himself from pariiament, 286— Jostled 
from his sec by Laud and Buckingham, iii. 48. 

Williamson, sir J. originally a foot-boy, pensioned for his vote in the 
Commons by Charles the Second, v. 281 — Sent to the Towerfor dis- 
closing the military commissions granted to papists, 397. 

Willis, sir Kichird, corrupted by Cromwell to give information of the 
ro^lists' plana, iiL *35 — Inquiry into the accuracy of the accounts of 
his treachery, iv. SI5.' 

Willis, Mr. Brown, his account of the sale of Inshops' lands in the pro- 
vince of York, iii. 306. 

Wilmot, lord, put under arrest, by order of the council, iv. 18. 

Wilmot, Mr. concerned in the project for over-awing the last parlia- 
ment of Charles the First, ii. 384. 

Wilson, Mr. puritan minister, persecuted by Charles the First's clergy, 


aval expedition 

against Spain, ii. 151. 
Windebank, a notorious catholic, made secretary by Charles the First, 

ii. 230. 
Windham, counsellor, illegally impriaoatd by Cromwell, iii. 446. 
Winnington, sir F. his report from the committee of secresy, of corrup- 
tion exercised on the members of the House of Commons, v. 388. 
Winwood, sirK. his conduct in the persecution of Vorstius.l. \3b — His 

conversation with prince Maurice respecting the weakness of James 

the First, 20s. 
Wiquefort, attempts to prove the lawfulness of ministers receiving pay 

from foreign courts, v. 229. 
Wisdom and folly, frequently united in the same character, v. B. 
Wiseman, sir R. a tool of^ Charles the Second for corrupting the 

House of Commons, v. 289. 
^ Witchcraft, severity of the proceedings against, during the reign of 

James the First, i. 44 — Sanguinary statute respecting, repealed by 

George the Second, 49. 
Wither, George, extract from his " FiiUj Jnglicana, or a Plea for 

the public Faith," iv. 354 — Imprisoned for his free speaking, 359. 
Withers, judge, a mean fellow promoted for his servility to the 

Wolsely, sir Charles, a member of Barebone's parliament, iii, 329, 

Wood's account of the youtliful days of Oliver Cromwell, iii. 5. 

Wootton, ambassador, minion of James the First, i. 22. 

Worcester, Charles the Second defeated at, by Cromwell, iii. 244. iv. 
99 — This victory probably inspired Cromwell with the idea of seiz- 
ing the government, iii. 310 — Its effects upon the royalists, iv. 99. 

Worcester, ear! of, lus lands ^ven to Cromwell, after the battle of 
Naseby, iii. 134. 

Worslo^, Col. one of Cromwell's major-generals, iii. 438 — His own 
account of his proceedings, 440. 

WWthington, an eulogist oT Cromwell's gOTemment, iii. 364, 489. 

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